Hokkien Theatre Across The Seas A Socio-Cultural Study

Caroline
Chia
Hokkien
Theatre Across
The Seas
A Socio-Cultural Study
Hokkien Theatre Across The Seas
Caroline Chia
Hokkien Theatre Across

The Seas
A Socio-Cultural Study
Caroline Chia
School of Humanities
Nanyang Techological University
Singapore, Singapore
ISBN 978-981-13-1833-7 ISBN 978-981-13-1834-4 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1834-4
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Preface
I grew up in a Singaporean Chinese family with a rather diverse language and cul-
tural background. The ancestral origins of my extended paternal and maternal fami-
lies can be traced back to southern Fujian (Minnan) and Chaozhou, respectively. At
a young age, I was exposed to Mandarin, Hokkien and Teochew languages. My
interest in regional theatre was partly influenced by my maternal grandmother who
was a fan of Chaozhou opera. She would listen to the Chaozhou opera songs (曲
kêg4 in Teochew) on Rediffusion and then sing back to me.1 Growing up in the
1980s and 1990s, I found Chinese opera, blaring out loudly on amplifiers standing
on stilts, more engrossing than cartoons on television. At night after dinner, my
mother would occasionally take me to watch Hokkien (Gezai 歌仔) opera or some-
times Getai (歌台 or literally ‘song shows’). Chairs were usually crowded with
enthusiastic spectators. As smoke from incense filled the air, I was entranced by the
loud singing and constant clashing of cymbals. Opera performances were staged in
temple grounds or beneath a temporary canopy with an altar displaying effigies of
the various deities.
In 2004, I conducted my first interview with the Sin Sai Hong (Xin Sai Feng 新
賽鳳) troupe. The performers related to me that they learnt from cassette tapes,
often featuring their favourite Taiwanese stars. Before 2013, I focused mainly on the
development of regional theatre in Singapore and developed a deeper understanding
of the opera and puppet theatre pertaining to the Hokkien group. Commencing my
doctoral fieldwork in 2013, I began to explore the origins of Hokkien theatre deriv-
ing from southern Fujian in China. I also visited other sites of transmission, includ-
ing Taiwan, as from the recollection of performers in Singapore, this island played
a significant role in Hokkien theatre. In 2016, as part of the Taiwan Fellowship, I
again travelled to Taiwan and stayed for half a year. During this period, I also visited
Kinmen and learnt about its close connection with the Hokkien group in Singapore.
The transnational connection, or more specifically the Hokkien network, became
more apparent in my study of Hokkien theatre.
1
Reference for spelling in Teochew retrieved from http://www.czyzd.com/
search?keyword=%E6%9B%B2, last accessed 29 May 2018.
v
vi Preface
This academic journey, spanning over a decade, would not be possible without
the generous help of many people, including Anne McLaren, my doctoral supervi-
sor at the University of Melbourne, who had dedicated much time to refine my
academic view and writing. Special thanks also go to my co-supervisor Zhou
Shaoming and Lewis Mayo. Margaret Chan of SMU, a close friend and mentor,
who has greatly motivated me in my academic path. Shih Kuang-sheng, my external
supervisor at NTUA, had been very kind in guiding me during my fieldwork in
Taiwan. Lai Yong-ting, my puppet-carving teacher, who patiently taught me how to
carve and introduced to me many friends and practitioners in puppet theatre. My
appreciation also goes to Robin Ruizendaal from Taiyuan Asian Puppet Theatre
Museum, who has kindly shared his expertise on puppet theatre. Kaori Fushiki of
Taisho University, whom I have met during my fieldwork in Singapore, has pro-
vided much help in sharing her fieldwork materials and guidance on Japanese
sources.
The rich ethnographic data presented in this monograph is only possible with the
kindness rendered by my interviewees and friends whom I have made in this jour-
ney. They include members from various troupes in Singapore, such as Sin Sai
Hong, Shuang Ming Feng, Xiao Dong Tian, Chew Yee (Qiu Yi), Ge Yi, Jit Guat Sin
(Ri Yue Xing); Ching Chun Tang, Hsiao Hsi Yüan (including the Fourth-Generation
troupe) and Ming Chuan from Taiwan; and Chin Liang Hsing from Kinmen. I am
also honoured to have won the Arts and Cultural Award for three consecutive years
(2013–2015) kindly awarded by the Hokkien Huay Kuan of Singapore, which had
allowed me to pursue my research on Hokkien theatre. Special thanks go to the
editorial team of Springer and the reviewers who have patiently helped me through
the process of publication. Finally, Zac for his love and care in accompanying me all
this while.
Singapore Caroline Chia
Notes on Basic Terminology
The key topic in this book is Hokkien regional theatre, and there are several termi-
nologies pertaining to regional usage. The same term may differ from community to
community and place to place. The reader may find it useful to understand these
terms, which are often specifically related to the context. This study deals essen-
tially with theatre in a religious institution, which in most cases refers to the Chinese
temple (miao 廟). Within the category of ‘temple theatre’, this book distinguishes
two types of performances that are performed in a temple setting but have distinct
functions. The first is ‘liturgical theatre’, which requires the performer to be a reli-
gious specialist or has gone through strict religious training to perform.1 The second
is ‘celebratory theatre’ (choushenxi 酬神戲) or known as ‘folk theatre’ (民戲 minxi)
in Taiwan2, which is typically staged to celebrate the feast day of a deity (shendan
神誕) and is performed in the temple. In ‘celebratory theatre’, the puppeteer needs
not be a religious specialist.
Due to the religious nature of the performance, it is also essential to understand
the role played by religious specialists. Most of the performances discussed in this
study relate to the Daoist context. Hence, I will limit the discussion to Daoist reli-
gious specialists only. The Daoist priest (daoshi 道士, also translated as ‘Dignitary
of Tao’) is an organized and hereditary profession.3 Their line of work used to be
1
A number of scholars have used the term ‘yishiju’ (儀式劇), which means ‘ritual theatre’ if
directly translated. However, I have chosen to use “liturgical theatre” because ‘ritual’ may not
necessarily include liturgy. See Yung Sai-shing, Xiqu renleixue chutan: Yishi, juchang yu shequn,
Guilin: Guangxi Shifan Daxue chubanshe, 2003; David Johnson, Ritual opera, operatic ritual:
“Mu-lien Rescues His Mother” in Chinese popular culture, Berkeley, Calif.: University of
California: c1989; Qitao Guo, Ritual opera and Mercantile Lineage: the Confucian transformation
of popular culture in late Imperial Huizhou, Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2005.
2
The English translation of minxi to ‘folk theatre’ is the author’s own. The term ‘minxi’ in Taiwan
is similar to celebratory theatre or ‘choushenxi’, see Lin Ho-Yi, Dongfang jixing juchang, Gezai xi
‘zuo huo xi’ 東方即興劇場: 歌仔戲 ‘做活戲’, Shangpian: Gezai xi jixing xiju yanjiu, Taida chu-
ban zhongxin, 2016, 242.
3
Kristofer Schipper, “Vernacular and Classical Ritual in Taoism”, Journal of Asian Studies, Vol.
XLV, No. 1, November 1985, 27.
vii
viii Notes on Basic Terminology
officially recognized in imperial China, and Daoist priests are still respected in soci-
ety today.4 The Daoist priest performs rituals by reciting texts that are written in the
classical language. These texts are usually copied anew during the ordainment of a
new member.5 We often see the rendering of liturgical services by Daoist priests in
the same venue where performances, whether liturgical or celebratory, are staged.
Some Daoist priests take part in liturgical theatre. In my observation of puppeteers
engaging in liturgical theatre in Singapore, there are few who perform the dual func-
tion of puppeteer and Daoist priest. In other words, those who conducted liturgical
rites as part of theatre are not Daoist priests by profession.
Also belonging to the category of ritual specialist but with some distinct differ-
ences from the Daoist priest is the role played by a shigong (師公) or fashi (法師),
translated as ‘master of rites’ or ‘ritual masters’. In contrast to the priest, the shigong
is not regarded as belonging to an organized profession and is usually linked to
cults. He engages in monotonous chanting of texts that are mainly in rhymed verse.6
The shigong is involved in vernacular rituals that involve music, ballads and martial
combats that very much resemble a theatrical performance. In some traditions, the
puppeteer is also a shigong. Another important difference between the Daoist priest
and shigong is that the former can perform both classical and vernacular rituals but
the latter can only perform vernacular rituals.7 In Singapore, this distinction between
the priest and shigong is blurred as the priest is often called a shigong (sai-kong in
Hokkien). However, in Kinmen, there is a distinct difference between the roles
played by the Daoist priest and fashi, which will be elaborated in the section on
Kinmen.
As this book focuses mainly on the Hokkien group, the term ‘Hokkien’ also
requires some explanation here. ‘Hokkien’ refers to people who are born in or are
descendants of those from southern Fujian in China. The prominence of the Hokkien
group has led to several scholarly studies dating as early as the nineteenth century.8
A number of romanized terms, such as ‘South Fukienese’ and ‘Hokkienese’, have
emerged as a result.9 Given that the focus here is on the Hokkien group in Singapore,
a diaspora community whose ancestral origin was from southern Fujian, I have
opted to use the term ‘Hokkien’, which is also documented in the national statistics
and official documents in Singapore.10 In addition, ‘Hokkien’ is widely accepted
4
Schipper, “Vernacular and Classical Ritual in Taoism”, 24, 35.
5
Schipper, “Vernacular and Classical Ritual in Taoism”, 25.
6
7
J.J.M. De Groot, The Religious System of China: its ancient forms, evolution, history and present
aspect, manners, custom and social institutions connected therewith. Taipei, Taiwan: Literature
House, 1964, 1255; Schipper, “Vernacular and Classical Ritual in Taoism”, 36.
8
See J.J.M. De Groot, Buddhist masses for the dead at Amoy. Leyde: E.J. Brill, 1884.
9
For the use of ‘Fukienese’, see Ng Chin-Keong, Trade and Society: The Amoy Network. Singapore
University Press, 1983. For the use of ‘Hokkienese’, see Naosaku Uchida, The Overseas Chinese:
a bibliographical essay based on the resources of the Hoover Institution, Hoover Institution on
War, Revolution, and Peace, Stanford University, c1959.
10
In some of the early sources on the Hokkien group, the term is sometimes spelt as ‘Hokien’. See
Siah U Chin (Seah Eu Chin 佘有進), “The Chinese in Singapore: General sketch of the numbers,
Notes on Basic Terminology ix
and used today.11 This term will also apply in the cases of southern Fujian, Taiwan
and Kinmen, unless otherwise stated.
Due to the diversity of theatrical forms related to the Hokkien group, I will pro-
vide a brief explanation here. I have selected three main forms of opera—Liyuan
opera (Liyuanxi 梨園戲), Gaojia opera (Gaojiaxi 高甲戲 kau-kah) and Gezai opera
(Gezaixi 歌仔戲 kua-hì)—and two types of puppet theatre—glove puppetry
(Budaixi 布袋戲) and string puppetry (Tixianxi 提線戲)—as my scope of study. In
this book, the term ‘Hokkien theatre’ will be used to refer to the above theatrical
forms.
The next set of terms concern the types of scripts used in temple theatre, which
can be hard to have a clear-cut categorization. Nonetheless, I will attempt to list a
few types related to my study and explain the different terms used to refer to the
same type of script.
The first type is a full-length script complete with the libretti of various character
roles (hangdang 行当), including the singing and speech parts. In some scripts, the
tunes are also listed. Stage directions are also given. The category of full-length
script can be further classified into a script copied by hand (shouchaoben 手抄本)
or one that has been written down based on oral transmission (koushuben 口述本),
usually by a veteran performer. The second type usually consists of a brief outline
of the scenes of the play. Terms differ according to regional usages, some examples
include ‘table of scenes’ (mubiao 幕表), ‘outline’ (tigang 提綱) and ‘stage counts’
(taishu 台數 tâi sò·).
The medium of performance of temple theatre depends on the type of language
used in the region. Terms such as ‘regional language’, ‘regional speech’, and
‘regional vernacular’ are used instead of ‘dialects’ because these regional languages
are mutually unintelligible.12 There are exceptional cases in Singapore society dur-
ing the twentieth century when Hokkien was the lingua franca of the various groups
tribes, and avocations of the Chinese in Singapore”, Journal of Indian Archipelago and East Asia,
Vol. II (1848), pp. 283-290. For official records of the Hokkien group, I have cited information
from The Singapore Department of Statistics (DOS). See Singstat, “Census of Population 2010,
Statistical Release 1, Demographic Characteristics, Education, Language and Religion”, Table 4:
Chinese Resident Population by Age Group, Dialect Group and Sex, https://www.singstat.gov.sg/
docs/defaultsource/default-document-library/publications/publications_and_papers/cop2010/cen-
sus_2010_release1/cop2010sr1.pdf, accessed 5 August 2016.
11
Until the 1960s, the term ‘Amoy-dialect’ was used not just to refer to the language spoken by
people from Xiamen (Amoy) in southern Fujian, it also referred to the language spoken by those
from other parts of southern Fujian (regardless of accents), as well as migrants and their descen-
dants in other parts of Asia. This language is, however, more commonly referred today as ‘Hokkien’
in Anglophone Southeast Asia. See Jeremy E. Taylor, Rethinking Transnational Chinese Cinemas:
The Amoy-dialect Film Industry in Cold War Asia. New York, NY: Routledge, 2011, xii.
12
Victor Mair has argued against the translation of fangyan into ‘dialect’ and suggested the use of
‘topolect’ instead. Throughout this dissertation, I choose to use the term ‘regional language’ or
‘regional vernacular’ because of the relatively infrequent use of ‘topolect’, which is derived from
the Greek language. For further discussion on the use of ‘topolect’, see Victor H. Mair, “What is a
Chinese “Dialect/Topolect”? Reflections on Some Key Sino-English Linguistic Terms”, Sino-
Platonic Papers, No. 29, September 1991, 1-31.
x Notes on Basic Terminology
Appendix 1 Comparison of Pe̍h-ōe-jī and Hanyu Pinyin in the tonal system

Pe̍h-ōe-jī Hanyu Pinyin
a ā
á à
à ǎ
ah –
â á
ā ǎ
áh –
of the ethnic Chinese community and different ethnic groups. Nevertheless, the
term ‘language’ is preferred.
At the first instance, all Mandarin terms are given in hanyu pinyin in italics fol-
lowed by the traditional Chinese font. In cases where the Hokkien pronunciation is
also provided, the Mandarin term will usually appear first.13 For the Hokkien pro-
nunciation, this monograph uses mostly the Pe̍ h-ōe-jī (POJ) romanization but also
consult Hokkien dictionaries for a more accurate illustration.14 The English transla-
tion of Mandarin terms is used if they are widely known in academic scholarship.
For Taiwanese and Kinmenese names, the Wade-Giles spelling is adopted.
Traditional Chinese is used for the Mandarin terms.
13
Unless otherwise stated, I have mostly referred to Luc de Gijzel’s dictionary for the Hokkien
pronunciation and spelling. Luc de Gijzel, Penang Hokkien Dictionary, Penang, Malaysia: Areca
Books, 2013.
14
I have come up with a table comparing the POJ and HYPY spellings that may be useful for
Hanyu pinyu users (like myself). See Appendix 1.
Contents
1 Beginning of the Maritime Journey �� 1

1.1 As Nodes of Maritime Interaction and Transmission �� 1
1.2 Situating Hokkien Theatre in the Regional Context �� 4
References�� 8
2 In Search of the Origins�� 11
2.1 The Origin of Hokkien Theatrical Forms �� 12
2.2 Genres of Hokkien Theatre �� 16
2.3 Liyuan Opera�� 16
2.4 String Puppet Theatre�� 20
2.5 Glove Puppet Theatre�� 23
2.6 Gaojia opera�� 24
2.7 Song Jiang Drama �� 25
2.8 He Xing Drama �� 26
2.9 Conclusion: Setting Sail to New Lands�� 29
References�� 31
3 Across the Seas �� 33
3.1 Taiwan: A Succession of ‘Colonial’ Encounters�� 35
3.2 Emergence of Qing Taiwan�� 40
3.3 Japanese Colonization: More Chinese or Less, or Taiwanese?�� 43
3.4 Kinmen: “Sandwiched” Between Taiwan and Southern Fujian �� 50
3.5 Singapore: A Dominantly Chinese Society Under British Rule �� 54
3.6 A Socially and Economically Powerful Group�� 57
3.7 Hokkien Theatre in Singapore Before 1965 �� 59
3.8 Gaojia Opera �� 59
3.9 Gezai Opera�� 62
3.10 String Puppet Theatre�� 64
3.11 Glove Puppet Theatre�� 66
3.12 The Passage from Migrants to Settlers �� 67
References�� 68
xi
xii Contents
4 “Made Locally”�� 71

4.1 Taiwan: A ‘Republic of China’ Outside China �� 72
4.2 Kinmen: The Militarized ‘Time Capsule’�� 76
4.3 Singapore: From a Third World to First World Nation �� 79
4.4 ‘Gezai Opera Style’ Puppet Theatre �� 80
4.5 Effects of Urbanization and Secularization�� 82
4.6 Pushing for Survival: Conclusion �� 85
References�� 86
5 In Practice�� 87
5.1 Taiwan: An Innovative Tradition�� 88
5.2 Kinmen: Lineage–Focused Tradition�� 93
5.3 Singapore: ‘Secularized’ Tradition �� 100
5.4 Concluding Note on Diversity in Local Practices�� 105
References�� 105
6 Promulgation of Filial Piety�� 107
6.1 Mulian As the Emblem of Filial Piety in Liturgical Theatre�� 109
6.2 Taiwan: A Funeral Practice of Śākyamuni Buddhism�� 114
6.3 Singapore: Operatic Versus Funeral Renditions �� 122
6.4 Hokkien Mulian Performance in the Past �� 123
6.5 The Perseverance of Mulian �� 134
7 Till the Next Journey �� 137
Index�� 141
List of Figures
Fig. 5.1 Exorcist Dance of Zhong Kui........................................................... 92

Fig. 5.2 Theatre of Suppressing Malevolence by Chief Marshal Tian........... 95
Fig. 5.3 Signing of the Tile Contract.............................................................. 99
Fig. 5.4 String puppet performance by Shuang Ming Feng........................... 101
Fig. 5.5 Glove puppet performance by Shuang Ming Feng........................... 102
Fig. 5.6 Gezai Opera performance by Shuang Ming Feng............................. 102
Fig. 6.1 Funeral setup with the Bodhisattvas, ten levels of hell
and chanting area.............................................................................. 117
Fig. 6.2 Representation of hell fortress, blood pond, dragon
and incense holder............................................................................. 119
Fig. 6.3 Two fashi (left and right) take on the role of ghost guards............... 120
Fig. 6.4 The Earth God (right) appears.......................................................... 120
Fig. 6.5 Mulian narrates the story of filial piety............................................. 122
Fig. 6.6 Spirit medium representing Elder Grandpa ‘watches’
the Mulian performance.................................................................... 126
Fig. 6.7 The stage outline (taishu) used on first day of Hokkien
Mulian performance.......................................................................... 130
Fig. 6.8 Diagram of the Hell Fortress depicting the four hell gates............... 132
Fig. 6.9 Daoist priest taking the role of Mulian............................................. 133
xiii
List of Table
Table 3.1 Percentage distribution of Chinese speech groups

in Singapore, 1881 to 1980.............................................................. 58
xv
Chapter 1
Beginning of the Maritime Journey
1.1 As Nodes of Maritime Interaction and Transmission
“The water unites and the land divides.” This is a quote by Craig A. Lockard in his
paper “The Sea Common to All” where he discussed the involvement of Chinese
traders, including the Hokkien between the fifteenth and eighteenth centuries
(1400–1750), known as the “Southeast Asian Age of Commerce”.1 The concept of
sea or maritime interaction is used here as a starting point of this introductory chap-
ter and an overarching theme throughout this book for reasons stated below.
The southern part of China, including Fujian, was associated with the derogatory
term ‘Southern Barbarians’ (Nanman南蠻).2 Like the ‘Man’ (蠻) character to mean
barbarian, the character ‘Min’ (閩) that denotes Fujian shares the semantic character
of the ‘snake’ (虫) radical suggesting the barbarians/Fujian people’s worship of
snakes.3 For a large part of Chinese history, the south was far from the political
centre that was mostly located in the North, believed to be the centre of the Chinese
empire. In the eyes of the imperial elite, the level of importance of the south was
hardly on par with that of the north. This North-South divide was further amplified
by the south’s proximity with the southeast coast, making its people looked upon
1
See Craig A. Lockard, ““The Sea Common to All”: Maritime Frontiers, Port Cities, and Chinese
Traders in the Southeast Asian Age of Commerce, ca. 1400–1750”, Journal of World History, Vol.
21, No. 2, June 2010, 219–247.
2
In her discussion of Cantonese opera, Lei also mentioned that the regions of Guangdong and
Guangxi where the theatrical form originated in the former were associated with the ‘Southern
Barbarians’. See Daphne Pi-Wei Lei, Operatic China: Staging Chinese Identity across the Pacific,
New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006, 12.
3
Victor H. Mair, “How to Forget Your Mother Tongue and Remember Your National Language”,
Pinyin.info: A guide to the writing of Mandarin Chinese in romanization, http://pinyin.info/read-
ings/mair/taiwanese.html#n8, last accessed 8 May 2018.
© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 1

C. Chia, Hokkien Theatre Across The Seas,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1834-4_1
2 1 Beginning of the Maritime Journey
the sea as a significant resource, resembling that of a littoral society.4 From the end
of the first millennium, the Hokkien in southern Fujian were closely linked to the
seas. This sea-faring feature was associated with its natural geography, character-
ized by the mountainous and agriculturally poor nature.5 This region of the south,
categorized as ‘Maritime China’, is in contrast with the rest of continental China
that was mostly land-based and agrarian in nature.6 Such disparity has rendered the
languages and cultures of the south, including southern Fujian where the Hokkien
originated, on the periphery and far from the civilization of the ‘Middle Kingdom’
(Zhongguo).
To give a sense of national versus regional (marginal) culture, it is important to
note the case of Peking opera. During the eighteenth century, Peking (Beijing) opera
that originated from Anhui rose from a provincial theatrical form to that of national
status. It became known as ‘capital opera’ (Jingju 京劇). In the eyes of the Western
observer, Peking opera appeared to be the (only) genre of Chinese opera. By con-
trast, Cantonese opera did not gain recognition as one of the national genres, but it
was very popular and closely associated with the Chinese migrants.7 This affiliation
was made possible by maritime and transnational networks established by immi-
grants across the Pacific. On a similar note, Hokkien theatre never reached national
status but was well-liked by its people. Performers from southern Fujian travelled
across the seas to perform for the migrants, or new troupes formed by migrants who
had settled in the host societies, and emerged out of the high demand for hometown
entertainment. Maritime networks established by the Hokkien people, mostly trad-
ers and later migrants forced out of poor circumstances back home, were essential
in the transmission of its culture outside China.
Besides the site of origin in southern Fujian, the Hokkien communities that
emerged outside China’s territories are noteworthy and intimately connected to the
seas. They form a part of which can be regarded as the Hokkien (regional) network.
Some of these ‘nodes’ in the maritime domain that will be discussed in this study
include Kinmen (Quemoy) and Taiwan (Formosa). To the imperial power in China,
“the sea became a natural defensive barrier rather than a means of easy access to
lands elsewhere”.8 Kinmen and Taiwan are both offshore islands, the former regarded
as ‘within the sight of the mainland’ while Taiwan is slightly further southeast and
separated by the Taiwan Strait. The latter was regarded as a territory ‘beyond the
seas’, implying ‘a sense of reluctance and helplessness’ by the imperial Chinese
state to impose jurisdiction.9 Proximity with the southeast coast and rebuff of the
4
Ng described littoral communities living along the southeast coast ‘look upon the sea as their
paddy-fields’. See Chin-keong Ng, Boundaries and beyond: China’s maritime southeast in late
imperial times, Singapore: NUS Press, 2017, 99.
5
Lockard, “The Sea Common to All”, 223.
6
Billy K.L. So, Prosperity, region, and institutions in maritime China: The South Fukien pattern,
946-1368, Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Asia Center, Harvard University Press, 2000,
311.
7
Daphne P. Lei, Operatic China, 12.
8
Chin-Keong Ng, Boundaries and beyond, 99.
9
Chin-Keong Ng, Boundaries and beyond, 99–100.
1.1 As Nodes of Maritime Interaction and Transmission 3
imperial court played a role in both the ‘fates’ of Kinmen and Taiwan, which became
popular sites of emigration and eventually as dominantly Hokkien societies.
Moving further southwards, there is the region what is now known as Southeast
Asia (Nanyang). Despite the negative view of Nanyang by the imperial Chinese court,
this domain was the maritime channel connecting China and Southeast Asia, and later
we see the infiltration of Western colonization.10 In stressing the continental and mari-
time divide, Bernards’ view deserves attention here. His comparative view of the
‘continental imagination’ and ‘archipelagic imagination’ is that the former is often
associated with national sovereignty that calls for ethnic, linguistic and cultural homo-
geneity. This contrasts with the archipelagic imagination marked by fluidity and open-
ness, hence encouraging (maritime) interaction instead of isolation between lands.11
The transmission of Hokkien theatre across the seas, as I argue, reflects the char-
acteristics of Bernards’ archipelagic imagination. The archipelagic imagination is
also useful in this study as the maritime concept is used to uncover the transmission
of Hokkien theatre across the seas. Political domains are often marked out by land
boundaries but on the relative sense, the sea concept denotes fluidity, allowing the
regional culture(s) to spread across different ‘land-bounded’ societies and share a
common (regional) language and culture.12 Usually littoral in nature, as with south-
ern Fujian, or served as prominent port cities such as the case of Singapore, these
societies, though governed by different administrative powers, had accommodated
such cultural transmission through the migrant communities.
In this region of the Nanyang, this study has selected Singapore which is known
for its dominant Chinese population and among the various regional groups within the
ethnic Chinese, the Hokkien the most populated. Compared to its other counterparts
in Nanyang, Singapore was, since the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, a pop-
ular site of migration and trade. This gradually brought about the influx of the regional
cultures from Fujian and Guangdong. The establishment of Singapore as a free port
of call by the British colonizers made this small island a more attractive site for trade
and migration, compared to the heavy taxes imposed by the Dutch in the region.13
While trade and the quest for a better living were primary forces why people
from south China chose to leave their homeland and took risky ventures across the
10
Brian Bernards, Writing the South Seas, 18.
11
Brian Bernards, Writing the South Seas, 8.
12
Lockard referred the Chinese merchants and sailors from the Fujian province as “trade diaspora”
in which “an interrelated net of commercial communities from the same ethnic group that formed
a trade network” and who are connected by a common culture, language and organization. They
were also “globalizing economies long before modern times.” See Lockard, “The Sea Common to
All”, 227.
13
Wang has also explained the Nanyang Chinese’s imaginary division of the north-to-south line
through Borneo, dividing Nanyang into East and West. In Western Nanyang, Batavia in Java and
Penang at the northern end of the Malacca straits were less of Chinese interest and they were eager
to search for a centre and this was British-colonized Singapore. Compared to Dutch Indonesia,
Spanish/American Philippines and French Indochina, there was strict control of immigration.
Wang Gungwu, A Short History of the Nanyang Chinese, Background to Malaya Series, No. 13,
Eastern Universities Press Ltd, 1959, 19, 28. On the British free-trade policy in Singapore and the
Dutch’s heavy port taxes, see Yun-Wing Sung, The China-Hong Kong connection: the key to
China’s open-door policy, Cambridge; New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2009, c1991,
129.
seas, the sites to which they travelled and the intense cultural exchange that resulted
remains a neglected area of study.14 Despite the geographical and political boundar-
ies, such exchange is multi-directional. For example, migrants from southern Fujian
brought along their culture to Taiwan, Kinmen and Singapore, which then interacted
with the host cultures/languages; due to their shared language and culture deriving
from southern Fujian, these three sites mutually exchanged and influenced each
other. As we will see later in the book, Singapore’s theatrical development was very
much influenced by Taiwan; Kinmen was, to some extent, influenced by Taiwan
given the proximity and later governed under the same ruling authority; people from
southern Fujian migrated to Kinmen and later again migrated to Singapore, and
some would eventually return to Kinmen and/or remained in close contact. While
the identities as Taiwanese, Kinmenese or Singaporean are significant, these com-
munities often value the regional-ness of their language and culture when interact-
ing with fellow Hokkiens from other sites.
From the modern era to contemporary times, these sites under study were more
or less dependent on the sea for their economies and the transmission of culture.
These maritime routes are also linked to the “transient” nature of cultural
interaction,15 which allowed for the transmission of Hokkien theatrical and religious
customs originating from southern Fujian and then to emigrant societies. It is also
important to note the different degrees of localization of these customs in the respec-
tive host societies. Furthermore, Singapore is similar to Taiwan (and Kinmen) in
that it remains a “Han-dominant society” whereas the ethnic Chinese populations in
other parts of Southeast Asia are now regarded as minorities or very much inter-
mixed with the host cultures.16
1.2 Situating Hokkien Theatre in the Regional Context
Before delving into what it means by Hokkien theatre, this introductory section will
provide a brief definition of Chinese theatre, in this sense referring to opera and
puppet theatre. This explanation is necessary given that there is a common miscon-
ception among the younger generation Singaporeans that theatre or opera is
14
Chua compared the cultural exchange between Taiwan and Singapore and at the time of writing
(year 2000), he mentioned that such study is neglected. See Chua Beng Huat, Taiwan’s Present/
Singapore’s Past Medidated by Hokkien Language, Working Papers No. 149, Department of
Sociology, National University of Singapore, 2000.
15
In his study of Amoy-dialect films, Taylor cautioned us to rethink about the term “transnational”
in that this word has been widely applied in various fields but has the risk of placing too much
importance on the ‘national scale’. He suggests that we should look at cultural production in Asia
as more of a “transient” or “transvergent” nature. Jeremy Taylor, Rethinking transnational Chinese
cinemas: the Amoy-dialect film industry in cold war Asia. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY:
Routledge, 2011, 8, 11.
16
Shu-Mei Shih, Chien-hsin Tsai and Brian Bernards eds., Sinophone Studies: A Critical Reader,
6. New York: Columbia University Press, c2013.
1.2 Situating Hokkien Theatre in the Regional Context 5
associated with loud but not so pleasant (to their ears) music and glittery costumes
only.17 Chinese opera and puppet theatre are similar in many ways. What sets them
apart is that the former is performed by human actors whereas the latter is per-
formed with puppets. As early as the Yuan dynasty, opera emerged rapidly partly
because many elites were unable to continue with their official career and had to
switch trades. The general consensus of what defines Chinese opera was that per-
formers must be able to present singing (chang 唱), speech (nian 念), acting with
facial expressions, gestures and postures (zuo 做), and choreographed fighting
sometimes coupled with acrobatic movements (da 打).18 Such basic conventions are
presented differently depending on the character role, in which operas of all types
share in common—male (sheng 生), female (dan 旦), painted face (jing 淨) and
clown (chou 丑). Singing requires years of training to achieve an acceptable stan-
dard. There is emphasis on the use of falsetto voices, especially for performers
impersonating young female roles. At the time when the microphone technology
was still unavailable, performers projected their voices through the diaphragm. The
facial makeup, headgear and costume varies according to the character role. The
costumes generally represent that of the Ming dynasty. Chinese theatre, whether
opera or puppet theatre, is minimalistic. Performers use their movements and sim-
ple props to denote items or scenarios that are not physically present. For example,
a horse whip represents a horse, going one round of the stage is likened to have
travelled for thousands of miles, and flags held usually by soldiers beside a per-
former indicate that he or she is travelling in a carriage.
Puppet theatre shares many similarities with its Chinese opera counterpart in
terms of singing, speech, acting and choreographed fighting, character roles, cos-
tumes, headgear and makeup (painted on the puppet or skin colour by default). Puppet
theatre and opera that originate from the same region are also similar in the regional
language (fangyan), musical style and repertoire. The core elements that differentiate
one opera form from the other is its use of the regional language and music.19 For
example, Cantonese opera that originated from the Guangdong/Yue region is deliv-
ered in Cantonese. Hokkien theatre, on the other hand, is delivered in the southern
Min/Minnan/Hokkien vernacular from southern Fujian. Being the oldest puppet
form, string puppet theatre is performed with strings where the puppeteer places his
arms in a downward position. The more strings attached to the puppet, the more deli-
cate the movement of the puppet can be, when manipulated by a highly skilled pup-
17
A survey was conducted among 50 Singaporeans aged between 15 to 45 on their knowledge of
Hokkien theatre. Given that the options of Gezai opera and puppet theatre were included, more
than 50 per cent of the respondents think Hokkien theatre means Getai, a form of performance that
includes singing modern Hokkien songs with Western music accompaniment and the lady per-
formers are often seen wearing flashy costumes. See details of this survey: https://goo.gl/forms/
qTq2GIewZEEPkhFf1, last accessed 21 December 2017.
18
Nadine George-Graves, The Oxford handbook of dance and theater, Oxford; New York: Oxford
University Press, 2015, 671. Jonathan Stock, Huju: Traditional Opera in Modern Shanghai.
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003, 31.
19
Colin Mackerras, Chinese Theater: From Its Origins to the Present Day, Honolulu: University of
Hawaii Press, 1983, 1.
peteer. There are other puppet forms, including glove puppet, rod puppet, iron-stick
puppet and shadow puppet that had been performed in China for centuries and still
exist today. The glove puppet, also performed in southern Fujian, works by inserting
the hand under the puppet, with the index finger inserted into the hollow head and the
movements of the puppet depends on the movement of the rest of the fingers.
For the discussion of Hokkien theatre, this study is mainly concerned with the
traditional context transmitted from southern Fujian. This means Hokkien theatre
here refers to ‘temple theatre’ (choushenxi 酬神戲) because performances are
staged in temples or temporary shrines (shentan/sintua in the case of Singapore).
They are performed for a religious purpose and one of the most common occasions
is to celebrate the birthday of a deity (shendan 神誕). Devotees show gratitude by
sponsoring celebrations in the form of operas or puppet shows during the deity’s
birthday.20 Each temple is typically dedicated to a main deity (zhushen 主神) with a
centralized altar, but other deities are often worshipped too. This celebration is sup-
ported by the belief system of the Hokkiens in Singapore, Taiwan and Kinmen, with
influences from Buddhism, Taoism and Confucian practices such as ancestor wor-
ship, legends and folk beliefs.
The Hokkien (Minnan) language is one of the most widely spoken regional ver-
naculars, second in line after the Cantonese. Today, Hokkien speakers number up to
48.3 million, with most of them residing in southern Fujian, Taiwan and Southeast
Asia and with a smaller population in lesser known sites, such as Australia and Latin
America.21 Popular culture associated with this language is noteworthy but still
understudied in current literature. Popular Hokkien culture ranged from the Gezai
opera frenzy sprouting from Taiwan in the early twentieth century that took south-
ern Fujian and Southeast Asia by storm, to Amoy films made in Hong Kong in the
1950s that rocked the cinema theatres of Manila Chinatown, Taiwan and Singapore.22
In the contemporary era, the Hokkien popular culture took the form of Hokkien-
medium movies amidst the eradication of ‘dialects’ or regional vernaculars in
Singapore since 1979.23 However in Taiwan, Taiwanese/Hokkien (Taiyu) traditional
glove puppet theatre, known as potehi, transformed into neon-coloured, larger-than-
life theatre gimmicks or anime-looking puppets complete with cinematic three-
dimensional effects—Golden Ray puppets, even featuring striptease women puppets
20
For the Singapore case, puppet shows or opera used to be occasionally held in the homes of the
wealthy, specially commissioned to perform for an elder’s birthday or during occasions such as
weddings and anniversaries. Such practices are hardly observed today.
21
Ethnologue, http://multiculturalnsw.id.com.au/multiculturalnsw/language-by-
birthplace?COIID=7103, last accessed 23 June 2017.
22
The Amoy dialect is a regional variant of the Hokkien language, deriving its name from Xiamen
(Amoy).
23
Chua cited Hokkien films from Singapore and Taiwan produced in the 2000s in his study, includ-
ing ‘Money No Enough’ (錢不夠用) and ‘Kingdom of Peace’ (太平天國) respectively. Although
categorized as Hokkien films, Chua has noted that both movies also used Mandarin and English.
The observation of the Singaporean film was the Hokkien language is regarded “as the language of
the lowest social class, the marginally employed, the unemployed and unemployable”. See Chua
Beng Huat, Taiwan’s Present/Singapore’s Past Medidated by Hokkien Language, 3–7.
1.2 Situating Hokkien Theatre in the Regional Context 7
and Pili puppets. The latter led to a whole new craze of Taiwanese youths imitating
the hairdo, make-up and costumes of these puppets, likened to cosplay in Japan.
Diverse in variety, opera and puppet shows are closely connected in their historical
developments, style of presentation, music and customs. Other than serving as a
‘handbook’ of the various forms of Hokkien theatre and presenting a comparative
study in the selected sites, this research is concerned with how these practices were
and still are shaped by wider regional networks.
The development of Hokkien theatre in the region is noteworthy. The rate of
transformation differed from site to site, with some areas more ‘modernized’ while
the others were more ‘traditional’. While much has been known and discussed about
the migratory flow of the Hokkien group to Taiwan and Southeast Asia, this book
takes on a refreshing approach by examining Hokkien theatre covering southern
Fujian, Taiwan, Kinmen and Singapore in a broader socio-cultural and political con-
text. This monograph aims to highlight that while there is continuation of theatrical
customs originating from southern Fujian to Taiwan, Kinmen and Singapore, the
development of Hokkien theatre is determined by the socio-political development in
each area. The comparison and analysis of such developmental changes is hardly
mentioned in previous studies.
The timeline for discussion of Hokkien theatre here spans from the post-classical
era (ninth century onwards) to contemporary times, the choice of beginning with
this period is that it marked the opening up of southern China that was closely linked
to maritime trade and interaction in the South China Sea. Although the origin of
Hokkien theatre began in southern Fujian, the discussion of this site will cover until
1949 when the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was established. This period
marked the beginning of the Cold War era where the Communist governments in
China and USSR were viewed as potential threats by colonial governments and
emerging nationalist leaders in modern Southeast Asia. This is particularly so of
China as the ethnic Chinese communities in Southeast Asia maintained a familial
relationship with the former earlier. During this period, such ties were cut off and
internal developments within PRC also resulted in a scenario distinct from that
before 1949. For the case of Taiwan, the year 1949 marked the establishment of the
Republic of China (ROC) set up by the Kuomintang (KMT) government who shifted
their political outpost to this island after being defeated by the Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) in China. The PRC-ROC tension was further exemplified by the United
States’ attempt to contain Communism and this was also strongly felt in Kinmen.
Given the significance of the sea on the development of southern Fujian and the
Hokkien communities elsewhere, the maritime theme will serve as a central concept
linking the various chapters. Chapter 1, ‘Beginning of the Maritime Journey’, is an
introductory opening that covers the basic definition of Chinese theatre, and how
maritime networks influence the development of Hokkien theatre. Chapter 2, ‘In
Search of the Origins’, goes back as early as the pre-modern era to understand the
origins of the Hokkien/Minnan people and how its theatrical forms were developed.
Chapter 3, ‘Across the Seas’, discusses how theatrical forms that were originally
performed in southern Fujian started to flow outwards to various sites through mass
migration when the situation in the hometown did not look optimistic. Three sites,
Taiwan, Kinmen and Singapore, are selected for their significant Hokkien popula-
tion and rich development of related theatrical forms. Chapter 4, ‘Made Locally’
continues to discuss the development of Hokkien theatre in the three sites and
observes how theatrical forms deriving from southern Fujian started to transform
according to the local context. The socio-political scene, denoted by the Cold War
and the rise of Communism, also affected the development of Hokkien theatre.
Chapter 5, ‘In Practice’, is based on ethnographic fieldwork to the three sites to sur-
vey the status quo of Hokkien theatre. Documentation of these theatrical practices is
necessary as many now face the risk of disappearance. Chapter 6, ‘Promulgation of
Filial Piety’, is a case study of a Buddhist monk named Mulian who rescued his
mother from the terrifying underworld. The Hokkien presentation of Mulian, espe-
cially in the case of Singapore, is hardly documented. Rich ethnographic descrip-
tions are included in this chapter and the comparative analysis between Taiwan and
Singapore can explain how customs related to Mulian have been localized. Chapter
7 is the concluding part of this maritime journey that serves as a final overview of all
six chapters and highlights the main pointers as a take-home piece for readers. There
will also be discussion of future directions related to this study.
References
Bernards, Brian. 2016. Writing the South Seas: Imagining the Nanyang in Chinese and Southeast
Asian Postcolonial Literature. Singapore: NUS Press.
Chin, Ch’ing Hai金清海. 2003. Tai min diqu kuileixi yanjiu台閩地區傀儡戲研究. Taibei: Xuehai
chuban she.
Chua, Beng Huat. 2000. Taiwan’s Present/Singapore’s Past Medidated by Hokkien Language,
Working Papers No. 149, Department of Sociology, National University of Singapore.
George-Graves, Nadine. 2015. The Oxford Handbook of Dance and Theater. Oxford/New York:
Oxford University Press.
Lee, Tong Soon. 2009. Chinese Street Opera in Singapore. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.
Lei, Daphne Pi-Wei. 2006. Operatic China: Staging Chinese Identity Across the Pacific. New York:
Palgrave Macmillan.
Lockard, Craig A. 2010. “The Sea Common to All”: Maritime Frontiers, Port Cities, and Chinese
Traders in the Southeast Asian Age of Commerce, ca. 1400–1750. Journal of World History
21 (2): 219–247.
Mackerras, Colin. 1983. Chinese Theater: From Its Origins to the Present Day. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press.
Ng, Chin-keong. 2017. Boundaries and Beyond: China’s Maritime Southeast in Late Imperial
Times. Singapore: NUS Press.
Shih, Shu-Mei, Chien-hsin Tsai, and Brian Bernards, eds. 2013. Sinophone Studies: A Critical
Reader. New York: Columbia University Press.
So, Billy K.L. 2000. Prosperity, Region, and Institutions in Maritime China: The South Fukien
Pattern, 946–1368. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, Harvard University
Press.
Stock, Jonathan. 2003. Huju: Traditional Opera in Modern Shanghai. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
References 9
Taylor, Jeremy E. 2011. Rethinking Transnational Chinese Cinemas: The Amoy-dialect Film
Industry in Cold War Asia. New York: Routledge.
Wang, Gungwu. 1959. A Short History of the Nanyang Chinese, Background to Malaya Series, No.
13. Singapore: Eastern Universities Press Ltd.
Wang, Ying-fen. 2016. The Transborder Dissemination of Nanguan in the Hokkien Quadrangle
Before and After 1945. Ethnomusicology Forum 25 (1): 58–85.
Sung, Yun-Wing. 2009, c1991. The China-Hong Kong Connection: The Key to China’s Open-
Door Policy. Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press.
Chapter 2
In Search of the Origins
The nature of sea travel and corresponding attitudes by the governing authorities
was quite dramatically different from contemporary times. For example, Chinese
authorities before the Southern Song Dynasty (1127–1279 CE), with its imperial
capital located at the North which was mostly inward-looking, generally regarded
the sea as a place filled with perilous tendencies. Even if there were maritime inter-
actions, it was limited to the imperial court as private trade was frowned upon.
Towards the end of the first millennium, imperial perception somehow shifted and
there was an increasing importance, both state-driven and the people’s reliance for
a livelihood, attached to maritime trade and the South Seas (Nanhai 南海). The rise
to prominence of Quanzhou in southern Fujian was seen as directly related to this
changing perception.1
After the first millennium, Quanzhou began to rise in prominence and overtook
Guangdong’s status as the maritime nexus for international commerce. Various fac-
tors contributed to Quanzhou’s increased significance, including its proximity to
areas producing highly sought-after trade items, such as tea and porcelain in Fujian2,
and the gradual attention shown by the southern Song government. This eventually
led to the establishment of a superintendent office.3 Referred to as ‘Zaiton’ or ‘Zayton’
by foreigners, such as the famed Venetian traveller Marco Polo and Moroccan scholar
Ibn Battuta,4 Quanzhou was regarded as the “Emporium of the World” from the elev-
1
John Guy, “Tamil Merchant Guild and the Quanzhou Trade”, The Overseas Trade of Quanzhou in
the Song and Yuan Dynasties. Leiden: The International Institute for Asian Studies, 1997, 4.
2
John K. Fairbank, Edwin O. Reischauer et al., East Asia: Tradition and Transformation. Boston:
Houghton Miffilin Co., 1989, 136.
3
Hugh Clark, “Muslims and Hindus in the Culture and Morphology of Quanzhou from 10th to the
13th Century”, Journal of World History 16, No. 1 (1995), 53–54.
4
Gustav Ecke and Paul Demieville, The Twin Pagodas of Zayton: A Study of Later Buddhist
Sculptures in China. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1935.

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1834-4_2
12 2 In Search of the Origins
enth to fourteenth centuries.5 Other than its eminence as an international port,

Quanzhou was also a centre for foreign exchange. Foreign traders and visitors brought
their cultures and in some way interacted with the local customs. The coastal position
of Quanzhou and Zhangzhou, Quanzhou’s significance as a maritime port, and its
relative openness to outside influences helped to create a theatrical tradition with
distinctive characteristics.
2.1 The Origin of Hokkien Theatrical Forms
The term ‘Hokkien’ originally referred to people living in the region of Fujian.
‘Hokkien’ is a transliteration of the Mandarin term ‘Fujian’ (‘Hok’ to mean ‘Fu’ 福
and ‘kien’ to ‘jian’ 建) in the Minnan/Hokkien language. However, in modern usage
‘Hokkien’ refers specifically to the population in south, not the whole of Fujian, and
its migratory communities residing outside mainland China.6 This definition is
attributed to the eminence of the Hokkien group in the region, especially for their
involvement in maritime trade and socio-economic status in Nanyang. The Fujian
region is noted for its linguistic diversity. Many languages spoken here are mutually
unintelligible.7 The Chinese term ‘Minnan’ (閩南) is used to refer to the people liv-
ing in southern Fujian.8 Their language (Minnanhua 閩南話 or Bân lâm uē in
Hokkien) is commonly referred to as ‘Hokkien’ in English-language scholarship. In
line with current convention, the term ‘Hokkien’ used throughout this book refers to
the people who reside in southern Fujian and speak Minnanhua, and also to the
people in migratory communities from the Hokkien-speaking region, including the
groups in Taiwan, Kinmen and Singapore, unless stated otherwise.9
5
The reference of Quanzhou as an ‘Emporium’ was given by Angela Schottenhammer that
appeared in the eponymous book title. See Angela Schottenhammer, The Emporium of the World:
Maritime Quanzhou. Brill, 2001.
6
Ng Chin-keong, Trade and Society: The Amoy Network, 2 and Naosaku Uchida, The Overseas
Chinese: a bibliographical essay based on the resources of the Hoover Institution, 31.
7
Van der Loon, The Classical Theatre and Art Song of South Fukien, 1.
8
In earlier accounts that used the Wade–Giles system, the Hokkien were referred as ‘South
Fukienese’. See, e.g., Ng Chin-Keong, Trade and Society: The Amoy Network. In his discussion of
theatre in southern Fujian, Piet van der Loon also highlighted the problem with the term ‘Minnan’,
because in the linguistic sense Chaozhou would also be included. See Piet van der Loon, The
Classical Theatre and Art Song of South Fukien: A Study of Three Ming Anthologies, Taipei: SMC
Publishing, 1992, 1.
9
For discussion on the Hokkien group in Singapore and Southeast Asia, see Philip A. Kuhn,
Chinese Among Others: Emigration in Modern Times, Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,
2008, 33–38 and Phyllis Chew, A Sociolinguistic History of Early Identities in Singapore: From
Colonialism to Nationalism, Palgrave Macmillan, 2012, 43–44.
2.1 The Origin of Hokkien Theatrical Forms 13
The traditional theatre of southern Fujian comprised many different theatre

genres. It is beyond the scope of this chapter to elaborate on all the theatrical forms.
The focus will be on selected theatrical genres that were transmitted to Taiwan,
Kinmen and Singapore, namely, Liyuan opera, Gaojia opera, string puppet and
glove puppet. These theatrical forms served mainly as popular entertainment for the
masses. The extravagance spent on festive celebrations and the drawing of large
crowds, including men and women not supposed to interact in public during old
times, were frowned upon by the conservative literati. However, historical sources
have shown that they were not always against such celebrations, especially when
theatrical entertainment served their purposes. For example, successful candidates
in the imperial examinations celebrated by staging a performance as thanksgiving to
the deities, who were believed to have blessed the sponsors. The literati were heav-
ily involved in their respective lineages and the lineage system was an essential
feature of Chinese society. Liturgical practices were often authorized by this power-
ful group. They were often sponsors of theatrical entertainment. Hence, the local
repertoire was catered to the preferences of these sponsors.
Contrary to the general belief that the elites often dismissed theatre as unortho-
dox, literary elites of the Quan-Zhang (Quanzhou and Zhangzhou) region were
enthusiastic sponsors of Hokkien theatre. Powerful lineages played a significant
role in shaping the theatrical tradition of the region. The Quan-Zhang areas devel-
oped a strong literati culture in the late imperial era and Quanzhou was ranked as the
sixth largest in absolute number of successful candidates in the region.10 This suc-
cess in the civil service examinations was tied to the prominence of Quanzhou in
coastal Fujian, particularly maritime trade that prospered during the Song and Yuan
dynasties. When restrictions on maritime trade were lifted in the late eleventh cen-
tury, the area became more prosperous, which in turn led to an increasing number of
degree holders by the turn of the twelfth century.11 Local elites and lineage organi-
zations were a dominant force in southern Fujian.12 The relationship between the
two was a complex one. The socio-religious developments were very much influ-
enced by sumptuary policies of the court.
For example in 1151 CE, the Yan lineage of Longxi (now Xiamen) headed by
Yan Shilu constructed an ancestral temple.13 In the imperial period, ancestral rituals
10
Schottenhammer, Emporium of the World, 56.
11
Schottenhammer, Emporium of the World, 60–61.
12
So, Billy K.L. Prosperity, Region and Institutions in Maritime China, 101–105.
13
The deity Wu Tao was believed to cover Emperor Gaozong in a mist when he was escaping from
the Jin enemy. To express his gratitude for the deity, the Emperor ordered a temple to be built in
Baijiao in 1150 CE. The following year (1151), Yan Shilu (1119–1193, attained jinshi in 1142,
Chinese name not given here), Minister of the Ministry of Personnel and a native from the Qingjiao
area, presented a request to the court for permission to build a second temple in Qingjiao. See
Kenneth Dean, “Taoism and popular religion in Southeast China: History and revival”, Doctoral
Dissertation, Stanford University, 1988, 94, 138–139.
were often constrained by sumptuary laws. In the mid-sixteenth century during the
reign of Emperor Shizong (明世宗 r. 1521–1567 CE), the rules of ancestor worship
were relaxed, and the populace was permitted to offer sacrifices to their first ances-
tor during winter solstice. In response to this relaxation on ancestor offerings, lin-
eages all over China, including south Fujian, began to construct offering halls for
their first ancestors.14 The construction and restorations by the Yan lineage in subse-
quent years were conducted in commemoration of their ancestor Yan Shilu. Besides
the involvement by lineages, Hokkien literati figures, including degree holders,
commonly sponsored the building and resurrection of temples. The Qingjiao (青醮)
temple in Longxi had an inscription dated in the Kangxi (康熙) period in 1697
CE. The inscription was done by Wu Zhong (吳鐘), a jinshi (Metropolitan Graduate)
from Fujian. In two other steles dedicated to the temple that were dated in 1814 CE,
they were produced by a juren (舉人) or ‘Provincial Graduate’ (xiang jinshi 鄉進
士) named Cai Weishan (蔡韋山). One of the steles listed individual names accord-
ing to the amount of monetary contribution and their ranks. Among these names,
there were a jinshi, some government officials, elites with honorary titles, such as
‘Gentleman-litterateur’ (wenlin lang 文林郎) and ‘Grand Masters’ (dafu 大夫),
‘Tribute student’ (gongsheng 貢生) and a number of students in the National
University (daxuesheng 大學生).15 The second stele recorded major contributions
by two wealthy donors of the Yan lineage. This indicates the active contribution of
the literati and lineages to religious institutions in southern Fujian. I will cite more
examples of such involvement below.
In Tong’an (now Longhai) of southern Fujian, the Baijiao temple dedicated to
the revered deity Baosheng Dadi (translated as ‘Great Emperor who Protects Life’
保生大帝), was built in 1150 CE.16 A stele dated in 1816 was produced by Wang
Delu (王德錄) who was then the Provincial Military Commander of the Naval
Forces of Fujian and Commander of Naval and Land Forces of Taiwan and the
Penghu Islands. Wang recalled the times he was rescued by Baosheng Dadi. As an
act of gratitude, he had the stele engraved and made a generous contribution of 2000
silver dollars. The monetary contribution made by elite members and the literati
played a significant role in the restoration of the temples as well as in the funding of
celebrations, such as the Daoist ‘offering’ (jiao 醮) ritual.17 A report from the
Tong’an (同安) Gazette in 1616 CE also documented that lineages in Tong’an
county in Xiamen would set aside money to invite troupes during the celebration of
marriages, new-born sons and success in the civil service examinations.18 Contrary
to the common perception that the literati often criticized theatrical performances,
the above examples indicated that the literati indirectly contributed to the survival
of performing troupes, who were often invited to perform during such festive
celebrations.
14
Wang Chen-shan, “Quanzhou Kaiyuan Monastery: Architecture, Iconography and Social
Contexts”, 201.
15
Dean, “Taoism and popular religion in Southeast China”, 138–139.
16
Dean, “Taoism and popular religion in Southeast China: History and revival”, 41.
17
Dean, “Taoism and popular religion in Southeast China: History and revival”, 99, 138–139.
18
Tanaka, “The Social and Historical Context of Ming-Ching Local Drama”, 145.
2.1 The Origin of Hokkien Theatrical Forms 15
As mentioned in Chap. 1, like the use of regional language, music also sets one
regional theatrical form apart from the other. Despite my minimal knowledge in
music, it is important to mention the influence of Nanyin (南音lit. Southern tones)
on Hokkien theatre. Before developing into a theatrical form complete with singing,
speech, movements and a full repertoire, Nanxi played a formative role in the devel-
opment of Hokkien theatre. Nanxi, the earliest form of Chinese theatre, is believed
to originate in Wenzhou or Yongjia of Zhejiang to the north of Fujian.19 During the
twelfth century, Nanxi spread to Fujian.20 The intensive network between two thriv-
ing port cities, Wenzhou and Quanzhou, also facilitated the transmission of Nanxi to
southern Fujian.21 The Fujian style of Nanxi adopted a local song form of earlier
provenance known as Nanyin, also popularly known as Nanguan (南管), which
emerged in the tenth century.22 Both Nanyin and Nanxi merged to form a localized
form of Hokkien theatre.23 As Nanyin had strict musical requirements, a script or
line-by-line oral transmission was often necessary for the training of the troupe.
There was evidence that Nanxi performance, probably in a bid to reach out to the
local audience in Quanzhou, made use of the local vernacular.24 Since the musical
system of Nanyin had already taken root in Quanzhou, the music of Nanxi could be
seen as ‘ornamenting’ the existing music. Nanyin had already developed its own
characteristics such as ‘large-scale suite music’ (zhi 指), ‘suites of instrumental
music’ (pu 譜) and ‘vocal music’ (qu 曲or sanqu 散曲) which is relatively strict like
the qupai system. The qupai system is also known as ‘joint melodies system’ (lian-
quti 聯曲體), which was the primary form of music in China from the late Song to
early Qing period.25 This relatively strict musical system can be seen in the
composition of its librettos. For example, classical plays like Chen San and Fifth
Madam and Han Guohua (韓國華) were believed to be a collaboration of the local
19
Wu Jieqiu, Liyuanxi yishu shilun (梨園戲藝術史論), Taibei Shi: Cai tuan fa ren Shi Hezheng
min su wen hua ji jin hui, 1994, 11.
20
Liu Nianzi, Nanxi xin zheng (南戲新證), Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1986, 21–24.
21
Wu, Liyuanxi yishu shilun, 16.
22
Wu, Liyuanxi yishu shilun, pp. 85–86. The origin of Nanguan or Nanyin emerged during the Tang
dynasty. It was believed that during the reign of Emperor Xizong in 885 CE, two brothers Wang
Chao and Wang Shenzhi led their army to Min and the ‘Big tunes’ (daqu 大曲) was brought over.
Nanyin preserved some music of the Central Plain while assimilating with the local music in Min.
See Chen Zhiping and Xu Hong, Minnan wenhua baike quanshu. Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chuban-
she, 2009, 521.
23
Wu, Liyuanxi yishu shilun, 88, 110.
24
Sun Mei, “Nanxi: The earliest form of Xiqu”, 44.
25
Jie Jin, Chinese Music, Cambridge University Press, 2011, 70–71; Marnix St. J. Wells, “Rhythm
and Phrasing in Chinese Tune-Title Lyrics; Old Eight-Beat and Its 3-2-3 Meter”, Asian Music, Vol.
23, No. 1, Autumn 1991-Winter 1992, 120. The qupai system is used in many early dramatic forms
like zaju, Nanxi, Kun opera, Peking (Beijing) opera as well as Puxian opera of the Henghua group.
The structure of most qupai melodies usually has some degree of flexibility in that a composer can
‘fill the lyrics’ (tianci 填詞). However, the use of qupai in Chinese theatre may be more complex.
There are regulations on the number of words used, rhyming and linguistic pitch-level. Each qupai
has its own fixed melody and modal tone, which can be used as a song independently or combined
with other melodies to form a suite in the opera. Also see Lau Wai Tong, “The Historical and
Musical Frameworks for Developing a Curriculum to Teach Chinese Music Literacy, Doctoral
Dissertation, Northwestern University, 2003, 110.
troupes, better known as ‘seven-child’ or ‘seven-actor’ troupe (qiziban 七子班), and

the literati, most probably those who did not succeed in their official career.
However, the composition of qiang (chuangqiang 創腔) and tune assignment (peiqu
配曲) was the task of music specialists rather than the performers themselves.26 This
is a strict musical system that required the lyrics and tunes to be composed before-
hand rather than created ad lib by the performer. In other words, this will call for an
adherence of the text and/or songbook. Hokkien performers required written script
records of the names of the qupai, or they had to conform to the stringent guidelines
of Nanguan during learning and transmission.27
2.2 Genres of Hokkien Theatre
This section will begin by discussing two of the oldest theatrical genres in southern
Fujian—Liyuan opera and puppet theatre. Many of the old librettos still extant
today can offer us a glimpse of the early learning process of performers, which are
not limited to verbatim memorization. Before the mid-twentieth century, the method
of ‘transmitting from the mouth and teaching from the heart’ (kouchuan xinshou 口
傳心授) remained a significant mode of transmission in traditional Chinese theatre.
However, for older theatrical forms, there was less scope to extemporize and per-
formers were expected to adhere more or less to a fixed content. We will look at the
various types and uses below.
2.3 Liyuan Opera
As the oldest opera form in southern Fujian, the emergence of Liyuan opera was a
gradual process spanning almost a thousand years. Even before Nanxi spread to
Fujian around 1125 CE, Quanzhou was already a vibrant city filled with lively
entertainment. Ouyang Zhan (歐陽詹), a jinshi scholar from the Tang Dynasty and
a native from Nan’an (南安) in Quanzhou, recalled the sights and sounds of his
hometown while travelling on a boat in 793 CE:
The boat travelled forwards in a straight line, making a circuit then around the long river
several times. To the sound of string and wind instruments, ‘Flowry beauties’ emerged and
disappeared.28
26
Wu, Liyuanxi yi shu shi lun, 110.
27
According to van der Loon, the Nanguan repertoire was transmitted via oral instruction and writ-
ten form. The transmission of the latter was evident in the large number of extant manuscripts
which indicates the musical notation and lyrics. Printed handbooks also existed. See van der Loon,
Classical Theatre in Fukien, 46.
28
Quan Tang Wen [The complete text of Tang], Volume 597. http://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapt
er=405739&remap=gb, accessed 30 June 2015.
2.3 Liyuan Opera 17
The musical instruments stated here were commonly used in Nanyin and Liyuan
opera. The string instruments (xian 弦) included pipa (琵琶), two-string instrument
(erxian 二弦) and three-string instrument (sanxian 三弦); the wind instruments
included the vertical bamboo flute (dongxiao 洞簫), horizontal flute (pinxiao 品簫),
nan’ai (南噯); the percussion instruments included cymbals and clappers.29 This
example also demonstrated the vibrancy of Quanzhou, where music was already
popular during the eighth century. It denoted the emergence of singing performances
of Nanyin at this time.
While opera performers generally held a lowly rank in imperial China, opera was
increasingly favoured as a form of entertainment in the Tang court. The most promi-
nent example was the setting up of ‘Pear Garden’ (Liyuan 梨園), an academy of
performing arts by Emperor Xuanzong (685–762 CE) also known as the ‘Brilliant
Emperor’ (Ming Huang 明皇). However, the Pear Garden Academy was not to be
confused with Liyuan opera. After the fall of the Northern Song to the Jurchen
invaders in the mid-twelfth century, the fallen Emperor along with his many impe-
rial entertainers moved south.30 This had an impact on the development of theatrical
forms in the South.
Combined with folk song and dance, many theatrical troupes, known as Liyuan,
emerged. The term Liyuan or Pear Garden, derived during the Tang dynasty, has
become synonymous with Chinese opera and it is possible that these troupes called
themselves ‘Liyuan troupes’. There were three types of Liyuan opera troupes, the
‘seven-child troupe’ (qiziban 七子班) consisting of boy actors, the ‘Upper Circuit’
(shanglu 上路) troupe believed to derive from Zhejiang and Jiangxi located North
of Fujian, and local troupes known as ‘Down South’ (xia’nan 下南).31 These troupes
sang the ‘Quan qiang’ (泉腔), which were later classified as ‘Liyuan opera’. As the
term ‘Liyuan’ suggests, it does not indicate the regional locale as in the case of most
other regional opera forms.32
As mentioned earlier, Nanxi is regarded as the earliest theatrical form complete
with character roles, storyline and music. While it has been localized and synthesized
with the already existing Nanguan, Nanxi plays influenced the repertoire of Liyuan
opera. Liyuan opera was even regarded as the ‘Quan qiang version of Nanxi’ (Quan
qiang Nanxi 泉腔南戲), denoting the close relationship between the two.33 Similar
Nanxi librettos preserved in Liyuan opera include Zhu Wen (朱文), Lü Mengzheng (
呂蒙正), Su Qin (蘇秦), Wang Shipeng (王十朋) and Liu Zhiyuan (劉智遠). These
tales became the ‘canon’ of Hokkien theatre. This is exemplified by the fact that
veteran troupes often have a collection of their classical plays (kanjiaxi 看家戲) that
29
30
31
Van der Loon, The Classical Theatre and Art Song of South Fukien, 15.
32
The term ‘Liyuan opera’ was said to emerge only during the modern era. The ‘seven-child
troupe’ (qiziban) is an older and more commonly used term in the imperial era in referring to the
old opera form in southern Fujian. See Liu, Nanxi xinzheng, 112. ‘Qiziban’ was also a term used
in Taiwan when the theatrical form spread there, see the Taiwan’s section in Chapter Three.
33
are not allowed to be altered without permission. For example, the Nanxi libretti
Wang Shipeng was localized and incorporated into the repertoire of ‘Upper Circuit’
of Liyuan opera and became a classic favourite among the people in Quanzhou.34
The influence of the Nanxi repertoire, some of the extant libretti preserved in
manuscripts, and the strict regulation of Nanyin, meant that Liyuan opera and to
some extent the puppet theatre in southern Fujian, more or less adhere to learning
from scripts. In cases where transmission from teacher to disciple was conducted
orally, strict adherence to the content and performance style was ensured. The rep-
ertoire was transmitted orally through the ‘transmit by mouth and teach from the
heart’ technique. The songs were taught sentence by sentence, usually with music
accompaniment and using the teacher’s own experience to guide the student.35
Every performance had a fixed set of character roles (hangdang 行當), stage move-
ments (ke 科), spoken passages (bai 白), the qupai and lyrics (chang 唱) that could
not be freely altered. Transmitted down the centuries and familiar to the audience,
the repertoire and performance techniques of Liyuan opera had to be strictly
adhered. In this case, there was little room for improvisation. The clown and jing
(painted face) roles could make impromptu comic gestures and remarks. However,
the commands allocated for improvisation (ruyi 如意) were fixed. This is in contrast
to performances that make use of ‘stage outlines’ (mubiaoxi 幕表戲) in Gaojia
opera, which we will see later.36
To have a better understanding of the performance scenario of this oldest theatri-
cal form in southern Fujian, the type of libretti used in Liyuan opera requires some
explanation here. Although a few scholars have studied the repertoire of Liyuan
opera and the librettos were perceived as orally transmitted, more research is
required concerning the complex interaction of oral and literate modes in this tradi-
tional form.37 Piet van der Loon remarked that the dialogue and arias were orally
transmitted and there was no written script. In the 1990s, Wu Jiequ (吳捷秋) worked
closely with the remaining veteran performers of Liyuan opera to transcribe the
traditional repertoire. For most of the plays that were transcribed, Wu labelled them
as ‘orally transmitted scripts’ (koushuben). However, there was a play titled Zhu
Wen Runs Away from the Ghost (Zhu Wen zou gui 朱文走鬼) that Wu categorized as
a ‘hand-copied script’ (shouchaoben 手抄本). The use of the term ‘hand-copied
script’ requires careful interpretation. The term ‘script’ is used in quotation here
because of its ambiguous nature. The Zhu Wen ‘script’ was produced in the
Daoguang era (1821–1850 CE) of the Qing dynasty. By the time the ‘script’ was
discovered in 1953, the front and end pages were lost and only the middle section
34
Wu, Liyuanxi yishu shilun, 274–275.
35
Wu, Liyuanxi yi shu shi lun, 14, 434. The definition of this method is cited from Vibeke Børdahl,
The Eternal Storyteller: Oral literature in Modern China, 249.
36
Wu, Liyuanxi yi shu shi lun, 14–15.
37
Wu Jieqiu and Piet van der Loon had done remarkable studies on Liyuan opera, particularly on
compiling the libretti of this genre. However, there is a common generalization that the repertoire
was orally transmitted. On further examination, the actual scenario is more complex than generally
assumed.
2.3 Liyuan Opera 19
remained.38 This ‘script’ is valuable because it is the only extant version whereas
other literary versions, such as Nanxi and zaju (雜劇 literally ‘various plays’, also
known as yuanben 院本) were lost. Wu, who had access to the Zhu Wen ‘script’, was
not certain how it was derived. I will list a few possibilities below from his descrip-
tion. First, it could be orally transmitted by a master and transcribed by someone
with a certain level of literacy. The transcriber could be a performer from the ‘Down
South’ or ‘Upper Circuit’ troupe and not the ‘Seven-child’ troupe. The latter were
believed to be illiterate because they joined the troupe at a very young age and did
not receive formal schooling. Second, the ‘script’ could be copied from a written
source.39 When the script was found in 1953, an attempt to gather veteran perform-
ers to perform according to the Zhu Wen ‘script’ (anben xuanke 按本宣科) failed.40
This might indicate that the performers had all along been trained in the oral method
of ‘transmit by mouth and teach from the heart’. At the moment, it is difficult to
assess how the ‘script’ was derived but more importantly, the various possibilities
do indicate the complex interaction of oral and literate sources and their influence
on the libretti of Liyuan opera. All we have now of the Liyuan libretti are mostly
transcripts made in the 1990s by Wu Jieqiu working with veteran performers famil-
iar with the tradition.41
There were also other texts related to Liyuan opera. Fourteen role texts of the
male and female leads from the Qing dynasty contained both singing and speech
parts as well as indications for stage movements.42 Role texts relate only to specific
roles, such as the sheng and dan. These role texts are also seen in other theatrical
genres.43 The presence of role texts might indicate that some performers were liter-
ate to read and learn from a written text/script. By contrast, there were also the boy
actors of the ‘seven-child troupe’, also known as ‘Little Liyuan’ (Xiao liyuan 小梨
園) mentioned earlier, who were not literate as they were recruited at a young age
and did not receive formal schooling. Wu Dapian (吳大篇) and Hong Ben (洪本),
who both started out as boy actors, recounted the learning of stock performances
that were identical to other ‘seven-child troupe’. Wu recalled that there was a spon-
sor who invited five ‘seven-child troupes’ to present the same play. It turned out that
the stage movements, speech and singing parts were identical as if they were taught
by the same teacher.44 This stock performance is in line with the strict adherence to
performance style mentioned above. Regardless of the level of literacy of the per-
formers who could learn via oral transmission or rely on some written texts, a high
38
Piet van der Loon, The Classical Theatre, 84; Wu, Liyuanxi yi shu shi lun, 260.
39
40
41
For a more detailed description of Liyuan opera transcripts, see Wu, Liyuanxi yishu shilun, Vols.
1 and 2.
42
Wu, Liyuanxi yi shu shi lun, 434 and 479 n13.
43
For the role texts of Yuan zaju, see Wilt Idema “The Many Shapes of Medieval Chinese Plays:
How Texts are Transformed to meet the needs of actors, spectators, censors, and readers”, Oral
Tradition, 20/2, 2005, 324–325.
44
artistic standard was expected of all performers of Liyuan opera. This theatrical
form would remain dominant in southern Fujian for almost four centuries until the
influx of newer genres.45
The ‘fixity’ of storyline, stage movements and character roles may have allowed
for the preservation of an old tradition. Nevertheless, by the nineteenth century,
Liyuan opera began to face intense competition from a new form of opera that blos-
somed during the nineteenth century. Xu Maocai (許茂才 1903–1980), for exam-
ple, was a veteran Liyuan opera performer who had been performing when he was
a child. Claiming to be non-literate, Xu had mastered the repertoire of Liyuan opera,
but later in his acting career this repertoire was regarded as ‘outdated’ and not meet-
ing the demands of the audience. In a way, he was ‘forced’ to learn Gaojia opera
which mostly used a stage outline. By the nineteenth century, Liyuan opera was
overshadowed by its competitor and its later successor—Gaojia opera—which was
well known for its fighting scenes. The decline of Liyuan opera was arguably its
emphasis on ‘civil plays’ (wenxi 文戲). These civil plays lacked the acrobatic scenes
and lively music deemed less suitable for celebratory occasions held at temples.46
On the contrary, Gaojia opera was known for its ‘military plays’ (wuxi 武戲) espe-
cially in the early stage of formation and began to outshine Liyuan opera. Instead of
staging stock performances like Liyuan opera, we will see later Gaojia opera used a
relatively freer mode of transmission and performance.
2.4 String Puppet Theatre
To understand the reverence accorded to string puppeteers, it is first necessary to

discuss the religious origin of this tradition. Early sources point to the connection
between string puppets and mortuary figurines. Unlike its Western counterpart such
as Punch and Judy that is performed for pure entertainment, Chinese string puppet
theatre had a liturgical function. This remains so today. The association of Chinese
puppet theatre with mortuary figurines suggests its sacred role in early Chinese soci-
ety. Early puppet theatre had an impact on the development of Chinese opera in its
style and presentation. This includes the use of specific character-roles (hangdang)
and their physical traits, which are still imitated by Chinese opera performers today.47
One notable example is the stiff shoulder movements enacted by Gaojia opera actors
45
Piet van der Loon, The Classical Theatre, 44.
46
According to Tsai Tsin Tsin, the reason for the demise of Liyuan opera was the use of light music
and civil plays, which she sees as less suitable for celebratory occasions held at village temples.
The reason proposed by Piet van der Loon was ‘the absence of fighting scenes and acrobatics’. See
Tsai Tsin Tsin, “Gaojiaxi yuan yuan xingcheng yu yishu fazhan zhi kao su”, 2002 Liang an xiqu
dazhan xueshu yan tao hui lunwen ji (Yilan Xian Wujie xiang: Guo li chuan tong yi shu zhong xin,
2003), 446 and van der Loon, Classical Theatre, 15–16.
47
Wilt Idema and Stephen West, Chinese Theater, 1100–1450: A Sourcebook, Weisbaden: Steiner,
1982, 5–6.
2.4 String Puppet Theatre 21
as if they were hung by strings like the marionette.48 Although information concern-
ing puppet theatre during the Chinese imperial era is scanty and even less so in
southern Fujian, it would be fair to say that puppet theatre, particularly string pup-
pet, has a distinctive function in Chinese society. This function is related to exorcism
as the Chinese believed that evil forces could harm both the dead and the living and
hence had to be exorcised. A late twelfth century source stated that officials in
Zhangzhou, a close neighbour of Quanzhou, banned puppet performances. The
exorcistic function of puppet performance is reflected here: “…in the towns and vil-
lages it is forbidden to collect money and perform with puppets, under the pretext of
expelling evil and praying for blessings.”49 Local officials viewed such performances
as excessive and a waste of money. Nonetheless, puppet performance continued to
be regularly staged because it fulfilled the needs of the sponsors and community.
The patron deity of puppet theatre is Chief Marshal Tian (田都元帥), also known
as ‘Tian Gong’ (田公) in Quanzhou. A Ming dynasty source A Complete Collection
Concerning the Origins of Deities of the Three-in-One Religion (Sanjiao Yuanliu
Soushen Daquan 三教源流搜神大全) is believed to be connected to the origin of
Chief Marshal Tian. In a section titled ‘Marshal Tian of the Heavenly Department
of Wind and Fire’ (Feng Huo Yuan Tian Yuan Shuai 風火院田元帥), three brothers
of the same surname Tian, namely, Tian Gou Liu (田苟留), Tian Hong Yi (田洪義)
and Tian Zhi Biao (田智彪), were recorded. The brothers had been appointed by
Emperor Xuanzong (玄宗) of the Tang Dynasty (r. 712–756 CE) as musicians and
entertainers in the imperial court during the Kaiyuan era (713–741 CE).50 Having
cured the illness of the Empress Dowager, the Tian brothers were believed to have
magical powers. They played lurid music to attract pestilence demons, which were
later exorcised. It was believed that these demons were so powerful that they could
not be subdued by the Eight Great Unruly Gods (Ba da chang shen 八大猖神).51
The music of puppet theatre developed distinct characteristics known as ‘puppet
tune’ (kuilei diao 傀儡調). The ‘puppet tune’ was derived from Liyuan opera. Some
of its repertoire was related to Liyuan opera. For example, there is a scene titled
‘Miao Zenong’ (苗澤弄) from the Three Kingdoms: Five Horses Defeat Cao (San
Guo Wu Ma Po Cao 三國·五馬破曹), a libretti of puppet theatre that eventually
became a short play (zhezixi 折子戲) of Liyuan opera. A scene titled Shipeng’s
Prediction (Shipeng Cai 十朋猜) in Liyuan opera’s libretto Wang Shipeng, also a
Nanxi classic, became a part of the ‘in-the-basket libretti’ (luolongbu 落籠簿) of
48
Robin Ruizendaal, “A Discovery in Fujian Province - Iron-stick Puppet Theatre”, CHIME:
Newsletter of the European Foundation for Chinese Music Research, No. 2, Autumn 1990, 32;
Børdahl, The Eternal Storyteller, 125.
49
‘Song Jun Shou Zhu Zi Yu Suwen’ (宋郡守朱子諭文) in “Min Feng” (民風), Shen Dingjun and
Wu Lianxun ed., Zhangzhou fu zhi, Taipei, Chengwen chu ban she, reprinted 1965.
50
Mary Tuen Wai Yeung, “To Entertain and Renew: Operas, Puppet Plays and Ritual in South
China, Doctoral Dissertation, The University of British Columbia, September 2007, 14.
51
Kristofer Schipper, “Jester Gods”, http://xiguan.org/Schipper/003.htm, retrieved 16 December
2014.
string puppet theatre.52 In traditional times, the ‘basket’ meant that puppeteers car-
ried their scripts and puppets in wicker baskets to every performance venue. The
difference between the ‘in-the-basket’ and ‘outside-the-basket’ libretti is that the
former referred to scripts that were frequently performed, so bringing the scripts in
a basket allowed the patron to select which libretti to perform.53 The script is bound
at the top and hung behind the puppet stage within visible sight of the puppeteers
but hidden from the audience for easy reference during performances.54 The
‘outside-the-basket libretti’ was less regularly performed and patrons would have to
make their request beforehand, as it would take the puppeteers more time to
prepare.
With regards to the use of Quanzhou puppet scripts, Huang Xijun (黃錫鈞)’s
study deserves attention here. He mentioned that the entire repertoire of Quanzhou
marionette theatre was recorded in hand-copied scripts (chaoben 抄本) which were
not usually used during rehearsals. Instead, training was mainly conducted through
the ‘transmit by mouth and teach from the heart’ method. Even when the script was
hung above the stage in performance, it only served as an aide-mémoire for puppe-
teers who were already familiar with the content for better recall. This means that
the puppeteer may glance through the script (zoubu 走簿) before the performance.
The script is filled with markings and it can be inferred that these markings serve to
remind the puppeteer of important (and quick) points before the performance.55
More importantly, Huang highlighted the relationship of the Mulian play and reli-
gious beliefs in that the arias, speech parts and ‘improvised parts’ (ziyi 自意) are
strictly adhered to and not omitted at will. The reason for this strict adherence to the
contents of the play/script is to show their respect for the deities and meet the expec-
tations of the audience.56 This description does help us to understand the different
uses of the script. In the Quanzhou case, the puppeteer has to strictly abide by the
contents of the play/script, which serves as an aide-memoire as he is expected to be
very familiar with the contents beforehand.
Given its special status in Hokkien society, string puppet theatre became an
intrinsic part of the belief system. Despite the disapproving attitude of the imperial
government, puppet troupes continued to cater to the spiritual needs of the people.57
In the first half of the nineteenth century, the most celebrated troupes in Quanzhou
were the ‘Tiger troupe’ (huban 虎班) led by Lian Tianzhang (連天章) and the
‘Dragon troupe’ by Lin Tianchi (林天池). These two troupes trained many puppe-
52
Huang Shaolong, Quanzhou ti xian mu’ouxi. Hangzhou Shi: Zhejiang renmin chubanshe, 2007,
32.
53
Ruizendaal, Marionette theatre in Quanzhou, 153.
54
Ruizendaal, Marionette theatre in Quanzhou, 162; Ye, 110–111.
55
Xijun Huang, “Quanzhou kuilei ‘Mulian’ gai shu”, Fujian Nanxi ji Mulianxi lun wen ji,
140–141.
56
Xijun Huang, “Quanzhou kuilei ‘Mulian’ gai shu”, 153.
57
Mary Yeung quoted from the ‘History of the Yuan Dynasty’ (Yuanshi 元史) that in the Yuan
dynasty led by the Mongols, puppet theatre was also restricted. It was an indication that puppet
theatre flourished so well that it had raised the concern of the ruling elite such that an oppressive
policy was executed by the Yuan court. See Mary Yeung, “To Entertain and Renew”, 51.
2.5 Glove Puppet Theatre 23
teers.58 We will also see in subsequent chapters that the liturgical role of string pup-
pet theatre is continued when it was transmitted to Taiwan, Kinmen and Singapore.
2.5 Glove Puppet Theatre
While the Chinese string puppet is manipulated with strings, some as many as
thirty-six or more, glove puppet theatre is better known as ‘cloth bag theatre’
(budaixi 布袋戲 or potehi in Hokkien). It is likened to a cloth bag, as the name sug-
gests, and the puppeteer’s hand is inserted into the puppet like a glove for manipula-
tion. In this way, the movements of the glove puppet are more restricted than the
string puppet. Sources in the Chinese imperial era did not explicitly indicate the size
of the glove puppet, however it is usually slightly bigger than the hand so that the
palm can be easily fitted into the puppet. The technique of manipulation also gives
glove puppet its other name known as ‘theatre in the hands’ (zhangzhongxi 掌中
戲). Like the string puppet, the origin of glove puppet theatre remains debatable.
Before the Qing Dynasty, sources on glove puppet theatre in Fujian are scant. There
is some mention of glove puppet theatre in the Records of Yongchun County
(Yongchun xianzhi 永春縣誌) dating back to the late Ming Dynasty (1368–1644)
during the Tianqi (天啟) era (1621–1627 CE) in Quanzhou:
During the Tianqi era of Ming Dynasty, there were two puppet troupes in Yongchun, one
was the glove puppet troupe by Li Shun (李順) and his son in Taiping village (太平村); one
was the string puppet troupe by the Zhang Sen (張森) brothers in Qingyuan village (卿園
村).59
It has been mentioned that the social standing of string puppeteers is relatively
higher because of their ritual training and capacity to communicate with the super-
natural. One example to illustrate this is given in A Record of the Millet Dream
(Meng Liang Lu 梦梁录) dated 1280 CE. In this case, the location of the string pup-
peteers was in Hangzhou (杭州), north of Fujian:
These string puppets (Xuansi kuilei 懸絲傀儡), for instance, arose with the story of Chen
Ping’s “Lifting the siege with six wonders”, and in present times, Golden String Lu (Lu Jin
Xian 盧金線), Chen Zhongxi (陳中喜), and others perform them absolutely true to life, and
combine the manipulation with rope-walking which is remarkable.60
Two other records, namely, the Records of the Prosperous (Fan Sheng Lu 繁盛
錄) and The Eastern Capital: A Record of the Dream of Hua (Dong Jing Meng
Huang Lu 東京夢華錄) also mentioned the names of puppeteers in Bianliang (汴
梁, present Kaifeng 開封) during the late Northern Song Dynasty, such as Ren
Xiao’er (任小二) of rod puppet theatre (杖頭傀儡) and Golden String Zhang
58
59
Yongchun xian zhi bian ji wei yuan hui bian, Yongchun xian zhi. Beijing: Yuwen chuban she,
1990, 783.
60
Dolby, “The Origins of Chinese Puppetry”, 113.
(Zhang Jin Xian 張金線).61 String puppeteers were often given names that reflected
people’s respect for them, such as the term ‘Golden String’ quoted in these sources.
By contrast, glove puppeteers were given animals’ names, such as the famous ‘Five
Tiger Troupes’ (Wuhu ban 五虎班) in Quanzhou during the Tongzhi (同治 1862–74
CE) and Guangxu (光緒, 1875–1908 CE) eras of the Qing Dynasty. The puppeteers
were named ‘Master Pig’ or ‘Golden Pig’ (Zhu Shi 豬師), ‘Master Dog’ (Gou Shi
狗師) or ‘Silver Dog’ (Yin Gou 銀狗), Elephant He (He Xiang 何象), Chicken
Wang (Wang Ji 王雞) and Leopard Chen (Chen Bao 陳豹).62 While these nick-
names might not be the real names of the glove puppeteers, it reflected the lower
social standing of these puppeteers who were given ‘animal names’ compared to the
more prestigious titles of their counterparts in string puppetry. By the late nine-
teenth century, glove puppet theatre was also increasingly regarded as an important
form of entertainment, especially in celebratory festivals held at village temples.
Compared to the exorcistic function of string puppet, glove puppet theatre was
mainly for the entertainment of deities.
2.6 Gaojia opera
As mentioned before, Liyuan opera is one of the oldest forms of Hokkien theatre in
southern Fujian. It remained a dominant theatrical genre until it was challenged by a
new form of opera in the nineteenth century. Scholars have argued that the main rea-
son for the decline of Liyuan opera was its absence of fighting and acrobatic scenes.63
Gaojia opera, the new theatrical genre, was known for its spectacular martial arts.
By the nineteenth century, the emergence of Gaojia opera was a result of earlier
theatrical developments that began during the late Ming and early Qing period.
Scholars have generally classified three phases of development—Song Jiang drama (
宋江戲), He Xing drama (合興戲) and finally Gaojia opera (高甲戲).64 Although
Gaojia opera went through these phases of development, it should be noted that this
new opera form constantly absorbed from theatrical forms that existed at its time of
development, including opera and puppet theatre. This situation reminds one of the
Shanghai opera (Huju) of the early twentieth century, which also incorporated the
performance style and music of other dramatic traditions.65 In contrast to the stock
61
Dolby, 115, cf. Fan Sheng Lu (Records of the Prosperous), 123–124 and Dong Jing Meng Huang
Lu (The Eastern Capital: A Record of the Dream of Hua), Chapter 5, 137; Chapter 6, 173; and
Chapter 7, 206.
62
Shen Chi-sheng, Jinjiang Nanpai zhangzhong mu’ou tan gai, Fuzhou: Hai xia wen yi chu ban
she, 1998, 8.
63
Van der Loon, The Classical Theatre, 15–16.
64
Bai Yonghua and Li Longpao, Gaojiaxi, 11–12; Cai Xin Xin (Tsai Hsin Hsin), “Gaojiaxi
yuanyuan xingcheng yu yishu fazhan zhi kaoshu”, 2002 Liangan xiqu dazhan xueshu yantaohui
lunwenji (Yilan Xian Wujie xiang: Guoli chuantong yishu zhongxin, 2003), 419–421.
65
Jonathan Stock, ‘Learning “Huju” in Shanghai, 1900–1950: Apprenticeship and the Acquisition
of Expertise in a Chinese Local Opera Tradition’, 2.
2.7 Song Jiang Drama 25
performances of Liyuan opera where minor change is allowed, the relative flexibility
of Gaojia opera may have contributed to the adoption of a bare outline. This provides
more leeway for the performer to improvise in line with the sequence of scenes. A brief
historical background of Gaojia opera based on the three phases is provided below.
2.7 Song Jiang Drama
Song Jiang drama (Songjiangxi 宋江戲) was believed to have derived from the Song
Jiang Battle Array (Songjiangzhen 宋江陣) that emerged during the late Ming and
early Qing period.66 The Song Jiang Battle Array was likened to a spectacular street
procession filled with acrobatics, loud celebratory music and energetic dance. This
remarkable display also conformed to the celebratory mood of ‘festivals to welcome
the gods’ (yingshen saihui 迎神賽會), popular in Hokkien religious culture.67 It
comprised mostly martial/military plays such as Song Jiang Kills Xi (Song Jiang
sha Xi 宋江殺惜), Wu Song Kills his Sister-in-law (Wu Song sha Sao 武松殺嫂) and
Forced Retreat to Mount Liang (Bishang liangshan 逼上梁山), which were inspired
by stories of the Water Margin (Shui Hu Zhuan 水滸傳).68 Given the popularity of
Water Margin, the Song Jiang drama would also appeal to the Hokkien audience.
Fond of practising martial arts for self-defence against pirates, the doughty nature
of the Hokkien brought about the rise of Song Jiang drama. The story of the Water
Margin, in particular, greatly inspired them.69 The term ‘Song Jiang’ in this dramatic
form refers to Song Jiang, who is the lead character in Water Margin. He was believed
to be a real-life character involved in the Fang La peasant uprising from 1120 to 1122
CE. His headquarters were in the marshes located near Liangshan (梁山).70 The array
was associated with the battle tactic used by Song Jiang.71 Known for his superb
battle tactics, Koxinga (Zheng Chenggong 鄭成功 1624–1662), an eminent figure
who was well-known in China, Taiwan and Kinmen during the seventeenth century,
was believed to have adopted the Song Jiang Battle Array in his battle training.72
66
The word ‘drama’ is used here for the Song Jiang and He Xing type of performances, both of
which were believed to be the prototypes of Gaojia opera. The reason for this term is to denote its
prototypic development that may not have complete musical accompaniment compared to opera.
There are different theories to explain what led to the establishment of Song Jiang drama. I have
chosen the ‘Song Jiang Battle array’ theory because it is best substantiated by sources (cited above)
and factual evidence such as the threat of maritime ban faced by the Hokkien during the Ming era.
67
Gaojiaxi yu shuihu wenhua yanjiu, 8–9; Tsai Hsin Hsin, “Gaojiaxi yuan yuan xing cheng yu yi
shu fa zhan zhi kao shu”, 419.
68
Gaojiaxi yu shuihu wenhua yanjiu, 14.
69
Tsai Hsin Hsin, “Gaojiaxi yuanyuan xingcheng yu yishu fazhan zhi kaoshu”, 440–442.
70
Graham Seal, Outlaw Heroes in Myth and History, 19.
71
Chengan Chin et al, “The Evolution of Song-Jiang Battle Array and the Relationship between
Song-Jiang Battle Array and the Rural Society of Southern Taiwan, Asian Culture and History,
Vol. 2, No. 2, July 2010, 121.
72
Hu Lihong, “Minnan diqu Song Jiang zhen xian Zhuang”, Masters’ Thesis, Wuhan Institute of
Physical Education, 2007, 8.
2.8 He Xing Drama
The first phase of development in the evolution of Gaojia opera was Song Jiang
drama as discussed above. A second phase developed two centuries after ‘He Xing
Drama’ (合興戲) became popular. There are two theories explaining the rise of this
new dramatic form. One theory is based on its absorption from various operatic
genres including a form of drama known as ‘Zhu Ma’ (竹馬) popular in Zhangzhou
(漳州). ‘Zhu Ma’ is so named because the performers had paper horses suspended
on their bodies and held bamboo poles. It is believed that He Xing drama emerged
during the mid-nineteenth century as a result of collaboration between Song Jiang
actors and their Zhu Ma counterparts.73 He Xing drama also incorporated some of
the performance traits of ‘Siping drama’ (四平戲) derived from Jiangxi, which
became popular in southern Fujian during the eighteenth century.74 Another theory
claims that actors of Song Jiang drama collaborated with performers who had
returned from overseas. While the exact derivation of the He Xing drama remains
unclear, a troupe known as ‘San He Xing’ troupe (三合興) was established.75 ‘San
He Xing’ was the earliest troupe to perform in Singapore in 1840.76 From the dis-
cussion above, we can see that Gaojia opera absorbed stylistic traits and repertoire
from various dramatic genres to develop into a rich theatrical tradition.
Hong Pu (洪埔), a veteran actor of Siping drama, was believed to have revolu-
tionized the repertoire of He Xing drama.77 He Xing drama specialized in themes on
loyalty (zhong 忠), filial piety (xiao 孝), integrity (jie 節) and righteousness (yi 義).
The repertoire comprised mainly plays relating to fictionalized and historical events,
such as Zhao Kuangyin Travels to the Southern Tang Kingdom (Zhao Kuangyin Xia
Nan Tang 趙匡胤下南唐), Kong Ming presents the Western City (Kong Ming Xian
Xicheng 孔明獻西城), The Various States of Eastern Zhou (Dong Zhou Lieguo 東
周列國) and so on. These plays later became the ‘fixed’ repertoire (dingxing jumu
定型劇目) of Gaojia opera and played a significant role in enriching the content,
character roles and music (both civil and martial) of this new form of opera.78
Although Song Jiang drama had diminished in importance, this early form con-
tinued to coexist with He Xing drama. Song Jiang drama was regarded as a prereq-
uisite for performers wanting to learn He Xing drama. The repertoire of Song Jiang
drama had by this stage become ‘fixed’, which was known as ‘repertoire inside the
bucket’ (tongneixi 桶内戲). Performers of He Xing drama were required to learn
this fixed repertoire. On the contrary, repertoire of the newer He Xing drama was
73
Fujian sheng difangzhi bianji weiyuanhui bian, Fujian sheng zhi, xi qu zhi, Beijing: Fangzhi
chubanshe, 2000, 16.
74
Bai Yonghua and Li Longpao, Gaojiaxi, 19.
75
Tsai Hsin-Hsin, “Gaojiaxi yuan yuan xing cheng yu yi shu fa zhan zhi kao shu”, 421.
76
Bai Yonghua, “Zhan zhuan dongnanya: Gaojiaxi hai wai bai nian (1840–1940)”, Fujian luntan,
Renwen shehui kexueban, Vol. 8 (2011), 65.
77
Tsai Hsin-Hsin, “Gaojiaxi yuanyuan xingcheng yu yishu fazhan zhi kaoshu”, 420.
78
Bai and Li, Gaojiaxi, 20–21.
2.8 He Xing Drama 27
known as ‘repertoire outside the bucket’ (tongwaixi 桶外戲) that comprised play
outlines or literally ‘table of scenes’ (mubiaoxi).79
The existence of a basic outline indicated that there was room for creativity and
improvisation. There was a constant demand for new plays and veteran performers
did not require texts because they were very familiar with theatrical convention
including the tunes used for a certain theme.80 This outline could be ‘filled in’ by
experienced performers which made it easier to create new plays.
When Gaojia opera began to take form, its repertoire consisted of a combination
of the fixed libretti and play outlines. Despite having these two types of perfor-
mances, it is important to note that the key method for transmission was through the
‘transmit by mouth and learn from the heart’ technique. This mode of transmission
is fundamental in all theatrical traditions, regardless of whether performances are
script-based or extemporized. It also inherited the characteristics of earlier dramatic
genres—Song Jiang and He Xing—in that it comprised a rich combination of both
civil and military plays. The fixed repertoire comprised mainly librettos that had
been completed in the early stages and had a comprehensive convention comprising
singing, speech, stage movements and acrobatics/fighting scenes. The music also
consisted of both the civil and martial varieties, including string and percussion
instruments. There was a fixed assignment of character roles and performances
based on a relatively fixed repertoire that had a sense of uniformity and which could
not be freely altered. Different troupes trained under a different teacher could pres-
ent the same performance with a uniform set of stylistic presentations. The libretti
passed down for generations allows for the preservation of a ‘canonized’ repertoire.
This situation bears some resemblance with the stock performances of Liyuan
opera. Some of the libretti include Song Taizu Trapped in the Eastern River (Song
Taizu Kun Hedong 宋太祖困河東) and Chen Qingyong Crosses the Great Gold
Bridge (Chen Qingyong Guo Dajinqiao 陳慶鏞過大金橋). Chen Qingyong is a
traditional libretto of Gaojia opera, not seen in other theatrical genres.81
From this we see that with the passage of time, the content of an older repertoire
will eventually become less susceptible to changes, including its arias and storyline.
Little or no change is allowed in this case. This situation had become quite similar
to that of Liyuan opera, the older theatrical form. By contrast, newly created libretti
have a greater capacity to allow for changes. This flexibility was also influenced by
the social context. As we will see later, this became a practice for Gaojia opera as
they catered for a larger and more urbanized audience in grand theatres (xiyuan 戲
院) of Nanyang.82
Before the troupes travelled to Nanyang, the traditional repertoire was still used.
This repertoire required a definite set of characters and each performer was
assigned a specific character. This meant that if one performer was not present, the
79
Fujian sheng zhi, xi qu zhi, 33.
80
The idea of the constant demand for new plays is cited from Idema, “The Many Shapes of
Medieval Chinese Plays”, 324–325.
81
Bai and Li, Gaojiaxi, 32–33.
82
Bai, “Zhanzhuan dongnanya: Gaojiaxi haiwai bai nian (1840–1940)”, 64.
play could not be staged. In the mid-Qing period, a troupe named ‘Fu Jin Xing’ (
福金興) encountered this problem when one of the performers did not turn up. To
solve this vexing situation, they decided to alter the traditional performance style
and allowed each actor to perform more than one character.83 This example indi-
cated that the actors were prepared to diverge from the theatrical tradition to adapt
to the changing context. The region of Nanyang, including Singapore, provided a
new platform for Gaojia opera actors to perform as there was a substantial number
of Chinese migrants. Modern theatres were built, and because the troupes often
performed for a relatively long duration with some staying for almost a year, there
was a constant need for the creation of new plays. In addition to extempore perfor-
mances, Gaojia opera actors also sourced material from literary genres like ‘chap-
ter novels’ (zhanghui xiaoshuo 章回小說) to create new plays.84 This indicated
that the sources for inspiration were rather diverse, including the use of stage out-
line and improvisation, and the use of written sources.
By the nineteenth century, Gaojia opera, better pronounced as ‘Kau-kah’ in the
Hokkien vernacular, began to mature into an operatic genre. However, before 1949,
the term ‘Gaojia’ (高甲) did not appear. Various terms were used to denote this
opera form. These terms relate to Hokkien linguistic usage that are similar in pro-
nunciation but carry different meanings. According to one saying, the ‘Nine
character-roles’ (Káu kah/Káu kak in Hokkien 九甲/九角) derived from the ‘seven-
child’ or ‘seven-actor’ roles in Liyuan opera. Two types of painted faces were later
added to form the nine character-roles.85 These include the male (sheng 生), female
(dan 旦), painted face (jing 淨) comprising red painted face (hongbei 紅北) and
black painted face (heibei 黑北), clown (chou 丑), bearded male (mo 末), elderly
female (tie 貼), supporting role that plays the miscellaneous roles (wai 外) and vil-
lain (shumei 豎眉). On the other hand, the term ‘armour and dagger’ (Gejia 戈甲)
denoted the military costumes and weapons used on stage.86 Another reference was
‘standing high on stage and wearing armour’ (Deng gaotai chuan huijia 登高臺穿
盔甲, or 高甲 in abbreviated form) as Gaojia opera was known for its military plays.
Finally, when Gaojia opera spread to Nanyang during the nineteenth century, it won
great acclaim and was regarded as ‘high quality and A-grade’ (Gaodeng jiadeng 高
等甲等, shortened as 高甲) by the overseas Chinese (Fujian sheng 2000, 33).
While the representative musical style of Liyuan opera and puppet theatre was
the ‘Quan qiang’ of Nanyin/Nanguan, Gaojia opera absorbed influences from other
sources to enrich its performance and cater to the changing demands of its patrons.
For example, it incorporated the already well-established ‘puppet tune’ (kuileidiao)
of the string puppet theatre in southern Fujian, notably Quanzhou. The ‘puppet
tune’ is believed to be influenced by Liyuan opera and in turn made an impact on
Gaojia opera.87 We can see that various opera and puppet genres influenced one
83
Bai and Li, Gaojiaxi, 33.
84
85
Zhuang Changjiang, Quannan Xi Shi Gou Chen, 136.
86
Fujian sheng zhi, xiqu zhi, 33.
87
2.9 Conclusion: Setting Sail to New Lands 29
another depending on what was deemed suitable and necessary for continued sur-
vival. This interaction between opera and puppet genres not only applied to the
music but to the performance style as well. As Gaojia opera began to mature as an
opera form complete with makeup, music, singing, stage movements and storyline,
it also developed a distinctive trait of featuring the clown character. This character
role later became an essential symbol of Gaojia opera. The diverse types of the
clown character further indicated its significance, most notably the ‘puppet clown’
(kuileichou 傀儡丑), which drew from both string puppet and glove puppet perfor-
mance techniques. The hilarious movements of the clown character not only made
it more popular but also elevated the status of the clown in Chinese opera. This well-
known trait was extended to Nanyang as well.88
Liyuan opera faced intense competition from the newer Gaojia opera, which had
a rich repertoire of both civil and martial plays and could appeal to a wider audi-
ence. Its ability to create innovative and extempore plays to meet the demands of the
audience also proved to be more effective than the more conservative Liyuan opera
that focused on stock performances. While there is no evidence that Liyuan opera
was a popular form of street entertainment in British Singapore during the pre-
independence era (before 1965), Gaojia opera certainly had a long-standing pres-
ence from the 1840s up till the 1930s. In discussing these operatic forms, I surmise
that a greater exposure to urbanization, commercialization and overseas migration
contributed to a more open approach to cater to the overseas Hokkien community.
However, despite the flexibility to adapt to the changing contexts, Gaojia opera
proved no match for another new opera form—Gezai opera—that emerged from
Taiwan. The former faced increasing competition when Gezai opera troupes were
also invited to perform in Southeast Asia. This will be discussed in Chap. 3 “Across
the Seas”.
2.9 Conclusion: Setting Sail to New Lands
Distinction has been made between the theatre sponsored by the elite and their cor-
respondent lineages and those favoured by the masses. Plays sponsored by these
elites were usually performed in ancestral temples and tended to be more restrictive
in content. However, the Hokkien plays were closer to ‘popular culture’ favoured by
the greater masses and were often anti-elite, or even anti-Confucian in content.
These plays often portrayed themes of romance, martial prowess and the supernatu-
ral. As we will see in the next chapter, the performing environment in Taiwan was
88
The late Gwee Bock Huat (b. 1923) was a third generation Gaojia opera performer in Malaya and
Singapore. His grandfather and father were also Gaojia opera performers invited to perform in
Malaya. His grandfather inherited the ‘Fu An Xing’ (福安興) troupe in 1910 which was later
renamed as ‘Fu Yong Xing’ (福永興) by his father. Gwee Bock Huat also mentioned the high
status of the clown in Gaojia opera. Interview of Gwee Bock Huat, National Archives of Singapore,
Accession Number 002985/19/02, 39.
to some extent less restrictive during the initial period of Japanese colonization
(1895–1936 CE).89 Both Gaojia opera and Gezai opera also received relatively more
freedom in the content of their plays when troupes travelled to Nanyang.
Wenzhou, the home of Nanxi, was close to Fujian and prompted the transmission
of this earliest theatrical form to various parts of Fujian. Nanxi had a significant
impact on Liyuan opera, the oldest form of Hokkien theatre in the region. Although
there were some variations due to the influence of Nanguan music, Nanxi still
strongly influenced Liyuan opera. The use of the qupai system is observed in the
theatrical genre.
Liyuan opera was the classical theatre of southern Fujian and remained uncon-
tested until the nineteenth century. However, Liyuan opera later faced competition
from a newer opera form—Gaojia opera. The reason given for the downfall of
Liyuan opera was the lack of fighting and martial scenes because its performances
mainly consisted of civil plays. Gaojia opera, on the other hand, had martial plays
that could appeal to the Hokkien population, who were known for their doughty
nature. It was believed that the love for martial arts was a result of rampant piracy
in the area, so locals had to resort to learning martial arts for self-defence.90 The
incorporation of martial plays was also related to the early phases of Gaojia opera’s
development. The first phase of development was Song Jiang drama, believed to
emerge from the Song Jiang array, a battle strategy used by Song Jiang, a character
in the Water Margin. Gaojia opera diverged from the stock performances of Liyuan
opera and this was further enhanced by the social development in Nanyang.
However, as time passed, the classical plays of Gaojia opera became part of the
‘fixed repertoire’ and performers had to strictly adhere to the libretto with little
improvisation allowed. This situation is reminiscent of the stock performances of
Liyuan opera. Despite this similarity, Gaojia opera was constantly adapting to the
changing demands of the audience. Particularly during its transmission in nine-
teenth century Nanyang, the establishment of modern theatres and the enthusiastic
welcome by the overseas Chinese prompted an increasing need to create new plays.
In response to this demand, Gaojia opera actors altered their performance style by
using stage outlines. The stage outline was a skeletal framework and it was up to the
performer to create his singing and speech parts. This provided flexibility for Gaojia
opera to create new plays with less restriction.
As for the music, Nanyin was the representative music of Quanzhou that influ-
enced the theatrical forms in southern Fujian and hence also known as Quan qiang.
As will be covered in Chap. 3, this musical style was different from Gezai opera that
emerged from folk songs. Folk songs were often sung in a leisurely mode, which
89
After the Second Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937, the Japanese colonizers adopted a policy
of imperialization (komika in Japanese, huangminghua 皇民化) that affected the development of
Taiwanese theatre, including Gezai opera. See Hsiao-Mei Hsieh, “Music from a Dying Nation:
Taiwanese opera in China and Taiwan during World War II, Asian Theatre Journal, Vol. 27, No. 2
(Fall 2010), 278–279.
90
Ding Kaipeng, Gaojiaxi yu shuihu wenhua yanjiu, Masters Dissertation, Xiamen University,
May 2014, 7.
References 31
influenced the musical system of Gezai opera. The music of Gezai opera is best
represented by the ‘seven-character tune’ (qizidiao 七字調), which consists of four
lines with seven characters in each line. In comparison to the Nanyin system, there
is less restriction in terms of tone, rhythm and melody. I have mentioned earlier that
a strict musical system meant that lyrics were usually created by music specialists
beforehand and could not be done by performers ad libitum. However, the ‘folksy’
nature of Gezai opera allowed the performer to do so quite at will. Its colloquial
nature also appealed greatly to the audience in Nanyang, and Gezai opera was well
received not just by mainland Hokkien but also those who could understand the
language, including the local-born Chinese who spoke a mixture of English,
Hokkien and Malay languages.
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Chapter 3
Across the Seas
While the sea was a vital source of international trade and income for the local
population in coastal Fujian, we also see an increasing proportion that sojourned out
of their home country. Back then, migration was not an entirely pleasant and
smooth-riding experience, as these sojourners were often forced out due to poor
circumstances back home and travelling on the rough seas was a risky venture. Such
circumstances were intensified by the various policies implemented by the Chinese
authorities. Though far away from the central government, political developments
were strongly felt among the local population in southern Fujian. The relatively
open-minded attitude of rulers during the Song and Yuan dynasties facilitated trade
and international imports, notably in Quanzhou, which the people depended on
heavily for survival.1 Policies implemented by the ensuing Ming Dynasty (1368–
1644 CE), including the maritime ban in 1372 and highly restricted commercial
activities and movements at sea, meant that prosperity in southern Fujian was expe-
riencing a downturn. Despite the resurgence during the sixteenth century, the local
population suffered from various conflicts with the central government and resources
were increasingly depleting due to overpopulation and drastic decline in rice
imports.2 Even more drastically impactful was the coastal evacuation imposed dur-
ing early Qing rule, forcing more Hokkiens to look for opportunities beyond their
homeland.
For the theme of “Crossing the seas” in this chapter, the concept of ‘diaspora’
will be highlighted.3 ‘Diaspora’ is sometimes used interchangeably with ‘huaqiao’
1
Eduard B. Vermeer, “The Expansion of the Fukienese in the Late Ming Period”, Taiwan: A New
History: 47–48, 55.
2
Eduard B. Vermeer, “The Expansion of the Fukienese in the Late Ming Period”, Taiwan: A New
History: 47–48; Ng Chin-Keong, Trade and Society, 4.
3
The use of ‘diaspora’ considers Kevin Kenny’s caution of setting the conditions to explain the
concept. Kenny suggested to use diaspora in relation to involuntary migration, origins and nature
of migration, and interconnections between the diasporic communities. See Kevin Kenny,
Diaspora: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press 2013, 12–14.

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1834-4_3
34 3 Across the Seas
(overseas Chinese) or ‘huaren’. Unlike the case in Singapore, the Hokkien commu-
nities residing in Taiwan and Kinmen do not fit or resist the definition of diaspora,
huaqiao or huaren. By problematizing the concept of ‘diaspora’, this discussion
aims to exemplify the similarities, such as interconnections between communities in
Taiwan, Kinmen and Singapore who shared a common place of origin as well as
underscore the differences in perception of identity, and attachment to the site of
origin, in this case, refers to southern Fujian. By exemplifying the complexity of the
networks between these sites, this study hopes to offer a refreshing perspective of
Hokkien theatre as its existence was dependent on migratory flows for transmission
and development shaped by the constant interactions between these communities.
The Hokkien people in these selected sites, because of their status as the majority
population in the respective host societies, did not suffer as much discrimination
compared to their counterparts elsewhere.4 Despite so, these communities con-
stantly adapted to the local contexts for sustainability. In other words, this study
suggests that Hokkien theatre should not be studied as a priori but rather its various
forms were deeply embedded and influenced by broader social, cultural and politi-
cal factors. The interconnections between these sites also accentuate the signifi-
cance of adopting a regional approach to study the theatrical forms of these Hokkien
communities.
The three sites to be discussed varied distinctively as they underwent a period
of foreign colonization and/or political control. For the initial “transplantation” of
Hokkien theatrical forms from southern Fujian to these sites during the migration
period, the timeline is set to facilitate discussion. For Taiwan and Kinmen, discus-
sion will begin from the late Ming dynasty when Koxinga claimed control over
these two sites until World War Two ended Japanese colonization and led to the
establishment of Republic of China (ROC) in 1949. For Singapore, discussion
will commence from the late nineteenth century of the late Qing dynasty where it
came under British colonization up to 1965 when the island-state gained its inde-
pendence. The late modern periods witnessed the formation of colonial sites, par-
ticularly for Taiwan and Singapore, which then underwent dramatic changes
during the outbreak of World War Two (1937–1945). For Singapore, the period
from 1945 to 1965 marked an era of anti-colonial nationalism and major political
shifts that resulted in a gradual change within the migrant Chinese (Hokkien)
community, from viewing themselves as subjects of China to becoming settlers
and eventually as citizens of Singapore. This chapter will discuss how the differ-
ing socio-political developments in these societies moulded the development of
Hokkien theatre.
4
For example, in the Philippines, a significant Hokkien population had resided there as early as the
seventeenth century. The Spanish colonization had often clashed with the populace and resulted in
massacres. See Lucille Chia, “The Butcher, the Baker, and the Carpenter: Chinese Sojourners in
the Spanish Philippines and Their Impact on Southern Fujian (Sixteenth-Eighteenth Centuries)”,
Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 49, No. 4, Maritime Diasporas in
the Indian Ocean and East and Southeast Asia (960–1775), 2006, 509–534.
3.1 Taiwan: A Succession of ‘Colonial’ Encounters 35
3.1 Taiwan: A Succession of ‘Colonial’ Encounters
In lieu of delivering a thick narrative of the chronological development of Hokkien

theatrical forms in Taiwan, this section has selected representative periods—Koxin-
ga’s rule through annexation of the Dutch (1661–1683), Manchu’s control (1683–
1895) and Japanese colonization (1895–1945) for discussion. Particularly for the
second and third phases, a comparative analysis of the development of Hokkien
theatre with Singapore, which is less studied, will be included.
Situated about 150 kilometres off the southeastern coast of China, the Han
Chinese population in Taiwan was sparse until the turn of the seventeenth century.
The Dutch was regarded as the first colonial power to claim political control over
the island. In 1624, the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oost-Indische
Compagnie or VOC) established their base in southwestern Taiwan. Although Dutch
colonizers accepted Han immigration, the aborigines inhabiting Taiwan were
deployed to complement Dutch forces in controlling the Han population, which was
increasing rapidly.5
Various prominent characters played significant roles in the mass migration of
the population from south China. Though contested as a historical or fictitious fig-
ure, Yan Siqi (顏思齊), who is better known as Pedro China after having converted
to Christianity to facilitate his trading ventures in Manila, was one example.6 When
Yan reached Taiwan in 1621, he was believed to have set foot on Tainan.7 Establishing
himself by the coast to conduct maritime trade, Yan was determined to prevent
pirates from disruption. He instructed his subordinates to come to Taiwan to open
up lands for farming, which also attracted people from Fujian to travel to the island
for a better living. Another personality was Zheng Zhilong (鄭芝龍) alias Nicholas
Iquan, who is the father of Koxinga. Zheng spent some time working for the Dutch.
He took over as the new pirate chief in Taiwan when Yan Siqi passed away in 1625.8
Again like his predecessor, Zheng recruited people, numbering tens of thousands
suffering from hunger in southern Fujian, to Taiwan. Zheng provided these settlers
with cash, cows and farming land.9 The relatively large influx of population from
south China to Taiwan also meant that the migrants brought some of their home
5
Melissa J. Brown, “Where Did the Aborigines Go? Reinstating Plains Aborigines in Taiwan’s
History”, Is Taiwan Chinese? The Impact of Culture, Power, and Migration on Changing Identities,
University of California Press, 2004, 36–37.
6
José Eugenio Borao Mateo, The Spanish Experience in Taiwan 1626–1642: The Baroque Ending
of a Renaissance Endeavour, Hong Kong University Press, 2009, 138.
7
Qin Sixia, “Ming Zheng shiqi Taiwan ruxue de chuanli jiqi neihan yanjiu”, Masters dissertation,
Fujian Shifan Daxue, 8.
8
James K. Chin, “A Hokkien maritime empire in the East and South China Seas, 1620–83,
S. Amirel, L. Müller, Stefan Eklöf Amirell eds. Persistent Piracy: Maritime Violence and State-
Formation in Global Historical Perspective, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014, 95.
9
Huang Zongyi (黄宗義) Taiwan wenxian congkan-ci xing shi mo, No. 25, Taibei: Taiwan yinhang
jingji yanjiushi bian, 1958, 76; Young-tsu Wong, China’s Conquest of Taiwan in the Seventeenth
Century: Victory at Full Moon, Springer, 2017, 42.
culture along. Between 1624 and 1661, theatrical entertainment would have existed,
particularly by those who could afford the expenses:
The official He Bin…built two theatrical stages in his residential compound, and ordered
his subordinates to purchase from mainland China two troupes of child actors who could
sing in Mandarin and some theatrical robes. If there were friends who visited his residence,
a banquet would be thrown with the performance of theatrical shows or singing as
entertainment.10
Dutch sources, dated between 1627 and 1664, including that of Olfert Dapper
(who used the notes of Scottish traveller David Wright) and Johannes Melman, also
included some descriptions of Chinese people in Taiwan during the seventeenth
century watching theatrical shows and worshipped Chief Marshal Tian (also known
as Xianggong 相公), the patron god of theatre.11 Although very little information
can be gathered during this early period, Chinese and Dutch sources cited above
have indicated that as the Han migrant population continued to rise in Taiwan, the-
atrical forms from China, including that of southern Fujian, were brought in
gradually.
While Yan Siqi and Zheng Zhilong played pivotal roles in the recruitment of
Chinese migrants from China to Taiwan, it was Zheng’s son, Koxinga that brought
about the greatest impact on Taiwan during the late Ming-early Qing era in modern
history.12 The political development in mainland China had a strong bearing on
Taiwan given that most of its Han immigrants originated from the former. Before
the Ming empire collapsed in 1644, Zheng Zhilong’s dominant position in Xiamen,
now a significant port city and military base, served as an indicator to the Ming
government not to impose harsh trade restrictions as with their earlier predecessors.
In 1630, his son Zheng Sen (鄭森), or later known as Zheng Chenggong (鄭成功)
or Koxinga in the West, travelled from Japan to Fujian. Zheng Zhilong pledged
loyalty to the southern Ming court in Nanjing but the rise of Manchus would inevi-
tably bring about a dramatic change to the Zheng family, maritime China and mod-
ern Taiwan.13
Despite continuing his father’s leading role in the Fujian coast, Koxinga was not
quite chip of the old block. Zheng Zhilong withdrew his loyalty for the Ming ruler
and surrendered to the Manchus of the newly established Qing dynasty, which was
10
Taiwan waizhi houzhuan: Xiuxiang sao pinghai fen ji 台灣外志後傳:繡像掃平海氛記, in Lü
Su-shang呂訴上, Taiwan dianying xiju shi 台灣電影戲劇史, 台北: 銀華 1961, 163.
11
The study of Dutch sources on Chinese theatre is provided by Dutch sinologist Robin Ruizendaal.
See Luo Bin (Robin), “Helan wenxian zhong de Taiwan zaoqi xiju huodong”, Taiwan de shengyin
(yousheng ziliaoku), Shuijing yousheng chubanshe, 1995, Vol. 2, No. 2, 78–83.
12
Cheng Chi-lung’s occupation of Xiamen brought shock to Fujian province, as the port city was
also a significant military base. However, as the focus of discussion is mainly on Taiwan, I shall
not elaborate further on Cheng’s influence in Xiamen. For a more detailed description, see Young-
tsu Wong, “The Rise of Zheng Zhilong”, in China’s Conquest of Taiwan in the Seventeenth
Century, 35–56. The author also noted that “Zheng Chenggong was not the first Chinese occupier
of Taiwan; his (Koxinga) father Zheng Zhilong and Yan Siqi had ruled at least parts of it. But he
was the first to make the island become Chinese and politicized it”, see Young-tsu Wong, 105.
13
Young-tsu Wong, “The Rise of Zheng Zhilong”, 55–56.
strongly opposed by Koxinga.14 Koxinga was all set to “resist Qing and revive
Ming” (fan Qing fu Ming 反清復明) and established anti-Qing forces on the Fujian
coast. Koxinga’s upbringing as a samurai in Japan, his mother’s hometown and the
receiving of traditional Confucian education that emphasized values of loyalty were
believed to influence his individuality. These personal experiences made him a
young man well versed in civil and martial skills, particularly military training.
Koxinga was also closely linked to the Longwu (隆武) Emperor in Fuzhou and
pledged his allegiance even after the Emperor’s death in 1646.15
Zheng Zhilong was imprisoned by the Qing government not long after his sur-
render as there was no sign of his son Koxinga lessening his resistance against the
Manchus. However, by 1659, Qing forces in southeastern China were on the win-
ning end as Koxinga was drained of his military dominance and financial backing.
To make matters worse, the Qing Emperor issued an order of massive evacuation
(qianjieling 遷界令) in August 1661 with the intention of breaking Koxinga’s domi-
nance in the southeast coast. Besides setting on fire towns and villages within 10
kilometres from the shore, the entire population on the southeast coast was required
to move about 30 kilometres inland. The result, an estimated 8,500 farmers and
fishermen died between 1661 and 1663.16 With his father and other members of the
Zheng family executed by the Qing court, Koxinga was forced to find a new base—
Taiwan which still possessed some of his father’s legacy but he had to force the
already existing Dutch power out first.17
Despite the discouragement of his supporters, Koxinga was all set to use Taiwan
as a new base to support his political undertakings.18 In February 1661, he announced
his decision to move to Taiwan.19 This move was to recuperate his forces with the
intention of future counterattack against the Qing on the mainland.20 The local
Chinese population responded positively to Koxinga when he successfully landed.
This also resulted in a series of anti-Dutch riots in various parts of Taiwan, which
14
Young-tsu Wong, “Zheng Chenggong’s Politicization of the China Coast”, 57–58, 61.
15
Koxinga’s name (國姓爺 Imperial Surname Gentleman) was derived from Emperor Longwu’s
bestowing to him the imperial surname Zhu. When Emperor Longwu led troops at Yanping, he was
captured and killed at Dingzhou (汀州) in 1646. See Young-tsu Wong, “Zheng Chenggong’s
Politicization of the China Coast”, 59–62.
16
Melissa J. Brown, “Where Did the Aborigines Go?”, 41; Young-tsu Wong, “Zheng Chenggong’s
Politicization of the China Coast”, 80.
17
Young-tsu Wong, “Zheng Chenggong’s Politicization of the China Coast”, 80.
18
Zhengshi shiliao xubian 鄭氏史料初編, vol. 10, 1962, 1251–1264; Zhengshi shiliao sanbian 鄭
氏史料三編, vol. 1, 1963, 3–6. Above sources cited in Young-tsu Wong, 95.
19
See Yang Ying, Yanpingwang huguan Yang Ying congzheng shilu, 148–49, in Young-tsu Wong,
97–98.
20
Yang Ying 楊英, Yanpingwang huguan Yang Ying congzheng shilu 延平王戶官場楊英從征實
錄 (The account of the quartermaster Yang Ying’s campaign with Zheng Chenggong, the King of
Yanping), Taibei, Zhongyang yanjiu yuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo, a reprint of 1931, 148–49; Yang
Ying, Congzheng shilu 從征實錄, Raiwan wenxian congkan, no. 32, 184–185; Yu Zongxin 余宗
信ed., Ming Yanpingwang Taiwan haiguo ji 明延平王台灣海國紀, Shanghai: The Commercial
Press, 1937, 69–70, above sources cited in Young-tsu Wong, 98.
sent the Dutch colonialists to retreat to Fort Provintia (Sakam or Chihkan 赤崁城 in
Tainan) and Fort Zeelandia (now Anping Fort 安平古堡).21 The fierce fight, com-
prising well-trained soldiers and joined by former Dutch slaves and aborigines,
helped Koxinga manoeuvre quickly and gain control of the interior. Koxinga’s insis-
tence that Taiwan belonged to (Ming) China meant that all attempted negotiations
by the Dutch failed.22 Standing on the defence at Zeelandia but crippled by inade-
quate reinforcements from Dutch-colonized Batavia (present Jakarta) and lack of
support of the local population, the Dutch surrendered in January 1662.23
Once Koxinga gained control of Taiwan, he continued with his anti-Qing plan.
Like his insistence to the Dutch that Taiwan belonged to the Chinese, he imple-
mented a policy of Sinicization.24Under Koxinga, Taiwan became intimately linked
to the mainland in the social, political and cultural aspects. As mentioned earlier of
the coastal evacuation of 1661 that brought disastrous consequences on Fujian, its
people were said to be taken in by Koxinga who then encouraged them to open up
lands for farming.25 The two representative forts—Zeelandia and Provintia once
occupied by the Dutch—were renamed Anping and Sakam, respectively. The latter
was again renamed as “Ming Eastern Capital” (Dongdu Mingjing東都明京), which
was symbolic of Ming loyalism as Xiamen in southern Fujian was given the name
“Ming Memorial Prefecture” (Simingzhou 思明州) in 1655. The use of the late
Yongli Emperor’s title and his calendar was continued, as well as Ming-style dress-
ing and customs.26 It was likely that not long after Koxinga’s annexation of the
Dutch and as momentary peace ensued, the Chinese population continued with their
custom of staging theatrical shows during festive seasons:
Whenever there is a happy occasion in someone’s residence, village gatherings or public
memorial service for the deceased, there will first be theatrical shows which has been a
custom. The women loved them, despite being typically frugal, they would not hesitate to
spend money on these shows.27
However, not long after his successful control of Taiwan, Koxinga passed away
suddenly at the age of 39 on 23 June 1662 with the cause of his death debatable till
21
Campbell, Formosa under the Dutch Rule, 420–421; Badaweiya cheng riji, 254–56, in Young-tsu
Wong, 100.
22
Zheng Chenggong shoufu Taiwan shiliao xuanbian, 153–154; Badaweiya cheng riji, 258–61,
cited in Young-tsu Wong, 101–102.
23
Campbell, Formosa under the Dutch rule, 425–458; Xie Guozhen, Nan-Ming shilue, 206; Boxer,
“The Siege of Fort Zeelandia and the Capture of Formosa from the Dutch,” 15–42, cited in Young-
tsu Wong, 104.
24
Guo Tingyi, Taiwan lishi gaishu, 55–64; Yin Zhangyi, Taiwan kaifashi yanjiu, 1–28, in Young-
tsu Wong, 105.
25
Jiang Risheng 江日升, Taiwan waiji juan sanshi 台湾外纪卷三十, Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chu-
banshe, 1983, 76.
26
Young-tsu Wong, 106.
27
Zhuluoxian zhi 諸羅縣志, 143–145, http://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=94661, accessed on
31 October 2017. The estimated period of this observation of theatrical shows being performed is
cited in Chongxiu Taiwan sheng tongzhi 重修台灣省通志 Vol. 10 Yiwenzhi, yishu pian, Taiwan
sheng wenxian weiyuanhui, 86.12, 613.
this day.28 Particularly noteworthy is the deification of this celebrated figure shortly
after his demise. He earned the deity title “Saintly Prince who opened up Taiwan”
(開臺聖王). Koxinga also became the patron deity in Taiwan, worshipped by the
locals for protection against harm and assistance during natural disasters.29 His pop-
ularity in south China and Taiwan also meant that his legend was and still is por-
trayed in various Hokkien theatrical genres.30
After Koxinga’s death, he was succeeded by his son Zheng Jing (鄭經) who
continued with his father’s ambition of resisting the Qing and reviving the Ming. As
early as 1664, Shi Lang (施琅) was determined to capture Taiwan by capturing
Penghu first and forced Zheng Jing to surrender.31 However, mistrust by the Qing
court and their officials, especially the fear of treason as Shi Lang was previously a
Ming loyalist, postponed the attack until 1682.32 Unpredictable weather, coupled
with typhoons and strong currents, also deterred the Qing from taking the offensive.
However, the Zheng empire became shaky with their retreat from the mainland
coast in 1680, and the passing of Zheng Jing in 1681 inevitably led to political tur-
moil and economic downturn. To aggravate the situation, Taiwan was plagued by an
epidemic in the north that claimed the lives of many garrison soldiers, as well as a
famine that resulted in widespread starvation.33
On the Qing side, the situation proved advantageous for them particularly
because they had Shi Lang who was once an aide of Koxinga and familiar with the
situation in Taiwan. Without the naval capability, travelling across the Taiwan straits
was a mammoth’s task. Shi Lang was regarded as the perfect candidate for this task.
Determined to take down Penghu Islands (Pescadores), Shi Lang believed it was
crucial to force the Zheng regime in Taiwan into capitulation. Zheng forces put up a
fierce fight against the Qing forces led by Shi Lang but were forced to retreat to
Taiwan in 1683. Shi Lang’s benevolence towards the captives at Penghu was
believed to accelerate the already crumbling Zheng regime.34
28
Liu Xianting, Guangyang zaji xuan, 21; Zhu’s note in Qingdai guanshu ji Ming Taiwan Zhengshi
wangshi, 5–6, in Young-tsu Wong, 106–107.
29
For a detailed description of how Koxinga is worshipped in Taiwanese temples, see Keith
Stevens, “Images on Taiwanese Temple Altars of Koxinga and His Generals, Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch, Vol. 55, 2015, 157–182. Despite his anti-Qing movement,
Kangxi Emperor of the Qing dynasty later ordered the construction of a temple in Taiwan in hon-
our of Koxinga. See Huang Zongxi 黃宗曦, Cixing shimo 賜姓始末, Taiwan wenxian congkan,
no. 25, 1858, 47, in Young-tsu Wong, 107.
30
For example, Gezai opera Kangxi builds the floating bridge to repay his mother’s kindness (康熙
君造浮橋報母恩) performed by Hsin Wu She (新舞社) in 1930 and had the Shunzhi Emperor
make a brief mention on Koxinga. See Lin Ho-Yi (Vol. 2), 198.
31
Kangxi tongyi Taiwan dang’an shiliao xuanji, pp. 50–51. See also Ruan Minxi 阮旻錫, Haishang
jianwen lu 海上見聞錄, Taiwan wenxian congkan, no. 24, 1958, 44; Xia Lin 夏琳, Minhai jiyao,
37. Above sources cited in Young-tsu Wong, 150–151.
32
Shi Weiqing, Shi Lang nianpu kaolue, 265–82, in Young-tsu Wong, 153, 161–162.
33
Peng Sunyi, Jinghai zhi, 94, in Young-tsu Wong, 166–167.
34
Young-tsu Wong, 167–175.
Zheng Keshuang (鄭克塽 1670–1707), the successor of Zheng Jing, was only 13
years old then. On 26 August 1683, Zheng Keshuang requested Zheng Dexiao (鄭
德瀟) to draft a petition for surrender. The Qing court wanted an unconditional sur-
render, including the shaving of heads which the predecessors of the Zheng regime
refused to earlier. Despite the Qing’s negligence and unwillingness to take over
Taiwan earlier, Admiral Shi Lang strongly believed that Taiwan had the potential,
both strategically and economically. Furthermore, the casualties and expenses as a
result of the Qing-Zheng conflict was a costly one as the Qing court constantly faced
menaces from potential rebels in Taiwan. The coastal evacuation, earlier used to
deter the Koxinga regime from making a comeback, had far-reaching consequences.
By driving out the rebels in Taiwan, the maritime ban could be lifted and eased the
suffering of the coastal population.35
3.2 Emergence of Qing Taiwan
Admiral Shi Lang took charge to ensure the consolidation of Qing’s takeover of
Taiwan and restored civil order. Under the Qing administration, Taiwan would be
ruled as a prefecture of Fujian province. Both the Chinese inhabitants and aborigi-
nes were assured of protection as subjects of the Qing empire. Despite the earlier
settlement of migrants from coastal China, the Qing regulation of 1683 indicated
that sojourners in Taiwan, particularly those who were unmarried, had to return
home to Fujian. Registration was required for those with wives and properties and
the desire to stay on the island. It was estimated that the population under the Zheng
regime was 120,000 but because of this change in regime and regulation, the popu-
lation dropped to below 80,000.36 By controlling family migration in early Qing rule
of Taiwan, family members of these Taiwan sojourners living in the mainland could
be kept under the Qing jurisdiction.37
Although revolts continued to emerge through the course of the late seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries, there was relative peace and people continued their reli-
gious and theatrical practices transmitted from southern Fujian to Taiwan. One
notable example was Admiral Shi Lang mentioned earlier, who played a dominant
role in the Zheng to Qing transitional rule of Taiwan. It was reported that before he
set sail on 8 July 1683 for his confrontation with Zheng forces in Penghu, he prayed
35
Yao Qisheng, “Qingkai liusheng haijin,” 277–79, in Young-tsu Wong, 188.
36
John R. Shepherd, “The Island Frontier of the Ch’ing, 1684–1780”, Murray A. Rubinstein ed.,
Taiwan: A New History, Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, ©2007, 108. Young-tsu Wong gave an even
lower figure of no more than 30,229 Fujianese (might be referring only to people from southern
Fujian) but the sudden drop in manpower pressured local officials to petition to the Qing court to
transport civilians back to Taiwan, which may result in a further increase to the proposed figure of
30,229. See Young-tsu Wong, 193–194.
37
John R. Shepherd, “The Island Frontier of the Ch’ing, 1684–1780”, 112.
3.2 Emergence of Qing Taiwan 41
to the Goddess of the Sea.38 According to the Taiwan Prefecture Gazette (Taiwan
fuzhi 台灣府志), upon his safe arrival to Taiwan and possibly after the Zhengs sur-
rendered, the Heavenly Consort Temple (天妃廟) at the Zhenbei Lane (鎮北坊)
was erected. The refurbishment of temples such as the City God Temple (城隍廟)
and Dongyue Temple (東嶽廟) in Dongan Lane (東安坊) in 1693 demonstrated the
emphasis placed on religious worship by the Chinese population in Taiwan.39 With
the proliferation of Chinese temples in the late seventeenth-century Taiwan, theatri-
cal practices as a result of various festive celebrations through the calendar year
ensued. For example, in 1695:
On the second day of the second lunar month, the earth god temples on various streets and
lanes collected money from households to slaughter animals and stage theatrical shows for
the local earth god. This is known as “request for blessings in Spring”. During mid-autumn,
the offering of sacrifices was made to the earth god. According to the ancient tradition, this
is a rite for offering sacrifices, similar to the ritual observed during the second day of the
second lunar month; blessings are requested during Spring and thanksgiving offered in
Autumn.
The term ‘temple theatre’ (shexi 社戲) appeared in this early source, which will be
continued in centuries to come.40 Another source also noted theatrical performances
in 1697, possibly marking the staging of Liyuan opera:
Members of the Pear Garden, with bun-up hair dangling at the ears, faces covered in powder
and rouge, looking like ladies. The locals addressed the Heavenly Consort as Mazu, they
named miao as gong; the Heavenly consort temple is situated near Chihkan, most ships
(stopping by the harbor) would stage theatrical shows here to express their thanksgiving. In
Fujian, Zhangzhou and Quanzhou counties are known as ‘Down South’, hence the Down
South aria is also a tune from Fujian.41
From the above quote “looking like ladies”, we can deduce that the performers of
Liyuan opera comprised an all-male group. This situation reflected the dominant
male society in Taiwan as well as the conservative custom that women were not
allowed to perform. Here we also see that Liyuan opera, one of the theatrical forms
from southern Fujian and sung in the down south aria, was transmitted to Taiwan.
Although Shi Lang promised local inhabitants, including the Chinese migrants
in Taiwan, that they would be regarded as loyal subjects of the Qing dynasty, the
relative dismissive attitude of the Qing empire meant that Chinese migrants had to
seek self-protection through lineage and compatriot networks.42 As with other
Chinese migrant societies including Singapore during the nineteenth century,
temples often became the symbolic sites for solace and mental support. Sites of
38
Shi Lang, Jinghai jishi, 27; cf. Jiang Risheng, Taiwan waiji, vol. 3, 411, in Young-tsu Wong,
167–168.
39
Taiwan fuzhi 台灣府志, Volume 2, http://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=721099, last accessed
6 November 2017.
40
Taiwan fuzhi 台灣府志, Volume 7, https://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=94661, last accessed
6 November 2017.
41
The term “Pear Garden” is used to refer to Chinese theatre in general. See Bihai Jiyou 稗海紀遊
http://www.guoxue123.com/tw/01/044/003.htm, accessed 30 Oct 17.
42
Chiu Kun-liang, Rizhi shiqi Taiwan xiju zhi yanjiu, 2.
theatrical performances that were often staged near the temples, though frowned
upon by Qing officials as the congregation of rogues and which evaded the prohib-
ited interaction between men and women,43 nevertheless, became important places
to deepen lineage and compatriot ties.
By the nineteenth century, records on theatrical performances in Qing Taiwan by
the nineteenth century were recorded more systematically and in greater detail com-
pared to the earlier periods. For example, in a gazette on Penghu (澎湖廳志) dated
around 1879:
Performances staged on the land of Penghu are known as the ‘seven-child troupe’ transmit-
ted from Quanzhou and Xiamen. They sang in the local tune and the custom was to perform
the Legend of the Lychee and the Mirror, which is fictitious in nature. The songbook is most
representative of the licentious custom, as men and women gathered to watch. Such crudity
ought to be prohibited and by allowing them to sing songs on virtues of loyalty, filial piety,
chastity and righteousness, the audience is emotionally affected as they sang along and shed
tears. This is of no benefit to the morals.44
Despite its disapproving tinge, this source demonstrated the existence of the seven-
child troupe who were a group of child actors performing Liyuan opera as men-
tioned in Chap. 2. We also know that this theatrical form was transmitted from
Quanzhou and Xiamen and the libretti Legend of the Lychee and the Mirror (Li jing
zhuan 荔鏡傳) was popular in Hokkien theatre.
The nineteenth century was also an era when local puppeteers based or born in
Taiwan began to emerge, with a handful of them learning the craft from masters in
southern Fujian. As mentioned earlier in Chap. 2, there were the famous ‘Five Tiger
Troupes’ (Wuhu ban 五虎班) of glove puppet theatre in Quanzhou during the
Tongzhi (同治, 1862–74 CE) and Guangxu (光緒, 1875–1908 CE) periods of the
Qing Dynasty. The puppeteers were named ‘Master Pig’ or ‘Golden Pig’ (Zhu Shi
豬師), ‘Master Dog’ (Gou Shi 狗師) or ‘Silver Dog’ (Yin Gou 銀狗), Elephant He
(He Xiang 何象), Chicken Wang (Wang Ji 王雞) and Leopard Chen (Chen Bao 陳
豹).45 It was believed that puppeteers in Taiwan learnt the art of puppetry from these
puppet masters, including Chen P’o (陳婆) of the Lung Feng Ko (龍鳳閣) troupe in
Wanhua (萬華) who learnt from Silver Dog, and Kang Quan (康全) of the Chin
Ch’üan (金泉) troupe based in Taipei learnt from He Xiang or Elephant He.46
According to Miscellaneous Records of Anping County (安平縣雜記), theatrical
performances continued to be staged during various festive celebrations according
to the lunar calendar. One prominent example is the ninth day of the first lunar
month that celebrated the birthday of Heavenly Emperor or Jade Emperor, the high-
est divinity in the Daoist pantheon:
43
44
Penghu ting zhi 澎湖廳志, Vol. 9 ‘Fengsu’, Taiwan congshu ben, Vol. 1, No. 7, 1968, 311 , in
Chiu Kun- Liang, Juchang yu daochang, guanzhong yu xinzhong: Taiwan xiju yu yishi lunji 劇場
與道場,觀眾與信眾—台灣戲劇與儀式論集, 61.
45
Shen Chi-sheng, Jinjiang Nanpai zhangzhong mu’ou tan gai,Fuzhou: Hai xia wen yi chu ban
she, 1998, 8.
46
Shen Chi-sheng 沈繼生, Jinjiang nanpai zhangzhong mu’ou tan gai, 8, in Ye Mingsheng, Fujian
kuileixi shi lun, 1088.
3.3 Japanese Colonization: More Chinese or Less, or Taiwanese? 43
The ninth day is the feast day of the Heavenly Emperor…During this day, every household
will light up joss sticks, candles, fire crackers and burn incense paper…For extravagant
households, they display animal and rice cake offerings and perform string puppet theatre
(kuilei, also known as string theatre, to present this to the Heavenly Emperor is regarded as
the Great rites) or Great Theatre. The Daoist priests will recite the scriptures to invite the
deity.47
The belief that ‘only the string puppet is fit for the Heavenly Emperor’ and hence
known as the “Great rites” (dali 大禮) or ‘Great Theatre’ (daxi 大戲) is vividly
described here.48 This Hokkien custom, better known as ‘Lord of Heaven theatre’
(Tiangongxi 天公戲), is still observed in Singapore today.
Various theatrical genres, including string puppet theatre, glove puppet theatre
and Liyuan opera (seven-child actors) from southern Fujian, also appeared in
Taiwan during this period:
For choushen (celebration of deities’ feast days) the string puppet troupes are invited to
sing, for both celebratory and pudu (universal salvation of the purgatory) the various troupes
performing guan yin (mandarin aria), siping (theatre that sang in the Siping aria), fulu (a
form of beiguan or northern pipe theatre), seven-child, glove puppet, laoxi (possibly theatre
comprising elderly performers), shadow puppet, cheguxi (chariot-drum theatre),
caichachang (‘picking tea leaves’ songs) and yidan (lady artisans).49
With the proliferation of theatrical genres largely ‘transplanted’ from southern

Fujian, Taiwan was forming into a micro-Hokkien/southern Fujian society.50
However, this would gradually undergo transformation, or which developed into a
culture that characterized a stronger Taiwanese flavour when the Japanese coloniz-
ers took over control of Taiwan for half a century.
3.3 J apanese Colonization: More Chinese or Less, or

Taiwanese?
At the onset of the nineteenth century, Qing Taiwan increasingly became a target of
colonial powers largely due to the connection between its agrarian economy and
international commerce. For example, in 1878, the British established a consulate at
Tamsui fort in northern Taiwan. It should be noted that as early as the seventeenth
century, when the Spanish gained dominance in Taiwan, the British made several
47
Anping xian zaji 安平縣雜記, http://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=991056, last accessed 5
November 2017.
48
Another special role played by string puppet theatre that sets it apart from opera and glove puppet
theatre is that it is deemed fit only for the Heavenly Emperor, the highest divinity in Daoist belief.
A possible reason for this is that the string puppet is seen as a manifestation of a god, as in the case
of Chief Marshal Tian. See Margaret Chan, Ritual is Theatre, 135–136.
49
Anping xian za ji, http://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=991056, last accessed 5 November
2017.
50
Hsu used the term “yi zhi” to mean the transplantation of culture and theatrical genres from
southern Fujian to Taiwan. See Hsu Ya-hsiang, Rizhi shiqi Zhongguo xiban zai Taiwan, Taipei:
Nantian shuju youxian gongsi, 1.
attempts to gain access to the island for trade.51 In 1884, efforts by the Qing authori-
ties were made to step up the island’s defences against the French’s attempt to cap-
ture the port of Keelung.52 Compared to the Western powers, Japan was a relative
latecomer to join in the colonial competition. Prior to the Meiji period (1868–1912),
Japan was in relative isolation with the outside world, particularly the West. During
the Meiji era, Japan became increasingly modernized and was determined to prove
its status as a colonizer.53 Modernization and industrialization in Meiji Japan
prompted this East Asian power to target its old trading partner—China and sites
that either had vassal relations with China or which had Chinese dominance, includ-
ing Ryukyu Islands, Korea and Taiwan.54 The outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War
(1894–1895) was largely due to the conflict between China and Japan over Korea.
Besides Korea, the Japanese were also interested in Taiwan and Penghu islands.55
As a result of China’s defeat in the war, the Treaty of Shimonoseki was signed in
April 1895 between the two powers. Taiwan and Penghu islands were ceded to
Japan, marking the start of its colonization.
Scholars working on the history of Japanese colonization of Taiwan had come up
with various classifications to suggest the distinct characteristics of each phase. In
this section, specific attention is paid to categorizations that are useful in under-
standing the development of Hokkien theatre in Taiwan: The first phase was from
1895 to 1918 marking the start of Japanese colonization up to the First World War.
The second phase of peacetime was from 1919 to 1936 which marked the end of
First World War and was also a year before the outbreak of the Second World War,
particularly in East Asia. The third phase of wartime was from 1937 to 1945 that
was characterized by a policy of imperialization (komika 皇民化), forced
assimilation and militarization to prepare Japan for the war.56 Although such catego-
rizations are useful, it should be taken with objectivity and the socio-political devel-
opments of Japan’s interaction with China, Nanyang and the West should be taken
into account.
Under the Qing authorities, Taiwan opened its doors due to Qing China’s reli-
ance on agrarian produce, which also attracted the interests of colonial powers
51
Shih-Shan Henry Tsai, “British Footprints on Taiwan: Consulates, Trading Firms, and
Presbytarian Churches”, Maritime Taiwan: Historical Encounters with the East and West, 63–86.
52
Historical Dictionary of Taiwan, 15; Robert Gardella, “From Treaty Ports to Provincial Status,
1860–1894”, Murray A. Rubinstein, Taiwan: A New History, 165.
53
During the mid-nineteenth century, Japan was forced to sign various treaties with the Americans,
British and Russians. See Piotr Olender, Sino-Japanese Naval War 1894–1895, 10. Shelley Rigger,
“Building Taiwan”, Why Taiwan Matters: Small Island, Global Powerhouse, 19.
54
Piotr Olender, Sino-Japanese Naval War 1894–1895, 14–17.
55
In 1874, the Japanese launched an expedition in southern Taiwan and this move was regarded as
an imperialist attempt that eventually worsened the conflict between Japan and China. See Robert
Gardella, “From Treaty Ports to Provincial Status, 1860–1894”, 165.
56
I refer mainly to Chiu’s model but also consider Lamley’s classification for a more balanced and
updated approach. Chiu Kun-liang, Rizhi shiqi Taiwan xiju zhi yanjiu, 9; Harry J. Lamley, “Taiwan
under Japanese Rule, 1895–1945: The Vicissitudes of Colonialism,” in Murray A. Rubinstein,
Taiwan: A New History, 203–247.
mostly with trading interests. On the other hand, Japan’s modernization, both at
home and in its newly acquired colonial state, made Taiwan even more dependent
on international commerce and in turn connect itself with the world. We will see that
especially for the first two phases, not only did theatrical troupes in Taiwan interact
closely with their ancestral hometown in mainland China, but there was also a rising
impact of a newly emerged or so-called “Made in Taiwan” theatrical form—Gezai
opera that would eventually take the south Fujian and Nanyang regions by storm.
During the initial stage of Japanese colonization, the performance of traditional
theatre in Taiwan was tolerated. However, the earlier emphasis on Taiwan as an
essentially agrarian society gradually went into a process of urbanization, which in
turn meant that theatrical forms were also driven by socio-economic forces.57
Traditional Hokkien theatre, earlier transmitted from southern Fujian, though con-
tinued during the Japanese era, was shaped by the local context and became increas-
ingly Taiwanized. Furthermore, the objective of the Japanese colonizers in Taiwan
was to break the latter’s connection with China.58 Although the emergence of
the New Drama Movement (xinju yundong 新劇運動) was significant in the devel-
opment of Taiwanese theatre, and more importantly a social construct in direct
response to the developments in Taiwan, the focus here will only be on temple the-
atre—liturgical theatre and celebratory theatre in a religious setting.59
Given the resistance against the Qing authorities before 1895, it seemed inevi-
table that the Japanese colonization experienced some defiance from unruly rebels
among the settler population.60 The majority of the population chose to be compli-
ant with the Japanese authorities, and even when a regulation was passed allowing
them to have the option of returning to mainland China by 8 May 1897 as Qing
subjects, or continued to stay in Taiwan and become Japanese citizens, a large pro-
portion chose the latter option.61 The poor response of returning to the mainland
indicated that the settler population increasingly regarded Taiwan as their
hometown.
Given that Taiwan was Japan’s first colony, there were constant debates of assim-
ilation (dōka), differential treatment of the Taiwanese or treating them as Japanese
subjects in a humane manner.62 Nevertheless, other than the third phase of komika,
liberality was the general attitude towards the religious and theatrical customs of the
57
58
Yang Du, Riju shiqi Taiwan xinju yundong, Taibei shi: Shibao wenhua, 1994, 19.
59
For a more detailed discussion of this movement, see Yang Du, Riju shiqi Taiwan xinju
yundong.
60
It was recorded that between 1898 and 1902, the casualties of anti-Japanese rebels were num-
bered 11,950. See Yukio Kiyasu (trans.) 喜安幸夫Taiwan kang ri mishi 臺灣抗日秘史, translated
by Chen Hsi 晨曦, Taibei wuling chubanshe, 1984, in Yang Du, Riju shiqi Taiwan xinju yundong,
20.
61
An estimated 23 per cent of the total population, numbering more than 6,400 people, returned to
China between 1895 and 1897. These figures did not reflect returns made illegally or unofficially.
See Harry J. Lamley, “Taiwan under Japanese Rule”, 208.
62
Harry J. Lamley, “Taiwan under Japanese Rule”, 204.
(Hokkien) population in Taiwan.63Japanese sources were an important part in under-

standing Hokkien theatre at this period. One example was the observation made by
Japanese official Magozo Sakura (佐倉孫三) in 1903:
The Taiwanese adore theatrical shows, just like the Japanese. Whenever there is a sacrificial
rite or harvest, they will stage performances as entertainment. Most performances include
Romance of the Three Kingdoms, Water Margin and Journey to the West. All performers are
male, and female performers are rare. The stages are often temporarily erected, and the
structure is likened to our kagura-den (hall for entertaining the gods). 64 The sound of play-
ing the bamboo (flute), and striking the drum and gong, is deafening. The male performers
are big in size, with tall hats and long beards, their movements are swift and perform sword-
dance; (the scenes) likened to the Feast at Hongmen, or Banquet of the Three Kingdoms,
presenting a demeanor of bravery and filled with expression. Watching without understand-
ing is like scratching the outside of the boot.65
Despite his lack of understanding of the performance, Magozo Sakura was able to
depict the sights and sounds of the theatrical activities. We also see that during this
period of Japanese rule, the theatrical industry is still male-dominated.
Revolts were a constant menace in Qing Taiwan and persisted when the Japanese
took over. By 1915, the Japanese authorities in Taiwan, however, were credited with
their successful pacification.66 Meanwhile, Taiwanese living in the urban areas
began to display acceptance of Japanese presence.67 Japanese influence and culture
was seeping into Taiwan. Other than performing for the traditional Chinese context,
there were also theatrical performances staged to celebrate the Japanese Emperor’s
birthday:
Every year, a full feast and performance was held in celebration of the Tenchō festival
(Emperor’s birthday) for the (imperial Japan) empire; a banquet was also hosted in celebra-
tion of Kigen Setsu (founding of nation)…68
Such was a display of adaptability on the part of the settler population, who were
increasingly distinct from their counterpart in mainland China. As we shall see in
years to come, theatrical performances in Taiwan would comprise Han Chinese ele-
ments with a touch of Japanese flavour.
Driven by Japan to modernize and commercialize, theatrical forms in Taiwan
began to be taken outside the conventional context and gradually entered the
graphophone (and later gramophone) industry. As mentioned above, Japan was
determined to prove its status as a colonizer, especially in wrestling its dominance
63
64
For the English translation of 神樂殿, I thank Kaori Fushiki for her advice.
65
Magozo Sakura 佐倉孙三, Taifeng zaji 臺風雜記, http://www.guoxue123.com/tw/03/107/009.
htm, last accessed 9 Nov 17. Also see Lin Mei-rong, Zhiminzhe dui zhimindi de fengsu jilu—
Zuocang Sunsan suo zhu Taifeng Zaji zhi tantao (The colonialists’ records of the customs of the
colonized land—A discussion of Magozo Sakura’s “Miscellaneous Records of Taiwan customs”),
Taiwan wenxian, 55(3), 2004, 7–24.
66
67
68
Chiu Kun-liang, Rizhi shiqi Taiwan xiju zhi yanjiu, 42–43;Wu Te-kung吳德功, “Guanguang
riji”, Taiwan youji, Taiwan wenxian congkan di 89 zhong, 29, 36.
with Western colonial powers. This was said to be reflected in the graphophone
industry, which began around the 1910s and reached its peak by the 1930s.69 The
development of the graphophone industry also coincided with the emergence of
Gezai opera (歌仔戲), a theatrical form ‘born and bred’ in Taiwan.
Before developing into a theatrical form complete with facial makeup, costumes,
props and music played by a range of musical instruments, Gezai opera constantly
absorbed from the music and theatrical forms transmitted from southern Fujian to
Taiwan. This included ‘Horses and bamboo’ theatre (Zhumaxi 竹馬戲), ‘Chariot-
drum’ theatre (Cheguxi 車鼓戲) and ‘Picking tea leaves’ theatre (Caichaxi 採茶
戲).70 During the onset of the twentieth century, its prototype was first performed by
folk performers in Ilan (宜蘭) of northeastern Taiwan.71 The setting of this proto-
type was simple, its performance was staged by one or two people dressed in plain
clothes. Musical instruments, such as the moon lute and flute, were later additions.72
There was also incorporation of dramatic elements and dialogue.
The emergence of Gezai opera ‘threatened’ the livelihood of older theatrical
forms transmitted from southern Fujian, particularly Gaojia opera and to some
extent Liyuan opera. According to a Japanese source in 1927 that surveyed theatri-
cal troupes of various genres, including Gaojia opera, Gezai opera, string puppet
theatre and glove puppet theatre in various parts of Taiwan. Out of the 52 troupes,
there were 14 Gezai opera troupes compared to 7 troupes of Gaojia opera. The
most numerous was that of glove puppet troupes, numbering 29 of them including
a few where the troupes’ names were unknown, and 2 string puppet troupes.
Gaojia opera troupes were concentrated in Tainan (台南州) whereas Gezai opera
troupes, double in number, were more widely spread across the whole of Taiwan,
including Penghu (澎湖廳).73 Although this source may be limited in time span, it
69
The remark of proving Japan’s status as colonizer through the graphophone industry was made
by Lin Liang-che. See Lin Liang-che, “Rizhi shiqi Gezaixi de shangye huodong”, Bai Nian Gezai
2001 nian haixia liang an gezaixi fazhan jiao yantaohui lunwenji 百年歌仔–2001 年海峽兩岸歌
仔戲發展交.研討會論文集, 434. For the discussion of the Columbia Graphophone industry and
its peak in the 1930s, see Hsu Li-sha and Lin Liang-che, Cong rizhi shiqi changpian kan Taiwan
gezai xi, Vol. 1, 80.
70
Lin Ho-Yi, Taiwan xiju shi, 163.
71
A few scholars have provided varying accounts on the prototype of gezai xi. For example, Lin
Ho-yi mentioned amateur performers (zidi 子弟) whereas Chiu Kun-liang stated the performance
was conducted by blind singers (jianghu mang yiren 江湖盲藝人). I have decided to categorize
these performers as ‘folk performers’ to avoid further confusion. See Lin Ho-yi, Taiwan gezai xi
(Taibei shi: Xinzhengyuan Xinwenju chuban, 2000), 9–10; Chiu Kun-liang, Rizhi shiqi Taiwan
xiju zhi yanjiu (1895–1945): Jiuju yu xinju, (Taibei shi: Zili Wanbao wenhua chubanbu, 1992),183–
186. Most scholars are agreeable that gezai xi originated in Ilan. See Xu Lisha and Lin Liang-che,
Cong rizhi shi qi changpian kan Taiwan gezai xi, Vol. 1 (Tansuo pian), (Yilan Wujiexiang Chuanyi
zhongxin, 2007), 43.
72
Yang Fuling, Gezai xi shi. Taizhong: Chenxing chuban gongsi, 2002, 55.
73
Taiwan zongdu fu wenjiaoju, Chinese theatre and Taiwanese theatre in Taiwan台湾に於ける支
那演劇及台湾演劇, 1928, 1–15, cited from Chiu Kun-Liang, Rizhi shiqi Taiwan xiju zhi yan jiu,
Appendix 2: Zhao he er nian (1927) ge zhou ting yanjiu yi lan biao, 421–436.
nevertheless demonstrates the increasing popularity of Gezai opera. The

graphophone industry also played a role in popularizing this new theatrical form.
While this discussion is mainly concerned with theatre in the religious context, it
is important to consider how theatrical forms evolve and adapt to the different eras
of technological advancement and are presented through different forms of media.
It also allows us to trace the extent of transmission, both temporal and spatial,
through consumer consumption in a constantly changing industry. These records
also provide another source of materials on aural transmission and help to shape our
understanding of Hokkien soundscapes.
The Japanese involvement in the music record industry began in the beginning of
the twentieth century. By the 1920s, households could afford to own a graphophone
and enjoyed the music of the time. It was then that Gezai opera was developing into
a full theatrical form and became a popular genre among the Taiwanese. Jumping at
this opportunity, various music records’ companies, such as Nipponophone, Nippon
Columbia and Orient, began to produce shellac discs (chongjiao changpian 蟲膠唱
片) featuring songs of Gezai opera. Various Gezai opera actors, such as first-
generation performers Wang Ssu-ming (汪思明), Wen Hung-t’u (溫紅塗) and Yu
Kuei-fang (遊桂芳), as well as the younger generation Lü Hsiu (呂秀) and Chi
Hsiao (紀笑), were invited to produce songs for the Japanese-owned “Orient”,
denoted by its Camel symbol. Some of these popular songs produced in shellac
discs include An Tong buys vegetables (安童買菜), Lü Mengzheng, Meng Li Jun (
孟麗君), Tale of the White Fan (白扇記) and The Reading Session: Visit by San Bo
(三伯探讀書記).74 The music of new-style Gezai opera (新款歌仔戲) was heard
loud and far. It soon spread all over Taiwan, to mainland China and to Nanyang,
including Singapore.75
Given its large Hokkien population, Singapore was an important site of ‘absorb-
ing’ Hokkien culture, first from southern Fujian and later from Taiwan.76 Despite so,
there is still relatively little attention paid to its role in Hokkien theatre. Gezai opera,
produced in 78rpm shellac discs, was transmitted to this British-colonized island.
Some of these early examples include Lady Meng Jiang’s Bitter Weeping at the
Great Wall (孟姜女哭倒萬里長城) in 1928 and Killing the Son to Cover Up Affair
with Monk (殺子報思想和尚) in 1930.77 By creating a Hokkien soundscape
through the distribution of shellac discs to the audience in Singapore, Gezai opera
74
Hsu Li-sha and Lin Liang-che, Cong rizhi shiqi changpian kan Taiwan gezai xi, 442.
75
For the term on “New-style Gezai opera”, see Hsu Li-sha and Lin Liang-che, Cong rizhi shiqi
changpian kan Taiwan gezai xi, 81.
76
It should be noted that Gezai opera spread from Taiwan to Fujian, which also affected the liveli-
hood of existing theatrical forms such as Liyuan opera and Gaojia opera. Information from the
shellac discs also revealed that graphophone companies sought to employ famous singers from
Amoy to take part in these Gezai opera music productions. See National Taiwan University Library
Online Data of the 78rpm records, http://cvweb.lib.ntu.edu.tw/main/78rpmrecords/index.html,
accessed 12 November 2017.
77
These two productions possibly incorporated Nanguan music. As mentioned above, the National
Taiwan University Library has a rich online database of shellac discs produced from the 1920s to
the 1950s, see http://cvweb.lib.ntu.edu.tw/main/78rpmrecords/index.html, accessed 12 November
2017.
was able to penetrate the Hokkien theatre industry and the older Gaojia opera was
soon to be replaced.
The development of Gezai opera was not always on the bright side. Particularly
during the third phase when Japan became involved in the Second World War (1937–
1945), their attitude towards the general population comprising mostly Chinese eth-
nicity became much harsher compared to the two earlier phases. The concept of
komika (皇民化) or imperialization (more of Japanization) was forced upon the
colonial population, including the requirement to speak Japanese, adoption of
Japanese surnames and the mobilization of men to fight in the war for Japan. Taiwan
was also used as a base in Japan’s southward strategy (nanshinron 南進論) in the
attempt to colonize Nanyang.78 Traditional Chinese theatre and the playing of music,
including Hokkien ones, were banned.79 To pull the wool over the eyes of the Japanese
colonialists, Gezai opera performers resorted to a form of ‘new theatre’ (新劇) by
wearing modern or Japanese costumes, performing modern themes but the style of
speech and movements was similar to that of Gezai opera, mixed with the singing of
modern songs. Hence, such performances were known as ‘fiber’ (ファイバ) to
denote its deceptive façade or inauthenticity.80 Although this served as a survival
tactic during the Japanization phase, the absorption of non-Chinese forms of singing
and costumes became popular in the modernized form of Gezai opera (opeila オペ
ラ or hupiexi 胡撇戲) that differs from the more traditional one (gucexi 古冊戲).
The earlier proliferation of glove puppet troupes also suffered a heavy blow.
Troupes and performers were forced to cease their operations or switch trades tem-
porarily. There were also those who travelled to the more rural areas to perform and
stopped only when Japanese soldiers were spotted.81 There were also occasions
when Chinese-style glove puppet shows were staged; but when the performers got
wind of the Japanese soldiers arriving to spot check, they immediately changed the
puppet costumes to Japanese and started singing Japanese songs. Even after
Japanese colonization in Taiwan ended in 1945, there are contemporary puppet
shows that portrayed a mix of Hokkien and Japanese, which eventually became a
uniquely Taiwanese form of performance.82
In mainland China, although the spread of Gezai opera from Taiwan in the 1920s
was rather well received, the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War had an impact on
the perception of this theatrical form. The music of Gezai opera, characterized for
its ‘weeping tunes’ (kudiao 哭調) was regarded as inappropriate and lowering the
78
Ann Heylen, “Loading the Matrix: Taiwanese in Historical Perspective”, Carsten Storm, Mark
Harrison ed., The Margins of Becoming: Identity and Culture in Taiwan, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz,
2007, 47.
79
Shih Kuang-sheng and Wang Ch’un-mei, Pingtung Budaixi de liupai yu yishu 屏東布袋戲的流
派與藝術 (The style and art of glove puppet theatre in Pingtung), Yilan, Wujiexiang: Guoli chuan-
tong yishu zhong xin, 2007, 12.
80
Lin Ho-Yi, Taiwan xiju shi, Taibei shi: Guoli Taida chuban zhongxin, 2015, 191–192.
81
Interview of Su Ming-shun 蘇明順 and Hung Meng 洪孟 in Pingtung by Liang Hui-Ding 梁慧
婷 on 21 July 1999, in Shih and Wang, Pingtung budaixi de liupai yu yishu, 12.
82
For an excerpt of such an intermixed performance, see the performance by Huang Wen-Tse,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uBFT5hc0KjU, last accessed 30 November 2017.
morale of the Nationalist government who was fighting against the Japanese. The
weeping songs were associated with mourning the loss of Taiwan when she was
taken from Chinese hands and ceded to the Japanese in the Treaty of Shimonoseki.
Hence, the singing of Gezai opera was regarded as ‘music of a dying nation’ (wang-
guodiao 亡國調). An edict was issued to ban this genre.83 From these developments,
we can see how theatrical genres were affected by, or the other way around, impacted
on the ruling authorities. There was a constant need to adapt for survival.
3.4 K
inmen: “Sandwiched” Between Taiwan and Southern
Fujian
Kinmen, situated about 10 kilometres away from Xiamen in southern Fujian, and
227 kilometres from Taiwan, is an important site in the transmission of Hokkien
theatre.84 Like their counterparts in Taiwan and Singapore, the migrants of Kinmen
were also mostly of Hokkien origin. However, partly because of its geographical
location, it is distinct from its surrounding neighbours. Early inhabitants of Kinmen
came at a much earlier period than Taiwan, with historical records dating back to the
ninth century. As mentioned before, there was evidence of Chinese population in
Taiwan only until the seventeenth century. From its historical journey to contempo-
rary development, Kinmen has been ‘oscillating’ between southern Fujian and
Taiwan. Its ancestral link with southern Fujian in mainland China made Kinmen a
micro-Hokkien society for several centuries. Its Chinese name ‘Golden Gate’ (金
門) was an honourable term compared to the dismissive attitude shown towards
Taiwan by the Chinese authorities during the imperial era. Unlike Taiwan, Spanish
presence in Kinmen was not direct nor was it colonized by the Dutch. When the
Japanese colonized Taiwan in 1895, Kinmen remained administratively part of the
Fujian province. Until 1937, control of Kinmen was under the imperial Qing and the
later established Republican government. Thereafter, it went through Japanese
occupation for eight years but did not undergo as much Nipponization compared to
Taiwan. This also contributed to the relatively closer and friendlier relationship with
mainland China compared to Taiwan, as the latter was secluded from China during
intense Nipponization in the later phase of Japanese colonization and hence viewed
as “less Chinese” by the mainland. Kinmen also established a close relationship
with Nanyang, including Singapore which has the most populous Kinmen popula-
tion in the region. With their ancestors having gone through two main layers of
migration, this group, though of Hokkien origin, often refers to themselves as
“Kinmen-lang” (金門人).85
83
Hsieh Hsiao-Mei, “Music from a Dying Nation: Taiwanese Opera in China and Taiwan during
World War II”, Asian Theatre Journal, Vol. 27, No. 2 (Fall 2010), 271–272.
84
Stanton Jue, “Quemoy: A Tale of Two Islands Redux”, American Journal of Chinese Studies,
Vol. 11, No. 1 (April 2004), 37.
85
I have opted to use the term “Kinmen” instead of Jinmen because of the former’s association with
the Hokkien pronunciation.
3.4 Kinmen: “Sandwiched” Between Taiwan and Southern Fujian 51
Despite this significance of Kinmen in the region, the cultural development,

including the theatrical forms of this island, is hardly discussed in English aca-
demia. The timeline of discussion on Hokkien theatre will begin from the nine-
teenth century up to 1945 that marked the end of World War Two and Japanese
occupation. Although the focus of discussion will begin in the nineteenth century,
this section will highlight some of the significant happenings in Kinmen before the
nineteenth century.
The year 803 CE marked the founding of Kinmen by the Chinese, which was
marked by the arrival of Tang official Chen Yuan (陳淵). Along with Chen came the
clan members of 12 surnames. After his demise, Chen Yuan was deified as with
many significant historical figures in Chinese history. During the Yuan dynasty,
Chen was said to bless the Chinese army against the barbarians and hence the Fu Ji
temple (孚濟祠) was established. In Kinmen, Chen Yuan was known as “The
Benefactor of Founding Wu (Kinmen)” (開浯恩主).86 In the Song dynasty, Neo-
Confucian scholar Zhu Xi was also affiliated to Kinmen. During his appointment in
Tong’an of Fujian, Zhu Xi was said to visit Kinmen several times to give lectures
and provide advice on governance.87 Zhu Xi had a profound influence on the Kinmen
population in the subsequent dynasties of Song, Ming and Qing as its people were
said to closely adhere to Confucianist rites and customs.88 This strong observance of
Neo-Confucian values was not a coincidence considering the remarkable achieve-
ment of examination graduates (jinshi 進士) of Kinmen ancestry.89
Peace on land was a result of the efforts spent on naval fortifications and it is
worthwhile to mention Kinmen’s naval significance during the Chinese imperial
era. Mount Taiwu (太武山) in Kinmen was once an important marker when ships
navigated towards the Bay of Xiamen. Kinmen’s favourable position, and proximity
with the increasing prominence of Xiamen/Amoy as an international port, meant
that ships would pass by this island, with numbers amounting to a thousand.90 It was
also Kinmen’s naval importance that prompted the imperial court in China to order
the fortification of Kinmen city in 1387. This was also the year when Kinmen/Jinmen
began to be gradually used in place of its old name, Wuzhou (浯洲). To curb with
piracy, the founding Ming Emperor was determined to establish a series of fortifica-
tions to achieve “state power steadfast as the metal bucket and solid as a soup of
gold” (tietong jiangshan gu ruo jintang 鐵桶江山固若金湯) and Wuzhou/Kinmen
was regarded as the gateway of this aspiration.91
The constant struggle with piracy continued through the Ming dynasty, with rul-
ers implementing various measures to curtail the problem. As mentioned before in
86
Yang T’ien-Hou, Lin Li-Guan 楊天厚, 林麗寬, Jinmen bian-e renwu 金門匾額人物, 32–33.
87
Yang and Lin, Jinmen bian-e renwu, 42–43.
88
Yang Chung-Hsün 楊忠洵, Jinmen kuileixi 金門傀儡戲, 30.
89
There are supposedly more than 20 graduates of Kinmen ancestry during the Ming (Jiajing)
period. See Lin Gun-Huang 林焜熿, Jinmen zhi.
90
Wan Youzheng萬友正 eds., Maxiangting zhi 馬巷廳志, 60, in Lin Shih-Te 李仕德, Shiqi shiji de
haishang Jinmen 十七世紀的海上金門, 10.
91
Lin Shih-Te, Shiqi shiji de haishang Jinmen, 47; Jinmen shigao 金門史稿, 4.
the case of Taiwan, the Zheng family including Zheng Zhilong and his son Zheng
Chenggong, enjoyed naval superiority during the late Ming dynasty. However, as
the Ming empire was about to collapse, the Zhengs aspired to revive the kingdom
and regarded themselves as Ming loyalists. After the demise of Emperor Chongzhen,
the last Emperor of the Ming Dynasty, Emperor Longwu set up the Southern Ming
court in Fuzhou. The title ‘Koxinga’ (Lord of the Imperial Surname, Guoxingye 國
姓爺) was bestowed to Zheng Chenggong by Emperor Longwu. Despite the naval
superiority enjoyed by Koxinga, he found himself losing control of the lands he
fought and when he retreated to Taiwan, and Kinmen was used as a base to train his
army against the Qing. Many supporters of the Zheng family were from Kinmen
and followed the Zhengs to Taiwan.92 Between the years 1663 to 1674, Kinmen was
controlled by Koxinga’s descendants and it was not until 1680 that Qing claimed
sovereignty over the island.93
Despite the early establishment of Kinmen and its significance in the Formosa/
Taiwan Strait, sources on theatrical development before the nineteenth century are
scarce. While temples were established all over Kinmen during this period, substan-
tial sources on theatrical performances in celebration of religious festivals are also
lacking. According to the descendants of the Sun family, their ancestor Sun Wen-
hua (孫文華1784-1833) was a Daoist priest and string puppeteer from Anhai,
Jinjiang, and later migrated to Kinmen. This migratory flow may indicate that there
was a demand for theatrical performances in the early nineteenth century and earlier.
When Sun Wen-hua passed on the theatrical art to his son, Sun T’ien-shun (孫天順
1822–1869), they established the ‘Hsin Shun Hsing’ (新順興) troupe and performed
both string puppet theatre and glove puppet theatre. During descendant Sun Tzu-
piao’s (孫紫標 1851–1869) time, the troupe invited Zhang Hao (張好 also known
as Master Hao 好師 b. around 1862), a famous glove puppeteer from Jinjiang, to
Kinmen to teach them the art of glove puppetry.94 Continuing the tradition from
southern Fujian, string puppet shows were staged during the birthday of the Jade
Emperor and during joyous occasions such as wedding celebrations; glove puppet
theatre was performed to express thanksgiving to the deities.95 This is also an indica-
tion of the transmission of Hokkien theatre from southern Fujian to Kinmen, where
the latter was receptive of their hometown culture even after they migrated.
Operatic genres from southern Fujian were also popular entertainment for the
locals in Kinmen. During this time, various theatrical forms were popular among
the local population. It was reported in the Gazette of Jinmen County (Jinmen
92
Lin Shih-Te, “Da xie Jinmen wenhua lishi: Wenhua Jinmen jilu”大寫金門文化歷史——《文
化金門全紀錄》述介, Quan guo xinshu zixun yuekan 全國新書資訊月刊, September 2007,
92–93.
93
Lin Shih-Te, Shiqi shiji de haishang Jinmen, 63–64.
94
Yang Chung-Hsün, “Jinmen kuileixi”, 4. Zhang Hao is also the teacher of Yang Tzu-liang (楊子
良), father of Yang T’u-chin, whom I interviewed during my fieldtrip to Kinmen in 2016. According
to Yang T’u-chin’s recollection, his father learnt from Zhang Hao when the former was 20 years
old. Yang T’u-chin, Personal interview, 16 October 2016.
95
Dangdai Jinmen yanyi de bianqian 當代金門演藝的變遷, 38–39.
3.4 Kinmen: “Sandwiched” Between Taiwan and Southern Fujian 53
xianzhi金門縣志) that well-dressed young women sat near the stage to listen atten-
tively to the performance, a sight that never occurred before. Back in those days,
women of noble families were not allowed to mingle freely in public. However,
such theatrical entertainment was so well received that the spectator area was sepa-
rated into seats for men and women, which was frowned upon by the conservative
observers. Troupes outside Kinmen, most possibly from southern Fujian, were per-
forming various genres including Liyuan opera, puppet theatre and Gaojia opera.
For Liyuan opera, child actors consisted of seven children who would stage perfor-
mances, such as Tale of the Lychee and the Mirror and Xue Mei teaches her son. For
Gaojia opera, it seemed that performers brought along the early phase of Song Jiang
drama, which comprised martial fighting centred upon the story of the Water
Margin. 96
In 1937, Kinmen was occupied by the Japanese but the degree of Japanization
was not as apparent as the case of Taiwan. Theatrical activities seemed to be able to
continue and there was possibly some interaction with the performers and/or mas-
ters of opera and puppet theatre from mainland China.97 Before 1945, there was
close interaction and cultural exchange between mainland China and Kinmen.
According to the recollection of Li Lung-p’ao (李龍拋), a Gaojia opera performer
by the name of Li Shuiqiang (李水強) from Xidong village (溪東村) of Nan’an,
arrived in Kinmen during the late Qing period to train local performers. His disci-
ple, Ts’ai Tz’u-chang (蔡賜長), was from Kinmen and went for training in Nan’an,
specializing in civil painted face (wendahua 文大花), elderly civil male (wenlaosh-
eng 文老生) and civil clown (wenchou 文丑). After Ts’ai finished his training, he
stayed on to establish his own troupe in mainland China. During the Japanese
Occupation, Ts’ai was invited back to Kinmen to train the performers.98
As compared to the case of Taiwan, Kinmen did not experience direct Japanese
colonial control or Japanization. It remained very much a Hokkien/Minnan society,
in terms of the focus on lineages, religious and theatrical customs. This continued
even after the Second World War. Although most residents in Kinmen originated
from southern Fujian, Kinmen also became an ‘ancestral’ hometown for many peo-
ple living abroad, who prefer to call themselves Kinmenese, rather than Fujianese,
Minnanese or Hokkien. There is also a significant Kinmenese population in
Singapore, who maintained a close connection with their families in Kinmen,
including raising funds for war efforts during the Second World War. 99
96
Jinmen xianzhi 金門縣志, Vol. 3 Renmin Zhi, 439–440.
97
Li Wen Tsai (李文載), a famous veteran performer of Gaojia opera, recalled learning opera in
Kuningtou during the Japanese Occupation. See http://www.kmdn.gov.tw/1117/1271/1274/31847
?cprint=pt, last accessed 17 November 2017.
98
There are speculations as to the real name of this Gaojia opera performer, including Ts’ai Ssu-
chang (蔡泗長) or Ts’ai Ssu-ch’ung (蔡泗重). See Caituan faren zhonghua minus yishu jijinhui
ed. 2002 Liang an xiqu dazhan xueshu yantaohui lunwenji 兩岸戲曲大展學術研討會論文集,
Yilan xian: Guoli chuantong yishu zhongxin, 2003, 456, Note 84.
99
Performance to raise funds for war efforts in Kinmen, Nanyang Siang Pao, 6 November 1939, 6,
http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/nysp19391106- 1.2.47?ST=1&AT=filte
r&K=%25u6b4c%25u4ed4%25u6232&KA=%25u6b4c%25u4ed4%25u6232&DF= &DT=&AO
3.5 S
ingapore: A Dominantly Chinese Society Under British
Rule
While Taiwan underwent a series of colonializations by different colonial powers,

Singapore came under British colonial influence and in the nineteenth century.
Before the arrival of the British, Singapore (formerly known in Mandarin as Shilepo
石叻坡) was a Malay fishing village with a small group of inhabitants. In 1819, the
British East India Company (EIC) was permitted to set up a trading post in
Singapore.100 This small island was regarded as a new land of opportunity and large
numbers of Chinese, including the Hokkien, migrated in large numbers.
Compared to the relatively early migrations of the Hokkien in Taiwan and
Kinmen, the mass migration of the Hokkien population in Singapore was prompted
by developments in China during the late Qing era. By this time, China was ‘victim-
ized’ by the various colonial powers, including the British. Her defeat in the First
Opium War (1839–42) brought about the signing of the Treaty of Nanking with the
British in 1842. In this treaty, several ports were labelled as ‘treaty ports’.101
However, the selection of these ports was not by accident. One of the treaty ports,
Amoy (Xiamen 厦門) in southern Fujian, had emerged as a regionally and interna-
tionally acclaimed port city by the seventeenth century and overseas trade was
already ongoing in Taiwan and Nanyang.102 The Nanking treaty ceded Amoy to the
British.103 On the other hand, British presence since the nineteenth century led to the
establishment of Singapore as a free entrepôt. This was a significant ‘pull factor’ in
attracting Chinese migrants as there was demand for cheap labour to work in vari-
ous industries like tin mining and rubber. As mentioned above, the establishment of
treaty ports in southern China by the British meant that cheap migrant labour could
be ‘supplied’ and exported without being subject to Chinese law.
Due to this massive wave of migration, the Chinese soon became the largest
ethnic group in British-colonized Singapore. The Chinese migrant population com-
=false&NPT=&L=&CTA=&NID=nysp&CT=&WC=&YR=1939&P=3&Display=0&filterS=0&
QT=%E6%AD%8C,%E4%BB%94,%E6%88%B2&oref=article, last accessed 17 November
2017.
100
The Crawfurd Treaty signed in 1824 between the Malay chiefs and British meant that the former
ceded Singapore to the East India Company. After 1824, the Malay Temenggong (chief) and his
successors had little say in the development of the Singapore port. See Constance Mary Turnbull,
A History of Modern Singapore: 1819–2005, Singapore: NUS Press, c2009, 5. Archaeologists and
historians have argued that Singapore’s history started at an earlier time, with some even pushing
the timeline to 500 years earlier. See Chong Guan Kwa, Tai Yong Tan, Derek Heng ed., Singapore:
A 700-year history. Singapore: National Archives of Singapore, 2009. In a more recent publication,
Miksic categorized the period before the nineteenth century as the pre-colonial era of Singapore.
See John Miksic, Singapore and the Silk Road of the Sea, 1300- 1800. Singapore: NUS Press,
2013.
101
Kuhn, Chinese Among Others, 110–111.
102
Ng, Trade and Society, 145.
103
Ng, Trade and Society, 4.
3.5 Singapore: A Dominantly Chinese Society Under British Rule 55
prised mainly the workers (gong 工) and merchants (shang 商).104 New settlers
generally started as poor workers slaving for their colonial masters, but they had the
opportunity to become wealthy merchants through diligence. Back in imperial
China, merchants were at the bottom of the four main classes. The lack of a strong
Confucian elite class in Singapore meant that merchants were no longer looked
down upon and they became a prestigious group. These wealthy merchants were
often sponsors of theatrical celebrations at Chinese temples.
As the main ruling authority on this island, the British generally adopted a
laissez-faire attitude towards theatrical performances as long as they did not disrupt
the law and order of the colonial society. One exception was a series of incidents
that happened in 1935 prompting the police to ban street performances. Massive
crowds of fans often gathered in public spaces where they showed support for their
male actors impersonating female roles. This often led to disputes and brawls. Also,
gangster fights and conflict between secret societies often broke out during theatri-
cal performances.105 Though regarded as a social issue back then, these incidents
reflected the strong popularity of Chinese theatre in Singapore.
The British authorities in Singapore were more concerned with reaping commer-
cial benefits from the opening up of lands than the general well-being of the
migrants. This made reliance on social network based on kinship, speech group and
regional affiliation all the more important. At this time, temples served as social
institutions providing both settlers and new migrants a sense of spiritual consolation
when they were far away from their homeland.106 Given the lack of social welfare
rendered by the British colonialists, the Chinese migrants had to take care of them-
selves or relied on their social networks, including death. The worst fate feared by
sojourners was to die in a foreign land away from home (kesi taxiang 客死他鄉)
and become wandering souls (guhun yegui 孤魂野鬼). The temple was a significant
organization that could ensure the Chinese of a proper ritual and burial after death.
Deities commonly worshipped by sojourners also reflected the belief system of the
Chinese. The most well-known deity was Goddess of the Sea (Mazu 媽祖 or
Tianhou 天后), who was regarded as protectress of the seas. Back then, travelling
by sea was a risky venture, with many dying on board or at sea before they reached
the shore. Those who survived the ordeal expressed their thanksgiving to the deities
including Mazu. The veneration of Mazu led to the building of some early tem-
ples.107 Singapore’s earliest temples were built along regional lines. The Thian Hock
104
The ‘gong’ (工) in imperial China differs from that of Singapore. In China, ‘gong’ usually
referred to skilled artisans, but in Singapore they should be referred as ‘labourers’ who were fur-
ther categorized into skilled and unskilled. I will use the term ‘workers’ instead of ‘artisans’ here.
105
“Public shy of helping the police: Open-air performances may be prohibited”, The Straits Times,
28 June 1935, 20.
106
For example, when the Hokkien clan established the Thian Hock Keng temple in 1840, the
Singapore Hokkien Huay Kuan (Association for the Hokkiens) served as its management. See
Thian Hock Keng, http://thianhockkeng.com.sg/site/about/ and Singapore Hokkien Huay Kuan,
http://www.shhk.com.sg/about-us/, last accessed 17 November 2017.
107
The strait of Singapore, in the old days, was known as Selat (实叻 in Chinese) in Malay.
Keng (天福宮), for example, was built in Telok Ayer Street in 1840.108 The venue
was at that time a site where many Hokkien gathered. Before the 1860s, the Telok
Ayer site was still an undeveloped area by the sea. Migrants reaching ashore or
preparing to travel would stop by and pray to Mazu for blessings.109 Although the
Hokkiens made up the largest proportion of the Chinese population, there were also
other regional groups. The deity Mazu was also worshipped by other Chinese
speech groups who set up their own regional temples. For example, the Wak Hai
Cheng temple (Yue Hai Qing Miao 粤海清廟) represented the Teochew (Chaoshan
潮汕) community which was originally a makeshift shrine by the shore.110 During
the late nineteenth century, a Teochew opera troupe was invited to perform at the
Wak Hai Cheng temple.111 Such a performance is often known as ‘play offering
thanksgiving to the deities’ (choushenxi 酬神戲). Chinese theatrical performances
of the same regional speech group were staged in temples of a similar regional
affiliation.
Within a small geographical space, we can see diverse regional speech groups
establishing their own opera troupes to serve the various needs of the same regional
speech community. The Cantonese had Cantonese opera (Yueju 粤劇), the Hainanese
had Hainanese opera (Hainanxi 海南戲 or Qiongju 瓊劇), the Teochew brought
Teochew opera (Chaoju 潮劇), the Henghua staged Puxian opera (Puxianxi 莆仙
戯) and the Hokkien had Gaojia opera (Gaojiaxi). As mentioned in Chap. 1, both
opera and puppet theatre are very much alike in many areas such as their function,
music, singing style, stage movements and character-role categorization. The pup-
pet type in Singapore is segregated according to regional speech. The transmission
of puppet theatre from South China to Singapore also generally followed regional
practice. For example, the Hainanese brought along their rod puppet (zhangtou
kuilei 杖頭傀儡) from Hainan Island, the Teochew their iron-stick puppet (tiezhi
kuilei 鐵枝傀儡 or kia6 giah8 站/徛屐 in Teochew) from Chaozhou, the Henghua
their string puppet from the Xinghua area and the Hokkien their string puppet and
glove puppet from southern Fujian.
As for social welfare mentioned above, the transmission of theatrical genres like
opera and puppet theatre also depended on kinship and compatriot ties between the
site of origin in China and place of residence in Singapore. The establishment of
opera and puppet theatre in Singapore was made possible by this China-Nanyang
108
Kuhn stated that the temple was found in 1838 by donations from Malacca Babas and affluent
Hokkien junk owners. Even though the temple was supposed to serve members of all speech
groups, the Hokkien became a dominant member group by 1860. See Kuhn, Chinese among oth-
ers, 163–164.
109
‘Thian Hock Keng’ in Singapore, http://www.thianhockkeng.com.sg/ch/ch_aboutus.html,
accessed 14 June 2013; image for reference by National Archives of Singapore. http://drm.a2o.nas.
sg/DJVUServer/getImage.jsp?file=/picas_data/tn_pcd/19980006417-8154-3221-1341/img0086.
jpg, accessed 16 April 2013; Infopedia, “Telok Ayer Street”, http://infopedia.nl.sg/articles/
SIP_656_2004-12-31.html, accessed 15 April 2013.
110
Chen Hua, Hai wai chao ren (Guangzhou: Guangdong ren min chu ban she, 2007), 35; http://
www.ngeeann.com.sg/zh/wak-hai-cheng-bio/, accessed 2 December 2014.
111
Chen Hua, Hai wai chao ren, 35.
3.6 A Socially and Economically Powerful Group 57
network. Like their opera counterparts, puppet troupes were also established to
serve the various needs of their same-regional speech community and performed in
regionally affiliated temples. The transmission of puppet theatre was based on kin-
ship, such as taking a son, younger brother or nephew, or compatriots from the same
hometown in China, or at least those who spoke the same regional language as
apprentices.112 As more emigrants began to settle in different parts of Nanyang, a
performer in Malaya or Siam (present Thailand), for example, might help his son,
brother or nephew to find a job, or based on their already established network intro-
duced them to join the same trade as a puppeteer.113 There were also cases when
temples and huiguan (‘regional association’ 會館) established in various parts of
Nanyang invited puppeteers from the same hometown or region in China and
assisted them in the process of emigration.114 Puppet types based on regional affili-
ation are continued today.
3.6 A Socially and Economically Powerful Group
Much was mentioned about the Hokkiens as prominent seafarers who travelled to
Taiwan, Kinmen and various parts of Nanyang, and circumstances back home
forced them to seek a livelihood elsewhere. By the late nineteenth century, the
Hokkiens had already established well-connected networks in Nanyang, especially
in Batavia (Java), Malaya and Singapore, and dominated lucrative industries like
trade and finance.115 This social network was put to great use. New arrivals depended
on the well-established connections of their successful compatriots, which focused
on kinship, regional speech group and region.116 Regardless of the outcome, there
was a sense of trust between the new arrivals and the settled migrants particularly
among the tongxiang (同鄉).117 Such reliance on compatriot ties characterized the
transmission of traditional Hokkien opera and puppet theatre.
112
Kuhn observed this trend in occupation specialization. See Kuhn, Chinese among others,
171–172.
113
Huang Renshui (黃壬水), a third-generation carver from Kinmen, occasionally joined Hokkien
puppet performances and carved glove puppet heads in Siam. He married a local woman there
before his arrival in Singapore. In 1897, his elder brother died and he travelled to Singapore to take
over his shop Say Tian Kok (Xi Tian Guo 西天國). Ng Yew Kian (Huang Youjian 黃猷建, son of
Huang Renshui), National Archives of Singapore, Accession Number 000158, 17 February 1982,
6.
114
When Lee Chye Ee (李載飴) of the Jit Guat Sin (日月生) troupe arrived in Kuala Selangor and
Klang in Malaya, clan associations (xiangqin huiguan 鄉親會館) and the local rubber association
invited him to perform. He also performed at a club (ju le bu 俱樂部) in Malacca by invitation
from a colleague’s relative. Lee Chye Ee, National Archives of Singapore, Accession Number
000936, 1988, 15.
115
Kuhn, Chinese among others, 58.
116
117
There were also accounts of Chinese betraying their kinsmen out of desperation or blinded by
the lucrative trade. See Kuhn, Chinese among others, 128–130.
Table 3.1 Percentage distribution of Chinese speech groups in Singapore, 1881 to 1980
Regional Group 1881 1891 1901 1911
1921 1931 1947 1957 1970 1980
Hokkien 28.8♦ 37.6♦ 36.0♦ 41.7♦
43.0 43.0 39.6 40.6 42.2 43.1
Teochew 26.1 19.5 16.8 17.1
16.8 19.7 21.6 22.5 22.4 22.0
Cantonese 17.1 19.2 18.8 22.2
24.9 22.5 21.6 18.9 17.0 16.5
Hainanese 9.6 7.1 5.8 4.9
4.6 4.7 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.1
Hakka 7.1 6.1 5.2 6.6
4.6 4.6 5.5 6.7 7.0 7.4
Foochow 4.0 1.6 1.3 1.5 1.7 1.7
Sanjiangren 0.4 N.A. N.A. 1.0 0.8 0.8
Henghua 0.5 N.A. 1.0 0.8 0.8 0.7
Hokchia 1.8* 2.1* 0.9
Kwongsai <0.1 0.2 0.1 <0.1 N.A. N.A.
Others 0.3 7.5 2.2 1.6 1.3 0.1 0.7 0.7
Straits-born^ 11.0 10.5 9.4 N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A.
Total (%) 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Total No. (’000) 86.8 121.9 164.0 219.6 317.5 418.6 729.5 1,090.6 1,579.9 1,856.2
Cheng Lim Keak, Social Change and the Chinese in Singapore: a socio-economic geography with
special reference to bang structure, (Singapore: Singapore University Press, 1985), Table 2.1, 14.
Notes: ♦Probably including Foochow, Henghua and Hockchia.
*Probably including Henghua.
^They were largely Hokkiens migrated from Malacca and could be classified under the Hokkien.
While a common language and kinship serve as a strong binding force within an
enclave, there was regional ‘superiority’. Being dominant in numbers, the Hokkien
also stood out in economic power.118 They monopolized the major commercial
activities such as trading, banking, and import and export. When the Singapore
Chinese Chamber of Commerce was set up in 1906 to incorporate members from
various speech groups, the Hokkien stood out as the most powerful clan.119 Table 3.1
illustrates the Chinese regional groups in Singapore between 1881 and 1980. Since
1881, the Hokkien group had been the largest proportion, and within the span of a
century, this proportion continued to rise steadily from 28.8 per cent to 43.1 per cent
of the ethnic Chinese population.
Also noteworthy is the Hokkien-speaking Straits Chinese (tusheng huaren 土生
華人), whose families had migrated to Nanyang centuries before. They are a cre-
olized community, known as Peranakan meaning ‘local born’ in Malay. The males
are referred as Baba and the females as nonya. The Straits Chinese were descen-
dants of Chinese migrants who married native women. They possessed both Chinese
and Malay traits.120 Their ability to speak English, the colonial language, strength-
ened their socio-economic status as many were able to maintain a good relationship
118
Kuhn, Chinese among others, p. 162; Lisa Lim, “Migrants and ‘mother tongues’: Extralinguistic
forces in the ecology of English in Singapore”, Lisa Lim, Anne Pakir, Lionel Wee ed., English in
Singapore: Modernity and Management, Singapore: NUS Press, 2010, 23–24.
119
Lisa Lim, “Migrants and ‘mother tongues’: Extralinguistic forces in the ecology of English in
Singapore”, 23–24.
120
3.8 Gaojia Opera 59
with colonialists to the extent that they were sometimes referred as the ‘King’s
Chinese’.121 This status made them superior among the Chinese migrant communi-
ties. Their mother-tongue, known as Baba Malay, usually with strong Hokkien
influence, allowed them to communicate with the Chinese. The Straits Chinese was
a contributing factor in the strong prevalence of the Hokkien over other regional
languages. Before the introduction of English and Mandarin, Hokkien was the lin-
gua franca of social interaction within the ethnic Chinese community and between
other ethnic groups. The popularization of the Hokkien vernacular has also led to its
use in English, such as ‘tea’ (tê), ‘cumshaw’ (kamsiā) and ‘Amoy’ (Zhangzhou
pronunciation ε-mûi).122 The popularity of the Hokkien vernacular was not only
spoken by the Hokkien migrants and Straits Chinese, its prominence as a language
for trade and social interaction meant that Chinese of other regional groups and even
non-Chinese, could speak some Hokkien.
3.7 Hokkien Theatre in Singapore Before 1965
Compared to the opera and puppet types pertaining to other regional speech groups
in Singapore, Hokkien theatre was rather complex in that there were dramatic
changes in the genres and music in the course of development.123 This section will
discuss the theatrical genres of Hokkien theatre from its transmission from southern
Fujian up to 1965 when British colonial rule ended marking the independence of
Singapore.
3.8 Gaojia Opera
The tradition of having celebratory occasions such as the feast days of deities was
continued in Singapore. Gaojia opera troupes from southern Fujian were invited to
perform during such occasions. Occasionally, they also performed in indoor the-
atres. Such performance venues often required paid tickets to enter.124 Hence, pro-
121
Lisa Lim, “Migrants and ‘mother tongues’: Extralinguistic forces in the ecology of English in
Singapore”, 24.
122
Phyllis Chew, A Sociolinguistic history of early identities in Singapore, 44; Definitions also
taken from Merriam Webster.
123
For the list of existing Hokkien glove puppet troupes in Singapore, please refer to Caroline Chia,
“Potehi in Singapore”, Kaori Fushiki and Robin Ruizendaal eds., Potehi: Glove Puppet Theatre in
Southeast Asia and Taiwan. Taiyuan Publisher, 2015.
124
There is a lack of information on Gaojia opera in Singapore. Most of the information has to be
drawn upon Gwee Bock Huat’s interview. Gwee Bock Huat recalled how troupes occasionally
performed in rented theatres in Malaya and the audience would have to purchase tickets to watch
the performances. He also reminisced that in the 1920s, there were already female performers in
Singapore. See Gwee Bock Huat, National Archives of Singapore, Accession No. 002985/19
(2005–2006), 22–23.
prietors of these theatres possibly saw the potential of profit-making in inviting

these troupes. Demand for Gaojia opera was high and competition between troupes
was intense. There was also pressure to create new plays to win the patronage of
sponsors. This was in contrast with the situation back home where the performance
of a few classical plays in villages could satisfy a limited number of audiences.
However, due to the change of performance setting in Nanyang where the troupes
were specially invited to perform in indoor theatres for weeks or even months, there
was a need to create new plays.125 To meet the need to come up with new creative
material, Gaojia opera troupes adopted a more flexible performance style that used
a stage outline. This gave the actors more freedom to create their own singing and
speech pieces and the flexibility to absorb from various theatrical genres. For exam-
ple, Gaojia opera actor Zheng Wenyu (鄭文語) collaborated with a Beijing opera
troupe in Singapore and learnt the singing and speech parts from the latter.126 This
flexibility can partly serve as an explanation why some local troupes could make the
transition from Gaojia opera to Gezai opera later.
According to the recollection of old performers, the ‘seven-child troupe’, Gaojia
opera and ‘upper circuit old opera’ (shanglu laoxi 上路老戲) dominated the
Hokkien opera scene in Singapore. In terms of the cost of inviting the troupe, Gaojia
opera was the costliest, followed by the seven-child troupe and the last was ‘upper
circuit old opera’. Like the case of the child-actor (xizai 戲仔) of Liyuan opera in
southern Fujian, the seven-child troupe comprised children of poor families who
were sold to troupes and later brought to Singapore.127 One can infer that these child
actors did not receive much education, given that they spent their childhood in the-
atrical training. Their lack of literacy would mean learning was likely to be done
through listening to the lines recited by their masters, instead of reading from
scripts. When these child actors reached over 14 years of age, they joined the Gaojia
opera troupes. The ‘upper circuit old opera’ comprised elderly actors who used to
perform in the seven-child and Gaojia opera troupes.
Sources on the training process of performers in Singapore are very scarce. Very
young Gaojia opera performers aged between 7 and 14 were recruited into ‘seven-
child troupes’.128 The use of young performers continued until the 1960s. According
to the 1960 Annual Report of the Labour Department, there were 105 young enter-
tainers between the ages of 12 and 16, from Teochew and Hokkien opera troupes.129
Some of the known local Gaojia opera troupes included ‘Tong Fu Xing’ (同福興),
‘Xin Lian Xing’ (新聯興), ‘Jin Bao Chun’ (金寶春) and ‘Fu Yong Xing’ (福永
興).130 ‘Tong Fu Xing’ appeared to be the only troupe still performing around the
125
126
127
“Wei Mufa xi shuo fujianxi”, in Wang, Liyuan hua dangnian, 69.
128
Wang, Liyuan hua dangnian, 69.
129
“Workers under 16 years of age: Total 124”, The Singapore Free Press, 15 September 1961, 21.
130
Gwee Bock Huat’s oral history interview, cited in Angela Chan, “Fujian opera in Singapore:
Cases of Oral History”, Honours Thesis, National University of Singapore, 2000, p. 13. The “Fu
Yong Xing” troupe was said to be active between the years 1908 to 1913 and was later succeeded
3.8 Gaojia Opera 61
year 1935. The troupe leader was unfortunately killed by a bomb dropped by the
Japanese invaders during the Second World War (1942–1945). With his passing, the
troupe was disbanded.131 As discussed earlier in Chap. 2, Liyuan opera was over-
shadowed by Gaojia opera, which was known for its martial plays, possibly passed
down from drama during its earlier stages of development— Song Jiang drama and
He Xing drama. The staging of martial plays was continued when Gaojia opera was
brought to Singapore. One famous martial play was Huang Feihu Retaliating
Against the Five Hurdles (Huang Feihu fan wu guan 黃飛虎反五關), which called
for a splendid display of acrobatic skills. This play was also performed in Hokkien
puppet theatre in Singapore during the pre-independence era.132
There is little discussion on the transition from Gaojia opera to Gezai opera in
Singapore.133 To demonstrate how this transition possibly took place, I will use the
example of the century-old troupe ‘Sin Sai Hong’ (新賽鳳). Gwee Bock Huat, the
founder and troupe leader of Sin Sai Hong, recalled that the troupe was previously
known as ‘Fu Quan Xing’ (福泉興) when it was still performing Gaojia opera. It
also took on other names like ‘Fu Yong Xing’ (福永興) and ‘Fu An Xing’ (福安興).
In 1930, the troupe name of Fu Yong Xing was changed to Fu Quan Xing. Gwee
recalled that Gaojia opera performers often wore ‘python robes’ (mangpao 蟒袍)
complete with armour and swords. The dressing was, in some sense, similar to the
widely popular Peking opera in China. On one hand, this reveals that Gaojia opera
was keeping up with current trends, and on the other it also reflects the ongoing
popularity of martial plays. Some of the plays included Guan Gong Crossing the
Five Passes (Guan Gong Guo Wuguan 關公過五關), Justice Bao’s Investigation of
the Black Basin (Bao Gong Shen Heipen 包公審黑盆) and Fire at the Red Cliff
(Huoshao Chibi 火燒赤壁).134
Hokkien theatre in Singapore was quite advanced in its development. During the
pre-independence era, subtitles were displayed on a piece of glass with light shining
on it and projected on a piece of cloth at the side of the stage. Lights were dimmed
while the subtitles were shown. This display of subtitles was aimed at a literate
audience.135 The need for subtitles could also relate to the sophisticated nature of
Gaojia opera as the audience might not be able to understand the speech and sing-
by the son to form “Fu Quan Xing” (福泉兴) and performed till 1938. See Yonghua Bai, “Zhan
zhuan dong nan ya: Gaojiaxi hai wai bai nian (1840–1940)” [The transit to Southeast Asia: The
hundred years of Gaojia opera overseas (1840–1940)], Fujian lun tan ren wen she hui ke xue bao
[Humanities and social sciences edition: Fujian discussion forum], Vol. 8 (2011), 65.
131
Angela Chan, “Fujian opera in Singapore: Cases of Oral History”, 9.
132
Lee Chye Ee (1919–1991) recalled performing Huang Feihu retaliating against the five hurdles
during a competition show (douxi 斗戲) with another troupe during the 1950s. See Lee Chye Ee,
National Archives of Singapore, Accession No. 000936, 26.
133
For an account of the transition from Gaojia opera to Gezai opera, see Shen Huiru, “Lun Taiwan
Gezaixi yu Xinjiapo de jiaoliu”, Qiu Yue Dui Ge: Taiwan Xinjiapo Gezaixi de fazhan yu jiaoliu
yantaohui lunwenji (Taipei: Xing zheng yuan wenhua jianshe weiyuanhui, 1999).
134
This information is retrieved from the personal notes handwritten by Gwee and kindly provided
by Mr. Xu Yongshun in 2013.
135
Chan, “Fujian opera in Singapore: Cases of Oral History”, 10.
ing.136 At that time, the performance allowed for close interaction with the audience.
A brief performance of Gaojia opera was staged, followed by short plays (zhezixi 折
子戲) requested by the audience. The audience would give performers about four
Malayan dollars. This was a rather big sum at that time and indicated the existence
of wealthy patrons who adored the male actors impersonating female roles.137
Like its counterparts in southern Fujian, Taiwan and Kinmen, the musical style
of Gaojia opera in Singapore was Nanguan. Until the 1950s, Nanguan remained a
dominant musical form before it was gradually replaced by the music used in Gezai
opera (Gezaixi 歌仔戲). The latter is known for its use of folksy language, instead
of refined classical language, while its music does not require a strict adherence to
a fixed rhythm so the same tune can be performed in a variety of ways. Compared
to its Nanguan counterpart, the language used in Gezai opera is of a more colloquial
form of Hokkien. While Nanguan boasts a relatively richer and longer history, the
colloquial and lively style of Gezai opera became the preferred form of entertain-
ment among the Hokkien and those with a general understanding of the language.
Hence, the use of Nanguan music dwindled in significance when Gezai opera began
to take centre stage during the 1930s, leading to its complete replacement of Gaojia
opera by the 1950s. It is interesting to observe how Hokkien emigrants from south-
ern Fujian who were familiar with Nanguan, supposedly regarded as their home-
town music, would accept a newer and more popular musical expression and
performance from Taiwan. This change of trend can be explained as a form of ‘mod-
ernization’ of popular entertainment.
3.9 Gezai Opera
In the development of Hokkien theatre in Singapore, the role played by Gezai opera
is significant. Not only did it supersede the older Gaojia opera by the mid-twentieth
century, Gezai opera became the dominant theatrical form among the Hokkien com-
munity that is still performed in religious festivals in Singapore today. This domi-
nance was influenced by social and linguistic factors. When Gezai opera was
introduced in Singapore, the response was overwhelming. We see the warm enthu-
siasm displayed by migrants in Singapore towards the performances from southern
Fujian and Taiwan. In 1928, the ‘Shuang Zhu Feng’ (雙珠鳳) troupe from Amoy
received wide acclaim when it was invited to perform in Singapore by prominent
Chinese businessmen such as Tan Kah Kee (陳嘉庚) and Aw Boon Haw (胡文
虎).138 In 1929, the ‘Feng Huang’ troupe (鳳凰班, previously known as ‘Ni Jin She’
136
This comment was provided by Soon Siew Eng. See Soon Siew Eng, 000853/1, p. 6; 000853/2,
21.
137
Gwee Bock Huat’s oral history interview, Chan, “Fujian opera in Singapore: Cases of Oral
History”, 11.
138
Chan, “Fujian opera in Singapore: Cases of Oral History”, 12, Note 14.
3.9 Gezai Opera 63
霓進社) was believed to be the first Taiwanese troupe to arrive in Singapore.139

From then on, more troupes from Taiwan started to perform in Singapore, including
the ‘Feng Wu’ troupe (鳳舞社), ‘De Sheng’ troupe (德盛社) and ‘Dan Feng’ troupe
(丹鳳社). When the ‘Great World Amusement Park’ (Da Shi Jie 大世界) was
opened to the public, the Dan Feng troupe was invited to inaugurate the event.140
Initially, Gaojia opera was still able to co-exist with Gezai opera and continued to
perform during religious occasions. The latter were mostly invited to entertainment
centres known as amusement parks. The presence of such theatrical venues indi-
cates the rise of urbanized theatres that catered to the local population.
The use of colloquial Hokkien in Gezai opera was beginning to overshadow
Gaojia opera, as the audience found the latter hard to understand. The Nanguan
music in Gaojia opera, once a very popular musical style in Quanzhou since the
Ming dynasty and transmitted to Malaya in the beginning of twentieth century, was
now regarded as too complicated and could only be appreciated by Nanguan musi-
cians and a minority of people of the upper class.141 By contrast, the e asy-to-understand
ballad style of Gezai opera proved very popular. Furthermore, the singing and dia-
logue of Gaojia opera, performed in classical Chinese, was not easily understood by
those who only had a general command of Hokkien. As mentioned, the Hokkien
language was regarded as a lingua franca both among the different Chinese speech
groups and sometimes even used between the Chinese and other ethnic groups like
the Malays and Indians. Gezai opera that used mainly vernacular Hokkien was said
to be understood even by other speech groups and the Straits Chinese who spoke a
mixture of English, Malay and Hokkien.142 Gezai opera attracted larger audiences
and eventually overshadowed Gaojia opera.
The new wave brought by Gezai opera from Taiwan transformed the develop-
ment of Hokkien theatre in Singapore. Gezai opera would soon replace Gaojia opera
in Singapore. Faced with competition from the Taiwanese troupes, local troupes had
to either wind up or choose to perform Gezai opera instead. One such troupe was
‘Fu Quan Xing’ (福泉興), the predecessor of Sin Sai Hong mentioned earlier. When
it changed its musical style from Nanguan to the music used by Gezai opera in
139
Regarding the year of arrival of the Feng Huang troupe, Chan held the view that it was in 1930
instead of 1929. See Chan, “Fujian opera in Singapore: Cases of Oral History”, 12, Note 15.
140
Shen Huiru, “Lun Taiwan Gezaixi yu Xinjiapo de jiaoliu”, 49.
141
The migration wave of the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century brought many
Chinese from China to Singapore. The majority of these Chinese migrants took up manual work
and were known as ‘Chinese workers’ (huagong 華工). Rich businessmen who travelled overseas
in search of business opportunities were much lesser in number but the numbers did gradually
increase overtime when some of the Chinese workers became rich after years of hard work and an
establishment of a good network in the country of migration. In China, there was also the literati
class but this group of people rarely travelled or migrated to Singapore. As Gaojia opera was per-
formed in Nanguan music and sung in classical Chinese, only some of the rich businessmen and
literati could understand; See Zhang Xuequan, Xinjiapo jie xi yan jiu, Honours Dissertation,
National University of Singapore, 1993, 87.
142
Gwee Bock Huat, National Archives of Singapore, Accession No. 002985/19 (2005–2006), 39.
1936, it adopted the name ‘Sin Sai Hong’ (Xin Sai Feng).143 This troupe continued
to perform for another eight decades. There is very scant information about how
Gaojia opera performers in Singapore made the transition to Gezai opera. However,
I have discussed in Chap. 3 that some veteran Liyuan opera actors made the transi-
tion from a strict stock performative tradition to Gaojia opera that adopted the stage
outline. As both Gaojia opera and Gezai opera use the stage outline method, the
transition may not be too difficult. Furthermore, the flexibility of constantly absorb-
ing from other theatrical genres in Gaojia opera may ease this transition. A newer
generation of performers found the learning process easier than the traditional train-
ing in Gaojia opera. The bigger change was in the aspect of music as it marked the
transition from Nanguan music that uses more of the qupai to Gezai opera that
focuses more on improvised tunes (diao 調 or ‘music pieces’).
Although there is very little information on whether the Japanese colonialism in
Taiwan during the third phase (1937–1945) impacted on the activities of Gezai
opera performers, there was a report that indicated that an unknown Gezai opera
troupe travelled to Nanyang to perform during the Japanese colonization of Taiwan.
To express their dissatisfaction of Japanese colonization, this group of performers
decided to stay on in Nanyang.144
3.10 String Puppet Theatre
In the Hokkien/Minnan tradition, string puppet theatre is commonly referred to as

‘Ka-lé hì’. ‘Ka-lé’ means puppet (kuilei 傀儡) in the Hokkien vernacular.145 In
Quanzhou, the status of string puppet theatre is higher than glove puppet theatre in
that the former is known as ‘big-scale puppet theatre’ (daxing kuilei 大型傀儡).146
143
‘Fu An Xing’ was the troupe of Gwee Bock Huat’s grandfather whereas ‘Fu Yong Xing’ was
established by his father. Sin Sai Hong shifted its base from Kuala Lumpur to Singapore in 1953.
At that time, there were already other troupes like Ying Yan (莺燕), Xin Qi Lin (新麒麟) and Nan
Yi (南艺). See Wang Zhenchun, Liyuan hua dangnian, 63, 71.
144
“Minju Gezaixi yishu yuanliu”, Nanyang Siang Pau, 5 May 1976, NL8714, 15, http://ere-
sources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/nysp19760505- 1.2.37.5?ST=1&AT=search&k=
%E6%AD%8C%E4%BB%94%E6%88%8F%20%E5%94%B1%E7%89%87&QT=%E6%AD%
8C,%E4%BB%94,%E6%88%8F,%E5%94%B1,%E7%89%87&oref=article, last accessed 18
November 2017.
145
In contemporary Singapore, there is sometimes usage of the term “jiali” (加禮) which has the
same pronunciation in the Hokkien vernacular as “kuilei” (傀儡). However, as Ruizendaal said
that it cannot be proven that the term ‘Ka-lé-hi’ (嘉禮戲/加禮戲) is a Minnan homonym of kuileixi
as there were very few written sources proving that this term existed before 1949, I will stick to the
latter throughout the discussion of Hokkien string puppet theatre.
146
Lee Chye Ee, Accession Number 000936, 1988, 29. In the interview transcript, the term ‘Ka-lé’
is written as 加礼 but I have changed to ‘傀儡’ to avoid confusion. According to Margaret Chan,
“The Hokkien Daoist in Singapore call marionette theatre ‘toa-hi’ (大戲), meaning ‘big show’,
because string puppet theatre (not glove puppet) is considered the most sacred of religious dramas.
This is because marionettes are believed to be filled with spirit power, so that a dancing puppet is
3.10 String Puppet Theatre 65
From the early transmission stage of the late nineteenth century till the mid-twentieth
century, string puppet theatre in Singapore was regarded as ‘big’ to denote the
higher status of string puppet theatre compared to its glove puppet counterpart.147 It
also indicated the stronger association with liturgical rituals, which is distinct from
the practice after the mid-twentieth century.
Similar to its Hokkien counterparts in Taiwan and Kinmen, the contexts for per-
forming string puppet theatre included thanksgiving to the Heavenly Emperor (xie
Tiangong 謝天公), ‘Thanking of Heaven’ (xietian 謝天) that may be celebrated
every third, sixth, ninth or twelfth year148 or the celebration of a decennial cult149,
‘Thanking ritual for the compilation of a genealogy’ (xiepu 謝譜),150 consecration
of a newly built or refurbished temple, and ‘making merit’ (zuo gongde 做功德)
usually during funeral rites.151 When such rituals were staged, Chief Marshal Tian,
the God of Theatre, was invited onstage to ensure that no malevolent forces were
present by ‘pacing the stage’ (tapeng 踏棚 ).152 This is also known as the exorcistic
dance of the patron saint in Quanzhou.153 The directions of the stage were also not
to be ignored, with the Azure Dragon (qinglong 青龍) representing the East and left
side of the stage and White Tiger (baihu 白虎) the West and right side.154 This
custom seemed to be observed in that entry to the puppet stage should avoid the
White Tiger direction.155 However, this custom has somewhat disappeared in most
puppet performances in Singapore today.
There is little difference between the musical styles of the string and glove pup-
pet theatres. Before the mid-twentieth century, the dominant musical style was
Nanguan/Nanyin. Musical instruments included the four-stringed lute (pipa 琵琶),
two-stringed bowed instrument (erxian 二弦), three-stringed lute (sanxian 三弦),
transverse flute (pin xiao 品簫), suona (嗩吶), gong and drum (luogu 鑼鼓).156
During the late nineteenth to early twentieth century, some of the famous plays
included Three Kingdoms, The Legend of the White Snake and Journey to the West.157
There were also occasions for ‘merits and virtue’ and the selected performances
literally a dancing god. See Margaret Chan, Ritual is Theatre, 136.

147
Tan Ching Yam, Accession Number 001973/8, 17 November 1997; See Hong Peng, Accession
Number 000808/49, 14 September 1987.
148
Goh Swee Theng, interview by Zac Li, 8 June 2015.
149
Margaret Chan, Ritual is Theatre, 136.
150
Reference for the xiepu ritual is taken from Khun Eng Kuah-Pearce, Rebuilding the Ancestral
Village: Singaporeans in China, 213.
151
Lee Chye Ee, Accession Number 000936, 1988, 36.
152
Choo Shu, Accession Number 000856/30, 22 December 1987, 350.
153
For more details on the exorcistic dance of Chief Marshal Tian, see Ruizendaal, Marionette
Theatre in Quanzhou, 306–316.
154
Ruizendaal, Marionette Theatre in Quanzhou, 301.
155
Personal interview of X (anonymous), 21 December 2017.
156
Lee Chye Ee, Accession Number 000936, 1988, 8, 34.
157
Recollection of the performances during his father’s time, see Ng Yew Kian, Accesion Number
000874, 19 January 1988, 17.
were usually associated with spirits, deities and the underworld. Hence, perfor-
mances included Zhong Kui Explores the Underworld (Zhong Kui Xia Diyu 鍾馗下
地獄), Mulian Rescues His Mother (Mulian Jiumu 目連救母), Journey to the West
and The Twenty-four Filial Exemplars (Ershisi Xiao 二十四孝).158 The Twenty-four
Filial Exemplars could also be staged for a joyous occasion, such as celebrating the
birthday of an elder or thanksgiving to the deity.159
To distinguish the transition from the puppet practices transmitted from
Quanzhou to a more secularized form after the mid-twentieth century, I will briefly
cite the example of puppeteer Lee Chye Ee (李載飴 1919-1991). Being one of the
proprietors of Lit Guat Seng (日月星) that performed the Quanzhou style of puppet
theatre, Lee formed the See Yah Hui (是也非) troupe in 1951, which switched to the
musical style of Gezai opera. According to Lee, he was forced by circumstances to
change the musical style because Gezai opera was way popular compared to the
performance of Nanguan/Nanyin music.160 With the demise of old masters like Lee
Chye Ee, the string puppet industry was helmed by a new generation of locally born
puppeteers. These puppeteers did not receive rigorous training in puppet theatre or
trained in the liturgical customs. Many puppeteers are related to Gezai opera, some
have retired from the latter while others continue to perform both theatrical forms.
This secularization will be discussed in greater detail in Chaps. 5 and 6.
3.11 Glove Puppet Theatre
The earliest existence of glove puppetry in Singapore can be traced to 1895, which
was linked to a theatrical box marked with the name Xin Quan Sheng (新泉勝).161
This box was purchased by a carver named Huang Renshui (黃壬水). Huang’s
ancestral origins could be traced to Nan’an. His ancestors later moved to Kinmen.
Huang travelled from Kinmen to Siam (Thailand) and then to Singapore. Although
Huang Renshui helped out in some performances, there is no further evidence as to
when Xin Quan Sheng was established.162 Before 1942, there was the Hock Chuan
Ann (Fu Quan An 福泉安) troupe, which was well received. Ng Yew Kian (Huang
Youjian 黃猷建), the son of Huang Renshui, attributed Hock Chuan Ann’s popular-
ity to its high musical standard and the professionalism of puppeteers and musi-
cians. Ng also estimated that Hock Chuan Ann was established before Sin Sai
Lok.163 The fame of Hock Chuan Ann was further validated by Lee Chye Ee as
mentioned before. Unfortunately, the troupe leader of Hock Chuan Ann, only known
158
Lee Chye Ee, Accession Number 000936, 1988, 39–40.
159
Lee Chye Ee, Accession Number 000936, 1988, 39–40.
160
161
For a more detailed study of glove puppet theatre in Singapore, see Caroline Chia, “Potehi in
Singapore”.
162
Ng Yew Kian, Accession No. 000874, 19 January 1988, 3–8.
163
Ng Yew Kian, Accession Number 000874, 19 January 1988, 4, 20.
3.12 The Passage from Migrants to Settlers 67
by his surname Qian (钱), was captured by the Japanese in 1942.164 The capture of
Qian marked the demise of Hock Chuan Ann. Other troupes that appeared before
the Second World War included Fu Lin An (福麟安) and Lao Quan An (老泉安).165
Before the mid-twentieth century, a ritual prelude was staged before the perfor-
mance proper. The prelude consisted of three elements, including ‘wishing longev-
ity’ (heshou 賀壽), ‘the official’s dance’ (tiaojiaguan 跳加官) and ‘the scholar pays
respect to the prime minister’ (zhuangyuan baixiang 狀元拜相). During the wish-
ing longevity ritual, the personifications of blessing (fu 福), prosperity (lu 祿) and
longevity (shou 壽) in the form of glove puppets, would ‘offer wishes’ on the feast
day of a deity.166 Some of the libretti staged for the feast days of the deities included
The Spring and Autumn Period and Warring States (Lieguo chunqiu 列國春秋),
Romance of the Three Kingdoms (Sanguo yanyi 三國演義), Relive the Spring and
Autumn Period (Zouma chunqiu 走馬春秋), Tang Song Yuan Ming Qing (唐宋元明
清), Di Qing Conquers the South (Di Qing pingnan 狄青平南), Xue Rengui Goes
East (Xue Rengui zheng dong 薛仁貴征東) and Ji Gong Raids the Flower Lantern
Festival (Ji Gong Danao Huadeng 濟公大鬧花燈).167
From the late nineteenth century to the earlier half of the twentieth century, we
have seen that the various forms of Hokkien theatre in Singapore, like their counter-
parts in Taiwan and Kinmen, ‘transplanted’ from southern Fujian. The immense
popularity of Gezai opera transmitted from Taiwan had a significant impact on the
development of Hokkien theatre on this island. There was first the overshadowing
of Gaojia opera, which later led to its extinction. Next was puppet theatre. The litur-
gical function of string puppet theatre, a tradition seen in southern Fujian and con-
tinued in contemporary Taiwan and Kinmen, became increasingly secularized in
Singapore. The main reason for this transition was the demise of older puppeteers
who had received liturgical training and were replaced by a newer generation of
puppeteers who were Gezai opera performers and lacked the necessary training.
3.12 The Passage from Migrants to Settlers
During the initial period of migration, the Hokkien population in all three sites—
Taiwan, Kinmen and Singapore—maintained close contact with their ancestral
hometown in southern Fujian. This closeness can be seen in the transmission of
theatrical forms from southern Fujian to these sites, where the music, repertoire,
customs and religious beliefs remained similar to the place of origin. However, the
wave of colonization was seeping into these societies, particularly in the cases of
Taiwan and Singapore. In Taiwan, despite some resistance against Japanese
164
Ng Yew Kian, Accession Number 000158, 17 February 1982, Reel No. 4, 43.
165
166
167
Lee Chye Ee, Accession No. 000936, 6 June 1988, 40.
colonialism, the popular theatrical forms Gezai opera and glove puppet theatre were
undoubtedly influenced by the Japanese even after their departure in 1945. Especially
in the later part of Japanese colonization when the originally Chinese/Minnan cul-
ture deviated from the origin and become influenced by the Japanese, forming an
intermixed culture that is distinctly Taiwanese. Kinmen serves as an interesting case
study of Hokkien theatre due to its closeness with Taiwan and southern Fujian. Its
cultural inclination towards southern Fujian and the lack of Japanization made
Kinmen a micro-Hokkien/Minnan society while at the same time maintaining a
close interaction with people of Kinmen origin who had migrated to Singapore.
Although the relatively lengthy period of British colonialism in Singapore had a
long-lasting impact on the social structure of this island, the migrant Chinese popu-
lation nevertheless remained close to southern Fujian. This is partly due to the
laissez-faire approach by the British such that the Chinese/Hokkien population were
left on their own and relied on associations, temples, compatriot networks and the
like for social welfare and spiritual comfort. The theatrical forms transmitted from
southern Fujian were also established along these lines.
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Chapter 4
“Made Locally”
This chapter continues to discuss how the socio-political climate shapes Hokkien
theatre in the three sites covered in Chap. 3—Taiwan, Kinmen and Singapore. The
‘Across the Seas’ chapter highlights the waves of migration in these sites and how
they underwent the control of different colonial powers and ruling authorities. This
modern era bore characteristics of attachment with the ancestral hometown in
southern Fujian, such that religious and theatrical customs, including the various
performance genres, were ‘transplanted’ to the sites of sojourn. Affiliation was
strong, with sojourners and early settlers maintaining strong ties with southern
Fujian. The present chapter will discuss how this affinity underwent dramatic
change as the end of the Second World War brought along a sense of consciousness
among the sojourners-turned-residents in their host societies, and transformation in
the political climate. Decades of colonialism had sprouted anti-colonial sentiments
among these communities who had become more emotionally and socially commit-
ted to their new-found homes. The newly established governments, whether sprung
out from the settler population or through a change of ruling authorities, brought
about an intense sense of nationhood. These governing authorities went to great
lengths in constructing a national identity, sometimes resorting to theatre as propa-
ganda or suppressing its existence if theatrical practices did not conform to the
established regulations. This chapter will highlight how the socio-political climate
greatly influenced the development of Hokkien theatre, which was previously simi-
lar among the three sites due to the earlier transplantation of these genres from
southern Fujian, and thereafter subject to localization as previous affiliations broke
down or became altered.
The developments of these sites were still linked to China, albeit taking on a dif-
ferent meaning compared to the previous era. Instead of seeing themselves as over-
seas Chinese (海外華人or huaqiao 華僑) or simply Chinese, there was an increasing
consciousness of their identities—the Taiwanese rather than Chinese, the Kinmenese
or Kinmen people (金門人) instead of Taiwanese or Fujianese/Chinese, and
Singaporean Chinese instead of overseas Chinese/Hokkien (huaqiao 華僑 or minq-
iao 閩僑). China’s role as a Communist nation and representative of the Eastern

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1834-4_4
72 4 “Made Locally”
bloc of the Cold War meant that the governing authorities in these three sites were
increasingly wary of the potential spread of Communist ‘threat’ and counter-
measures were taken whenever possible. Connections between China and Chinese
communities in these sites were cut off. Along with this severance was ancestral
links, remuneration and cultural exchanges. At this time, the itinerant nature of per-
formers in these sites was ‘forced’ to look inward and became more assimilated,
hence leading to a locally distinct development in Hokkien theatre.
4.1 Taiwan: A ‘Republic of China’ Outside China
Chapter 3 has covered how the Japanese rule, particularly during the last phase
(1937–1945), led to the suppression of theatrical forms deemed as Chinese. Those
who sought to continue with the theatrical trade had to adapt to the Japanese style and
language. Although this adaptation was somehow forced upon by the Japanese colo-
nialists, we will see that after Japanese colonial rule ended in 1945, some elements of
the legacy found its way in Gezai opera and glove puppet theatre. The Nipponization
of Hokkien/Taiwanese theatre strongly demonstrated the impact the socio-political
environment had on theatrical development. The Nationalists from China, who
arrived in place of the Japanese as the ruling power of Taiwan, again shaped Hokkien/
Taiwanese theatre. Peking opera (Pingju平劇), brought from mainland China, was
elevated as National Opera (Guoju 國劇) and received tremendous backing from the
Nationalist government. By contrast, Gezai opera well received by the general popu-
lation had almost no financial support. The use of the Hokkien/Taiwanese language
was looked down upon by the Nationalists. Facing condemnation by the government,
local theatre had to conform to national propaganda for survival. Taiwan and
Singapore shared similarities in that their respective governments elevated the status
of Mandarin (huayu 華語 in Singapore, guoyu 國語 in Taiwan) at the expense of
regional vernaculars (dialects). The political developments in these respective societ-
ies demonstrated increasing variation from the initial transplantation of Hokkien the-
atre from southern Fujian and a move towards localization.
The people of Taiwan initially welcomed the end of Japanese colonialism and the
arrival of the Nationalists. However, they were soon disappointed to learn that the
Nationalists were not keen to establish a democratic system of rule. Instead, military
control was emphasized. Quite similar to the fate it had with the Japanese colonial-
ists, Taiwan was ‘used’ as a resource base by the Nationalists during the Civil War
against the Communists who had established the People’s Republic of China in
1949.1 Tension was also building up between the Nationalist government and the
general population. Despite coming from mainland China, the Nationalists could
not speak ‘Hokkien’, the language spoken by a huge proportion of the population in
Taiwan, nor could the latter speak much Mandarin used by the Nationalist govern-
1
Nancy Guy, “Peking opera as “National Opera” in Taiwan: What’s in a Name?”, Asian Theatre
Journal, Vol. 12, No. 1, 1995, 88.
4.1 Taiwan: A ‘Republic of China’ Outside China 73
ment.2 Furthermore, the Nationalists despised the Taiwanese who were regarded as
having ‘Japanized’. The latter were also stereotyped as ‘traitors’ because some had
served the Japanese military that the Nationalists were fighting against during the
Second World War.3
Years of turbulence, marked by the Second World War and the change of ruling
authorities, had soured the relationship between Taiwan and mainland China. As
discussed in Chap. 3, there was transplantation of theatrical genres from southern
Fujian to the island. However at this time, many local troupes were established. One
notable genre was Gaojia opera. Despite the fierce competition with Gezai opera,
this theatrical form persisted for a few more decades. The motivating force behind
this upsurge of Gaojia opera was said to be initiated by Kuo Mao-p’ao (郭貓拋), a
tycoon from Keelung with the introduction by Ts’ai Chen (蔡陣), who gathered
actors from the Hsin Chin Chu (新錦珠) troupe at Shengang, Changhua (彰化伸港)
in 1949. Thereafter, actors were trained by Hsin Chin Chu and troupes sprung up
with some bearing its name, such as Taichung Hsin Chin Chu (臺中新錦珠) from
1949 to 1965, Sheng Chin Chu (勝錦珠) and Tainan Hsin Chin Chu (臺南新錦珠)
from 1972 to 1974.4 Other Gaojia opera troupes, such as Hsin Li Yüan (新麗園
1954–1976), Hsin Ts’an Chu (新燦珠 1965- 1970s) and Chin You Feng (錦玉鳳
1961–1970s), were also established.5
During the Japanese colonization period (pre-1945), there were an estimated
number of 20 string puppet troupes.6 In the decades to come, due to the relatively
conservative and liturgical nature of string puppet theatre, it was increasingly over-
shadowed by their glove puppet counterpart. Glove puppet theatre went through vari-
ous phases of development, forming a phenomenon that is uniquely Taiwan. At this
initial stage of Nationalist rule, glove puppet theatre went from performing the clas-
sic theme of chivalry to one of fantasy and fictional characters, better known as the
‘Swordsman play’ (jianxia xi 劍俠戲). Such performances are still popular today.7
A striking phenomenon of this period that influenced the development of Hokkien
(Taiwanese) theatre is the Nationalist slogan of ‘Rebel the Communists and resist the
Soviets’ (Fan gong kang e 反共抗俄). Set in the background of the Nationalists’
persistence to defeat the Communists and re-claim mainland China, it was apparent
that political players were well aware of the empowering effect of theatre on the
local audience and attempted to use theatre as propaganda. During the Cold War ten-
2
Historical Dictionary of Taiwan, 20; Nancy Guy, “Peking opera as “National Opera” in Taiwan:
What’s in a Name?”, 88.
3
Historical Dictionary of Taiwan, 20.
4
Lin Li-Hung 林麗紅and Li Kuo-Chün李國俊, 50–74, in Lin Ho-Yi, Taiwan xijushi 台灣戲劇史,
210.
5
Taiwanese performer C’hen Li-Hung 陳麗紅 recalled the times when she was performing Gaojia
opera and joined the Hsin Li Yuan (新麗園 1954–1976) troupe around 1967. In 1974, she travelled
again to the Philippines to perform. Chen Li-Hung, Personal interview in Taipei, 26 October 2016.
6
Lü Su-shang 呂訴上, Taiwan dianying xiju shi. Taibei shi: Yinhua chubanbu, 1961, 469–471.
7
During my fieldwork to Taiwan from May to October 2016, I observed the performances of
‘Swordsman play’ by the Hsiao Hsi Yüan Fourth Generation (小西園第四代) troupe.
sion, resistance against the Soviets was a necessary move for geopolitical reasons.
This meant that continued assurance of the US in defending the ROC against the
PRC was necessary to keep off Communism for the benefit of foreign investment.8
Considering the popularity of glove puppet theatre, it was targeted by the
Nationalist government and special glove puppets were produced to conform to the
theme of “Rebel the Communists and resist the Soviets”.9 As part of this political
propaganda, glove puppet performances had to stage a short play of about 20 min
based on a similar theme.10 New scripts such as Doings of the Woman Thief (女匪
幹) and Prince Yanping restores his kingdom (延平王復國) were introduced by the
Reform of Taiwan Gezai Opera Assembly (台灣歌仔戲改進會) established in
1951. To further execute the order, this establishment was renamed as Council for
the Reform of Regional Theatre in Taiwan Province (台灣省地方戲劇協進會) in
the following year and met up with the Commission for the Reform of Regional
Theatre in Taiwan Province (台灣省改良地方戲劇委員會) under the Education
Office. Regulations were introduced, including the survey of the operations of
troupes, drafting of performance standards to allow for or prohibit performances,
announcement of performances permitted to perform and the organizing of regional
theatre competitions all over Taiwan. To obtain the permit to perform, troupes had
to participate in such competitions. These regulations allowed the government to
better administer the troupes and ensure their conformance.11 As illustrated above,
theatrical performances were subject to the political development of the time. The
theme of ‘Rebel the Communists and resist the Soviets’ was limited to Taiwan and
Kinmen; this was not reflected in the case of Singapore.
Gezai opera and glove puppet theatre (potehi) had come to represent the
Taiwanese popular culture. The acclaimed status of these theatrical genres was
attributed to the ability to revitalize by keeping up with the trends. From the post-
war period up to the early 1960s, Gezai opera reached another peak when it catered
to market demands by introducing radio (guangbo gezaixi 廣播歌仔戲) and movie
(dianying gezaixi 電影歌仔戲) versions.12 In the 1960s, as TV entertainment
became more prevalent, Gezai opera also created its presence in the broadcast
world, better known as TV Gezai opera (dianshi gezaixi 電視歌仔戲). When
Taiwan Television (TTV) was established in 1962, Gezai opera programmes were
soon introduced. The first programme, for example, was Thunder Peak Pagoda (雷
峰塔) produced by Wang Mingshan (王明山) and performed by the Chin Feng
Huang (金鳳凰) troupe. The main characters were well-known Gezai opera per-
formers Ho Feng-chu (何鳳珠) and Liao Ch’iung-chih (廖瓊枝).13 The production
8
Czeslaw Tubilewicz, “Taiwan and the Soviet Union during the Cold War: Enemies or Ambiguous
Friends?”, Cold War History Vol. 5, No. 1, February 2005, 76.
9
Shih and Wang, Pingtung budaixi de liupai yu yishu, 17.
10
Shih and Wang, Pingtung budaixi de liupai yu yishu, 19, Note 8.
11
Ching Ts’ao, Taiwan de xiju, dianying yu xiyuan, Taibei shi: Wunan tushu chuban gufen youxian
gongsi, 2014, 47.
12
Lin Ho-Yi, Taiwan xijushi, 214.
13
Zhongyang ribao 中央日報, 16 October 1962, 7; Lin Ho-Yi, Taiwan xijushi, 225–226.
4.1 Taiwan: A ‘Republic of China’ Outside China 75
of TV Gezai opera also led to the emergence of soundtracks, known as ‘TV tunes’
(dianshi diao 電視調), such as The Plum Flower Blooms Again (Erdumei 二度梅),
The Scholar Tower (Zhuangyuan lou 狀元樓) and The Mysterious History of the
Song Imperial Court (Songgong mishi 宋宮秘史), which later became popularly
used in theatrical performances.14 In the 1970s, one of the most prominent Gezai
opera performers was Yang Li-hua (楊麗花) who rose to fame as she starred in the
106-episode Gezai opera TV drama Romance of the Western Han (Xihan yanyi 西
漢演義). Better known as the ‘Heavenly King of Gezai opera’ (gezaixi tianwang 歌
仔戲天王) both in Taiwan and abroad as she was reputed for her sheng (male) role,
Yang Li-hua was also well received in Singapore since the 1970s.15
Despite its popularity with the Taiwanese audience, Gezai opera faced various
setbacks especially in a political environment that encouraged the use of Mandarin
at the expense of regional languages. Peking opera was favoured over Gezai opera
by the Nationalist government to prevent a separate Taiwanese identity while
attempting to retain its mainland Chineseness. For example, earlier in the 1950s,
there was an attempt to ban Gezai opera performances in temple festivals, which
had been ongoing for decades.16 Between 1977 and 1979, despite the fame enjoyed
by Gezai opera in TV broadcasting, the theatrical form almost lost its onscreen
presence.17 The Government Information Office announced that programmes in
regional languages (fangyan) be restricted to one hour per day.18 Such was an exam-
ple of the ongoing tension between the Hokkien majority (neishengren 內省人 or
‘inside-province people’) and the mainland Chinese minority (waishengren 外省
人, known as ‘outsiders’ or ‘outside-province people’).
Like its Gezai opera counterpart, glove puppet theatre also constantly revitalized
itself by following the latest trends and market demands, despite various setbacks. For
example, in the 1960s new glove puppets known as Golden Ray glove puppets (金光
布袋戲), bigger and more colourful, were created. Other than the addition of neon
colours to the making of the puppets thus arising to its name ‘golden ray’, there were
also visual effects, including the use of dry ice, new props and the lengthening of the
stage size for a more dramatic presentation.19 Given that traditional theatre performed
mainly for the religious context, the restriction on religious customs (jieyue baibai 節
約拜拜) hit hard on the various genres including glove puppet theatre. For example,
between 1962 and 1975 it was noted that there were 17 glove puppet troupes in
Pingtung, but when the regulation was implemented for the second time from 1975 to
1989 only 5 troupes were left. The perseverance of glove puppet troupes meant that
when this restriction was abolished in 1980, new troupes sprung up again.20
14
Hsü Li-sha 徐麗紗, 40, in Lin Ho-Yi, Taiwan xijushi, 228.
15
Lin Ho-Yi and Ts’ai Hsin-Hsin, Guangying, lishi, renwu: Gezaixi laozhaopian, Yilan: Guoli
chuantong yishu zhongxin, 2004.
16
Nancy A. Guy “Peking Opera as “National Opera” cited in “Taiwan: What’s in a name”, 91.
17
Shih Ju-Fang 施如芳, Wuling xijing: Xiaomi de huali zhuanshen Chen Feng-Kuei shengmingshi
舞靈戲精:小咪的華麗轉身陳鳳桂生命史, 150.
18
Nancy A. Guy “Peking Opera as “National Opera” cited in “Taiwan: What’s in a name”, 91.
19
Shih and Wang, Pingtung budaixi de liupai yu yishu, 20.
20
Shih and Wang, Pingtung budaixi de liupai yu yishu, 19, 22.
As mentioned in Chap. 3, theatrical forms from southern Fujian were transmit-

ted to Taiwan. From 1949 onwards, theatrical development was marked by the shift
away from the former. The originally Hokkien/Minnan theatre in Taiwan gradually
became what is distinctly known as Taiwanese theatre (Taiwan xi 台灣戲). The
most popular representative was that of Gezai opera, a form that was ‘born and
bred’ in Taiwan. Although Gaojia opera, a theatrical form transmitted from south-
ern Fujian, continued to perform up till the 1970s, its popularity was gradually
overshadowed by Gezai opera. The ruling authorities after 1949 also characterized
Taiwanese theatre, particularly the slogan ‘Rebel the Communists and resist the
Soviets’ propagated by the Nationalist government. The less solemn function of
glove puppet theatre largely contributed to its increasing popularity as puppeteers
made use of their creativity to produce distinct types of puppets, notably the Golden
Ray puppets and Pili puppets. This contrasted with string puppet theatre, which
conserved its liturgical function.
4.2 Kinmen: The Militarized ‘Time Capsule’
Like its historical development before the Second World War covered in the previ-
ous chapter, Kinmen was again sandwiched between Taiwan and mainland China
after 1945. The island became a subject of tension between the Rebublican/Nationalist
government established by Kuomintang (KMT) that later settled in Taiwan in 1949
and the mainland Chinese government founded by the Chinese Communist Party
(CCP) who triumphed over KMT. This political wrangle further escalated the Cold
War tension between the Eastern and Western blocs. Kinmen raised international
attention, most notably in Washington, Moscow and Beijing.21 From the 1950s to the
1970s, the US served as a buffer in the CCP-KMT tension through its protection of
Kinmen from the attacks by the CCP government. Kinmen was regarded by Chiang
Kai Shek, the key figure of KMT, as a critical base to reclaim the mainland as well
as a line of defence for Taiwan. As a result, Kinmen was heavily militarized for four
decades until the martial law was lifted in 1992.22 In a way, such militarization,
despite the tension with mainland China and relation with Taiwan, isolated Kinmen
from these sites. The Kinmenese, who migrated elsewhere to Singapore, were also
cut off from the relatively free access to their ancestral hometown earlier. Likened to
a time capsule, Kinmen retained many of the Hokkien/Minnan characteristics of the
1950s and earlier, setting it apart from southern Fujian, Taiwan and Singapore. This
was also reflected in its theatrical development as will be elaborated below.
Kinmen’s militarization was regarded as necessary during the peak of CCP-
KMT tension. Given its proximity to mainland China, the Nationalist government
21
New York Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2016/06/08/world/asia/china-taiwan-kinmen-lieyu.
html, last accessed 18 November 2017.
22
Y. J. Tseng and S. Y. Chen, “Conservation and development of military sites on Kinmen Island”,
Defence Sites II, 308.
4.2 Kinmen: The Militarized ‘Time Capsule’ 77
saw Kinmen both as a line of defence as well as a stepping stone for claiming back
mainland China.23 On the other hand, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) of the
Communist government in mainland China considered Kinmen as a significant site
to defeat the Nationalists. As a result, fortifications, including military fortresses
and underground tunnels, were built. Both the military and civilians had to be ready
for war—more than 100,000 servicemen were stationed in Kinmen during the Cold
War while residents stepped up their defence in preparation for war.24 The bombard-
ment of Kinmen by PLA in 1954 and 1958 proved that the tension on both sides had
escalated. The situation would have worsened if not for US aid. For the US, protec-
tion of Kinmen was a move to ensure Communist influence was kept in check.
Despite the aid rendered by the US, Kinmen continued to be shelled by the PLA in
a regular fashion from the 1950s to the 1970s. With an area of only 150 square kilo-
metres, Kinmen islands were hit by an estimated 407,910 artillery shells, the inten-
sity of shelling is unique in contemporary history.25
The militarization of Kinmen and the constant shelling by its mainland neigh-
bour meant that the daily lives of civilians were very much controlled. This had
a long-lasting impact on religious and theatrical activities. For example, Chin
Pao Ch’un (金寳春), a Gaojia opera troupe, was established in 1941 and spon-
sored by overseas Kinmen businessmen. Chin Pao Ch’un staged traditional per-
formances featuring the various imperial dynasties (chaodaixi 朝代戲) as well as
both civil and military plays, including Investigation of Guo Huai’s case by
Justice Bao (Baozheng shen Guo Huai 包拯審郭槐), Xue Dingshan Descending
the Mountains (Xue Dingshan xiashan 薛丁山下山) and Wei Bi Ling Travels to
the Capital (Wei Bi Ling jinjing 魏碧玲進京). However, the Battle of Kuningtou
(Guningtou zhi yi 古寧頭之役) fought between the Communists and Nationalists
in 1949 eventually led to the disbandment of the troupe. In 1958, the troupe was
disbanded when Kinmen was shelled by the PLA.26 It was not until 1964 when
performers in Kuningtou came together and revived Gaojia opera.27 Chin Sha
Nan Chü She (金沙南劇社) also performed various shows, such as Xue Pinggui
and Wang Baochuan (薛平貴與王寶釧), Di Qing Conquers the West (Di Qing
zhengxi 狄青征西), Zhao Kuangyin Trapped in Hedong (Zhao Kuangyin kun
Hedong 趙匡胤困河東) and Tale of the White Rabbit (Baitu ji 白兔記). Martial
plays were the highlight of the troupe, possibly preserving the early characteris-
tics of Gaojia opera—He Xing and Song Jiang dramas mentioned in Chap. 2.
From the period after 1945 up till the 1970s, Gaojia opera remained a prominent
theatrical genre in Taiwan but was overshadowed by Gezai opera which proved
to be much more popular among the Taiwanese. As for the case of Kinmen,
23
Historical Dictionary of Taiwan, 217.
24
Y. J. Tseng and S. Y. Chen, “Conservation and development of military sites on Kinmen Island”,
311–313.
25
Yang Shu Ching 楊樹清, “Preface III”, in Yang and Lin, Jinmen minjian xiqu, xiii.
26
Li Kuo-Chün, “Jinmen Gaojiaxi yanchu jumu yu juben”, 90–91.
27
Li Kuo-Chün, “Jinmen Gaojiaxi yanchu jumu yu juben 金門高甲戲演出劇目與劇本”, Liang’an
Gaojiaxi yantaohui lunwenji 两岸高甲戏研讨会论文集, 90–91.
Gaojia opera remained the main theatrical genre until the beginning of the
twenty-first century.28
Compared to the situation in Taiwan, string puppet theatre was and remains an
essential part of the everyday lives of the Kinmen people whereas glove puppet
theatre was less popular.29 The theatrical development of these genres reflected the
relatively more traditional attitude of the residents in Kinmen. In a way, the tradi-
tional structure of Kinmen society was made possible by its isolation with the world
due to militarization. Considering the strong Confucian influence on Kinmen as
early as the pre-modern era mentioned in Chap. 3, the proliferation of ancestral
shrines and clan villages remained relatively intact.30 Theatrical activities had to
conform to traditional values of loyalty and filial piety.31 For example, in 1972, Chü
Kuang Min Chü She (莒光閩劇社) was invited for the first time, despite some dif-
ficulties, to perform in Taiwan. The performances again emphasized the traditional
themes of loyalty, filial piety, moral integrity and righteousness. Performances
included Third Madam teaches her son (Sanniang jiaozi 三娘教子), The Filial and
Righteous Lovebirds (Xiaoyi shuang yuanyang 孝義雙鴛鴦) and Offering Own
Flesh to Aunt (Gegu fenggu 割股奉姑).32 Its performances were so well received
that the troupe also got invitations from Singapore.33
Intensive shelling and militarization in Kinmen cut off its interaction with the
outside world, including ties with Kinmenese who had migrated to Singapore.
Despite the communication shutdown, Kinmenese living in Southeast Asia
attempted ways to re-establish connection with Kinmen, which they regarded
strongly as their ancestral hometown even after having settled in their host societies.
At the initial stage of CCP-KMT tension during the 1950s, the military re-established
remittance networks through special means. Monetary resources from the overseas
Kinmenese were used to support the army and fund the wartime economy of the
28
Chü Kuang Min Chü She (莒光閩劇社), whose predecessor was Chin Pao Ch’un, after years of
performing, was disbanded in 1976. In 1994, the Jin Lian Sheng (金蓮陞) Gaojia Opera troupe
from Xiamen was invited to perform in Kinmen. In 2000, the Kinmen Kuningtou Gaojia Opera
Research Society (金門古寧頭高甲戲研究社) was established and its members visited Fujian
(Xiamen, Quanzhou, Fuzhou) to learn from professional performers. See Yang and Lin, Jinmen
minjian xiqu, 20–21.
29
According to Chiu Kun-liang’s source in the 1980s, glove puppet theatre had disappeared in
Kinmen. See Chiu Kun-Liang, Xiandai shehui de minsu quyi 現代社會的民俗曲藝, Taibei:
Yuanliu chuban, 1983, 69.
30
Li Feng-mao 李豐楙, “Jinmen Lüshan pai dian-an yishi jiqi gongneng—yi Jinhu zhen fuguo
dunguan shi jiamiao wei li”金門閭山派奠安儀式及其功能——以金湖鎮復國墩關氏家廟為
例”, Minsu Quyi Vol. 91, Sept 1994, 396.
31
Yang and Lin, Jinmen minjian xiqu, 4
32
Tseng Yung-I and Shen Tung, Liang an xiaoxi yishu yantaohui lunwenji 兩岸小戲學術研討會
論文集, Chuanyi zhongxin, 2001, 75.
33
The request by Singapore was declined as the troupe was exhausted from months of travelling
and the ailing musician Li Tseng-kang (李增港) who passed away shortly upon his return to
Kinmen. See Li Tseng- te, “Introduction of Kinmen Kuningtou Gaojia Opera”(金門古寧高甲戲
簡介), Kinmen Daily News, 17 April 2003, http://www.kmdn.gov.tw/1117/1271/1274/31847?cpri
nt=pt, last accessed 13 December 2017.
4.3 Singapore: From a Third World to First World Nation 79
Nationalist government.34 Returnees were estimated to increase from 29 in 1958 to

190 in 1967. Though there were no official statistics on the migration of Kinmenese
during this period, oral interviews of new Kinmen migrants revealed that many
travelled to Southeast Asia to avoid the war, particularly during 1954 and 1958.
While there was an account of returnee Tan Kok Chor (陳國礎) from Singapore in
1953, it was not until the 1970s that more Kinmenese from Singapore returned to
their hometown, which was initiated by the Singapore Gnoh Kung Association (新
加坡浯江公會) in 1973.35
The militarization of Kinmen had cut off its contact with the outside world when
societies were undergoing industrialization and urbanization. This has kept the
social structure of Kinmen intact as it was since 1949. The constant threat of being
shelled and military restrictions made the livelihood of Kinmen residents difficult.
However, the belief in worshipping deities for blessing and engaging celebratory
theatre in return for a good favour continued whenever and wherever possible. The
persistence of the Kinmenese in sustaining their traditional customs, as well as the
lack of external interference, has preserved many characteristics of a Hokkien/Minnan
society. As can be seen in the development of Gaojia opera and string puppet the-
atre, the general attitude towards such theatrical forms is relatively conservative.
4.3 Singapore: From a Third World to First World Nation
Before the outbreak of the Second World War, migrants in Singapore behaved much
like sojourners with the objective of ‘falling leaves returning to their roots’ (luoye
guigen 落葉歸根), meaning they hoped to return to China (including Kinmen)
eventually. However, this attitude would soon change with the transformation in the
political situation, particularly at the end of the Japanese Occupation (1942–1945).
Japan’s defeat of the British colonial authorities in 1942 sparked a movement
towards self-government and independence throughout Southeast Asia. The found-
ing of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 also played a role in this dramatic
political change. Prior to this, many Chinese migrants still maintained a close con-
nection with their ancestral homeland and the most obvious form of doing so was
through sending remittances. During the Second World War, these migrants also
took part actively in support of China. However, from 1949 onwards, the migrants
were in a way cut off from China and ‘forced’ to decide if they chose to pledge
loyalty to their newfound homeland. The ‘falling leaves returning to its roots’ atti-
tude was changed to ‘descending to the ground and growing the roots’ (luodi
34
Chiang Po-wei 江柏煒, “Junshi zhilixia de difang shehui: yi Jinmen huaqiao wangluo wei
zhongxin zhi kaocha (1949–1970s) 軍事治理下的地方社會:以金門華僑網絡為中心之考察
(1949–1970s)”, Kaogu renleixue kan 考古人類學刊, Vol. 71, 2009, 16.
35
Tan Koh Chor’s name has been spelt in the Singapore Hokkien romanization. Chiang Po-wei,
“Junshi zhilixia de difang shehui: yi Jinmen huaqiao wangluo wei zhongxin zhi kaocha (1949–
1970s)”, 26, 28.
shenggen 落地生根). Given this political change, many migrants became citizens
of Singapore when the state gained independence in 1965.
After the Second World War and up to the time when Singapore gained her inde-
pendence in 1965, Gezai opera remained a highly popular theatrical form among the
Hokkien population. In 1957, Singapore produced its first ever Gezai opera movie
Taming of the Princess (Zui da Jinzhi 醉打金枝).36 From the late 1970s to the 1980s,
the famous sheng actor Yang Li-Hua (楊麗花), known for her role in televised Gezai
opera (dianshi gezaixi 電視歌仔戲) in Taiwan, caused a frenzy in Singapore. The
penetration of Gezai opera in various forms of media, including TV and movies,
allowed for its transmission from Taiwan to Singapore.37 Yang Li-hua continues to
be a role model of many contemporary Gezai opera performers in Singapore.
4.4 ‘Gezai Opera Style’ Puppet Theatre
The ‘Gezai opera style’ puppet theatre deserves some attention here. It is a distinctive
type that is only found in Singapore and Malaysia and differs from its counterparts in
southern Fujian, Taiwan and Kinmen.38 The argument here surmises that the tradi-
tional string puppet theatre has a liturgical function whereas the influence of an oper-
atic form—usually less related to liturgical rituals—indicates that the Hokkien string
puppet theatre in Singapore underwent a process of ‘secularization’. The mid-
twentieth century was the turning point in this transformation, resulting in a contrast
between the liturgical and secular function of string puppet theatre. Despite this dra-
matic change, there is little discussion about the impact of Gezai opera on puppet
theatre in Singapore. To my knowledge, the deviation from liturgical rituals in Gezai
opera style puppet theatre of Singapore has not been pointed out in any study.
Discussion below will explain how and possibly when this transformation took place.
As indicated in Chap. 3, the dominance of Gezai opera had overshadowed and
eventually replaced Gaojia opera as the main theatrical genre among the Hokkien
community in Singapore. The string and glove puppet theatre pertaining to the
Hokkien group was not ‘spared’ either. It is not known which was the earliest
36
Kang Sin Joo Brenda, “A Study on Taming of the Princess: A Singapore Amoy-dialect film in the
1950s”,
Final Year Project, Nanyang Technological University, 2016.
37
“Yang Li-Hua: The Representative of Gezai Opera”, Lianhe Zaobao, 17 July 1983, NL14138,
30, http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/lhzb19830717-
1 . 2 .71.3.1?S T= 1&AT=search&k=%E6%AD%8C% E 4 % BB% 9 4 % E6 % 8 8 % 8 F % 2 0
%E5%94%B1%E7%89%87& QT=%E6%AD%8C,%E4%BB%94,%E6%88%8F,%E5%94%B1,
%E7%89%87&oref=article, last accessed 29 September 2017.
38
For a discussion of glove puppet theatre in Malaysia, see Sooi-Beng Tan, The Glove Puppet
Theater (po te hi) in Malaysia, Asian Music, Vol. 13, No. 1 (1981), 53–72. For a more recent pub-
lication of Tan’s work, see Sooi-Beng Tan, “Potehi of Penang, Malaysia: Adapting to the Times”,
Kaori Fushiki and Robin Ruizendaal ed., Potehi: Glove Puppet Theatre in Southeast Asia and
Taiwan.
4.4 ‘Gezai Opera Style’ Puppet Theatre 81
Hokkien puppet troupe to arrive or establish in Singapore. Hokkien puppet troupes

existed between the 1920s and the 1930s and puppet theatre reached its peak in the
1950s. There is a lack of information on how Hokkien puppet troupes made the
conversion from performing Nanguan music to Gezai tune, or if these troupes were
disbanded by the 1930s when the transition took place.39 Our only source is Lee
Chye Ee (李載飴) of the Jit Guat Sin (Ri Yue Sheng/Ri Yue Xing 日月生/日月星)
troupe. The proliferation of Gezai tune and the decline in popularity of Nanguan
music prompted Lee Chye Ee to form another troupe ‘See Yah Hui’ (Shi Ye Fei 是
也非) that sang in the Gezai style.40
While the musical style of Gezai opera characterized by its use of the seven-
character tune completely replaced Nanguan music used previously in string and
glove puppet theatre, there were also some significant changes in customs. As men-
tioned earlier, the liturgical function of string puppet theatre sets it apart from glove
puppet theatre. This liturgical function became less important as the new generation
replaced the older puppeteers who hardly received any religious training. Although
string puppet theatre still has an edge over glove puppet theatre in that it continues
to perform during the celebration of the feast day of the Heavenly Emperor, the
liturgical nature of string puppet theatre strongly seen in southern Fujian, Taiwan
and Kinmen has been reduced.41
The current batch of puppeteers lacked the liturgical training and hence do not
continue with the liturgical role of string puppet theatre. One of the exceptions
worth mentioning here is the Chew Yee (秋藝) troupe. Goh Swee Theng, troupe
leader of Chew Yee, is known for his ‘Complete Performance of the Su’ (Dachusu 大
出蘇) ritual, which is only seen in string puppet theatre meant for occasions like the
establishment of a new temple. Goh received training in Nanan (南安) of Quanzhou
for a few months and preferred to use the repertoire from China over that of the
Gezai opera that originated in Taiwan. Besides learning the manipulation skills of
string and glove puppetry, Goh’s teacher was a Daoist priest who taught him the
various rituals including ‘The Complete Performance of Su’. These specialized
skills set Chew Yee apart from other troupes who generally did not receive such
liturgical training. Goh has also earned a reputation as a liturgical specialist as he is
often invited to perform the ‘Complete Performance of Su’ in Malaysia.42
39
More research is required to find out whether these changes were affected by the socio-political
situation in Communist China.
40
Lee Chye Ee, National Archives of Singapore, Accession No. 000936, No. 3, 20.
41
Both the string puppet and glove puppet types are still performed in Singapore today. However,
Hokkien string puppet theatre that originated from southern Fujian had a distinct exorcistic func-
tion and puppeteers had to engage in various exorcistic performances, such as the liturgical play
meant for the redemption of the souls of the dead. This exorcistic function is less seen in Singapore
today. From my observations, the exorcistic role of string puppet theatre is mainly restricted to two
troupes, Jit Guat Sin and Chew Yee (秋藝). The proprietors of both troupes received liturgical
training.
42
Goh Swee Theng, interview by Zac Li, 8 June 2015.
4.5 Effects of Urbanization and Secularization
During the second half of the twentieth century, many radical changes took place in
the political, social, economic and cultural aspects. Singapore gained its indepen-
dence when it was ousted from the Federation of Malaysia in 1965. This sudden
event left the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) at a loss about the future of this
young country. Singapore was then plagued with problems such as overpopulation,
unemployment and an economy heavily dependent on the almost dysfunctional
entrepôt trade.43 The ruling elite felt that nation-building in Singapore had to be
closely associated with industrialization. To create an efficient workforce, employ-
ees had to have a good command of the English language. This emphasis on the
English language is still strongly instilled today.
The phase of nation-building during the early years of the post-independence era
focused on industrialization and economic progress, with the use of English as a
tool to prepare the workforce for the global market. However, a fear of Western
decadence and de-culturalization caused by the over-emphasis on English began to
develop in the 1970s. To address this fear, the government decided to elevate the
status of Mandarin Chinese. Mandarin, instead of other Chinese languages, was
regarded as the medium for young Chinese Singaporeans to learn their culture and
values.44 The gradual eradication of non-Mandarin Chinese languages was reflected
in the Speak Mandarin Campaign (SMC) inaugurated in 1979. The slogan of the
SMC was “Speak more Mandarin and less dialects (regional speech)”. The SMC
was part of the bilingual policy of the Ministry of Education.45 The penetration of
the SMC was a thorough one that ensured the use of Mandarin in schools, work-
places, public spaces such as food (hawker) centres, shopping malls and hospitals;
and public transport and eventually even regional speech programmes on television
and radio were totally phased out.46 Bilingualism, that is the use of English and
Mandarin (for the ethnic Chinese) or literacy in English and Mandarin, has a long-
lasting effect on traditional Chinese theatre.
Prior to the SMC in 1979, Hokkien was the language most understood by the
population in Singapore, including the non-Chinese, with a percentile of 77.9.47
43
Chor Boon Goh and S. Gopinathan, “The Development of Education in Singapore since 1965”,
Sing-Kong Lee, Towards a Better Future: Education and Training for Economic Development in
Singapore since 1965 (World Bank Publications, 2008), 12–14.
44
Thompson Teo and Vivien Lim, Language Planning and social transformation strategies to pro-
mote Speak Mandarin Campaign in Singapore (Singapore: Faculty of Business Administration,
National University of Singapore, 2002), 3; Terence Chong, The Theatre and the State in Singapore
(London: New York, NY: Routledge, 2011), 70.
45
Teo and Lim, Language Planning, 2–3.
46
“Address by the Prime Minister Mr. Lee Kuan Yew at the Opening Ceremony of the “Promote
the Use of Mandarin” Campaign on 7 Sep 79 at Singapore Conference Hall”, http://mandarin.org.
sg/en/~/media/smc/documents/goh%20pm%20lee%20kwan%20yew_smc%20launch%20
speech_070979.pdf, accessed 12 July 2015.
47
Evangelos A. Afendras, Language and Society in Singapore. Singapore: Singapore University
Press, 1980, 50.
4.5 Effects of Urbanization and Secularization 83
However, this changed dramatically after the launch of SMC. The penetration of
SMC was deeply felt in every part of society, including the Seventh lunar month,
popularly known as ‘Zhongyuan Jie’ (Middle Primordial Festival 中元節). During
this period, many opera and puppet performances were staged. In 1987, state offi-
cials arranged lessons in Mandarin through telephone calls. To further encourage
the use of Mandarin in the Seventh Lunar month auctions, cassette tapes on
Mandarin lessons were distributed to the auction organizers.48 Since sponsors and
organizers were required to promote the use of Mandarin in venues where perfor-
mances were staged, the use of regional languages suffered a severe blow.
Furthermore, the SMC proved highly effective among the younger generation.
With the discouragement of regional vernaculars in schools and at homes, the use of
Mandarin in the homes of Primary 1 (First Grade of elementary school) Chinese
students had risen from 25.9% in 1980 to 54.1 in 1999. The use of regional speech
within this group dropped drastically from 64.4% in 1980 to only 2.5% in 1999.49
Opera and puppet performances that use regional vernaculars lost a big group of
spectators as these youths were unable to understand the languages at all. The lack
of understanding also meant that interest in continuing the trade was dwindling.
This was in stark contrast with the heavy emphasis on English in the highly com-
petitive workforce that promised Singaporeans a better career prospect and socio-
economic status. Given this widespread eradication of regional speech and the
negative perceptions about its usage, the performers are one of the few remaining
groups with a good command of their ancestral hometown language. It was inevi-
table that opera and puppet theatre would soon become marginalized. This partly
explains the lack of audience today.
The performers also faced social stigma because most of them could hardly
speak English. This seemed to be the norm until the late 1970s as children from
poor families were encouraged to join opera troupes as a means of earning a living.
These children might not have received any form of school education and as a result
had very little English, the dominant language used in the workforce.50 Several per-
formers, born in the 1950s and 1960s, revealed that due to their lack of command of
English, there was little they could do besides performing. Even if they were to
make ends meet, they had to take up odd jobs with a low and unstable salary. The
performers’ lack of literacy in English had also marginalized and placed them in the
lowest strata of society. The situation was worsened by a new generation of
Singaporeans who are English educated, speak little or none of the Chinese regional
languages and cannot appreciate traditional art forms. Chinese opera and puppet
48
Speak Mandarin Campaign, http://mandarin.org.sg/en/about/milestones/, accessed 12 July 2015.
49
The Promote Mandarin Council, Hua ren, Hua yu, Hua wen [Mandarin: The Chinese Connection].
Xinjiapo: Tui guang huayu lishihui, 2000.
50
An example was 25 year-old Gwee Ling Kiat, a yangqin (struck zither) player who had the inten-
tion of leaving the opera troupe, but his lack of English skills had hindered his advancement. See
Arnold Perris, “Chinese Wayang: The Survival of Chinese Opera in the Streets of Singapore”,
Ethnomusicology, Vol. 22, No. 2 (May 1978), 301.
theatre was often dismissed as noisy and crude.51 There was little impetus for the
younger generation to join a trade that was unstable and low-paying. Furthermore,
there was little support from the government. By the late twentieth century, troupes
were already struggling for survival.
Given the lack of government support, coupled with the disinterest and inability
of younger Singaporeans to understand regional opera and puppet theatre, Chinese
theatre is now ‘reduced’ to a theatrical form supported by a small minority in the
religious context. During the pre-independence era, Chinese opera and puppet the-
atre also performed in a religious context but was also enjoyed by a large audience
able to appreciate it both as a theatrical form and entertainment.
Compared to other regional groups of Chinese ethnicity in Singapore, the
Hokkien group still has the largest number of opera and puppet troupes. These
troupes perform in religious festivals, such as the feast day of a deity. Temple orga-
nizers and their devotees are the main sponsors for such performances. Despite the
government’s efforts to eradicate regional languages in the public sphere, opera and
puppet performances in the Hokkien language still exist today. The vast number of
celebrations, including deities’ feast days, universal salvation, particularly during
the lunar seventh month known as Zhongyuan Jie, and the proliferation of spirit
mediums (tongji 童乩 or tangki in Hokkien) and ‘household shrines’ (shentan 神壇
or sintua in Hokkien)52 all provide an opportunity for the staging of opera and pup-
pet theatre.53 The spirit mediums have a significant role to play in the dissemination
of the Daoist faith. When the mediums go into a trance, the deity is believed to have
possessed the medium, giving him or her powers to heal the sick. The devotees,
mostly Chinese and including some non-Chinese, consult the spirit mediums on
matters related to health, finance or spirituality, and even the future. In addition,
spirit mediums are sometimes seen giving sweets, red eggs and other ‘auspicious’
food items believed to bless whoever receives it. This form of alternative healing
practised by the spirit medium is still sought after even in contemporary Singapore
where medical technology is generally accessible. Due to their perceived spiritual
powers, the spirit mediums can appeal to many devotees who will express their
thanksgiving by sponsoring opera or puppet performances during the feast day of
the deity(s) that the spirit medium is representing.
The household shrines are also worth mentioning. They are cheaper to maintain
in land-scarce Singapore than in temples. Household shrines are usually located in
51
An unnamed woman bank officer said, “I have never sat through a wayang (theatre) show, simply
because I don’t understand what’s going on. I think it is a bore and the noisy banging of gongs and
clashing of cymbals is a vexation.” Another interviewee said, “Hokkien wayangs I don’t go for
anymore. The performances frequently infuse crude, sometimes vulgar language into their lines.”
Another said, “The noise can be irritating if the stage is near one’s home.” These quotes are cited
from Perris, “Chinese Wayang”, 303.
52
The spellings of ‘tangki’ and ‘sintua’ are commonly used in Singapore. The English translation
for sintua is the author’s own.
53
From my interaction with Henghua religious specialists in Singapore, they do not agree on the
use of ‘tangki’ to describe spirit mediums. In their opinion, the ‘Ki’ (ji 乩) refers to planchette
writing. Spirit mediums are called ‘shen tong’ (神童) instead.
4.6 Pushing for Survival: Conclusion 85
the residential housing of spirit mediums. During festive celebrations, a temporary

canopy in an open space is erected. Opera and/or puppet stages are often seen nearby.
These household shrines or personal cults have continued to survive, if not increase
in numbers, within the ethnic Chinese population, mostly among the Hokkien group.
In a way, the survival of opera and puppet troupes also depend on these household
shrines. This will be illustrated in the accounts on Singapore in Chaps. 5 and 6.
From a migrant society to an island-state, Singapore has undergone tremendous
changes and some of which have a long-lasting effect on Hokkien theatre. The
emphasis placed on English and later Mandarin, resulted in the eradication of
regional vernaculars (commonly known as dialects). Before 1979, the Hokkien ver-
nacular was widely used across intra-regional communities, such as the Teochew
and Cantonese, and even across ethnic groups, including the Malays and Indians.
The decline of Hokkien theatre is in part due to urbanization, residents move from
shophouses to high-rise housing which are often quite a distance away from the
temples where opera and puppet shows are staged. The lack of comprehensibility in
the Hokkien vernacular also played a role in the disinterest of the younger genera-
tion on Hokkien theatre. Furthermore, the lack of national support and the general
social stigma towards the (outdoor) theatrical trade all proved disadvantageous to
the theatrical forms.
4.6 Pushing for Survival: Conclusion
In all three sites, Taiwan seems to be the most forward-looking in the development
of its theatrical forms. The two most popular forms—Gezai opera and glove puppet
theatre (potehi)—are especially noted for their creativity and openness in absorbing
modern elements. The Japanese legacy, even after their departure in 1945, has a
long-lasting effect on Taiwanese theatre that is not seen elsewhere. However, other
theatrical forms faced the issue of rapid decline, as in the case of Gaojia opera and
string puppet theatre. For string puppet theatre, existing groups are coming up with
innovative ways yet maintaining some of the traditions passed down.
For Kinmen, although the local Gaojia opera is less active, veteran performers
and opera enthusiasts often consult professionals from Fujian in mainland China.
There were also occasions when troupes from Fujian were invited to perform. String
puppet theatre is by far the most popular form, given the opportunities to perform
on various occasions. Some of the troupes that are currently run by the younger
generations, are also thinking of creative ways and new opportunities to sustain the
trade. As in the case of Singapore, this chapter has highlighted the impact Gezai
opera has on the Hokkien theatrical scene. Not only did Gezai opera replace the
older Gaojia opera, it also transformed the way puppet theatre is performed. This is
reflected in the music and repertoire. Also with the demise of the older generation
of puppeteers, the newer generation in the 1980s are retired or existing Gezai opera
performers who lacked the liturgical and professional training as puppeteers.
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Chapter 5
In Practice
Faced with the challenge of competing with various forms of entertainment such as
movies, TV, the internet and the highly pervasive smart device technology, Hokkien
theatre has been struggling for its continued survival in the contemporary era.
Considering the varying developments of Hokkien theatre in the three sites—
Taiwan, Kinmen and Singapore—this chapter has selected string puppet theatre as
the focus for the following reasons. String puppet theatre enjoyed a higher social
standing compared to other genres in Hokkien theatre; string puppeteers are still
highly venerated because of their training as religious specialists. Despite this
highly respected status, string puppet theatre in all three sites faced the mammoth
task of persistence, especially when trained religious specialists well versed in this
theatrical practice are on a rapid decline.
The Hokkien string puppet theatre enjoys a higher social standing compared to
its opera counterparts and glove puppet theatre. In the context when literacy was
generally low, this higher status in Hokkien theatre was partly due to the high level
of literacy of string puppeteers.1 Back in Quanzhou, string puppeteers enjoyed a
relatively higher status because of their training as religious specialists, with some
having trained as Daoist priests who could ‘communicate’ with deities and spirits.2
It was due to this ability to engage in supernatural communication that string pup-
peteers were (and still are) feared in the community and hence treated with respect.
Hence, the marionette master is highly respected. This is different from the rela-
tively low status of opera performers. For example, in the past, when both Liyuan
opera and string puppet theatre performed at the same venue, the opera actors had
to let the puppeteers begin first. During the Qing dynasty, string puppeteers wore a
scholar’s robe and were respectfully addressed as ‘sir’ (xiansheng 先生).3 Apart
1
Ruizendaal, Marionette Theatre in Quanzhou, 45; Piet van der Loon, The Classical Theatre, 35.
2
Van der Loon, The Classical Theatre, 19.
3
Ruizendaal, Marionette Theatre in Quanzhou, 44. This is also verified by Hsueh Ying-Yuan 薛熒
源of the Chin Fei Feng 錦飛鳳 puppet troupe in Kaohsiung. Hsueh Ying-Yuan, Personal interview,
Taipei, 27 July 2016.
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1834-4_5
88 5 In Practice
from their specialized training as religious specialists, the reverence for string pup-
peteers was attributed to their ability to read and write classical Chinese.4
As mentioned before, historical sources had indicated that Chief Marshal Tian,
the patron deity of puppet theatre, is a powerful exorcist.5 The connection between
this patron saint and puppet theatre can be inferred, as Chief Marshal Tian is often
seen in a string puppet form. He is still invited to the stage to perform exorcistic rites
in southern Fujian, Kinmen and Singapore today. Another special role played by
string puppet theatre that sets it apart from opera and glove puppet theatre is that it
is deemed fit only for the Heavenly Emperor, the highest divinity in Daoist belief. A
likely reason is that the string puppet is seen as a manifestation of a god, as in the
case of Chief Marshal Tian.6 In Quanzhou, contemporary string puppet perfor-
mances are still staged in ‘Thanksgiving to Heaven’ (xietian 謝天) rituals dedicated
to the Heavenly Emperor.7 String puppet theatre is still performed in celebration of
the feast day of the Heavenly or Jade Emperor in Kinmen and Singapore today.
In southern Fujian, string puppeteers function as religious specialists and are
ordained into the lineage of Daoism as represented by their Daoist names. Those who
have received Buddhist training receive Dharma names. Some of the names of string
puppet troupes also carry Daoist ceremonial names (tanhao 壇號).8 This situation fur-
ther illustrates how the role of religion, particularly its association with exorcistic roles,
serves as an important factor of using literacy (writing) as religious specialists engage
in talisman writing, and writing and reciting memorials to the deities. It also indicates
that social status has a part to play in the acquisition of literacy and vice versa.
Understanding the close association between religious specialists and string pup-
pet theatre will help us comprehend the contemporary theatrical practices. Through
fieldwork conducted between 2013 and 2016 in Taiwan, Kinmen and Singapore,
there will be ethnographic accounts of events on the performances of string puppet
theatre. By providing detailed narratives of the theatrical practices in these three
sites, we can see how the tradition of the string puppeteer as a religious specialist
varies from site to site.
5.1 Taiwan: An Innovative Tradition
Unlike the glove puppet theatre in Taiwan, string puppet theatre faces constant chal-
lenges to sustain itself. To date, there is only one active string puppet troupe in
Taiwan—Chin Fei Feng Puppet Troupe (錦飛鳳傀儡劇團) from south Taiwan.
4
5
In Chap. 2, a Ming dynasty source A Complete Collection Concerning the Origins of Deities of
the Three-in-One Religion (Sanjiao Yuanliu Soushen Daquan 三教源流搜神大全) was cited to
demonstrate the magical powers of the God of Theatre.
6
Margaret Chan, Ritual is Theatre, 135–136.
7
8
Ye Mingsheng, Fujian kuileixi shi lun, 302.
5.1 Taiwan: An Innovative Tradition 89
However, it is also worth mentioning the ‘Exorcist Dance of Zhong Kui’ that is still
performed by Ching Ch’un T’ang (景春堂) in the north. In Taiwan, there are basi-
cally two categories of performance traditions. The northern tradition of expelling
malevolent forces (chusha 除煞) as the primary objective and celebratory as sec-
ondary is derived from the Dingzhou (汀州) and Zhangzhou areas in southern
Fujian, whereas the southern tradition of performing celebratory theatre with some
rituals for expelling malice derives from the Quanzhou tradition.9 This case study of
the string puppet tradition in northern Taiwan will serve to illustrate the exorcistic
nature of liturgical theatre.
Besides the role of Chief Marshal Tian as the exorcist in string puppet theatre,
the legendary demon-catcher Zhong Kui (鍾馗) is also revered for his role in expel-
ling malevolent forces. During the Tang dynasty, Zhong Kui was popularly known
for his exorcistic power and in the Song Dynasty, the theatrical ritual of exorcism
known as the ‘Dance of Zhong Kui’ was performed.10 During the late nineteenth
century, there were records of string puppet theatre in the northern part of Taiwan,
derived from Dingzhou.11 Although there were quite a handful of string puppet
troupes and puppeteers that could perform exorcistic rites, the numbers were few
and far between. One reason given for its decline was the solemn nature of such
liturgical theatre as children and pregnant women were prohibited from watching
for fear of clashing with the evil forces. Adding to this awe were the various kinds
of taboos attached to the performance of Zhong Kui. The performer or puppeteer
requires liturgical training to prevent possible attack by malevolent spirits. There
had been accidents in the past where misfortune befell on performers who did not
conduct the necessary rites to protect themselves from such malice.12 For example,
to protect the performer/puppeteer and the people around him, it is necessary to set
up the five camps (an wuying 安五營), believed to prevent malicious spirits from
entering when the ritual is conducted.13
The profile featured in this case study is Lin Chin-Lien (林金鍊), the master exor-
cist and puppeteer of Ching Ch’un T’ang. Lin’s diverse background included his train-
ing as a glove puppeteer and a religious specialist well versed in talisman writing.
Such training, coupled with artistic creativity, has allowed him to present the liturgical
rite of the ‘Exorcist Dance of Zhong Kui’. Making use of props, background sets,
lighting and music, Lin has pushed the perception of this exorcistic rite, once viewed
9
Shih Kuang-Sheng and Wang Ch’un-Mei, Lin Jin Lian Tiao Zhongkui yishi juchang, 14–15.
10
Richard von Glahn, The Sinister Way: The Divine and the Demonic in Chinese Religious Culture,
Berkeley: University of California Press, c2004, 123.
11
For a more detailed description of the troupes and their locations, see Shih and Wang, Lin Jin
Lian Tiao Zhongkui, 12.
12
These taboos were mentioned by Lin Chin-Lien, the master exorcist of Ching Ch’un T’ang and
the recollection by Chung Jen-Pi (鍾任壁) of his father Chung Jen Hsiu Chih (鍾任秀智)’s
accounts. See Shih and Wang, Lin Jin Lian Tiao Zhongkui, 28–30.
13
This is mentioned by Chung Jen-Pi and is still a practice observed during the ‘Exorcist Dance of
Zhong
Kui’ rite performed by Ching Ch’un Tang today. See Shih and Wang, Lin Jin Lian Tiao
Zhongkui, 30.
90 5 In Practice
with awe, to a new height. The ritual has become an artistic piece and balancing
between the dichotomies of tradition and modernity, secular (artistic) and liturgical.14
The Exorcistic Dance of Zhong Kui Ritual for ‘Returning the Soul to Its Original
Position’, Chongqing North Road, Datong District, Taipei, 29 October 2016.
The performance of the Exorcistic Dance of Zhong Kui by Master Lin Chin-Lien
on 29 October 2016 at Chongqing North Road (重慶北路) of the Datong District (
大同區) in Taipei was for ‘returning the lone soul to its position’ (guhun guiwei 孤
魂歸位). There is the belief that those who had unnatural deaths, such as drowning,
car accident, murder or suicide, would wander at the site where the death occurred
to find a replacement (zhua jiaoti 抓交替). To ensure that these souls do not cause
harm to the mortal world, the ‘Exorcistic Dance of Zhong Kui’ is performed to
guide them to their appointed spaces.15 The belief that there are seven malevolent
elements (qisha 七煞) in the execution of this ritual has to be curbed with the seven
treasures (qibao 七寶), namely, the gong and drum, sword, salt and rice grains,
straw mat, heaven, earth and the mortal. The ritual on 29 October 2016 was con-
ducted near the residence of the deceased, who had a suicidal death. Master Lin
Chin-Lien and his helpers arrived before 2:00 p.m. to prepare the ritual setup. The
ritual objects used in this rite will be elaborated in this ethnographic account below.
At about 2:00 p.m., the beating of the drum could be heard marking the com-
mencement of the ‘Exorcistic Dance of Zhong Kui’ rite. Lin began by burning tal-
ismans in water (hua jingshuifu 化淨水符). This is then used for cleansing the
various ritual objects. The sides of a long yellow cloth were held by two helpers and
on which Lin began the talisman writing on the spot. After the cloth talisman was
completed, he stamped it with a seal. The cloth talisman was handed to the deceased’s
family for protection. Talismans are an essential component in the rites conducted
by Lin and he insisted on writing all the talismans by hand, said to have better effi-
cacy in warding off malevolent forces.16
After the cleansing ritual and preparation of talismans, a tile was taken and
placed on the ground while Lin knelt down on one leg and used a white chalk to
draw a talisman that represents a spiritual net (tianluo diwang 天羅地網). The tile
was returned to the ritual setup where the various ritual objects, such as a mirror,
talismans and cleansed water, were placed. At the other ritual setup, Master Lin
started with the arrangement of bowls (paiwan 排碗). These bowls, usually com-
prising the numbers 28, 36 or 72, represent the 36 constellations (tiangang 天罡) or
celestial generals (tianjiang 天將).17 After the arrangement of the bowls was com-
pleted, talismans were pasted. This setup was meant to protect the exorcist puppe-
teer, helpers, musicians and onlookers by ‘hiding’ their souls in these bowls to avoid
disturbance from evil forces.18
14
Shih and Wang, Lin Jin Lian Tiao Zhongkui, 27, 97.
15
Shih and Wang, Lin Jin Lian Tiao Zhongkui, 91.
16
Shih and Wang, Lin Jin Lian Tiao Zhongkui, 98.
17
Information provided by Lin Chin-Lien.
18
Shih and Wang, Lin Jin Lian Tiao Zhongkui, 98; Chiu Kun-Liang, “Taiwan de tiao Zhongkui”,
Minsu Quyi, Vol. 85, 1993, 362.
5.1 Taiwan: An Innovative Tradition 91
As mentioned above, the invitation of the generals representing the five direc-
tional camps is an essential component in the Exorcist Dance of Zhong Kui ritual.
Representing the ‘earth’ element of the seven treasures, these generals serve as pro-
tective guards to ward off any possible malevolent forces and prevent harm to every-
one present. After the arrangement of the bowls, Master Lin proceeded with the
invitation of the five directional generals (an wuying 安五營). These generals are
represented by five flags of green, red, white, black and yellow colours, which
denote the north, south, east, west and central directions. Master Lin ‘invited’ the
generals by taking the flags, one by one, and inserting them in cylinders filled with
rice. Each time, he knelt down to insert the flag and got up to pray to the respective
generals. After this was completed, Lin returned to the setup where the bowls were
placed, and using a brush dipped in red cinnabar ink he drew in the air and on all
four sides of the setup, dotted on the talismans pasted on the bowls. This is believed
to enhance the protection of the souls kept under the bowls. Master Lin then returned
to the setup where the five-directional flags were placed and used his brush to dot on
the sides of the altar, possibly for added efficacy. This dotting process was also con-
ducted in various corners of the setup, followed by the pasting of talismans on the
spots where the cinnabar brush was used before. It is apparent that multiple layers
of protection are observed in an exorcistic ritual like this. Master Lin also distrib-
uted talismans, which he drew by hand, to everyone present for self-protection.
Returning to the main ritual setup, Master Lin took a small bowl where he did a
mudra and after which he started to scatter the ‘spiritual’ salt and rice grains (sa yan
mi 灑鹽米). The scattering of salt and rice grains is likened to flying dust and stone
that serves as a deterrence to malignant forces. For self-protection, he hung the
spiritual whip (fasuo 法索) on his neck.
Another important rite is the ‘breaking of the tile’ (po wa sha 破瓦煞). A tile was
placed on the ground in front of the ritual setup. Master Lin drew out a sword
believed to have demon-quelling powers. He knelt on one leg, turned the pointed
end of the sword downwards while his other foot stepped on the tile, smashing it
into pieces. A helper burnt incense paper near where the sword was positioned. The
smashing of the tile and use of the sword is also believed to ward off any possible
malice. Master Lin then held the mirror high up with both hands and shone the
reflective surface at different corners. The mirror, with red markings drawn on the
surface, is believed to have the power of eliminating evil spirits.
While the necessary rites were conducted, it is high time to invite the main exor-
cist Zhong Kui. Incense paper was burnt, and Master Lin invited the deity, who
appears in a string puppet form, to conduct the exorcistic dance (Fig. 5.1). The
mightiness of the deity is displayed through the experienced manipulation by the
puppeteer. Once Zhong Kui was invited, Master Lin, his helpers and the musicians
proceeded by foot to the top floor of the deceased’s house. One by one, everyone
climbed up the narrow flight of stairs, with the master exorcist Zhong Kui ‘leading’
the way. Upon reaching the top floor which was not accessible to the rest because of
space constrain, Master Lin proceeded with purified water soaked in the leaves of the
hibiscus plant (furongye 芙蓉葉), which is believed to have the power of warding off
92 5 In Practice
Fig. 5.1 Exorcist Dance of Zhong Kui
malice. After Master Lin descended from the stairs of the top floor, his assistant, who
happened to be his grandson, helped by inviting the Zhong Kui puppet to conduct an
‘inspection’ at the various corners of the house. Master Lin then proceeded with the
pasting of talismans at the same spots. Upon reaching the floor where deities were
worshipped, Master Lin, together with the Zhong Kui puppet, paid respect.
After leaving the deceased’s residence, Master Lin pasted talismans on the doors
of residences in the neighbourhood, followed by Zhong Kui’s ‘inspection’ con-
ducted by his grandson. The ritual lasted one and a half hours. At around 3:30 p.m.,
the ritual ended when the deity Zhong Kui was sent off and returned to the altar
where the deity was worshipped in the ritual setup. Master Lin’s grandson helped
5.2 Kinmen: Lineage–Focused Tradition 93
with returning the deity to its altar while he instructed the deceased’s family mem-
ber and handed her a stack of talismans. Lin then returned to the main altar of Zhong
Kui and prayed to the deity. After sending off the main deity Zhong Kui, Lin pro-
ceeded with offering incense paper and sending off the 36 constellations (tiangang)
and 72 earth emanations (disha 地煞) representing the celestial troops and generals.
This sending off was marked by removing the bowls from its original formation.
This was followed by sending off the generals of the five directional camps.
Incense paper was burnt and the flags representing the five directions were removed,
one by one. The black flag representing the north direction was removed first,
followed by white (west), red (south), green (east) and yellow (central). The ritual
space was then cleansed by sprinkling purified water soaked with hibiscus leaves,
marking the end of the ritual.
As demonstrated in this account, the puppeteer serves as the exorcist who must
make sure that all the necessary rites are conducted to eliminate malevolent forces
and ultimately achieve the objective of returning the deceased’s soul to its desig-
nated place. It also illustrates the liturgical function of string puppet theatre as rep-
resented by the Zhong Kui deity.
5.2 Kinmen: Lineage–Focused Tradition
Like its Taiwanese counterpart, string puppet theatre also retains its liturgical func-
tion in Kinmen. However, the distinction between the former and the latter is that
glove puppet theatre has otherwise disappeared in contemporary Kinmen. According
to my chief informant Yang T’u-Chin (楊土金), one reason for the decline of glove
puppet theatre is that there are more occasions for the performance of string puppet
theatre.19 This is the reverse situation in Taiwan. While glove puppet theatre is
staged for entertainment purposes, the more solemn nature of string puppet theatre
and its continued existence in Kinmen is an indication of the relatively conservative
nature of Kinmen society. In other words, the liturgical function of string puppet
theatre is preferred over the entertaining role played by glove puppets.
This case study of string puppet theatre in Kinmen will focus on the ‘theatre of
suppressing malevolence’ (zhishaxi 制煞戲) during the ‘Pacification Offering’
(thereafter called dian-an 奠安) or ‘Offering of Celebrating Completion’ (qin-
gcheng jiao 慶成醮), which is a custom in Kinmen. The objective of the Pacification
Offering is to ensure that the environment/earth (tu 土) is secured or pacified after a
new building or temple is established or that an old construction is restored. Given
the destruction and heavy casualties in Kinmen during the constant shelling by the
Communists from mainland China, many old lineage halls, temples and residential
houses were destroyed. This was specially the case for Kuningtou (古寧頭), which
was historically a battle site fought between the CCP and KMT armies when the
Communists attempted to take control of the island.
19
Personal Interview of Yang T’u-Chin in Kinmen, 16 October 2016.
94 5 In Practice
To ensure that the necessary rituals are carried out effectively, the priest-in-
charge Master Yang T’u-Chin began the preparations a week before. Various kinds
of talismans made from a variety of materials, including stone, metal, bamboo and
tiles, were prepared during this period. Master Yang played multiple roles, including
as puppeteer, Daoist priest and fashi on various occasions. During the Dian-an event
that I observed in December 2016, Yang was the chief priest and main puppeteer in
the Theatre of Suppressing Malevolence. There are various occasions for conduct-
ing the Dian-an ritual, including the construction or restoration of a lineage hall,
temple or residence. The ritual conducted for each type of building varies. As in the
case of the Dian-an event that I observed on 3, 4 and 6 December, it was to celebrate
the restoration of the lineage hall belonging to the Li clan. According to the local
belief, a three-day Dian-an event is considered grand and usually only held for a
longer duration if there is a significantly considerable number of members within
the clan. There are various regulations determining the types of rituals held and the
timings these rituals are held, which cannot be delayed at will.20 While the objective
of the Dian-an ritual in general is to ensure that the occupants continue to live safely
and peacefully, the ritual conducted for the lineage hall is specifically aimed at
ancestor worship, blessing the descendants and the continuance of the lineage. Very
importantly, restoration of the lineage hall also served to bring honour to the
ancestors.21
Dian-an Event at the Lineage Hall of the Eldest Son of the Second Generation of
the Li Clan, No. 51 Pei-shan, Kuning village, Chin-Ning town, Kinmen County, 3,
4 and 6 December 2017.
It was in the wee hours when the Dian-an event was held. As mentioned before,
the selection of the auspicious hour is highly regarded. At about 1:00 a.m. of the first
(zi 子) hour on 3 December (fifth day of the eleventh lunar month), the opening of
the event was marked by the beating of the drums. At 1:30 a.m., Priest Yang T’u-
Chin put on his Daoist robe and began with the presentation of memorials. This
memorial is a document where the priest would recite the names of members of the
Li clan and request for the ‘transplantation of blessings’ (zhifu 植福). The ritual
lasted about 20 min, and meanwhile the preparation for the performance of sup-
pressing malevolence was made at the permanent opera stage outside the lineage
hall.
Unlike the usual theatrical shows for entertainment, this liturgical performance
was a moment said to possess malevolent forces that had to be expelled, and hence
onlookers tended to avoid watching the performance. The addressing of others’
names was also a taboo. Even the words ‘suppressing malevolence’ should not be
uttered. Talismans were already pasted in various parts of the puppet stage, includ-
ing the supporting beams that marked the performance space (smaller space within
the opera stage). On the pole used to hang the puppets, there were three five-thunder
talismans (wulei fu 五雷符) pasted in the central spot where Chief Marshal Tian
20
Wang Chen-Han, Dongmen chuanqi: Jinmen Minnan wenhua zhi mei, Taibei shi: Wang Chen-
Han, 2009.
21
Guningtou Li shi zongqinhui huikan, 2012, 281.
Fig. 5.2 Theatre of Suppressing Malevolence by Chief Marshal Tian
was positioned. Talismans were also pasted at the corners of the stage. A mat placed
in front of the performance area was partly covered by three pieces of cloth, namely,
red, yellow and black, believed to have the magical power of suppressing malice.
Before commencing the liturgical performance, Master Yang offered incense at the
sides of the stage as well as on the offerings placed in front of the stage.
The performance began with inviting the Chief Marshal Tian, the God of Theatre,
who is the chief exorcist for this liturgical theatre (Fig. 5.2). This was then followed
by inviting the four generals, possibly representing Wen (溫), Kang (康), Ma (馬)
and Zhao (趙), one by one, by Master Yang who skilfully manipulated the martial
puppets armed with swords, portraying a sense of mightiness and awe. The generals
were then positioned at the sides of the stage, believed to guard off any malicious
forces. Next, Master Yang held on to a sword and brought a white rooster to the
centre of the stage where he prayed to Chief Marshal Tian. The sword was then used
to slit the white rooster’s crown and a brush was used to dab the blood and write the
talismans. The rooster’s blood is believed to have the spiritual power to prevent
malicious forces from harming people and a white rooster is chosen as it symbolizes
purity with the ability to counter negative forces.22 It is commonly used in most
liturgical performances. From the use of talismans, three-coloured cloths, rooster’s
blood, to the invitation of Chief Marshal Tian and the four generals, we can see that
the constant need to prevent disruption of malevolent forces is essential in this
performance.
At 2:00 a.m., the ‘lifting of the beam’ (xianliang 掀樑) ritual began. Three crafts-
men, mainly the carpenter, mason and stonemason, were invited to participate in the
Tong Chee Kiong, Chinese Death Rituals in Singapore. London; New York: Routledge Curzon,
22
2004, 128.
96 5 In Practice
ritual. The carpenter climbed up the ladder to the ceiling of the lineage hall, and a
brush dabbed in the blood of the white rooster’s crown (same one used for the
Theatre of Suppressing Malevolence) was used to dot on the roof beam, which is
marked by a gold-coloured Taiji (太極) symbol. After this was done, the stonema-
son scattered a plate filled with grains, charcoal pieces and nails. The charcoal
pieces symbolize a productive lineage and the pronunciation of nails (ding 釘) is
similar to that of having a progeny (ding 丁).23 The Daoist ritual of transplanting
blessing continued at 3:00 a.m. The chief priest also conducted the ritual of warding
off calamities (xiaozai keyi 消灾科儀) to ask for the gods’ blessing of the clan
members.
The next ritual of ‘Chasing the Dragon’ (zhuilong 追龍) is a crucial component
in the Dian-an event. In Kinmen, the belief to chase the dragon is associated with
moving the earth and stirring up the dragon deity. Hence, it is necessary to pray to
the Earth God, and to ensure the safety of the occupants the dragon deity is invited
to return to its original position. At 5:00 a.m., the Chasing the Dragon ritual com-
menced with male representatives of the Li clan going ‘uphill’ in the dark in search
of the dragon and inviting it back to the lineage hall. The liturgical rite was con-
ducted by the Daoist priests and Priest Yang took charge in ‘dotting’ various parts of
the dragon with a brush dipped in the blood of the rooster’s crest. The dragon is
represented by a life-size dragon figurine. This dotting indicates that the dragon has
now been ritually animated and ‘come to life’, ready to be invited back to where it
should belong.
As everyone involved in the Chasing of Dragon returned to the temple, the Daoist
priests began to prepare for the worship of the Dragon deity and the invitation of the
Beam deity (qing liangshen 請樑神) as there was the lifting of the beam done by the
carpenter earlier. These rituals were conducted at 7:00 a.m. As the day brightened,
more visitors appeared at Pei-shan (北山). Villagers, mostly women with baskets of
food offerings to be presented to the various deities, also arrived at the Lineage hall.
By 10:00 a.m., members of the Li clan proceeded to the entrance of Pei-shan to
warmly receive their guests, who were led to the lineage hall to pay their respects.
Half an hour later, representatives of the Li clan were also sent to the entrance of the
Lin residence to receive the in-laws. The in-laws participated in the ceremony by
paying their respects at the lineage hall of the Li clan. As can be seen in the various
activities held as part of the Dian-an event, there was great emphasis placed on the
affinity between members of the lineage as well as in-law relatives. The liturgical
rites conducted by the priests and puppeteers in the Theatre of Suppressing
Malevolence were to ensure that malevolent forces would not come to harm the
lineage and by praying to the various deities, they would be blessed with peace and
continuation of the lineage.
By noon, a banquet set within the compound of the Li lineage hall was thrown to
receive the guests. Theatrical entertainment was staged by the Gaojia opera troupe
from Xiamen city. This theatrical presentation differs from the Theatre of
Chang Ching-Yü, “Fen yu fen: Jinmen houshuitou chun dian-an yishi de renleixue yanjiu”,
23
Masters’ Thesis, Guoli qinghua daxue, 2007, 32.

Suppressing Malevolence in that it is mainly for entertainment and does not serve to
engage in any liturgical rite. After lunch, members of the Li clan bid farewell to their
guests at about 2:00 p.m. At 3:00 p.m., the ritual of ‘changing the year’ (gai nian 改
年) was conducted by one of the priests. The objective of this ritual is to eliminate
the possible sins or bad luck experienced by the lineage and allowing them to lead
refreshing and peaceful lives. This is then followed by offerings made by clan mem-
bers at 4:00 p.m. Residents of the village also paid their visit by rewarding the
troops (kaojun or khò kun 犒軍) who are spirit soldiers, along with their horses, that
guard the surrounding village and make sure that the event ran smoothly.
In the evening at 6:00 p.m., Priest Yang prepared the various memorials to pray
to the dipper (baidou 拜斗). The objective of this ritual is to request for longevity to
be blessed upon the sponsors, in this case, members of the lineage. At 8:00 p.m.,
Priest Yang switched his role from priest to musician, which he would do occasion-
ally throughout the event, as he played the suona along with other musicians. Other
priests also played the dual roles of conducting rituals and as musicians. About an
hour later, the final ritual for the first day was the evening rite/audience (wanchao
晚朝) which came to a close at 9:00 p.m.
On 4 December 2016, the second day of Dian-an began at about 7:00 a.m. The
beginning ritual was the morning audience (zaochao 早朝). By 9:00 a.m., Priest
Yang proceeded to the ritual setup outside the lineage hall to send off the Heavenly
Emperor. This was followed by the invitation of the six constellations (liusu 六宿),
represented by life-size paper figurines sitting on six different beasts. The worship
of the six constellations was associated with the request to protect the lands of the
lineage.
Meanwhile at about 9:30 a.m., representatives of the Li clan proceeded to the
entrance of the Lin residence to welcome again their relatives. These relatives pre-
sented newly made inscribed boards. In many of the lineage halls in Kinmen,
inscribed boards could be seen hung in various corners.24 The Li lineage hall is of
no exception. The presentation of these inscribed boards serves as a commemora-
tion of the Li lineage who has honoured their ancestors. After the presentation, clan
members and their relatives paid their respect to the various deities. They were then
invited to witness this celebratory event. The guests attended the lunch banquet, fol-
lowed by entertainment by the Gaojia opera troupe.
At 3:00 p.m., Priest Yang placed the various talismans that he had prepared a
week earlier on the main ritual setup. Members of the Li clan paid their respects to
the deities by offering incense and a new round of offerings filled up the long table.
Names of the Li clan were read out by one of the key members. At 4:00 p.m., talis-
mans with the symbols of scissors and rulers (jian dao chi jing fu 剪刀尺鏡符) were
pasted at the corners of the lineage hall near the ceiling. The sharp edge of the scis-
sors facing downwards as depicted in these talismans supposedly served to suppress
any malice that may enter the lineage hall. Red talismans were also pasted at the
various entrances of the lineage hall. Other talismans, made from different materi-
For a detailed description of the various inscribed boards and their uses in Kinmen, see Yang,
24
T’ien-Hou and Lin Li-Guan, Jinmen bian-e renwu.

98 5 In Practice
als, including metal, bamboo, tiles, stones and glass containers, were positioned and
sealed with cement at the corners of the lineage hall in the five directions. As the
lineage hall has been recently refurbished, it is necessary for the clan members to
pray to the Lord of Foundations (dijizhu 地基主), Lord of Residence (zhaizhu 宅主)
and Lord of Notices (bangshen 榜神).
While all were serious and proper for the most rites conducted during the Dian-an
event, an activity known as ‘enlivening the hall’ (naoting 鬧廳) aroused laughter
and celebratory mood in the lineage hall. A priest chanted blessing on a plate of
items consisting of coins, charcoal pieces and grains, which were then tossed to the
crowd. Everyone raised their hands, with some carrying bags hoping to catch the
auspicious items. At about 9:00 p.m., the notices pasted on the walls were removed.
The child god of theatre, represented by a red-faced deity in the form of a doll sitting
on a plate filled with sweets, was invited back to the lineage hall. Members of the Li
clan also took part by helping to prepare incense paper and burning the paper figu-
rines representing the six constellations.
With the opera night performance still ongoing, Priest Yang headed to the side
entrance of the lineage hall where the altar worshipping the dragon was positioned.
As the ritual of pacifying the dragon has been conducted, boxes of incense paper,
along with the paper dragon figurine, were burnt. Back in the lineage hall, one spirit
medium went into a trance and gave instructions on the rite for ‘positioning the tile
contract’ (anzhuanqi 安磚契) to be conducted later. Clan members stood behind the
medium and held the joss sticks, waiting for further instructions. The tile contract,
comprising two square tiles, was checked and signed between the spirit medium,
Priest Yang and clan elders, who took turns to make markings on the contract using
the cinnabar brush (Fig. 5.3). The tiles contain details of the location and direction
of the lineage hall, various names of clan elders, and year and date when the Dian-an
ritual(s) was conducted.25 Details of the tile contract were then faced inwards and
stacked, wrapped in red paper and tied with strings.
At 9:30 p.m., the oil cleansing rite (jingyou 淨油) was conducted. Oil was poured
into a pan along with talismans and heated over a charcoal stove. Sand was poured
into the pan covering the oil. Priest Yang chanted and occasionally blew the spiritual
horn. He then removed his Daoist robe, possibly to avoid the risk of catching fire,
and with sorghum wine in his mouth, he spat at the burning oil which ignited a big
flame of fire. This was repeated for the fourth time where the priest made a mudra
possibly for self-protection. He then dabbed his hands at the burning oil and the
spirit medium also followed suit. With the cleansed oil in their hands, the priest and
spirit medium proceeded to cleanse various spots of the lineage hall. Holding the
wrapped tile contract in his hands, the clan elder crossed over the oil pan. The con-
tract was to be buried and kept underground.
A willow branch tied with paper strips written with auspicious words was
cleansed over the pan of fire. Holding the willow branch in his hand, Priest Yang
climbed the ladder and inserted the branch on the ceiling of the lineage hall, believed
to have the power of exorcizing evil forces. With the fire, still blazing on the oil pan,
Chang Ching-Yü, “Fen yu fen: Jinmen houshuitou chun dian-an yishi de renleixue yanjiu”, 58.
25
Fig. 5.3 Signing of the Tile Contract
it was brought to different corners outside the lineage hall for cleansing. The second
day ended at 11:00 p.m. as the doors of the lineage hall were closed and sealed with
red strips of paper. The lineage hall was closed on 5 December and all activities only
resumed the next day.
During the third day on 6 December, members of the Li clan had already gath-
ered at 3:00 a.m. waiting to open the doors of the lineage hall. By 4:00 a.m., the
doors were opened followed by the paying of respect by the representative clan
members in the main hall. The early hour also considered the auspicious hour for
opening the hall doors. The members then retired until the next ritual commenced at
7:30 a.m. Priest Yang prepared the ritual in thanking the deities for the smooth run-
ning of this Dian-an event. A table of offerings was presented and the names of the
clan members who had participated and sponsored in this event were read out. There
was also the praying to Wenchang (文昌) and offerings to ancestors. At about
11:00 a.m., other representative clan members had arrived and paid their respect at
the lineage hall.
In the afternoon, a lunch banquet is thrown with entertainment by the same
Gaojia opera troupe. At about 2:30 p.m., opera performers entered the lineage hall
to pay their respects and delivered the Child God to the clan head who was then
placed at the altar of the lineage hall. At 3:00 p.m., there was the sending off of the
Jade Emperor, the highest divinity. Other villagers have also gathered around this
time to present their offerings. They also proceeded with praying to the Lord of
Foundations, Lord of Residence and rewarding the troops. At 4:00 p.m., there was
also the distribution of lanterns to the various households, which is auspicious in
meaning. In the evening, the Gaojia opera served as entertainment for everyone
100 5 In Practice
present. At 8:00 p.m., the priest conducted the ritual of sending off the respective
deities and the three-day event drew to a close at 9:00 p.m.
From the rituals and activities provided in this Dian-an account, we see that the
Theatre of Suppressing Malevolence took up a small but significant part of the
event. The God of Theatre, Chief Marshal Tian, serves as the exorcist and there is
consistent use of talismans to expel malice, as also seen in the northern Taiwan’s
case of the Exorcist Dance by Zhong Kui dance. This form of puppet theatre also
focuses on the liturgical function, with the objective of expelling malevolence so
that the bigger purpose of ensuring the peace and protection of the lineage members
is realized. I will next proceed with the Singapore’s case where the string puppet
theatre is ‘secularized’ and deviates from the liturgical tradition. Most puppeteers
did not undergo training as religious specialists, including talisman writing and the
use of mudras. The influence of the operatic tradition, usually less liturgical, also
plays a role in this secularization.
5.3 Singapore: ‘Secularized’ Tradition
The string puppet theatre in contemporary Singapore differs from Taiwan and
Kinmen in that it has become what I termed as ‘Gezai opera style puppet theatre’.
As discussed in Chap. 4, most puppeteers in Singapore were previously or are cur-
rently still Gezai opera performers. The theatrical practices, most notably in the
singing style, use of musical instruments and repertoire, follow that of Gezai opera.
These puppeteers are not involved in any liturgical ritual, such as the invitation of
God of Theatre to engage in the ‘Complete Performance of Su’ or engage in exorcist
rites. With a few exceptions, the dual role of puppeteer and religious specialist in the
Hokkien tradition is hardly seen today.
In this case study of the string puppet theatre in Singapore, I have selected the
Hokkien troupe Shuang Ming Feng (雙明鳳) who has been performing since 1986.
The reason for the choice is its active participation in the various Hokkien theatrical
genres, including string puppet theatre, glove puppet theatre and Gezai opera
(Figs. 5.4, 5.5 and 5.6).
Although the Gezai opera style puppet theatre serves more as entertainment,
there is hardly any audience. One main factor for this lack of audience is that the
younger generation of Singaporeans does not regard puppet theatre as a form of
popular entertainment and unintelligibility in the Hokkien vernacular also contrib-
uted to the general lack of interest. Compared to Gezai opera which is still relatively
popular especially among the middle-aged and elderly Singaporeans, these fans
hardly watch puppet theatre as they prefer to watch their favourite performers on
stage rather than ‘hidden’ behind the puppet façade. Puppeteers also appear more
relaxed when performing puppet theatre as they often draw upon the existing Gezai
opera repertoire. This means that the librettos, in the form of improvised plays
because these puppeteers do not rely on a script, are not newly created. Although the
unsaid rule in Hokkien theatrical trade is that the same play should not be staged at
5.3 Singapore: ‘Secularized’ Tradition 101
Fig. 5.4 String puppet performance by Shuang Ming Feng
the same venue for three years, there is a rich repertoire for puppeteers to constantly
draw upon.26 They usually do not create new plays unless it is necessary to do so.27
26
This information is gathered from various Hokkien performers such as Ong Lipeng, Goh Guat
Beng and Goh Swee Theng.
27
Although most Gezai opera performances also mainly draw upon the existing repertoire, there
are occasions when the need to create new plays arises. For example, the Lorong Koo Chye Sheng
Hong temple invites various troupes, local and overseas, annually to perform and often attracts
102 5 In Practice
Fig. 5.5 Glove puppet performance by Shuang Ming Feng
Fig. 5.6 Gezai Opera performance by Shuang Ming Feng
hundreds of spectators. I have observed that in June 2013 when Shuang Ming Feng was invited to
perform at the temple, new plays were created hours before the performances. The performer
directing the play would engage in ‘giving instructions of the play’ (jiangxi 講戲) where perform-
ers gather to listen to the story. They would be assigned the various characters later. Most perform-
ers do not rely on a script or notes. Occasionally, some may write down notes for their personal
reference.
5.3 Singapore: ‘Secularized’ Tradition 103
As mentioned before, string puppet theatre is highly revered in Minnan/Hokkien

society and is believed to be only fit for the Heavenly/Jade Emperor. Although the
Hokkien theatrical tradition still performs the ‘Lord of Heaven Theatre’, the perfor-
mance of string puppet theatre is not strictly confined for the Jade Emperor only. In
the past, string puppet performances were staged in the day, and during the feast day
of the Jade Emperor there was a need (possibly by puppeteers) to offer respect to the
highest divinity. This means that the day performance of string puppet theatre had a
stronger religious character whereas the glove puppet theatre was usually staged at
night and regarded as entertainment.28 This differentiation possibly has to do with
the Daoist belief of the ‘three worlds’ (sanjie 三界) in that they are categorized into
the upper world (shangjie 上界), middle world (zhongjie 中界) and lower world
(xiajie 下界). In theory, string puppet theatre was performed only for the upper
world, glove puppet theatre for the middle world and opera for the lower world.29
This is in line with the belief that string puppet theatre belongs to the ‘Great rites’
(dali 大禮) or ‘Great Theatre’ (daxi 大戲). From my observations of the perfor-
mances of Shuang Ming Feng troupe, there is little differentiation between string
puppet, glove puppet theatre and Gezai opera today.
Celebration of Deities’ Feast Day by Peng Feng Temple, Geylang Lorong 3, 20
and 21 April 2013.
This celebration held by Peng Feng Temple (鵬峰宮) is an annual affair for the
deities, including Baosheng Dadi (lit. ‘Great Emperor who protects life’ 保生大帝),
Qingshui Zhenren (lit. ‘Perfected Being of Clear Water’ 清水真人), Dutian Fazhu (
都天法主), General Nezha (Nezhua Yuanshuai 哪吒元帥) and the Planchette
Writing Spirit known as Zhigong (lit. ‘Lord of the Stick’ 枝公). Although the feast
days (shendan 神誕) of these deities do not fall on the same day, this collective
celebration is usually held on a weekend before the fifteenth day of the third lunar
month. Since 2003, a procession and visit to other temples (youjing 遊境 or com-
monly known in Singapore as yewkeng in Hokkien) is held annually and during the
second day of the celebration.
Established in 1958, the Peng Feng temple is located at a terrace house at 423
Geylang Lorong 3. Due to space constrain, a temporary canopy was set up in front
of the house during the feast day celebration, as with the case of household shrines
(sintua). On the first day, the event began at 8:30 a.m. marked by the beating of
drums (qigu or khí-kóo 起鼓). Daoist priests were invited to perform the rituals,
including the invitation of the Heavenly Emperor at 9:00 a.m. This was then fol-
lowed by chanting and presenting offerings to the various deities.
At 2:00 p.m., the priests began their ritual of expressing birthday wishes to the
main deity Baosheng Dadi and the respective deities. The Shuang Ming Feng troupe
commenced its string puppet performance Mao Qihu Snatches the Bride (Mao Qihu
qiangqin 毛七虎搶親). This libretto belongs to the Gezai opera repertoire. Although
28
The differentiation between string puppet and glove puppet theatre is a recollection of Ng Yew
Kian when his father was involved in the puppet trade. Ng Yew Kian, Accession Number 000874,
19 January 1988, 8, 17.
29
Personal interview, X (anonymous), 21 December 2017.
104 5 In Practice
the performance was primarily to entertain the deities, there was little interaction of
the puppeteers with the religious specialists, temple committee or helpers.
At 3:30 p.m., the priests prepared for sending off the Heavenly Emperor. During
a celebratory occasion like this, after the priests had facilitated the paying of respects
by the temple committee and devotees, there was the ‘rewarding of troops’ (kaojun
or khò kun in Hokkien) at 4:30 p.m. The offering of alms to the passing or wandering
souls was conducted. After these rituals were conducted, the priests and musicians
stopped for a break. The day performance also ended.
At 7:00 p.m., the priests prayed to the dipper (lidou 禮斗) with the objective of
warding off calamities and requesting blessings. At 7:30 p.m., there was the night
entertainment, including string puppet performance and Getai (歌台), a type of
singing show where singers present Hokkien or Mandarin pop songs. In the cases of
Taiwan and Kinmen, the puppet scene is male-dominated whereas the puppet scene
in Singapore is female-dominated. The reason for this difference is the influence of
Gezai opera where women play the lead roles including the impersonation of male
characters.
On the second day of the event, participants of the procession gathered by
9:00 a.m. Although the first activity was meant to be a procession where the tem-
ple committee and their helpers carried sedan chairs and travelled to other tem-
ples by foot, it is common to hold processions partly by travelling in vehicles and
partly by foot. This could be due to the restrictions in road permits. The first stop
was to Hong San See (鳳山寺) at Mohammad Sultan to retrieve the ‘holy fire’.
This was followed by visits to Chin Lin Keng temple (真人宮) at Redhill,
and Kwan Im Thong Hood Che Temple (觀音堂佛祖廟) at Waterloo Street. In the
typical occasion of such ‘secularized’ theatre, the puppeteers did not participate
in the procession. This was unlike the case of Kinmen and Taiwan where the main
puppeteer is also a religious specialist. The temple has its own instrument troupe
(laotaigu 老台鼓) that further enlivened the celebratory mood of the procession
and motivated participants as the heavy rain made the procession more difficult
than usual.
By about 1:00 p.m., the temple committee and participating devotees returned to
the tentage. The ritual of ‘rewarding the troops’ was carried out at 2:00 p.m. to
express gratitude for protecting the committee and devotees, and the smooth run-
ning of the procession. Half an hour later, there was the lighting up of the fire (dian
xinhuo 點薪火). The day performance began with Shuang Ming Feng presenting
The Ungrateful (Enjiang choubao 恩將仇報).
Earlier at Hong San See, the temple committee from Peng Feng temple had
obtained a rock at the temple, a knife-like tool was then used to scratch the rock’s
surface to make fire. Once the fire was lit, it was used to light the censer brought
by the Peng Feng temple. The temple committee members, devotees as well as
members of the public were invited to receive this ‘fire’ back home or to their
offices. The fire symbolizes harmony within the family, a thriving business and
prosperity.
References 105
In the evening, there was a banquet to entertain guests and night entertainment
comprising the string puppet performance and Getai continued until 10.00 p.m. At
10.30 p.m., the deities were sent off, marking the end of the two-day feast day
celebration.
5.4 Concluding Note on Diversity in Local Practices
This chapter has narrated three ethnographic accounts on contemporary string pup-
pet performances in Taiwan, Kinmen and Singapore, respectively. Though the string
puppet theatre in all three sites originated from southern Fujian, the diversity that
arose from localization in varying socio-political contexts is noteworthy. For the
case of Taiwan, although the string puppet performance in Taipei traces its exorcis-
tic origin to that of Dingzhou or Zhangzhou, the puppeteer has made use of his
background as a glove puppeteer and religious specialist well versed in talisman
writing to present an innovative performance while maintaining the liturgical ele-
ments of the ‘Exorcist Dance of Zhong Kui’. The demon-quelling powers of Zhong
Kui could be traced back to the pre-modern period in China. Zhong Kui serves as
the chief exorcist in the exorcist dance by expelling malevolence believed to be
present in unnatural deaths.
The case of ‘Theatre of Suppressing Malevolence’ in Kinmen is strongly attached
to the lineage system and the liturgical function of traditional string puppet theatre
is closely adhered. The restoration of the lineage hall requires the pacification of the
dragon spirit and ensuring that occupants living within do not come to harm. We see
the dual role played by the chief puppeteer who also serves as the priest. The invita-
tion of Chief Marshal Tian as the exorcist to suppress malevolence follows the
Quanzhou tradition. The case of Singapore is striking in that it differs from that of
Taiwan and Kinmen. The few exceptions where the puppeteer carrying out liturgical
rites by inviting Chief Marshal Tian are an indication of the adherence of Quanzhou
tradition, but which have become uncommon as the string puppet theatre underwent
a process of secularization. As a result, liturgical elements in the Gezai opera style
puppet theatre have mostly disappeared.
References
Chan, Margaret. 2006. Ritual Is Theatre, Theatre Is Ritual: Tang-ki, Chinese Spirit Medium
Worship. Singapore: Wee Kim Wee Centre, Singapore Management University: SNP Reference.
Chang, Ching-Yü. 2007. Fen yu fen: Jinmen houshuitou chun dian-an yishi de renleixue yanjiu.
Masters dissertation, National Tsing Hua University.
Chiu, Kun-Liang. 1993. Taiwan de Tiao Zhongkui. Minsu Quyi 85 (1993): 325–368. Guningtou Li
shi zongqinhui huikan. 2012.
Ruizendaal, Robin. 2006. Marionette Theatre in Quanzhou. Leiden: Brill.
106 5 In Practice
Shih, Kuang-Sheng, and Ch’un-Mei Wang. 2015. Lin Jin Lian Tiao Zhongkui yishi juchang. Taibei
shi: Taibei shi wenhua ju.
Tong, Chee Kiong. 2004. Chinese Death Rituals in Singapore. London/New York: Routledge
Curzon.
Van der Loon, Piet. 1992. The Classical Theatre and Art Song of South Fukien: A Study of Three
Ming Anthologies. Taipei: SMC Publishing.
Von Glahn, Richard. 2004. The Sinister Way: The Divine and the Demonic in Chinese Religious
Culture. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Wang, Chen-Han. 2009. Dongmen chuanqi: Jinmen Minnan wenhua zhi mei. Wang Chen-Han:
Taibei shi.
Ye, Mingsheng 葉明生. 2004. Fujian kuileixi shi lun 福建傀儡戲史論, Vol. 1 and 2, Zhongguo
xiju chubanshe.
Chapter 6
Promulgation of Filial Piety
The story of Mulian rescuing his mother from the underworld has originated in
China and spread afar resulting in a rich diversity of regional versions. This case
study here is concerned with the Hokkien version, which originated from southern
Fujian. The promulgation of filial piety, as the main objective of spreading
Buddhism, has been presented in various forms, including transformation texts
(bianwen 變文)1 and prosimetric precious scrolls (baojuan 寶卷).2 Opera and pup-
pet theatre, once a popular entertainment for the masses, was also an important
medium for the propagation.
Although performed in the Hokkien vernacular in all three sites—southern
Fujian, Taiwan and Singapore—the Hokkien rendition of the Mulian story has
undergone changes in the local contexts. It is the objective of this case study of
Hokkien Mulian to study such localization and how the development in the belief
systems of these societies had enhanced or modified the story to their own means.
For example, in Taiwan, the teachings of Śākyamuni Buddhism, better known as
Shijiao (釋教), has gone through a process of Taiwanization resulting in an inter-
mixed practice of Buddhism and Taoism, which has a great influence on funerary
customs. As in the case of Singapore, the opera rendition has deviated from the
Quanzhou tradition previously brought forth by Hokkien migrants, making it a the-
atrical performance with few liturgical elements. It is also noteworthy to study these
practices given that the Mulian tradition is dwindling, and which partly explains for
its infrequency.
1
Victor H. Mair, Tun-huang Popular Narratives (Cambridge University Press, 1993); Victor
H. Mair, T’ang Transformation Texts: A Study of the Buddhist Contribution to the Rise of Vernacular
Fiction and Drama in China. Harvard University Asia Center, 1989.
2
The Parry-Lord oral-formulaic theory was applied to the study of Mulian transformation text. See
Crossland-Guo Shuyun, “The Oral Tradition of Bianwen: Its Features and Influence on Chinese
Narrative Literature,” Doctoral Dissertation, University of Hawaii, 1996; The Precious Scroll of
the Three Lives of Mulian dated in the late-nineteenth-century were studied by Grant and Idema.
See Grant and Idema, Escape from Blood Pond Hell: The Tales of Mulian and Woman Huang,
University of Washington Press, 2012.

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1834-4_6
108 6 Promulgation of Filial Piety
In 2013, I had an unusual opportunity to observe the Hokkien Mulian operatic

performances, which is rarely staged in Singapore. The last performance dated back
20 years ago. Unlike the celebration of a deity’s feast day, the Mulian performance
does not have a fixed date but is staged only upon request. The Mulian event also
required many more resources and hence was more expensive when a troupe was
employed to perform. Due to its close association with death and the underworld,
there were various taboos observed during the Mulian performance. I was even
warned by a veteran not to watch the show for fear of ‘clashing’ with wandering
souls. Having read about the enactment of the Mulian story in funeral practices of
Singapore, the quest lasted for a few years. It was not until 2016 that the opportunity
arose for me to observe a funeral rendition, popularly known as ‘making merit’ (zuo
gongde 做功德). Back in 2013, I embarked on my first fieldwork trip to Taiwan, the
chance to observe the Shijiao version of the Mulian story came after a month’s wait.
During the 3 years of my fieldwork, I was able to gather three main accounts, includ-
ing a Shijiao funeral performance in central Taiwan, a Gezai opera presentation
sponsored by a household shrine/sintua in Singapore and a Daoist rendition of the
story during a funeral in Singapore. The recount of these three versions will add on
to the understanding of the less studied but relatively diverse Hokkien versions of
Mulian and analyse the contexts to which these performances are localized.
While studies on Taiwanese practices related to the Mulian tradition are not lack-
ing, it has been increasingly uncommon to observe such rites. Back in the 1980s,
Chiu had already noticed the fading of such practices, some of which while being
performed were simplified partly due to the faster pace brought about by urbaniza-
tion or disappeared with the demise of older performers/religious specialists well
versed in the customs.3 While residing in Puli, Nantou, of central Taiwan during the
1970s and 1980s, Seaman observed a variety of practices related to the Mulian per-
formances, including the involvement of spirit writing devotees.4 These rich
accounts will serve as an important reference in our understanding of how the
Mulian story is embedded in the Taiwanese theatrical and funerary customs.
As for the case of the Singaporean Hokkien Mulian tradition, Piet van der Loon
observed that between 1966 and 1984, liturgical plays (fashixi 法事戲) were staged,
possibly during the ‘making of merits’ rites. These performances followed the
Quanzhou tradition of the 1930s.5 Tong’s study of Chinese death rituals in Singapore,
with fieldwork conducted in the 1980s and the 2000s, offered us an updated expla-
nation of how funeral customs had changed with the rapid urbanization of the island
state, including the focus on family rather than lineage matters.6 Tong’s vivid
3
See Chiu Kun-liang, “Mu-Lien “Operas in Taiwanese Funeral Rituals”, David Johnson ed., Ritual
opera, operatic ritual: “Mu-lien rescues his mother” in Chinese popular culture (Papers from the
International Workshop on the Mu-lien Operas). Berkeley, Calif.: University of California, 1989.
4
Gary Seaman, “Mu-lien Dramas in Puli, Taiwan”, David Johnson ed., Ritual opera, operatic
ritual.
5
See Piet van der Loon (Long Bide 龍彼得), “Fashixi chutan” [An initial analysis of the liturgical
play], Minsu Quyi, Vol. 84 (July 1993), 10, 18–26.
6
See Tong Chee Kiong, Chinese Death Rituals in Singapore.
6.1 Mulian As the Emblem of Filial Piety in Liturgical Theatre 109
description of the bloody pond assisted us in the understanding of the status of

women in a (traditionally) patrilineal society and explained why such customs are
continued in contemporary times. It will be useful if Tong could be more explicit in
the regional categorization of these funeral rites, that is, whether they belonged to
the Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese or other regional Chinese customs. To my knowl-
edge, there is, however, no study of the performance of Mulian by the Hokkien
group in Singapore. The lack of study also meant that archival research, fieldwork
and interviews with existing practitioners is necessary, which will be presented in
the case study.
6.1 M
ulian As the Emblem of Filial Piety in Liturgical
Theatre
The Mulian character has served as an emblem of filial piety, which explained why
he is often mentioned and impersonated by religious specialists and/or performers
to educate people of their responsibilities of filial piety and duty to their parents and
ancestors. Before delving into how the story of Mulian continues to stay relevant in
contemporary societies, we will briefly look at the origins of Mulian. The character
Mulian is of Indian origin that featured a Brahmin monk named Maudgalyāyana
(Damujianlian 大目犍連). Although Maudgalyāyana was known to be a disciple of
Śākyamuni Buddha and had supernatural powers such as mind-reading, there is no
account in the Sanskrit version of him saving his mother from the underworld. The
Yulanpen sutra (Sutra of the Sacrificial Feast for the Relief of Spirits in Purgatory),
believed to be the earliest account featuring Maudgalyāyana, has a scene where
Mulian offers a bowl of rice to his mother. This sutra was said to be translated by an
Indian monk called Dharmaraksa.7 However, it is not available in any other Buddhist
language, and the story of Mulian rescuing his mother from hell is not known in any
Indian source.8 The notion of Mulian saving his mother, from a simple offering of a
bowl of rice to the more complex development of Mulian travelling to the under-
world, is essentially a Chinese concept. It was also this Sinicization, particularly the
incorporation of Confucian fundamental concepts like filial piety, that led to its
popularization in China.9 This Sinicized concept has continued to serve its purpose
among the Chinese communities living outside China, including the Hokkien
groups in Taiwan and Singapore.
7
Qitao Guo, Ritual Opera and Mercantile Lineage, 91.
8
Beata Grant and Wilt L. Idema, Escape from Blood Pond Hell: The Tales of Mulian and Woman
Huang, University of Washington Press, 2012, 5.
9
The concept of filial piety was highlighted in the Transformation Text on Mahamaudgalyayana
Rescuing His Mother from the Underworld. It is believed that this filial devotion portrayed in the
transformation text (bianwen) could be used as a means to propagate Buddhism. Qitao Guo, Ritual
Opera and Mercantile Lineage, 95.
The existence of Mulian, as highlighted above, is closely associated with

Buddhism. By the sixth century CE, Southern Fujian became a leading centre of
Buddhism. Buddhist monasteries and temples were established in Quanzhou.10
Buddhism was believed to be introduced to the region by an Indian monk named
Paramārtha, who travelled to Mount Jiu Ri (Jiu Ri Shan 九日山) in Quanzhou.
Paramārtha was known for his translation of various sutras to Chinese.11 During the
Tang dynasty, a number of Indian monks also travelled to the region to spread the
Buddhist faith.12 In the seventh century, the famous Kaiyuan Monastery (Kaiyuan Si
開元寺) was constructed in Quanzhou.13 The iconography of this monastery, includ-
ing the murals, engravings and statues, offers important insight into the relationship
between the preaching of Buddhism and the narration of Buddhist stories. Some of
these stories became part of the core repertoire of Mulian theatre in southern Fujian
as will be illustrated below.
On the fourth storey of the Western Pagoda in the Kaiyuan Monastery, there was
a statue of a guardian with a monkey head believed to be a prototype of Sun Wukong
(孫悟空) in Journey to the West (Xiyouji 西游記). The monkey figure was clad in a
short tunic, travelling sandals and rope belt, with a scroll titled Chant of the Peacock
King (Kongquewang zhou 孔雀王咒 or Mahāmāyūrīvidyārājḿ in Sanskrit) hanging
from the belt. Beside the monkey was a figure with an epigraph Fire-Dragon Prince
of the Eastern Sea (Donghai huolong taizi 東海火龍太子). The prince also appeared
in Journey to the West as the third prince of the Dragon king who was sentenced to
death after he set fire to his father’s precious pearl. The same prince was saved by
Guanyin from execution and later transformed into a horse for Xuanzang, the main
character in this mystic tale.14 This tale is significant in that it bears a striking resem-
blance to the story Journey to the West. One of the libretti in the Quanzhou Mulian
repertoire bears the same title as Journey to the West.15 This alternative version is not
seen in other Mulian plays in Fujian.16
There were also statues of Guanyin in Kaiyuan Monastery, including a thousand-
hand and thousand-eye Guanyin built in 1398 CE.17 Venerated for his/her powers to
10
Contexts”, Doctoral Dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 2008, 18.
11
Zhan Xiaochuang, “Dachengxi yu Mulian jiu mu”, Fujian nanxi ji Mulianxi lunwenji, 154;
Diana Paul, Philosophy of Mind in Sixth-century China: Paramārtha’s “evolution of
Consciousness”. Stanford University Press, 1984.
12
Zhan Xiaochuang, “Da Cheng Xi yu Mulian jiu mu”, Fujian nanxi ji Mulian xi lun wen ji, 154.
13
Zhan Xiaochuang, “Da Cheng Xi yu Mulian jiu mu”, 154; Wang, “Quanzhou Kaiyuan
Monastery”, 2.
14
Wang, “Quanzhou Kaiyuan Monastery”, 160–161.
15
As the original script of Journey to the West in the Quanzhou Mulian repertoire is now lost, it is
hard to tell whether this version appeared earlier than the zaju and novel versions. See Huang
Xijun, “Quanzhou kuilei ‘Mulian’ gai shu”, Fujian Nanxi ji Mulianxi lun wen ji, Fujian sheng yi
shu yan jiu suo, 1990, 145.
16
Mulian plays with a similar repertoire of Journey to the West and Li Shimin Roams Hell are found
in the Jiangxi and Anhui versions. See Huang Xijun, “Quanzhou kuilei ‘Mulian’ gai shu”, 145.
17

Contexts”, 134, 137, 138.
save one from worldly troubles as well as post-mortem salvation, Guanyin was fea-
tured as an important character in the Mulian play as well as in liturgical plays
meant for universal salvation in southern Fujian.18 The Mulian performances in
Quanzhou were also performed during the feast days of Guanyin.19 Due to the influ-
ence of Buddhism and Daoism,20 such liturgical plays, known as ‘plays of the ritual
masters’ (shigongxi 師公戲)21 or ‘plays of Buddhist monks’ (heshangxi 和尚戲),22
were performed in funerals and during the universal salvation of the purgatory.23
Although records on liturgical plays in southern Fujian were dated at a relatively
late period in the nineteenth century, short dramas related to liturgical rites may well
exist at a much earlier period.24 These liturgical rites popular in southern Fujian
include ‘Siege of Hell’ (dacheng 打城) and ‘Passing the Stations’ (guoluguan 過路
關). The origin of these rites, such as the envoy (shizhe 使者) making a trip to the
underworld, was derived from Daoist funeral practices dated as early as the Han
Dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE) as evidenced in tomb contracts (mujuan 墓券), talis-
mans and other grave documents. During the fifth century CE, the Lingbao (靈寳)
liturgy merged Daoist rites for achieving immortality of the souls of the dead with
Buddhist services of religious merit through the chanting of sutras and litanies, and
on almsgiving. This combination of Daoist rites and Buddhist services gave rise to
the ‘Retreat of the Yellow Register’ (Huangluzhai 黃籙齋). The liturgical play is
incorporated in rituals performed together with the Yellow Register Retreat.25
To understand how liturgical rites synthesize with theatre to become a liturgi-
cal play, it is important to briefly describe the role of the shigong in southern
Fujian.26 The shigong is also known as the fashi (‘Master of Rites’ 法師).27 The
18
I have followed the use of both masculine and feminine pronouns (he/she) in the description of
Guanyin. Today, the worship of Guanyin and the belief in the male/female form varies. Prior to and
during the Tang dynasty, Guanyin was depicted as a masculine deity and it was only around the
eleventh century that the deity took on a female form in some depictions. See Yü Chün-fang, Kuan-
yin: The Chinese transformation of Avalokiteśvara, Columbia University Press, 2000, 5–6.
19
Piet van der Loon and Shi Binghua ed., Quan qiang Mulian jiu mu, Minsu Quyi congshu, Vol. 81,
Taibei shi: Shi he zheng ji jin hui, 2001, 9.
20
Kristofer Schipper, “Mu-lien Plays in Daoist Liturgical Context”, David Johnson ed., Ritual
opera, operatic ritual: “Mu-lien rescues his mother” in Chinese popular culture, 126.
21
Schipper, “Mu-lien Plays in Daoist Liturgical Context”, 141.
22
I have avoided using the term ‘Plays of Attacks on Hell’ (dachengxi 打城戲), which was said to
emerge only in the 1960s. See Wu Hsiu-Ling, “Quanzhou dachengxi chu tan” [Preliminary Study
on the Destruction-of-Hell Drama in Quanzhou City, Fujian Province], Minsu Quyi Vol. 139
(March 2003), 221, 223.
23
Piet van der Loon (Long Bide), “Guan yu Zhang-Quan Mulianxi”, Minsu Quyi Vol. 78 (July
1992), 54.
24
Van der Loon, “Guan yu Zhang-Quan Mulianxi”, 54.
25
Schipper, “Mu-lien Plays in Daoist Liturgical Context”, 127–128.
26
In this description, I follow the account by Kristofer Schipper who has observed the liturgical
rituals in Southern Taiwan. Schipper explains that the traditional culture of Southern Taiwan is
similar to the site of origin in Quanzhou and Zhangzhou. See Schipper, “Vernacular and Classical
Ritual in Taoism”, 21.
27
According to De Groot’s study, Daoist priests (daoshi) or masters of the classical liturgy are
qualified to conduct the vernacular rituals done by shigong. However, the shigong are not qualified
shigong or fashi is an officiant who has the ability to communicate with the Gods,
local spirits and demons. All rituals commence with the invocation of the five
spirit armies (zhao wuying 招五營 or zhaobing 招兵). Within the space created by
the five legions, the ritual is transformed into a theatrical rendition. To the local
gods who protect the shigong, he expresses gratitude by offering a large amount
of sacrificial money. During this ritual, the shigong dances and mimes while
accompanying assistants sing a ballad that explains the itinerary. In a ritual for the
redemption of the souls of the deceased, the shigong ‘travels’ to the Inferno where
he shows his passport in the form of a talisman. At the courts of hell, he takes part
in the litigation and defends the accused dead. Sometimes, the ritual also involves
a spirit medium (tongzi 童子) or planchette writing mediums.
The shigong interprets the mediums’ utterances or the signs jotted by the planch-
ette. The dialogue between these ritual masters and judges of hell is conducted in a
sing-song like theatrical intonation. Proses and verses are also alternated in the dia-
logue.28 Particularly for the travel to the underworld, it is likened to a military expe-
dition as the shigong and medium(s) surround the gates of Hell to redeem the soul,
which is then brought to his family. Sometimes, the shigong defends the intrusion
of demonic invaders with sword dances and martial music. The texts used in these
rites are often in seven-syllable verses. Narrative ballads describing the underworld
and the dangers of the journey are also included.29 With the introduction of dia-
logues, the text and ritual performance closely resemble that of theatre.30 The
shigong gives the specific ritual codes and guidance in the rendition. These theatri-
cal elements that arise from the need to perform liturgical rites, including the use of
ballad texts, eventually form the libretti of liturgical theatre.31
To conform to the demands of the audience and sponsors, the liturgical play
constantly went through a process of dramatization. During the Xianfeng (咸豐)
period (1831–1861 CE) of the Qing dynasty, a Daoist priest by the name of Wu
Qingshun (吳慶順) established the Xing Yuan troupe (興源班). The troupe had
been performing liturgical plays in southern Fujian for a while. In the process of
developing their singing, speech and style of performance for the existing liturgical
play, the Xing Yuan troupe was greatly influenced by the marionette theatre of the
region. As part of the rites, the shigong would embark on a journey to the nether-
world to redeem the soul of the deceased. It is possible that during the process of
to conduct rituals as only Daoist priests are regarded as fully qualified to do this. De Groot, The
Religious System of China: its ancient forms, evolution, history and present aspect, manners, cus-
tom and social institutions connected therewith, Taipei, Taiwan: Literature House, 1964, 1255.
28
Schipper, “Vernacular and Classical Ritual in Taoism”, 29–30.
29
Schipper, “Vernacular and Classical Ritual in Taoism”, 27–31.
30
Piet van der Loon noted that theatrical performances do not always derive from prototype dra-
mas. It is possible that liturgical rites develop into theatre. See Wang Qiugui ed., Zhongguo wenxue
lunzhu yi cong 中國文學論著譯叢, Taibei Shi: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1985, 523.
31
dramatization and expanding its repertoire, the liturgical play incorporated the
libretti of Mulian Rescues His Mother and Li Shimin Roams Hell (Li Shimin you di
fu 李世民游地府) of marionette theatre.32 For martial performances, the troupe
absorbed techniques from Beijing opera, and ritual masters or actors impersonating
female roles learnt from existing opera forms like Liyuan opera and Gaojia opera.
The Nanyin music used in marionette theatre was also incorporated in the liturgical
play with some inclusion of Buddhist and Daoist tunes.33 During the Guangxu
period (1875–1908 CE), a Daoist priest of the Xingyuan altar witnessed a mario-
nette performance of Mulian Rescues His Mother, which was staged for 7 days and
nights. By borrowing from written sources such as the marionette script, the priest
thereafter produced a copy of the Mulian script.34 This is an indication of the active
participation of religious specialists, rather than performers not trained in the lit-
urgy, in the Mulian performance.
Buddhist monks were also involved in the liturgical play to redeem souls of the
dead in southern Fujian. In 1890 CE, the ‘Big Kaiyuan’ troupe (Da kaiyuanban 大
開元班) was established by Buddhist monks of the Kaiyuan Monastery.35 Costumes
and props were made, and Daoist priests who had experiences with theatrical per-
formances were recruited. There was rehearsal of the Mulian Rescues His Mother
play and the marionette script (yanchuben 演出本) was used as reference.36 During
the early eighteenth century, Mulian performances in southern Fujian were staged
using string puppets.37Puppeteers including Lü Xihuo (呂細火), Lin Runze (林潤
澤) and Chen Dangui (陳丹桂) were invited to impart the skills of performing the
Mulian play. From short plays that were presented like that of rituals, the Mulian
performance in Quanzhou was expanded to a spectacular rendition that could last
seven days and seven nights. The playscript was also greatly extended (liantaiben
32
There is no indication of when this marionette script of Mulian Rescues His Mother was created.
Wu Hsiu- ling, “Quanzhou dachengxi chu tan”, 24. However, this marionette script may be similar
to the typeset script compiled from the 11 marionette scripts. See Piet van der Loon and Shi ed.,
Quan Qiang Mulian Jiu Mu. The Mulian Rescues His Mother and Li Shimin Roams Hell belong to
the ‘outside-the-basket libretti’ (longwaibu 籠外簿) of the traditional repertoire of marionette the-
atre in Quanzhou. See Robin Ruizendaal, Marionette Theatre in Quanzhou, Table 1, 152.
33
Wu Hsiu-ling, “Quanzhou dachengxi chu tan”, 224, 228.
34
The author did not state whether the Daoist priest is related to the Xingyuan altar or troupe but I
will assume the former because of the typical association between the priest and the altar. It is also
unclear whether the priest transcribed the performance or copied from the marionette script. Wu,
“Quanzhou dachengxi chu tan”, 232.
35
Zhan stated the year was 1905 but as his article did not have a complete bibliography, I chose to
include the year cited by Van der Loon. Van der Loon, The Classical Theatre and Art Song of South
Fukien, p. 34; Zhan Xiaochuang, “Dachengxi yu Mulian jiu mu”, 157.
36
There was no indication about the date of this Mulian marionette script and which troupe was in
possession of the script. However, from Piet van der Loon’s study and publication of the Mulian
marionette script which was compiled from 11 marionette scripts previously used by performance
troupes, we can infer that the content of the marionette script in Quanzhou was fairly similar. See
van der Loon and Shi ed., Quan qiang Mulian jiu mu, 15–16.
37
Van der Loon, The Classical Theatre, 35–36.
連臺本).38 It should also be noted that the Mulian play in southern Fujian is one
example of the ‘outside-the-basket libretti’ of Quanzhou marionette theatre men-
tioned in Chap. 2.
The rise of Quanzhou as an international port city during the Song and Yuan
dynasties facilitated the influx of a foreign religion like Buddhism. The establish-
ment of the Kaiyuan Monastery in Quanzhou attested to the popularity of Buddhism.
The faith originally spread by Indian monks to Quanzhou, co-existed with Daoism,
a religion that originated from China, and later spread to southern Fujian. The belief
in post-mortem redemption prompted the need for rituals conducted by ritual spe-
cialists from the two religions—Daoist shigong and daoshi (priests)—and Buddhist
monks. The increasing need to dramatically exemplify the journey to the nether-
world and the final rescue of the soul of the deceased led to the absorption of theatri-
cal elements, such as dialogue, singing, comic skits and military combat. The
involvement of religious specialists meant that the performance involved the use of
liturgical documents, such as sutras (jing 經) and penance texts (chan 懺). The plot
of the liturgical play was also greatly expanded using the existing marionette script.
The copying of the scripts by ritual specialists facilitated the transmission of the
story. One can conclude from the above historical survey that religious practices
dominated the performance of Hokkien liturgical theatre in its formative stage.
Having understood the role of Hokkien religious specialists, whether Daoist or
Buddhist, in the liturgical play, we will continue to see their involvement outside
China, as in the cases of Taiwan and Singapore below.
6.2 Taiwan: A Funeral Practice of Śākyamuni Buddhism
After having observed two rarely performed Mulian performances by the Shuang
Ming Feng troupe in the first half of 2013, I decided to look for the Taiwanese rendi-
tion of Mulian. During my two months’ stay in Taiwan, I came to realize that the
Mulian performance was not a common occurrence. Although I manage to find a
troupe that used to stage the Gezai opera performance of the Mulian story, the
troupe leader was unable to relate much on the performance and practices. Hence, I
switched my attention to the funeral rendition. I also consulted the advice of other
religious specialists through intensive interviews and collected some manuscripts
related to the Shijiao rendition of Mulian.39
38
Zhan Xiaochuang, “Dachengxi yu Mulian jiu mu”, 157. The liturgical play performed by shigong
and Buddhist priests were said to be based on the marionette script which was later expanded.
Scholars have mentioned that the original 16 volumes (ben本) of the marionette script were
expanded to 24 volumes. However, there is no indication whether these volumes refer to the actual
expansion of the physical scripts or scenes. See Shen Chi-sheng, “Quanzhou fashixi yu mulianji-
umu”, Fujian Mulianxi yanjiu wenji (Fujian sheng yi shu yan jiu suo, 1991), 108.
39
I thank Dr. Yang Shih-Hsien, who is an expert in Shijiao studies, for introducing me to fashi
Huang Ch’i K’un where I was able to observe the Shijiao rendition of Mulian ‘smashing the blood
pond’ in 2013.
6.2 Taiwan: A Funeral Practice of Śākyamuni Buddhism 115
In Taiwan, the teachings of Śākyamuni Buddhism are better known as Shijiao

(釋教), and the religious specialists are often addressed as fashi. Although these
fashi can also be regarded as monks due to their chanting of Buddhist sutras and the
presence of Buddhist deities in a typical Shijiao ritual, they can choose to marry,
have children and live outside the monasteries.40 Hence, the Shijiao belief differs
from that of the Buddhist. The belief system of Shijiao mainly focuses on the teach-
ings of Śākyamuni Buddhism. Also noteworthy is the complex intermix of Shijiao
with Daoist practices and folk beliefs, resulting in a uniquely Taiwanese religion.41
Other than chanting, Shijiao fashi are commonly seen in funerals, where they
will engage in various liturgical rites, including the ‘Smashing of Blood Pond’ and
‘Siege of Hell’. It is in the Shijiao belief that women who had given birth will have
to conduct the smashing of blood pond ritual when they passed away.42 The explana-
tion given is that the blood that women lost during childbirth will flow to the drains
into the rivers, which offends the River God. Unknown devotees will use this ‘pol-
luted’ water to prepare tea and present to the deities, which is disrespectful to the
Buddha. Hence, when women who had given birth died, their souls are trapped in
the Blood Pond (xuepenchi 血盆池), also known as Fortress of Blood Pond
(xuepencheng 血盆城). This blood pond is guarded by the Sand Turtle (shagui 沙
龜) and Sand Snake (shashe 沙蛇).43 It is hence necessary to use the powers of
Mulian to save these souls from the blood pond. This differs from other beliefs that
the ritual is only necessary when women died from miscarriages.44
Shijiao Funeral of the Venerable Mulian ‘Smashing the Blood Pond’, Cheng
Feng Lane, Wuri District, Taichung, 14 November 2013.
I was informed during the week of 8 November 2013 by the Shijiao fashi Huang
Ch’i K’un (黃淇堃 b. 1956) that there will be a one-day funeral ritual (sangzang
badu fashi 喪葬拔渡法事) conducted on 14 November. The deceased was an
83-year old elderly lady who had passed away in the local hospital. In Shijiao belief,
every woman who has given birth will be required to perform the smashing of the
blood pond before the deceased is buried or cremated. The ritual of smashing the
blood pond derived from the belief that blood from childbearing will ‘pollute’ the
rivers and seas. The publicly consumed waters are also used by people for their
daily uses, including the offering of tea to the Buddha, which is considered disre-
spectful. Hence, when a woman passes away, she will be punished in the blood pond
in the netherworld. By ‘smashing the blood pond’, the deceased’s sons will express
40
Yang Shih-Hsien, “Taiwan Shijiao sangzang badu fashi ji qi minjian wenxue yanjiu—yi Minnan
shijiao xitong wei li, Doctoral Dissertation, National Dong Hwa University, 2010, 21, 64.
41
Yang Shih-Hsien, “Taiwan Shijiao sangzang badu fashi ji qi minjian wenxue yanjiu”, 37–38.
42
Yang Shih-Hsien, “Taiwan Shijiao sangzang badu fashi ji qi minjian wenxue yanjiu”, 231.
43
Lin I-Yin, “Taiwan beibu Shijiao yishi zhi nanqu yanjiu”, Masters Dissertation, Taipei National
University of the Arts, 2003, 33–34.
44
I have consulted Yeo Lye Hoe, the troupe leader of Sin Hoe Ping, a Henghua puppet troupe in
Singapore on the reason for the inclusion of a blood pond in the Mulian performance. The salvation
of such is only for women who died from miscarriages.
their gratitude for giving birth to them by saving their mother from such suffering.
This is likened to the filial piety Mulian shows towards his mother.
On 14 November 2013, I arrived at Cheng Feng Lane (成豐巷) of Wuri District
(烏日區) in Taichung to observe the funeral rite. As it was my first trip to the area,
it took me quite a while to find my way. Upon reaching the venue at about 2 p.m.,
the Shijiao fashi were already chanting and the deceased’s family was also sitting in
the temporary hall set up for the funeral. Thinking that I was only interested in
watching the ‘smashing the blood pond’ and ‘carrying of the scriptures’ (tiaojing 挑
經), Fashi Huang brought me to the venue at a later timing. The missing out of the
earlier activities were ‘compensated’ through intensive interviews with the various
Shijiao fashi. A typical one-day funeral service such as this is conducted from
9:00 a.m. to 9:00 p.m. A temporary tentage for the funeral service was set up outside
the entrance of the deceased’s residence. In a typical Shijiao setup for the funeral
rite, there are banners of the ‘Three Precious Buddhas’ (San Bao Fo 三寶佛), com-
prising Sakyamuni (Shi Jia Mo Ni 釋迦摩尼), Amitabha (A Mi Tuo Fo 阿彌陀佛)
and Maitreya (Mi Le Fo 彌勒佛), were hung in the innermost part of the altar area.
The altar in front is known as the ‘altar of the Three Precious Buddhas’ (San Bao
Tan 三寶壇). Posters of Manjusri Bodhisattva (Wenshu Pusa 文殊菩萨) and
Visvabhadra Bodhisattva (Puxian Pusha 普賢菩萨) were hung slightly in front of
the ‘Three Precious Buddhas’. Pictures of Guanyin Bodhisattva and Ksitigarbha
Bodhisattva (Dizangwang Pusa 地藏王菩萨) were placed at two ends. On the right
side of the setup were posters of the first five levels of hell placed beside Guanyin
Bodhisattva. Posters of the fifth to tenth level of hell were placed on the left side
along with Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. Altars for the various Bodhisattvas were set up
and offerings made. There is one king in charge of each level of hell. The first level
of hell is headed by King Qin Guang (秦廣王), second by King Chu Jiang Wang (
楚江王), third by King Song Di (宋帝王), fourth by King Wu Guan (伍官王), fifth
by King Yama/Yan Luo (閻羅王), sixth by King Bian Cheng (汴城王), seventh by
King Tai Shan (泰山王), eighth by King Ping Deng (平等王), ninth by King Du Shi
(都市王) and tenth by King Zhuan Lun (轉輪王). In each and every level of hell,
there are different types of punishments for those who have committed various
offences during their lives as mortals (Fig. 6.1). At the entrance of the tentage, there
are altars of two protector gods—Skanda (韋馱尊者) and Sangharama (伽藍護法).
The commencement of the funeral service is marked by live music as musicians
sat at the sides inside the tentage. This is to welcome the various Bodhisattvas (qi
ming fa gu 启鸣发鼓) and to invite them to witness this merit-offering (gongde 功
德) event. Shijiao fashi convey their request to the Bodhisattvas by presenting the
official documents (zouwen 奏文). This is followed by the calling back of the spirit
of the deceased (zhaoqing guhun 招請孤魂) and ‘bathing and cleansing’ of the
deceased’s spirit (muyu dihui 沐浴滌穢) done by the daughter if the deceased is a
woman and by the son if the deceased is a man. The rite of calling back the spirit is
through waving a streamer (lingfan 靈幡) made from paper/cloth and bamboo.
A black umbrella was carried by the daughter of the deceased as it is believed
that the spirit is afraid of sunlight. During the ‘bathing’ process, a straw mat was
used to hide the view so that it would not be disrespectful to the Bodhisattvas. Once
Fig. 6.1 Funeral setup with the Bodhisattvas, ten levels of hell and chanting area
the ‘bathing’ was done, the spirit of the deceased would be ready to pay respect to
the ‘Three Precious Buddhas’. The spirit was invited to the altar of the ‘Three
Precious Buddhas’ and to listen to Buddhist teachings (ding li can fo 頂禮參佛).
Tablets (xiang wei 香位) of the messengers (dugong shizhe 都共使者), guarding
messengers (jianzhai shizhe 監齋使者), Guanyin Bodhisattva and the spirit of the
deceased were set up in various altars. The spirit of the deceased was guided to the
‘route of the underworld’ (kaiming luguan 開冥路關) at the altar of the ‘Three
Precious Buddhas’.
The objective of the merit-offering ritual is to reduce any possible misdeeds
committed by the deceased to a minimum so that he or she would not suffer in hell.
For example, reducing the mouth karma (kou ye 口業) meant that any curse or
unpleasant words used by the deceased during her life as mortal and other misdeeds
would be condoned during this ritual, which is likened to untying the knots of ‘mis-
deeds’ and receive pardon (jiejie shezui 解結赦罪).
At about 3:00 p.m., the chanting ended. A written document with details of the
merit offering was placed in an envelope and positioned along with a towel. These
items were handed to the sons of the deceased standing in the front row and every-
one bowed. By 4:00 p.m., tables were set up to prepare for the smashing of the
blood pond. Huang, the lead fashi, prepared for his role as Mulian represented by
his wearing of a Buddhist robe, headgear and carrying of a staff.
Mulian guided the deceased’s family, including her children and grandchildren,
in search for the deceased by ‘travelling’ to the ten levels of hell (kanhe guodian 勘
合過殿). The children of the deceased knelt and poured wine (water) into a bowl
placed on the ground. This ‘wine’ was offered to the ten kings at the ten levels of
hell. The pouring of ‘wine’ was repeated by all the children of the deceased, one by
one. The chief mourner held the spirit tablet of the deceased while the deceased’s
daughter held an umbrella sheltering the spirit tablet, which was moved to another
altar. The deceased’s family was likened to the filial piety of Mulian who made the
arduous journey to the underworld in the hope of moving the kings of the ten levels
of hell who would then pardon any past misdeeds committed by the deceased.
According to fashi Huang, the deceased was sick and hospitalized before she
passed away. In Buddhist belief, for the deceased who has consumed medicine
before her demise, the fashi will conduct the ‘medicine master penance’ (baiyaoshi
chan 拜藥師懺). During this ritual, there was an altar set up for the Hua Tuo deity
(華佗 140–208 CE), a renowned physician during the late Eastern Han Dynasty.
The fashi chanted the Precious Penance of the Compassionate Medicine Master (Ci
Bei Yao Shi Bao Can 慈悲藥師寶懺) while the deceased’s children poured medi-
cine into a clay teapot placed before the tablet of the deceased. With the blessing of
Hua Tuo, the objective of this ritual was to help the spirit of the deceased recover
from all possible illnesses. After the chanting ended, the fashi took the clay teapot
out of the tentage and smashed it. With the help of the ‘Three Precious Buddhas’
and other deities, this indicated that the deceased is free from all illnesses.
In Chinese (Taiwanese) belief, a mortal will borrow some money from the under-
world officials for reincarnation. When the lifespan of the mortal has ended, he or
she would return the money. This act of returning was conducted through the
‘returning money to the hell bank’ (tianhuan minku 填還冥庫) ritual. During this
ritual, incense was offered to the 12 underworld bank officials (kuchaoguan 庫曹
官). A written document was prepared beforehand and read aloud to announce that
the bank money had been returned to the underworld bank officials. Paper offerings
were also burnt for the deceased in the belief that she could use them in the
underworld.
Like a typical theatrical performance, the performance by Mulian came with
music accompaniment as the musicians seated at the sides play the electronic piano,
suona and drum. The performance comprises monologues, dialogues and singing.
As typical of funeral renditions of the Mulian story, the fashi playing the characters
of the Mulian story do not put on operatic makeup. Instead, masks are used. As the
lead fashi took on the role of Mulian, he was regarded as having the power to allevi-
ate the suffering of the deceased at the blood pond. He would have to break through
the walls of the hell fortress first.
For the setup of the hell fortress and blood pond (Fig. 6.2), a layer of earth was first
laid, and talismans placed above. To represent the blood pond, a clay pot containing a
bowl of red liquid was placed above the talismans with eight flags inserted around the
clay pot. The eight flags with two flags symbolizing each gate, and which represented
the East Gate, South Gate, West Gate and North Gate. Placed in front of the blood
pond were three white eggs with a pair of eyes drawn on two eggs and the character
‘Wang’ (王) or King on the third egg. The two eggs represented a dragon and the third
egg indicated that he is the king of all beasts.45 The dragon would ensure that the spirit
Another saying is that the three eggs represent the sand snake. See Yang Shih-Hsien, “Taiwan
45
Shijiao sangzang badu fashi ji qi minjian wenxue yanjiu”, 250.

Fig. 6.2 Representation of hell fortress, blood pond, dragon and incense holder
of the deceased did not come to harm during the smashing of the blood pond. Using
his staff, Mulian prodded at the mud surrounding the blood pond. This act of prodding
indicates that Mulian had broken through the hell gate where he led the deceased’s
family through the gate. The four hell gates surrounding the blood pond were less
obvious in this funeral service, which required some imagination from the onlooker.
After this had been done, the smashing of the blood pond ritual would commence.
The incense holder and the spirit tablet of the deceased were then placed above the bowl of
‘blood’. The deceased’s family members took turns to offer their incense to the deceased.
One fashi started chanting and used a willow leaf branch dipped in water to sprinkle around
the blood pond. Holding his staff and dancing around the blood pond, fashi Huang took on
the role of Mulian which he announced to everyone present.
The four gates of the hell fortress were heavily guarded. At the first gate, Mulian
encountered the ghost guards. Two fashi, wearing masks, took on the roles of the
ghost guards (Fig. 6.3). They asked Mulian the reason why he travelled to the under-
world. After some persuasion, they finally let Mulian see the deceased. At this
moment, Mulian started to weep as he could not bear to see the deceased suffer in
hell. A fashi led the deceased family with the streamer. By walking in rounds, the
deceased’s family was likened to have travelled for miles to save the deceased.
After obtaining permission from the ghost guards, Mulian used his staff to prod
at the mud surrounding the blood pond and the flags of one side fell off the structure.
This represented the successful opening of one of the hell gates. Mulian was put to
another ordeal. By removing the masks of the ghost guards, one of the fashi assumed
another role as the Earth God (Tudigong 土地公) by wearing a mask with white
beard (Fig. 6.4). The Earth God guarded the second hell gate. Mulian had to seek the
Fig. 6.3 Two fashi (left and right) take on the role of ghost guards
Fig. 6.4 The Earth God (right) appears
Earth God’s permission to smash the gates of hell. When the permission was
granted, Mulian again prodded at the mud and brought down the flags, representing
the successful opening of the second hell gate. He continued to lead the deceased’s
family in search of the third hell gate. The Golden Boy (jin tong 金童) played by
another fashi who wore a five-Buddha headgear (wufoguan 五佛冠) and carried a
streamer, joined in and chanted. The deceased’s family knelt in front of the hell
fortress. The Golden Boy guided the deceased’s family and Mulian successfully
broke through the third hell gate.
However, entering the hell fortress was not an easy task. Hungry ghosts sur-
rounded the hell fortress and attempted to disrupt Mulian and the deceased’s family.
At this moment, Mulian flashed out his staff and engaged in a fight with the hungry
ghost represented by a fashi wearing a fiery ghost mask. After Mulian had defeated
the hungry ghost, he finally broke through the fourth and last hell gate. The
deceased’s family members knelt and faced Mulian. Two pieces of official docu-
ments (die wen or wenshu 牒文/文书) related to merit-offering (gongde 功德) pre-
pared earlier were attached to Mulian’s staff.
Mulian asked the chief mourner, the eldest son of the deceased, if this blood
pond belonged to his mother and the son replied yes. Upon hearing this, Mulian
wailed. Other family members also cried. The earth around the blood pond was
smashed. The chief mourner was instructed to hold on to one end of Mulian’s staff
and carry the spiritual tablet of the deceased. The second son carried the streamer.
Other family members followed and circled round the blood pond again. The cir-
cling stopped as the family members lined up in a row. The chief mourner knelt
down in front of the deceased’s tablet. Mulian started to ask the chief mourner, “Did
your mother give birth to you?” The son nodded. “Do you dare to drink the blood
from the blood pond which your mother is suffering inside?” The son nodded again
and dabbed his finger into the bowl of ‘blood’ and on his tongue. Mulian again
asked, “Do you bear to smash the blood pond?” The son said he could not bear to
do so. Mulian blessed the son. This process was repeated with the other (grand)
children of the deceased.46 When this was completed, the mourner (grandson) car-
ried the deceased’s spiritual tablet and moved aside. The talismans buried in the
earth holding the blood pond were burnt and the official documents attached to
Mulian’s staff were also lit. Mulian swung the staff and hit the ground with the staff.
Firecrackers were lit at the mud structure that held the blood pond earlier. The clay
pot that contained the ‘blood’ bowl was then smashed by Mulian using his staff. The
mourner walked forward and placed the spiritual tablet of the deceased on Mulian’s
staff while one fashi waved the spirit streamer. This marked the end of the smashing
of the blood pond ritual, which ended at 5:00 p.m.
This was followed by acrobatic entertainment, locally known as “lāng-lâu” (nong
rao 弄繞), and dinner for all present at the funeral. At 8:00 p.m., a lady fashi dressed
in Buddhist robe and headgear took on the role of Mulian and carried the deceased’s
spiritual tablet and a stack of Buddhist manuscripts. The children and grandchildren
of the deceased sat on a mat while Mulian started to narrate the painful sacrifice of
the mother at childbearing and reminded the deceased’s family of the importance of
filial piety (Fig. 6.5).
The story was told with a mix of singing and narration. Although the story was
told in a rather light-hearted manner, Mulian could not help but feel sad about the
passing of the deceased and wept. The family members of the deceased stood up
46
In this ritual, I observed that the daughters of the deceased also took part in the drinking of the
‘blood’ inside the blood pond.
Fig. 6.5 Mulian narrates the story of filial piety
and followed the fashi by crossing the gold and silver bridge (Jinyinqiao 金銀橋)
and tossing coins inside the basket that held the deceased’s spiritual tablet. The
objective of this bridge crossing is to bless the children and grandchildren of the
deceased. After the bridge crossing was repeated several times, the part on Mulian
carrying the manuscripts (tiaojing 挑經) ended at about 9:45 p.m. Offerings set up
earlier were offered to wandering spirits while paper offerings were burnt for the
deceased. The event ended at about 11:00 p.m. We see from this Shijiao rendition of
the Mulian story, the emphasis on filial piety and children helping their parent(s) to
alleviate his/her suffering in the underworld. In this case, the smashing of the hell
gates and accessing the blood pond are the highlights of this ritual.
6.3 Singapore: Operatic Versus Funeral Renditions
There is a relatively rich Mulian tradition in Singapore but there is little study on the
historical and contemporary Hokkien rendition of the Mulian story in Singapore.
Given the scant resources available, this case study draws on oral history interviews
from archives, interviews with existing practitioners and ethnographic fieldwork to
provide an account of the Hokkien Mulian tradition. Chapter 5 discusses the trans-
formation in the Hokkien theatrical scene, notably the lessening of liturgical ele-
ments. This section will focus on the Hokkien Mulian tradition, including its origin,
transmission, transformation and current practices.
6.4 Hokkien Mulian Performance in the Past 123
6.4 Hokkien Mulian Performance in the Past
The Hokkien Mulian performance in Singapore originated from southern Fujian,

particularly Quanzhou. In Quanzhou, there is a type of ‘pan-Mulian performance’
(Fan Mulian xi 泛目連戲) meaning that other than performing the Mulian proper,
other performances are also included.47 This includes Li Shimin Roams Hell (Li
Shimin You Difu 李世民游地府) and Tripitaka Retrieves the Scriptures (Sanzang
Qujing 三藏取經).48
Sources on Hokkien Mulian practices during the first half of the twentieth cen-
tury are collected from oral history interviews conducted by the National Archives
of Singapore. This included Lee Chye Ee (李載飴 1919–1991), a priest and pup-
peteer from Yongchun (永春) county in Quanzhou who migrated to Singapore in
1947. Back then, the Mulian performance was known as the ‘merits and virtue the-
atre’ (gongdexi 功德戲).49 This ‘merits and virtue theatre’ refers to performances
staged during funeral rites.50 Lee also mentioned that the performances of Zhong
Kui Travels to Hell (Zhong Kui Xia Diyu 鍾馗下地獄) and Journey to the West were
customarily included in occasions meant for conducting ‘merits and virtue’.
However, there is a lack of evidence to validate whether the early Mulian tradition
in Singapore was directly related to the ‘pan-Mulian’ performance in southern
Fujian. The play Li Shimin Roams Hell had the same title as the Mulian repertoire
of Quanzhou. This may indicate a relationship, but more evidence is needed to sub-
stantiate the connection. We can affirm that the Mulian performance was staged for
funerals and universal salvation during the lunar seventh month. The second source
comes from Gwee Bock Huat (魏木發 b. 1923). Gwee was the founding troupe
leader of Sin Sai Hong. Gwee’s grandfather came from Anxi (安溪) county in
Quanzhou and later travelled to Malaya (now Malaysia) to perform. Gwee’s father
continued with his trade and performed Gaojia opera. Gwee recalled that the Mulian
play and Li Shimin roams hell were performed during funerals and the Middle
Primordial Festival. He revealed that these performances existed at a time when
Gaojia opera was not yet replaced by Gezai opera. This period is estimated to be in
the 1930s or earlier.51 Both accounts of Lee and Gwee indicated that the early
Hokkien Mulian play was staged during funerals. We also learn that Li Shimin
roams hell was part of the Mulian repertoire, which suggested its connection with
the tradition in southern Fujian. There is little information on the Hokkien Mulian
opera performance. According to the audio-visual records collected at the National
Archives of Singapore, the last recorded Mulian performance was in 1994.52 Given
47
48
49
Lee Chye Ee, National Archives of Singapore, Accession Number 000936, 12 June 1988, 67.
50
51
Gwee Bock Huat, National Archives of Singapore, Accession No. 002985, 32.
52
‘Mulian Saves His Mother’ Hokkien Street Opera Play Performed for Duah Ya Beh, Bendemeer
Road, National Archives of Singapore, Audiovisual and Sound Recordings, Accession No.
1994000505–1994000508, Tapes 1–4.
that I had the opportunity to observe the opera rendition in 2013, I will provide an
account below.
Mulian Rescues his Mother by Shuang Ming Feng Min(nan) Opera Troupe
26–28 February 2013, Marsiling Industrial Estate 3, Singapore.
The performance of Mulian rescues his mother from the Underworld by the
Hokkien group was a rarity. Within the time span of 34 years, the Mulian perfor-
mance was only staged for the fourteenth time in Singapore and Malaysia, indicat-
ing its infrequency.53 Invited by the Sheng Zhong Tianyun Shrine (聖忠天雲壇), the
three-day Mulian play was staged at Marsiling Industrial Estate 3, Singapore from
26 to 28 February 2013. The performance was staged on a makeshift stage opposite
a temporary installation where the deities worshipped by the shrine were located.
Similar to a feast day of the deity, household shrines in Singapore, better known as
sintua, would apply for permit from the relevant authorities to set up a canopy hous-
ing their deities and religious paraphernalia. Devotees and members of the public
are free to enter the canopy to present their offerings and in return request for
blessings.
With the purpose of capturing the sights and sounds, as well as the preparations
for this rare performance, I reached a few hours earlier. Climbing up the ladder that
led to the backstage, I looked around and saw that there were two altars, one for the
underworld gods, Elder Grandpa and Second Grandpa (Da er ye bo 大二爺伯), and
the other for Chief Marshal Tian, the God of Theatre. There was also Hai-Er Ye (孩
兒爺), in a doll-like form, regarded as the child god of Chinese opera. The worship-
ping of Chief Marshal Tian and particularly Hai-Er Ye was typical. However, the
worshipping of Elder Grandpa and Second Grandpa backstage was less common,
which may have to do with the nature of the Mulian performance. By praying to the
underworld gods, who are guards of the underworld, it is believed to protect every
member of the troupe.
According to Cai, one of the older members of the shrine, the Mulian show was
requested by the Elder Grandpa and Second Grandpa through the medium in 2008.
The staging of a Mulian event like this required that a huge amount of resources be
pooled in, which includes the inviting of an opera troupe to perform that cost thou-
sands of dollars. Hence, time was needed to pool in the resources. The shrine chose
Shuang Ming Feng to perform the Mulian play, partly because of the friendly rela-
tionship between two parties. It was also likely that Shuang Ming Feng accepted the
invitation because there are currently few troupes who are willing to perform the
Mulian story. The Mulian play was also unlike any typical opera show. To allow for
preparations, the shrine liaised with the troupe about half a year ago. According to
Ong Li Peng, the current troupe leader of Shuang Ming Feng, preparation for the
Mulian play required a longer time because of the large cast and props used. Given
the intense preparation needed to stage the show, the fees for staging the Mulian
play is doubled, costing about 3000 Singapore dollars a day. Ong also requested that
a completed Mulian show had to be staged for 3 days. There were requests by
temples and shrines to stage a one-day Mulian show but this was declined by Ong.
53
Personal interview, Ah Nam of Sheng Zhong Tianyun Shrine, 27 March 2013.
She felt that given the rich plot and strong moral values behind the Mulian story, a
one-day performance would not suffice.
On the first day, 2 h before the performance commenced at 7:30 p.m., the troupe
leader and some of the performers started to prepare offerings and incense paper
that would be burnt at both sides of the stage. The burning of offerings was not seen
in a typical performance meant for the feast day of the deity. These offerings were
meant for wandering spirits, also known as ‘good brothers’ (hao xiongdi 好兄弟),
to ensure that they do not cause any ‘disruption’ during the performance. The need
to protect the troupe, whether through offerings, offering of paper money or asking
for blessings from the underworld deities, was a display of the fear that misfortune
may arise when topics of taboo, such as the underworld and death, were
vocalized.54
Meanwhile, other performers continued with their rehearsal and makeup.
Occasionally, some performers flipped through an A3 size notebook that had the
outline of the play written on it. The stage outline was an indication of the scenes
and the characters that would appear on stage. Other than the outline, there was no
script in sight. In most of the Gezai opera performances I had observed, there is
hardly any use of a full-length script. There were some performers who were not
present because of their full-time work commitment but most of them would reach
an hour before the performance to do the makeup. By 6:40 p.m., all the performers,
musicians, children and helpers involved both backstage and front stage were
requested to go to the temporarily set up tentage housing the shrine to pray and offer
their incense. In return, they were given a pair of oranges and a red packet of money
as a blessing for the performance.
Ten minutes before the show started, two men were seated at both sides of the
front stage with a vessel for burning incense paper. The burning was carried out
throughout the 3-h performance each night. This is offered to the wandering spirits
to prevent them from causing any ‘disturbance’ during the performance. Meanwhile
in the temporary installation, one could hear the sharp sound of whipping. Three
mediums representing the Elder Grandpa and Second Grandpa were entering a
trance. Their helpers set up altars with wine, tea and the necessary ‘props’ such as
abacus, wooden blocks that are used in commands (lingpai 令牌), flags and head-
gear that will be used by the mediums. Chairs were brought forth to the open field
in front of the stage. The three mediums made their way to the field to ‘watch’ the
performance. To the layman observer, it may appear bizarre to see how an operatic
performance is meant for the gods. The mediums representing Elder Grandpa and
Second Grandpa sitting in front of the stage is a clear illustration of a Chinese oper-
atic or puppet performance meant for the gods (Fig. 6.6). These underworld deities,
while enjoying the performance as entertainment and ensuring that the audience
understood the morals behind the Mulian story, also served an important purpose—
There were many taboos when staging the Mulian play. Ms. Ong had also mentioned that in
54
Malaysia, the staging of a Mulian play (when not properly conducted) had possibly resulted in the
death of a performer and the other suffering from stroke. Ong Li Peng, Personal Interview, 4 April
2013.
Fig. 6.6 Spirit medium representing Elder Grandpa ‘watches’ the Mulian performance
as guardians of the underworld to ensure that wandering souls did not bring harm to
the mortal world.
The commencement of the show is marked by the clashing of cymbals and beat-
ing of drum backstage. A helper from the shrine brings Hai-Er Ye, the child god
placed on a red tray with sweets, incense and red packets to the stage while one of
the performers receive the god on stage which is then placed at the backstage altar.
It is common for the audience to react to a performance. The Mulian performance
triggered some ‘response’ from the underworld gods. Particularly when the various
levels of hell were portrayed while Mulian tried to save his mother, both the Elder
Grandpa and Second Grandpa mediums started to use the abacus, knocked on
wooden blocks against the tables, and made some movements and murmured to
their helpers. When I asked the helpers, they claimed only the deity will know the
details. Occasionally, the mediums also toss incense paper on the ground. These
acts can be understood as a way of appeasing the wandering ghosts who may be
evoked because the play is filled with scenes depicting the underworld and charac-
ters playing as ghosts and demons.
The second day of performance on 28 February 2013 was the climax of the
Mulian play as the punishments at the ten levels of hell were dramatically presented
on stage. Before the performance, there were again offerings made to the wandering
spirits. There was already a crowd, hoping to get the best seats. Most of the audience
members were avid supporters of Gezai opera and fans of Shuang Ming Feng.
Performers backstage were busy doing their makeup and hairdo. There were one or
two performers who occasionally offered incense at the altar and referred to the play
outline placed near the altar.
Meanwhile at the temporary installation, helpers were preparing for the three
spirit mediums to go into a trance, minutes before the show commenced at 7:30 p.m.
Others helped by moving the chairs and tables meant for the spirit mediums to the
front of the stage. The audience sat on the right. Again, the Hai-Er Ye god was pre-
sented to a performer onstage who would place the god at the backstage altar. As the
show commenced, the spirit mediums made their way to the front of the stage.
Incense papers meant for the wandering spirits were tossed in the air. When the
spirit mediums sat down in their respective positions, their helpers prepared tea,
wine and cigar for them. Wine and cigar were supposedly the Elder and Second
Grandpa’s favourite.
The opening scene on the first day began with Fu Muxiang and his wife Liu
Shizhen, who have no children. Having done many honourable deeds such as restor-
ing bridges and building roads, the celestial deities decided to grant Fu’s wish for a
son. They called upon Ling Tongzi (靈童子), the child god, to reincarnate as Fu’s
son. Not long after, Liu Shizhen was due for delivery. Instead of a baby boy, she
delivered a radish. Fu was shocked to receive the news and the couple had a heated
argument. In a fit of anger, Fu chopped the radish with a knife and a baby boy
appeared. The boy was named Luobo (羅卜) because of the couple’s strange
encounter with the radish.55 Years passed and Luobo grew up a fine young man.
Unfortunately, his father Fu Muxiang would meet his end soon. The Golden Lad
and Jade Girl escorted Fu Muxiang, who became an underworld official. After Fu’s
death, Liu Shizhen’s brother, Liu An (劉安), arrived at the Fu household to persuade
her to consume meat. Liu Shizhen refused to break her vegetarian vow but was
forced by Liu An to drink a bowl of soup made from dog meat. Liu An used the
remaining dog meat to make buns and gave them to the monks and nuns. The soul
of the dog killed by Liu An appeared before Liu Shizhen. Liu Shizhen’s consump-
tion of dog meat alerted the hell guards who captured her. Liu was reborn as a dog
which marked the end of the first day of performance.
The second day of performance continued with Luobo’s search for his mother
after he was told by the Bodhisattva Guanyin that Liu Shizhen was reborn as a dog
in the household of Wang Fu (王富). Luobo had a brief reunion with his mother.
Seeing Luobo’s sincerity in saving his mother, Gautama Buddha (Rulai 如來)
appeared and bestowed him the Three Treasures (san bao 三寶), namely, the
Buddhist robe (jia sha 袈裟), a pair of slippers weaved from grass and a staff
(xizhang 錫杖). Luobo would embark on a trip to the underworld to redeem his
mother’s soul. While travelling, Luobo was stopped by a bandit Lei Fuhu (雷伏虎).
Lei Fuhu was moved by Mulian’s filial act to save his mother and decided to join
him. Luobo accepted Lei Fuhu’s request to be his follower and changed Lei’s name
to Lei Yousheng (雷有聲). To test Luobo’s determination, Guanyin called upon her
assistants, Shancai (善才) and Longnü (龍女) to transform into father and daughter
living in a small hut. Lei Yousheng asked Luobo if they could stop for a break. They
arrived at the small hut transformed by Guanyin. The daughter attempted to seduce
Luobo but failed. Lei Yousheng, on the other hand, fell into the trap. The disap-
55
The Precious Scroll of the Three Lives of Mulian has a slightly different version of how Luobo
was born but his name is also associated with his parents’ encounter with a radish. See Grant and
Idema, Escape from Blood Pond Hell, 37–38.
pointed Luobo decided to continue his trip alone while Lei promised to go to the
mountains for meditation. Luobo faced more tests set up by Guanyin such as
encountering a tiger and a venomous snake.
A carp spirit (Liyujing 鯉魚精) also attempted to capture Luobo but Guanyin
arrived in time to save him. Meanwhile, Liu Shizhen was brought to the different
levels of hell where she witnessed the brutal tortures. Going through every level of
hell, Luobo tried to search for his mother. Finally, he reached the deepest level—
Avici Hell—of which gates were tightly locked. In his desperate attempt to save his
mother, Luobo smashed the gates with his staff and let out eight million souls
including his mother. These souls were reincarnated as mortals. Luobo was pun-
ished as a result. He was reborn as Huang Chao with a green face and ferocious
fangs (Qingmian liaoya 青面獠牙). Huang Chao had to kill eight million people so
that they could be returned to Avici Hell.
The second day of performance was regarded as the climax of the show as tor-
menting punishments corresponding to the several types of wrong doings in the
mortal world were dramatically presented in the show. The use of fire and props
featuring the endless torture in the underworld inspired awe to those who watched
it. Whenever each level of hell was featured, Elder Grandpa and Second Grandpa
represented by the mediums who were watching the show, scattered incense paper
and banged wooden blocks against the table. This response appeared to indicate that
under the watchful eyes of these underworld gods, wandering spirits nearby were
not allowed to harm the mortals. Like the first day, the second day of the show had
to end by 10:30 p.m. as regulated by the authorities so as not to cause any discom-
fort to the residents.
The third day of performance began with how Huang Chao was born into the
family of Huang Zongdan (黃宗旦/但). Horrified with his son’s hideous appear-
ance, Huang Zongdan abandoned him in the woods. The Earth God ordered the
tiger to take the baby away. When Huang Zongdan returned to the woods again, he
was astonished to see that his baby was still alive. The tiger fed the baby with milk
instead of taking his life. Huang decided to take his baby home. Huang Chao grew
up a talented young man endowed with civil and martial virtues. Unfortunately,
Emperor Xizong dismissed him for his hideous appearance and the distraught
Huang Chao decided to seek refuge at a nearby monastery. There he met Abbot Fa
Ming (Fa Ming zhanglao 法明長老).56 The kind-hearted Fa Ming let Huang Chao
in even though the oil-stealing ghost guards had told him earlier that he would be
the first to die in Huang Chao’s hands. The frightened Fa Ming related this story to
Huang Chao, who promised the abbot that his life would be spared. However, Fa
Ming could not escape his terrible fate.
As he hid inside a hollow tree, Huang Chao unknowingly tested his sword against
the trunk and beheaded Fa Ming. The sword belonged to He Xiangu but Huang
Chao had the mission of slaying eight million people with this sword and their
The Precious Scroll of the Three Lives of Mulian had a similar storyline but the Abbot was named
56
Liaokong. See Grant and Idema, Escape from Blood Pond Hell, 116–120.
blood would flow three thousand miles.57 Huang Chao left the monastery and met
the bandit King, Yue Wen (岳文). Yue Wen challenged Huang Chao to a duel. Yue
was defeated and introduced Huang to his followers in the mountains.
The next scene is a story about the ill-fated love between the Stone General
(Shitou jiangjun 石頭將軍) and Wu Xiuying (吳秀英). Not long after, Wu was
pregnant with the general’s child. She was shocked to learn that the General was not
a mortal and had to leave her. In his battle against the Celestial guards who came to
capture him, the General was beheaded. Wu Xiuying was chased out of the house as
her father was too ashamed to accept a child born out of wedlock. Wu raised her
child and named him Shi Chunxiao (石存孝). Meanwhile, the massive scale of the
Huang Chao rebellion had threatened the Tang court and court official Cheng
Jing’en (程敬恩) requested for help from Li Keyong (李克用), the ruler of Shatuo
kingdom (沙陀國) who was in exile, to fight against Huang Chao. Li Keyong was
on bad terms with Emperor Xizong, but after much persuasion he decided to lead
his army against Huang Chao. During his pursuit of Huang Chao in the woods, Li
Keyong met a ferocious tiger but Shi Chunxiao appeared in time and saved his life.
Li Keyong was very pleased with Shi Chunxiao’s bravery and asked if the latter
could be his godson. Shi Chunxiao agreed and changed his surname to Li. They
continued their pursuit against Huang Chao who was forced to retreat until he
reached a cliff. He Xiangu appeared and asked Huang to return her sword. Huang
jumped off the cliff. Mulian appeared again in the next scene. He had fulfilled his
mission of returning the eight million souls back to Avici Hell. King Qinguang
decided to release Mulian and his mother Liu Shizhen. Mother and son were finally
reunited. However, when Mulian went away to look for water for his mother, Liu
could not resist relieving herself and ‘polluted’ the sea. Mulian became known as
the Venerable Mulian (Mulian zunzhe 目連尊者) while Liu was reborn as ‘Madame
Bat’ (bianfu furen 蝙蝠夫人).
Red eggs and buns shaped like longevity peaches were given out on the three days
to audience members, performers, devotees and whoever was present, including
myself. The third day of the performance was slightly different from the other
two days. Other than giving red eggs and buns of blessing, children’s clothes that
had been blessed were distributed. Audience members and devotees of the shrine
who had children were free to take these clothes back home.
Due to its close association with death and the Chinese hell (diyu 地獄),
Hokkien (Gezai) opera troupes have revealed their reluctance to stage the Mulian
play. This taboo is also associated with the Hokkien belief that staging the Mulian
play requires complex ritual cleansing to protect the performers and everyone
involved. Hence, few troupes are willing to take the risk for fear that if such ritual
cleansing is not properly conducted, it will lead to misfortune for all those
57
This theme of “slaying eight million people and their blood will flow three thousand miles” (sha
ren ba bai wan, xue liu san qian li 殺人八百萬,血流三千里). This description also appeared in
The Precious Scroll of the Three Lives of Mulian. See Grant and Idema, Escape from Blood Pond
Hell, 117 and 119.
Fig. 6.7 The stage outline (taishu) used on first day of Hokkien Mulian performance
involved.58 This fear was partly due to the lack of ritualistic training. These taboos
help us understand why the Hokkien Mulian performance is understood as merely
a theatrical rendition and not a liturgical play.
The Mulian libretto does not follow the Quanzhou/southern Fujian tradition.
When Ong Lipeng, the troupe leader of Shuang Ming Feng, was asked to direct the
play, she was initially at a loss as to how to present this three-day performance. All
she had in hand was a very brief stage outline (taishu 台數) that her father bought
from another troupe a few years ago. It happens that one day, Ong chanced upon a
morality book in Tang Gah Beo (Dong Yu Miao 東嶽廟). The morality book titled
Precious Documents of the Jade Calendar (Yu Li Bao Chao 玉曆寶鈔) became the
basis on which Ong created the framework of the newly adapted Mulian play. The
stage outline, instead of a full-length script, comprised the number of scenes, names
of characters and backdrops (Fig. 6.7). Actors create their own speech and songs.
This explains why performers occasionally refer to the stage outline, which serves
as an aide-memoire, before and during the performance.
For the Daoist ritual of ‘making merit’ (zuo gongde) that I have observed, it is a
funeral service conducted by Daoist priests. Although it is hard to say whether this
ritual is directly inherited from the southern Fujian tradition, the rituals involved
follow many of the Daoist traditions, particularly that of the Lingbao School, for
retreat (zhai 齋) services.
The Daoist Ritual of ‘Making Merit’, 22–23 December 2016, Block 63 Chai
Chee Road, Singapore.
Tan Siew Keow (Troupe leader of Geyi 歌藝), Personal interview, 25 February 2015; Goh Swee
58
Theng (Troupe leader of Chew Yee 秋藝), interview by Zac Li, 8 June 2015.
The Daoist ritual of making merit is also known as ‘Making merit from the
Grand retreat of the Yellow Register’ (Huanglu dazhai gongde 黃籙大齋功德). The
Yellow Register contains a list of names of spirits of the underworld. The first day
commenced on 22 December at 12:00 p.m. The Daoist setup is erected below the
residential block at Chai Chee Road. The setup consisted of the Three Pure Ones,
namely, the Lord of Primordial Beginning (Yuanshi Tianzun 元始天尊), Lord of the
Numinous Treasure (Lingbao Tianzun 靈寶天尊) and Honoured Lord of the Tao
and the Virtue (Daode Tianzun 道德天尊). There were also tablets of the deities in
charge of the penances (jingchan 經懺), namely, Great Qinghua Emperor of the
East Pole (Dongji Qinghua Dadi 東極青華大帝), True Script of the Dragon and
Phoenix Seal (Longzhang Fengzhuan Zhenwen 龍章鳳篆真文), Daluo Yujing
Miaodao (大羅玉京妙道), High Immortal of Huatang Xiangjing (Huatang
Xiangjing Gaoxian 華堂向境高仙) and Great South Pole Emperor of Longevity
(Nanji Changsheng Dadi 南極長生大帝). These deities are invited when conduct-
ing a making merit session of a bigger scale (dagongde 大功德).
The lead priest began by presenting the necessary documents for the retreat and
the invitation of the gods. This was followed by guiding the souls of the family’s
deceased ancestors, who were invited to ‘reside’ at a huge paper house installed at
the next block. The deceased here does not refer to one particular person only, rather
it refers to the ancestors of the family, if traceable in the genealogy or ‘generations
of ancestors’ (lidai zuxian 歷代祖先) in general, whom their family members hoped
to include in the ‘making merit’ service. The first day of the service was focused on
chanting the various penances, including Penance of the Three Pure Ones (Sanqing
chan 三清懺) and Scripture on Salvation (Durenjing 度人經).
For the evening ritual at 7:30 p.m., the priest prepared the Writ of Pardon, with
the names of the ancestors and their descendants. The pardon documents were sent
to an envoy who would ‘travel’ to the underworld. The Writ of Pardon (sheshu 赦
書) was presented before the hell kings, informing them about this making merit
service and sought pardon to release the souls.59 The first day’s service ended around
10:00 p.m.
On the second day, the rituals began at 9:00 a.m. The respective deities were
invited, followed by the paying of respect to the deceased at the mourning hall.
Various forms of penances were chanted in the retreat. In the afternoon, there was
offering to the Three Pure Ones. The banners of the Three Pure Ones were hung in
the temporary Daoist setup under the void deck of the residential housing. This was
followed by the completion of the various penances (wanchan 完懺).
After these rituals were completed, the priests would begin the almsgiving also
known as ‘praying at the entrance’ (bai menkou 拜門口). The rituals for the day had
ended. The night rituals would commence after dinner. In the evening, there was
worshipping of the vault protector (kuguan 庫官). The Chinese belief is that humans
borrow money from the vault protector, which would be returned when they passed
away. This money, in the form of incense paper, was burnt into ashes and wrapped
in red paper or cloth. One of the priests led the deceased’s family to the sea, recited
59
Kristofer Schipper, “Mu-lien Plays in Daoist Liturgical Context”, 127–128.
Fig. 6.8 Diagram of the

Hell Fortress depicting the
four hell gates
the ‘Rescue the Suffering Scripture’ (Jiuku Jing 救苦經) and presented the docu-
ments to the vault protector (Kuguan wendie 庫官文牒), which was then tossed into
the sea. Choosing the sea to conduct this ritual is connected to the belief that the
underworld is situated below the water world (Shuifu 水府).
At 7:00 p.m., the Siege of Hell began. The hell fortress made from paper and
bamboo was about the height of an average grown man. There were four hell gates,
namely, East, South, West and North, arranged in a clockwise direction (Fig. 6.8).
Offerings (fruit and meat) and the censer for the ancestors were placed inside the
fortress and positioned between the East and North gates. This is according to the
belief that the souls of the ancestors which are yin in nature would be complemented
with the yang position between the East and North gates. Dressed in a black robe
and carrying a staff, the lead priest played the Luo Bo character.
As the beating of the drum got faster, the pace also grew quicker. Luobo started
to swirl the staff, and he and other priests moved in a lemniscate fashion. After a few
rounds of circling the fortress, Luobo entered the fortress from the East gate and
stepped out, and the deceased family continued to follow by circling but not enter-
ing the fortress. The pace slowed down, followed by chanting. Luobo narrated his
encounter in the underworld, while other priests echoed the main parts of his speech
or responded with questions for him to carry on with his tale.
The tour by Luobo and the mourners ended for the moment, followed by the
appearance of a ghost played by one of the priests. The character played by one of
the priests wearing a black cape with some flowers was a female ghost from the
netherworld. In the past, the ghost was represented with the head covered in a mop
of hair but as it was deemed too frightening to the audience, a cape with flowers was
used instead to represent the female ghost character. The ghost stood inside the
fortress where she sang a melancholic tune, followed by wailing. One of the priests
asked what the wailing was about. The ghost mentioned the connection between
crying and making merit, including the crying over one’s grandparents and
parents.
After performing for about 10 min, the part played by the female ghost ended.
The deceased’s descendants stood up as the priests prepared for the scene on ‘carry-
ing the scriptures’ (tiaojing). This is also an essential part in all Mulian perfor-
Fig. 6.9 Daoist priest taking the role of Mulian
mances, regardless of whether it is liturgical or theatrical. The lead priest playing

Luo Bo stared at both the scriptures and his mother’s ashes with grief (Fig. 6.9). In
a praying position, he rested the pole on his arms and balance his mother’s ashes and
scriptures in a horizontal fashion, illustrating the importance of both. He was anx-
ious to save his mother from the underworld and while waiting for his junior disci-
ple Lei Yousheng, he composed a melancholic poem. Lei Yousheng entered the
performing space. It is important to note that Lei Yousheng is a prominent character
in Hokkien tradition in southern Fujian, Taiwan and Singapore. He appears in both
the operatic and funeral renditions here.
Carrying a travelling bag, umbrella and a fan, it is indicative that Lei Yousheng
is preparing to travel the underworld with Luobo. However, being a jester, Lei
Yousheng’s frivolous attitude was an antithesis of the sincere and determined
Mulian. Lei led the mourners and danced funnily. Lei sang ‘Lâm Mo Oo-mí-tôo-
hu̍ t’ (南無阿彌陀佛) in a light-hearted manner as he led the mourners. When Luo
Bo told him that the journey to the underworld is 108,000 li away, Lei was taken
back. While travelling, Luo Bo and Lei Yousheng saw a filial son ‘hàu-chú kián’
(xiaozijian 孝子囝), which Lei interpreted as mung bean pastry ‘tāu sa pián’ (dou
sha bing 豆沙餅).
Lei also made funny faces and movements and the family members burst out in
laughter. This lifted the spirits of the family, which was otherwise solemn. Lei pre-
tended to be serious for a while and continued travelling with Luo Bo. However,
not long after, he went to a corner, that is, where the deceased’s family members
were seating, laid down and hid himself as he was obviously exhausted from the
tough journey. The onlookers were again amused by his laziness. When Luo Bo
requested to continue the voyage, Lei ran to the offerings nearby and expressed his
desire to consume meat. Coming up with various excuses, Lei decided to give up
by removing his headgear and placed it on the deceased’s grandson who had been
following them in the journey.
Luo Bo tried to persuade Lei who continued to travel a little more before he
found an excuse to quit the expedition. It began to rain heavily, and Lei took the
chance to lament that there was flooding everywhere. He would cross to the other
side of the river to avoid getting wet. After doing so, he bid farewell to Luo Bo,
ignoring the pleads of the latter. The determined Luo Bo requested the chief mourner
to help him with carrying the scriptures and his mother’s ashes as he strode across
the river. The scene between Lei and Mulian ended.
One of the helpers collected the soul banners from the sons of the deceased and
handed over to the lead priest, as they prepared for the crossing of the Naihe Bridge
(奈何橋).60 All family members of the deceased took part in the crossing. The chief
mourner continued to carry the scriptures and ashes, as if he is also a representative
of Mulian determined to save his mother from the underworld. This is then followed
by the Siege of Hell. Joss paper was slotted to the ends of the staff where the leading
priest burnt the joss paper, rotated and swirled the staff, followed by smashing the
gates of hell.61 Once the siege was completed, the censer of the ancestors was car-
ried by the chief mourner, who was then guided by the lead priest to place it on the
offerings table. The priest then guided the mourners to pay their respects by bowing.
The ritual ended with three exclamations of ‘huat ah!’ (Let’s prosper).
6.5 The Perseverance of Mulian
Death is not the end, as illustrated in the story of Mulian who was determined to
save his mother even if it meant sacrificing his life to look for her in the realm of
death. The Chinese believe in life after death while the Confucian virtue of filial
piety is also deeply rooted in Chinese values. Even when their parents and ancestors
have passed away, children and descendants must ensure that they do not suffer in
the underworld. This belief has transcended in different regions of China as well as
the Chinese communities living outside China. The Hokkien tradition is of no
exception too. While the Mulian tradition was transmitted from southern Fujian to
Taiwan and Singapore, the local contexts also played significant roles in the local-
ization of this custom. This case study of Mulian has selected three accounts—the
Shijiao version of Mulian smashing the blood pond in a funeral service in Taichung,
the opera performance of Mulian by a Gezai opera troupe in Singapore and a Daoist
‘zhai’ (retreat) ritual of Mulian/Luo Bo’s Siege of Hell to save the ancestors from
suffering in the underworld. As it has become more and more difficult to see such
performances in contemporary societies, these accounts serve as documentation for
60
In the liantu (鍊土) rites described by Schipper, the redemption of the soul began with the Siege
of Hell and ended with the crossing of the Nai-ho Bridge. See Schipper, 141.
61
The slotting and burning of joss paper on the staff is believed to give more power to Luo Bo dur-
ing the Siege of Hell and to deter ghosts who may not be afraid and attempt to disrupt.
References 135
a significant but declining custom. Also, such documentation allows us to under-

stand how the communities in these societies have used a longstanding tradition to
serve their own means, allowing it to stay relevant today.
References
Chiu, Kun-liang. 1989. Mu-Lien “Operas in Taiwanese Funeral Rituals”. In Ritual opera, operatic
ritual: “Mu-lien rescues his mother” in Chinese popular culture (Papers from the International
Workshop on the Mu-lien Operas), ed. David Johnson. Berkeley: University of California.
Crossland-Guo, Shuyun. 1996. The Oral Tradition of Bianwen: Its Features and Influence on
Chinese Narrative Literature. Doctoral dissertation, University of Hawaii.
De Groot, J.J.M. 1964. The Religious System of China: Its Ancient Forms, Evolution, History
and Present Aspect, Manners, Custom and Social Institutions Connected Therewith. Taipei:
Literature House.
Grant, Beata, and Wilt L. Idema. 2012. Escape from Blood Pond Hell: The Tales of Mulian and
Woman Huang. Seattle: University of Washington Press.
Guo, Qitao. 2005. Ritual Opera and Mercantile Lineage: The Confucian Transformation of
Popular Culture in Late Imperial Huizhou. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Huang, Xijun黃錫鈞. 1990. Quanzhou kuilei ‘Mulian’ gai shu” 泉州傀儡目連概述. Fujian Nanxi
ji Mulianxi lun wen ji 福建南戲暨目連戲論文集. Fujian sheng yi shu yan jiu suo.
Lin, I-Yin. 2003. Taiwan beibu Shijiao yishi zhi nanqu yanjiu. Masters dissertation, Taipei National
University of the Arts.
Mair, Victor. 1989. T’ang Transformation Texts: A Study of the Buddhist Contribution to the Rise of
Vernacular Fiction and Drama in China. Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center.
———. 1993. Tun-huang Popular Narratives. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Paul, Diana. 1984. Philosophy of Mind in Sixth-century China: Paramārtha’s “Evolution of
Consciousness”. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Schipper, Kristofer. 1985. Vernacular and Classical Ritual in Taoism. The Journal of Asian Studies
45 (1): 21–57.
———. 1989. Mu-lien Plays in Daoist Liturgical Context. In Ritual opera, operatic ritual:
“Mu-lien Rescues His Mother” in Chinese Popular Culture (Papers from the International
Workshop on the Mu-lien Operas), ed. David Johnson. Berkeley: University of California.
Seaman, Gary. 1989. Mu-lien Dramas in Puli, Taiwan. In Ritual opera, operatic ritual: “Mu-lien
Rescues His Mother” in Chinese Popular Culture (Papers from the International Workshop on
the Mu-lien Operas), ed. David Johnson. Berkeley: University of California.
Shen, Jisheng 沈繼生. 1991. Quanzhou fashixi yu mulianjiumu. Fujian Mulianxi yanjiu wenji.
Fujian sheng yi shu yan jiu suo.
Tong, Chee Kiong. 2004. Chinese Death Rituals in Singapore. London/New York: Routledge
Curzon.
Van der Loon, Piet 龍彼得. 1992. Guanyu Zhang-Quan Mulianxi. Minsu Quyi 78: 53–60.
———. 1993. “Fashixi chutan” [An initial analysis of the liturgical play]. Minsu Quyi 84: 9–30.
Van der Loon, Piet 龍彼得, and Shi Binghua. ed. 2001. Quan qiang Mulian jiu mu. Minsu Quyi
congshu, Vol. 81. Taibei shi: Shi he zheng ji jin hui.
Wang, Chen-shan. 2008. Quanzhou Kaiyuan Monastery: Architecture, Iconography and Social
Contexts. Doctoral dissertation, University of Pennsylvania.
Wang, Chiu-Kuei 王秋桂. ed. 1985. Zhongguo wenxue lunzhu yi cong (中國文學論著譯叢).
Taibei Shi: Taiwan xuesheng shuju.
Wu, Hsiu-Ling. 2003. “Quanzhou dachengxi chu tan” [Preliminary Study on the Destruction-of-
Hell Drama in Quanzhou City, Fujian Province]. Minsu Quyi 139: 221–249.
Yang, Shih-Hsien. 2010. Taiwan Shijiao sangzang badu fashi ji qi minjian wenxue yanjiu—yi
Minnan shijiao xitong wei li. Doctoral dissertation, National Dong Hwa University.
Ye, Mingsheng 葉明生. 2004. Fujian kuileixi shi lun 福建傀儡戲史論, Vol. 1 and 2, Zhongguo
xiju chubanshe.
Yü, Chün-fang. 2000. Kuan-yin: The Chinese transformation of Avalokitesara. New York:
Columbia University Press.
Zhan, Xiaochuang. 1990. Dachengxi yu Mulian jiu mu. In Fujian nanxi ji Mulianxi lunwenji.
Fuzhou: Fujian sheng yishu yanjiusuo.
Chapter 7
Till the Next Journey
All travels must end when the destination (goal) is reached but this is not the final
stop. By adopting the maritime theme, this monograph has brought the reader/pas-
senger on several seafaring journeys. The seas may be rough at times, for the details
and jargons used may be hard to understand at the first instance. Considering that
not all readers here are familiar with traditional Chinese theatre, a basic definition is
provided in the introductory chapter. Although Hokkien theatre has undergone
phases of transformation, its origin can be traced back in the pre-modern era of
imperial China as discussed in Chap. 2. The misconception of Hokkien theatre as
Getai, as in the case of Singapore, ought to be cleared by now.
Travelling can be an arduous journey, especially when the sea technology was
not advanced. The Hokkiens may be known as great seafarers due to their proximity
with the seas and heavy involvement in maritime trade, but as the Chinese roots are
often deep, most sojourners are unwilling to leave their hometown, especially at the
initial stage of migration. They were forced by circumstances such as famine, lack
of arable land and restriction in maritime trade by the imperial government when
this proved to be a means of livelihood for the community in southern Fujian. While
the uncertainty to travel may be lurking in their minds, it takes one charismatic
leader to initiate the final push. One such forerunner was Koxinga, who is of
Chinese–Japanese descent and known as the pirate king, Ming loyalist and a remark-
able fighter in naval battles. Koxinga’s lifetime, though very brief, had a tremendous
impact on southern Fujian, Taiwan, Kinmen and Nanyang (Southeast Asia). His
success in driving out the Dutch, a Western power, from Taiwan made him a hero in
the eyes of China and Taiwan. His retreat to Taiwan, after being forced to do so by
the newly established Qing government, contributed to the founding of modern
Taiwan. A substantial proportion of the Hokkien population followed Koxinga to
Taiwan and gradually began to settle there. When things began to look more opti-
mistic, theatrical forms from southern Fujian spread to Taiwan. It can be considered
a micro-Hokkien society at this point.
Another site that has similar characteristics as Taiwan is Kinmen, which had
Chinese settlers even before modern Taiwan was founded. While the Qing

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1834-4_7
138 7 Till the Next Journey
g overnment treated Taiwan with ambivalence, Kinmen maintained a cordial and

close relationship with their counterparts in China from the pre-modern era up to
1949. Unlike Taiwan, Kinmen did not undergo half a century of Japanese coloniza-
tion and the Hokkien/Minnan characteristics remain obvious. This is reflected in the
theatrical forms. Taiwanized theatrical forms—Gezai opera and glove puppet the-
atre—began to gradually replace the genres transmitted from southern Fujian, nota-
bly Liyuan opera and Gaojia opera. String puppet theatre, while maintaining its
liturgical role, was dwindling because of its association with liturgy (exorcism). On
the other hand, Kinmen displayed persistence in keeping the characteristics of a
Hokkien/Minnan society, with an emphasis on lineages. Gaojia opera and string
puppet theatre, while already dwindling in Taiwan, continued to remain as popular
theatrical forms in Kinmen.
Although Singapore shared a somewhat different ‘fate’ compared to Taiwan and
Kinmen, it was also a micro-Hokkien society, alongside other regional groups
because of its relatively sizeable proportion among the Chinese migrant population.
This regional characteristic was less affected by the British colonialists, who paid
little attention in interfering with the customs that the migrants had brought from
their hometown in China. Associations (clan, locality, occupation) as well as the
temples were important sites that the Hokkien migrants could rely on for social
welfare and maintained contact with their ancestral homeland. Theatrical forms,
notably Gaojia opera, string puppet theatre and glove puppet theatre, were brought
over from southern Fujian and remained popular until the mid-twentieth century.
The emergence of Gezai opera, which established a thread of connection between
Taiwan and Singapore, transformed the Hokkien theatrical scene for the latter.
Gaojia opera was eventually replaced by Gezai opera, and even the puppet forms
were not ‘spared’. They became what I term as ‘Gezai opera-style puppet theatre’ in
that the music and repertoire followed Gezai opera. It was also in this unique form
that I established my argument—the influence of Gezai opera partly contributed to
the ‘secularization’ of string puppet theatre.
The end of the Second World War was a major watershed for all three societies,
as it ushered in the Cold War tension and ploughed the seeds for self-governance.
The Nationalists of ROC escaped to Taiwan after they were defeated by the
Communists. The Republic of China (ROC) was established in 1949 and was soon
involved in a civil battle with the Communists who founded the People’s Republic
of China (PRC) in mainland China. Determined to claim back China, the Nationalists
were hard on ‘Rebel the Communists and resist the Soviets’. This even affected
theatre as performers were forced to conform to this theme. The support of Pingju
(known in China as Peking Opera) as the National Opera overshadowed the locally
born and bred Gezai opera, especially in terms of government funding (Guy 1995).
Nevertheless, Gezai opera continued to thrive much to the distaste of the Nationalists.
The Nationalists also laid their hands on Kinmen, which became a hotly debated
site during the Cold War tension. Being geographically close to mainland China,
Kinmen was regarded as a line of defence as well as base for attacking the mainland.
On the other side of the strait, the PRC wanted to claim back Kinmen. As a result,
there was constant shelling fired from the PRC’s side and to protect Kinmen, the
7 Till the Next Journey 139
Nationalists declared militarization of Kinmen with aid from the United States.
From 1949 up till the 1990s, the militarization of Kinmen somehow made it into a
‘time capsule’, and it preserves many of the Hokkien/Minnan characteristics, such
as villages, lineages and customs that have otherwise disappeared in Taiwan and
Singapore.
To understand the status quo of the theatrical genres in all three sites, ethno-
graphic fieldwork was conducted, and data collected from 2013 to 2016 is used to
study the interconnection between Taiwan, Kinmen and Singapore, particularly
because they are all dominantly Hokkien societies, though its people are now
addressed as Taiwanese, Kinmenese and Singaporeans, respectively. Among the
various genres of Hokkien theatre, string puppet theatre is selected as the focus of
study because of its highly revered status (in the past) but which also faced the threat
of rapid decline. Three case studies, namely, the ‘Exorcist Dance of Zhongkui’ in
Taipei, ‘Theatre of Suppressing Malevolence’ in Kinmen, and Celebratory Theatre
in Singapore, are selected. Detailed accounts of these performances reflect the cur-
rent theatrical practices in these societies as well as provide an understanding of
how practices have continued or diverged from the original tradition in southern
Fujian.
Bringing in the concept of filial piety that is dominant in Chinese societies, as
well as a type of performance closely associated with death and the underworld,
Chap. 6 focuses on the story of how Mulian rescues his mother. This story has
spread across various parts of China and in Taiwan and Singapore. The Mulian per-
formance is a lesser known but important part of Hokkien theatre. Drawing from the
fieldwork data collected in Taiwan and Singapore, three accounts namely the Shijiao
rendition of Mulian breaking the hell gates and accessing the blood pond in a funeral
service in Taichung and two types of renditions in Singapore, namely the opera
performance and Daoist retreat (zhai) were covered (Schipper 1989). Particularly
for the case of Singapore, the Hokkien Mulian tradition is hardly examined in aca-
demic literature. These accounts reflect how religious and theatrical practices have
localized in the host societies. For example, the Shijiao belief is associated with the
teachings of Śākyamuni Buddhism but has gone through a process of Taiwanization,
resulting in an intermixed practice of Buddhism and Taoism. As for the case in
Singapore, the opera performance of the Mulian story differs from the Quanzhou
tradition. The focus of the former is more on inculcating morals to the public and is
essentially a theatrical performance. However, extra caution is taken to protect the
troupe because of its associated taboos—death, ghosts and the underworld as well
as past mishaps that occurred from such performances. The Daoist presentation of
Mulian’s ‘Siege of Hell’ to save his mother represents the will of the deceased’s
family members in helping their ancestors to be pardoned from suffering in the
underworld. Some of the rituals follow the Lingbao school of thought in Taoism,
which meant that some of the traditional customs are still adhered to.
Covering the development of Hokkien theatre from the pre-modern period to the
contemporary period, this monograph hopes to engage the average reader with
some of the existing but often neglected traditions. While these long-standing
140 7 Till the Next Journey
t raditions deserve to be documented, this monograph attempts to instil awareness of

such regional customs before it disappears altogether.
By adopting the maritime concept of looking at regional theatrical forms, this
monograph has highlighted the significance of sea routes, notably for its diversity,
fluidity and transnational outlook. This is in contrast with the land-bounded concept
that often calls for homogeneity and unity. The societies discussed in this mono-
graph—Taiwan, Kinmen and Singapore—are intimately connected through the
Hokkien network, which we have seen in the multi-directional flow of cultural and
religious practices across the seas. Even when political forces sometimes hindered
contact, the interaction would continue whenever and wherever possible. Whether
as Taiwanese, Kinmenese or Singaporean, the consciousness of Hokkien customs
exists, albeit in localized forms.
The voyage may stop here for the time being, but it can also be only a stopover.
While preparing this monograph, other lesser known but significant sites that also
possess strong Hokkien characteristics were discovered, notably the Philippines and
Indonesia (For research on the Hokkien in the Philippines, see Lucille Chia (2006);
See Stenberg (2016) for research on Hokkien theatre in Indonesia). Although the
Hokkien customs have either undergone naturalization or eradication, there are still
signs of ‘survival’ waiting to be documented. Apparently, the Hokkien seafarers did
not stop only in Singapore but also in other parts of Southeast Asia. The travels
stretched as far as Latin America too (Fernández 2014). Once the supplies (data) are
replenished, the ship will embark on another journey of documenting Hokkien the-
atre across the seas (globe).
References
Chia, Lucille. 2006. The Butcher, the baker, and the carpenter: Chinese sojourners in the Spanish
Philippines and their impact on Southern Fujian (Sixteenth-Eighteenth Centuries). Journal of
the Economic and Social History of the Orient 49 (4), Maritime Diasporas in the Indian Ocean
and East and Southeast Asia (960–1775): 509–534.
Fernández, Antonio Pérez. 2014. The Chinese Community and the Corneta China: Two Divergent
Paths in Cuba. Yearbook for Traditional Music 46: 62–88.
Guy, Nancy. 1995. Peking Opera as “National Opera” in Taiwan: What’s in a Name? Asian Theatre
Journal 12 (1): 85–103.
Schipper, Kristofer. 1989. Mu-lien Plays in Daoist Liturgical Context. In Ritual Opera, Operatic
Ritual: “Mu-lien rescues his mother” in Chinese Popular Culture, ed. David Johnson. Berkeley,
CA: University of California. (Papers from the International Workshop on the Mu-lien Operas).
Stenberg, Josh. 2016. A Preliminary Overview of Dutch East Indies and Indonesian Xiqu History
and Present Practice. Asian Theatre Journal 33 (1): 170–197.
Index
A Ching Ch’un T’ang, 89

Amitabha, 116 Chou (clown role), 5, 28
Amoy, 6, 51, 54, 59, 62 Choushen (thanking deities), 43
See also Xiamen Cinnabar, red, 91
Ancestor, 6, 14, 50, 52, 66, 94, 97, 99, 109, Civil plays, 20, 30
131, 132, 134, 139 Colonization, 3, 30, 34, 35, 43–50, 54, 64, 67,
Ancestor worship, 6, 14, 94 73, 138
Archipelagic imagination, 3 Communism, 7, 8, 74
Auspicious, 84, 94, 98, 99 Communist, 7, 71–74, 76, 77, 81, 93, 138
Aw Boon Haw, 62 Compatriot, 41, 42, 56, 57, 68
Confucian, 6, 37, 51, 55, 78, 109, 134
Constellations, 90, 93, 97, 98
B Continental imagination, 3
Baba, 56, 58 Creolized, 58
Barbarian, 1, 51
Batavia, 3, 38, 57
Beijing opera, 60, 113 D
See also Peking opera Dan (female role), 5, 19, 28, 63
Bilingualism, 82 Daoist priests, 87, 111–113
Blood pond, 107, 109, 114–119, 121, 122, Dian-an, 78, 94, 96–98
127–129, 134, 139 See also Pacification offering
British, 3, 21, 29, 34, 43, 44, 48, 54–57, 59, Diaspora, 3, 33, 34
68, 79, 138 Dingzhou, 37, 89, 105
Dutch East India Company
(VOC), 35
C
Cantonese opera, 1, 2, 5, 56
Carrying of scriptures, 116, 132, 134 E
Celebratory theatre, 45, 79, 89, 139 Earth emanations (disha), 93
Chariot-drum theatre, 43, 47 Earth god, 41, 96, 119, 120, 128
Chasing the dragon, 96 East India Company, British, 54
Chief Marshal Tian, 21, 36, 43, 65, 88, 89, 94, Efficacy, 90, 91
95, 100, 105, 124 Elder Grandpa, Second Grandpa (deity),
See also Xianggong 124–126, 128
Chin Fei Feng, 87, 88 Entrepôt, 54, 82

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1834-4
142 Index
Examination graduates, 51 Horses and bamboo theatre, 47

Exorcist, 21, 24, 65, 81, 88–91, 105 Household shrine, 84, 108, 124
See also Sintua
Huang Chao, 128, 129
F Huaqiao, 34, 71, 79
Fa Ming (abbot), 128 Huaren, 34, 58
Fashi, 114–122 Hua Tuo, 118
Feast day, 43, 59, 67, 81, 84, 88, 103, 105, Huiguan, 57
108, 111, 124, 125 See also Regional association
Filial piety, 8, 26, 42, 78, 109, 122
Fluidity, 3, 140
Fujian, 1, 11, 33, 71, 73, 88, 107, 137 I
Fukienese, 12, 33 Improvisation, 18, 25, 27, 28, 30, 64, 100
Funeral, 65, 108, 111, 119, 123, 130, 133, Incense, incense paper, 43, 91, 93, 95, 97, 98,
134, 139 118, 119, 125–128, 131
Inside-province people, 75
See also Neishengren
G Iron-stick puppet, 6, 21, 56
Gaojia opera, 13, 18, 20, 24–30, 47–49, 53,
56, 59–64, 67, 73, 76–80, 85, 96, 97,
99, 113, 123, 138 J
Getai, 5, 104, 105, 137 Japanese, 30, 34, 35, 43–51, 53, 61, 64, 67, 72,
Gezai opera, 5, 6, 29, 30, 39, 45, 47–49, 73, 79, 85, 137, 138
60–64, 66–68, 72–77, 80, 85, 100–105, Japanese colonization, 30, 34, 35, 43–50, 64,
108, 114, 123, 125, 126, 134, 138 68, 73, 138
Gezai opera style puppet theatre, 80, 81, 100 Jing (painted face role), 5, 18, 28, 114, 132
Glove puppet theatre, 6, 23, 24, 42, 43, 47, 49, Jinmen, 50–52, 77–79, 94, 96–98
52, 59, 64–68, 72–76, 78, 80, 81, 85, See also Kinmen
87, 88, 93, 100, 103, 138 Jinshi, 13, 14, 16, 51
See also Potehi See also Examination graduates
Goddess of the Sea, 41, 55 Journey to the West, 46, 65, 110, 123
Golden-ray glove puppet, 6, 75, 76
Gramophone, 46
Graphophone, 46–48 K
Great Emperor who protects life (Baosheng Kaiyuan Monastery, 14, 110, 113, 114
Dadi), 14, 103 Karma, 117
Great rites, 43, 103 Kinmen, 2, 4, 6–8, 13, 23, 25, 34, 50–54, 57,
Great Theatre, 43, 103 62, 65–68, 71, 74, 76–81, 85, 87, 88,
Guanyin, 110, 111, 116, 117, 127, 128 95, 100, 104, 105, 137–140
Guatama Buddha (Rulai), 127 Komika (Japanese imperialization), 30, 44,
45, 49
Koxinga, 25, 34–40, 52, 137
H See also Zheng Chenggong
Hai-er Ye (Child God), 124, 126, 127 Kuningtou, Battle of, 53, 77, 78, 93
Hainanese, 56, 58 Kuomintang (KMT), 7, 76, 78, 93
He Xing drama, 24, 26–29, 61
Heavenly/Jade Emperor, 21, 41–43, 65, 75, 81,
88, 97, 103, 104 L
Henghua, 56, 58, 84, 115 Laissez-faire, 55, 68
Hokkien, 1, 12, 33, 71, 100, 107, 137 Land-bounded, 3, 140
Hokkien theatre, 2–8, 13, 15–17, 24, 30, Leaf, hibiscus, 91, 93
33–35, 42, 44–46, 48, 50–52, 59, Leaf, willow, 98, 119
61–63, 67, 68, 71, 72, 85, 87, 137, Lei Yousheng, 127, 133
139, 140 Lineage, 13, 14, 29, 41, 42, 53, 88, 99, 105,
Homogeneity, 3, 140 108, 109, 138, 139
Index 143
Lineage hall, 93, 94, 96–99, 105 Nanking, Treaty of, 54

Literacy, 15, 19, 60, 82, 83, 87, 88 Nanshinron, 49
Littoral, 2, 3, 12 Nanxi, 15–19, 21, 22, 30, 110
Liturgical theatre/plays (fashixi), 45, 89, 95, Nanyang, 3, 12, 27–31, 44, 45, 48–50, 53, 54,
109–114 57, 58, 60, 64, 80, 137
Liu Shizhen, 127–129 See also Southeast Asia
Liyuan opera, 13, 16–21, 24, 25, 27–30, Nanyin, 15, 17, 18, 28, 30, 65,
41–43, 47, 48, 53, 60, 61, 64, 87, 66, 113
113, 138 Nationalist, 7, 50, 72–77, 79, 138
Lord of Foundations, 98, 99 National Opera, 72, 73, 75, 138
Lord of Heaven theatre, 43, 103 Nation-building, 72, 82
Lord of Notices, 98 Neishengren, 75
Lord of Residence, 98, 99 Netherworld, 112, 114, 115, 132
Luobo, 127, 128, 132, 133 See also Underworld
See also Mulian Nipponization, 50, 72
Nonya, 58
M
Maitreya Buddha, 116 O
Making merit (zuo gongde), 65, 108, 130–132 Offering of celebrating completion, 93
See also Merit-offering Offerings, 14, 41, 43, 56, 78, 93, 95–97, 99,
Malaya, 3, 29, 57, 59, 62, 63, 123 103, 104, 109, 112, 115–118, 121, 122,
Malays, 63, 85 124–126, 131–134
Manchus, 35–37 Oil cleansing, 98
Manila, 6, 35 Opeila, 49
Maritime, 1–8, 11–13, 25, 33–36, 40, 44, 137, Outside-province people, 75
140 See also Waishengren
Maudgalyāyana, 109
Mazu, 41, 55, 56
See also Goddess of the Sea P
Merit-offering, 116, 117, 121 Pacification offering, 93
See also Making merit See also Dian-an
Merits and virtue theatre, 65, 123 Pan-Mulian, 123
Middle Kingdom, 2 Paramārtha, 110
Migration, 3, 7, 29, 33–35, 40, 50, 54, 63, 67, Peking opera, 2, 61, 72, 75, 138
71, 79, 137 See also National opera
Militarization, 44, 76–78, 139 Penance (chan), 114, 118, 131
Military plays, 20, 25, 27, 28, 77 Penghu islands, 14, 39, 44
Ming dynasty, 5, 21, 23, 33, 34, 51, 63, 88 People’s Action Party (PAP), 82
Minnan, 5–7, 12, 15, 25, 53, 64, 68, 76, 79, People’s Liberation Army (PLA), 77
94, 103, 115, 138, 139 People’s Republic of China (PRC), 7, 72, 74,
Minnanhua, 12 79, 138
Miscarriage, 115 Peranakan, 58
Mourner, 118, 121, 132–134 Picking tea leaves theatre, 43, 47
Mubiaoxi, 18, 27 Planchette writing, 84, 103, 112
See also Table of scenes and stage outline Plays of Buddhist monks, 111
Mudra, 91, 98, 100 Plays of the ritual masters, 111
Mulian, 8, 22, 66, 107, 139 Positioning the tile contract, 98
See also Luobo, Pan-Mulian Potehi, 6, 23, 59, 66, 74, 80, 85
See also Glove puppet theatre
Progeny, 96
N Provintia, Fort, 38
Naihe Bridge, 134 Pudu, 43
Nanguan, 15–17, 28, 30, 48, 62, 63, 65, See also Universal salvation of the
66, 81 purgatory
144 Index
Puppet clown, 29 Shimonoseki, Treaty of, 44, 50

Puppet tune, 21, 28 Siam (Thailand), 57, 66
Puxian opera, 15, 56 Siege of Hell, 115, 139
Sinicization, 38, 109
Sino-Japanese War, 30, 44, 49
Q Sin Sai Hong, 61, 63, 64, 123
Qing dynasty, 18, 19, 23, 24, 34, 36, 39, 41, Sintua, 6, 84, 108, 124
42, 87, 112 See also Household shrine
Quanzhou, 11–18, 21–24, 28, 30, 33, 41, 42, Sojourners, 33, 34, 40, 55, 71, 79, 137
63–66, 78, 81, 87–89, 105, 107, 108, Song Jiang drama, 24–26, 30, 53, 61, 77
110, 111, 113, 114, 123, 130, 139 Southeast Asia, 1, 3, 4, 6, 7, 12, 13, 29, 34, 59,
See also Zaiton/Zayton 61, 78–80, 137, 140
Qupai (joint melodies), 15, 18, 30, 64 See also Nanyang
Soviet Union, 74
Spanish, 3, 34, 35, 43, 50
R Speak Mandarin Campaign (SMC), 12, 82, 83
Rebel the Communists and resist the Soviets, Spirit medium, 84, 98, 112, 126
74, 138 See also Tangki
Regional, 2–8, 15, 17, 34, 55–59, 72, 74, 75, Spiritual net, 90
82–85, 107, 109, 138, 140 Spiritual whip, 91
Regional association, 57 Stage outline, 18, 20, 28, 30, 60, 64, 125, 130
See also Huiguan Stock performances, 19, 20, 24–25, 27, 29, 30
Regional language (fangyan), 5, 15, 57, 59, Straits Chinese, 58, 59, 63
75, 83, 84 String puppet theatre, 5, 20–23, 28, 43, 47, 52,
Remittance, 78, 79 64–67, 73, 76, 78–81, 85, 87–89, 93,
Republic of China, 7, 34, 72–76, 79, 138 100, 103, 105, 138, 139
Rewarding the troops, 97, 99, 104 Suppressing malevolence, theatre of
Rod puppet, 6, 23, 56 (Zhishaxi), 93–97, 100, 105, 139
Sutras, 110, 111, 114, 115
Swordsman play, 73
S
Sand snake, 115, 118
Sand turtle, 115 T
Script, copied by hand, orally transmitted, 15, Table of scenes, 27
16, 18, 19, 22, 100, 102, 110, 113, 114, Tablets, 117–119, 121, 122, 131
125, 130, 131 Taboos, 89, 94, 108, 125, 129, 139
Second World War, 44, 49, 53, 61, 67, 71, 73, Taiwan, 2, 13, 34, 72, 88, 107, 137
76, 79, 138 Talisman, 88–92, 94, 95, 97, 98, 100, 105,
Secret societies, 55 111, 112, 118, 121
Secularization, 66, 80, 82–85, 100 Tangki, 84
Seige of Hell, 132, 134 See also Spirit medium
Seven malevolent elements (qisha), 90 Tan Kah Kee, 62
Seven-character tune/qizidiao, 31, 81 Temple, 6, 13, 14, 20, 24, 29, 39, 41, 42,
Seven-child troupe, 17, 19, 42, 60 45, 51, 52, 55–57, 65, 68, 75, 81,
Seventh lunar month, 83 84, 85, 93, 94, 96, 101–104, 110,
See also Zhongyuan Jie 124, 138
Seven treasures (qibao), 90, 91 Temple theatre, 6, 41, 45
Shellac discs, 48 Ten levels of hell, 117, 118, 126
Sheng (male role), 5, 19, 28, 75, 80 Teochew, 56, 58, 60, 85, 109
Shigong, 111, 112, 114 Teochew opera, 56
Shijiao, 107, 108, 114–116, 118, 122, 134, 139 Thanking of Heaven, 65
Shi Lang, 39–41 Thanksgiving to Heavenly Emperor, 88
Index 145
Three worlds, 103 X

Tomb contracts, 111 Xiamen, 13, 14, 36, 38, 42, 50, 51,
54, 96
See also Amoy
U Xianggong, 36
Underworld, 8, 66, 107–109, 111, 112, See also Chief Marshal Tian
117–119, 122, 124–128, 131–134, 139
See also Netherworld
United States, 7, 76, 139 Y
Universal salvation of the purgatory, 84, Yang Li-hua, 75, 80
111, 123 Yan Siqi, 35, 36
See also Pudu Yellow Register Retreat, 111, 131
Unnatural deaths, 90, 105 Yulanpen, 109
Upper circuit old opera, 60
Z
V Zaiton/Zayton, 11
Vault protector, 131 See also Quanzhou
Zeelandia, Fort, 38
Zheng Jing, 39, 40
W Zheng Keshuang, 40
Waishengren, 75 Zheng Sen, 36
Wangguodiao, 50 Zheng Zhilong, Z., 35–37, 52
Water Margin, 25, 30, 46, 53 Zhangzhou, 12, 13, 21, 26, 41, 59, 89,
Weeping tunes, 49 105, 111
White rooster, 95 Zhong Kui, 66, 89–93, 100, 105, 123
Writ of Pardon, 131 Zhongyuan Jie (Middle Primordial
Wuzhou, 51 Festival), 84

Hokkien Theatre Across The Seas A Socio-Cultural Study

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Hokkien Theatre Across The Seas A Socio-Cultural Study

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Caroline

Hokkien Theatre Across

ISBN 978-981-13-1833-7 ISBN 978-981-13-1834-4 (eBook)

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018951409

© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019

Appendix 1 Comparison of Pe̍h-ōe-jī and Hanyu Pinyin in the tonal system

1 Beginning of the Maritime Journey ������������������������������������������������������ 1

4 “Made Locally”���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 71

Fig. 5.1 Exorcist Dance of Zhong Kui........................................................... 92

Table 3.1 Percentage distribution of Chinese speech groups

1.1 As Nodes of Maritime Interaction and Transmission

© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 1

1.2 Situating Hokkien Theatre in the Regional Context

© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 11

enth to fourteenth centuries.5 Other than its eminence as an international port,

2.1 The Origin of Hokkien Theatrical Forms

The traditional theatre of southern Fujian comprised many different theatre

troupes, better known as ‘seven-child’ or ‘seven-actor’ troupe (qiziban 七子班), and

2.2 Genres of Hokkien Theatre

2.3 Liyuan Opera

2.4 String Puppet Theatre

To understand the reverence accorded to string puppeteers, it is first necessary to

2.5 Glove Puppet Theatre

2.6 Gaojia opera

2.7 Song Jiang Drama

2.8 He Xing Drama

2.9 Conclusion: Setting Sail to New Lands

© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 33

3.1 Taiwan: A Succession of ‘Colonial’ Encounters

In lieu of delivering a thick narrative of the chronological development of Hokkien

3.2 Emergence of Qing Taiwan

With the proliferation of theatrical genres largely ‘transplanted’ from southern

3.3 J apanese Colonization: More Chinese or Less, or

(Hokkien) population in Taiwan.63Japanese sources were an important part in under-

nevertheless demonstrates the increasing popularity of Gezai opera. The

Despite this significance of Kinmen in the region, the cultural development,

While Taiwan underwent a series of colonializations by different colonial powers,

3.6 A Socially and Economically Powerful Group

3.7 Hokkien Theatre in Singapore Before 1965

3.8 Gaojia Opera

prietors of these theatres possibly saw the potential of profit-making in inviting

3.9 Gezai Opera

霓進社) was believed to be the first Taiwanese troupe to arrive in Singapore.139

3.10 String Puppet Theatre

In the Hokkien/Minnan tradition, string puppet theatre is commonly referred to as

literally a dancing god. See Margaret Chan, Ritual is Theatre, 136.

3.11 Glove Puppet Theatre

3.12 The Passage from Migrants to Settlers

© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 71

4.1 Taiwan: A ‘Republic of China’ Outside China

As mentioned in Chap. 3, theatrical forms from southern Fujian were transmit-

4.2 Kinmen: The Militarized ‘Time Capsule’

Nationalist government.34 Returnees were estimated to increase from 29 in 1958 to

4.3 Singapore: From a Third World to First World Nation

4.4 ‘Gezai Opera Style’ Puppet Theatre

Hokkien puppet troupe to arrive or establish in Singapore. Hokkien puppet troupes

4.5 Effects of Urbanization and Secularization

the residential housing of spirit mediums. During festive celebrations, a temporary

4.6 Pushing for Survival: Conclusion

Afendras, Evangelos A. 1980. Language and Society in Singapore. Singapore: Singapore

5.1 Taiwan: An Innovative Tradition

Fig. 5.1 Exorcist Dance of Zhong Kui

5.2 Kinmen: Lineage–Focused Tradition

1 Beginning of the Maritime Journey �� 1

4 “Made Locally”�� 71

1.1 As Nodes of Maritime Interaction and Transmission

1.2 Situating Hokkien Theatre in the Regional Context

2.1 The Origin of Hokkien Theatrical Forms

2.2 Genres of Hokkien Theatre

2.3 Liyuan Opera

2.4 String Puppet Theatre

2.5 Glove Puppet Theatre

2.6 Gaojia opera

2.7 Song Jiang Drama

2.8 He Xing Drama

2.9 Conclusion: Setting Sail to New Lands

3.1 Taiwan: A Succession of ‘Colonial’ Encounters

3.2 Emergence of Qing Taiwan

3.3 J apanese Colonization: More Chinese or Less, or

3.6 A Socially and Economically Powerful Group

3.7 Hokkien Theatre in Singapore Before 1965

3.8 Gaojia Opera

3.9 Gezai Opera

3.10 String Puppet Theatre

3.11 Glove Puppet Theatre

3.12 The Passage from Migrants to Settlers

4.1 Taiwan: A ‘Republic of China’ Outside China

4.2 Kinmen: The Militarized ‘Time Capsule’

4.3 Singapore: From a Third World to First World Nation

4.4 ‘Gezai Opera Style’ Puppet Theatre

4.5 Effects of Urbanization and Secularization

4.6 Pushing for Survival: Conclusion

5.1 Taiwan: An Innovative Tradition

5.2 Kinmen: Lineage–Focused Tradition

5.3 Singapore: ‘Secularized’ Tradition

5.4 Concluding Note on Diversity in Local Practices

6.2 Taiwan: A Funeral Practice of Śākyamuni Buddhism

6.3 Singapore: Operatic Versus Funeral Renditions

6.4 Hokkien Mulian Performance in the Past

6.5 The Perseverance of Mulian

g overnment treated Taiwan with ambivalence, Kinmen maintained a cordial and

t raditions deserve to be documented, this monograph attempts to instil awareness of