Professional Documents
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Civil Society Participation in Urban Sanitation and Solid Waste Management in Uganda
Civil Society Participation in Urban Sanitation and Solid Waste Management in Uganda
Civil Society Participation in Urban Sanitation and Solid Waste Management in Uganda
To cite this article: J. T. Tukahirwa , A. P.J. Mol & P. Oosterveer (2010) Civil society participation
in urban sanitation and solid waste management in Uganda, Local Environment, 15:1, 1-14,
DOI: 10.1080/13549830903406032
1. Introduction
This study has been produced in the context of the project Partnership for Research on
Viable Environmental Infrastructure Development in East Africa (PROVIDE), which
focuses on and contributes to the improvement of urban sanitation and solid waste manage-
ment in East Africa (Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania), with an emphasis on the Lake Victoria
Region. The project seeks to identify and assess viable options for improving the sanitation
and solid waste situation in East Africa and for realising the millennium development goals
(MDG). An important and successful model for implementing health programmes, includ-
ing those of sanitation and solid waste services, in urban poor areas (slums) is to work
through existing NGOs and CBOs (Environment and Health Project Report 2004). In
developing countries, the efforts of NGOs and CBOs are often directed towards the infor-
mal settlements, which accommodate the majority of the poor urban dwellers (Mwanza
2001). In some African countries like South Africa, Zimbabwe, and Zambia these settle-
ments are considered illegal, leaving most of the burden for provision of both infrastructure
Corresponding author. Email: Judith.Tukahirwa@wur.nl
services to NGOs and CBOs (Mulenga et al. 2004). The aim of this paper therefore is to
identify and assess the contribution of NGOs and CBOs in various public – private-partner-
ships to improving urban sanitation and solid waste management. This paper borrows the
World Bank definition of NGOs as not-for-profit organisations that pursue activities to
relieve the suffering, promote the interest of the poor and provide basic services. In this
paper, CBOs are seen as not-for-profit grassroots organisations with local membership
that work to develop their own communities. In understanding the contribution of NGOs
and CBOs in sanitation and solid waste management, the capital of Uganda, Kampala, is
taken as a research site.
Uganda is one of the countries that the UN-habitat identified as priority area in achiev-
ing the MDG of halving the number of people without access to safe drinking water and
sanitation by 2015, and improving the lives of at least 100 million slum dwellers by
2020. In Kampala, poor sanitation and solid waste management are among the most press-
ing and challenging environmental problems. The poor situation of sanitation and solid
waste management in Kampala came into existence in the mid-1990s. In the late 1980s
and early 1990s, the population in Kampala was less than one million people (774,241).
There were limited cases of outbreak of sanitary diseases and the city was relatively
clean. The government was the main provider of sanitation and solid waste management
services. However, improvement in security led to a high influx of rural migrants to the
already congested urban centres (divisions) in Kampala. This put a constraint on govern-
ment services (sanitation and solid waste), which were free of charge at that time. The
increased pressure on and deteriorating quality of governmental services not only caused
poor environmental conditions but also threatened the health and quality-of-life of the
urban population. In order to achieve the MDGs, targets for sanitation access for house-
holds in Kampala were set at 92% for 2006/2007 and 100% for 2014/2015. However,
no reliable data are available regarding the achievement of the 2006/2007 target, nor
regarding the percentage of urban households with access to improved sanitation as of
2007 (Government of Uganda 2007).
The government of Uganda recognised the weakness of public authorities in sanitation
and solid waste service delivery (especially in Kampala), which led the Kampala City
Council (KCC) in 1997 to design a policy programme, the so-called strategic framework
for reform (SFR). One of the main elements of SFR is to shift service delivery activities
to the private sector, with KCC concentrating its efforts on planning, specification,
supervision and monitoring to ensure quality service delivery and adequate coverage.
Subsequently, an action plan for municipal solid waste management was developed in
1999. Among the objectives of this action plan was the identification of opportunities for
the private sector and for community-based and non-governmental organisations (CBOs
and NGOs) to participate in urban waste management and planning. This plan was
implemented with the introduction of a new solid waste ordinance in 2000. The importance
of NGOs and CBOs in urban service delivery had also been acknowledged in the 1995
Constitution, in the 1997 Local Government Act, in the 1997 Kampala Declaration on
Sanitation,1 as well as in various sanitation and solid waste management projects (Anschütz
1996, Pfammatter and Schertenleib 1996, El-Karawy 2006). This call for and acknowledg-
ment of private sector involvement in urban service delivery is not a specific Ugandan
phenomenon, but more widely proliferated throughout the African continent.
Besides anecdotal evidence little systematic knowledge exists of the actual contribution
from NGOs and CBOs to sanitation and solid waste improvement in Uganda. Have these
CBOs and NGOs really become heavily involved in urban sanitation and solid waste
management? What tasks have they been performing, and with what success? This paper
Local Environment 3
aims to gain more systematic knowledge on the actual role of NGOs and CBOs in sanitation
and solid waste management in the poorer areas of Kampala, as well as to assess the
challenges they meet. The paper starts with outlining a framework for understanding
the modernisation process of sanitation and solid waste management in East Africa, and
the role of partnerships in supporting further developments in this field. The third section
reports the results from an empirical survey among Ugandan NGOs and CBOs, followed
by an overview of the various arrangements they are participating in. Subsequently, the
main challenges for successful CBO and NGO involvement in sanitation and solid waste
are analysed. The last section provides the conclusions.
African urban centres, this context requires a strong involvement of non-state actors in
sanitation and solid waste improvement.
Sanitation and solid waste management in Africa is no longer a monopoly of state auth-
orities or the government, if it ever was. Nor do we witness successful sanitation and solid
waste services fully run by private companies. It is widely felt that successful sanitation and
solid waste management in African urban centres cannot be achieved by one single (collec-
tive) actor. In such situations, the partnership paradigm (Linder and Rosenau 2000, Poncelet
2000, Glasbergen et al. 2007) offers a useful (though sometimes confusing; Linder 1999)
framework to understand and study how various actors collaborate and partner in the
provisioning of (collective) goods. The partnership paradigm and theory argues that, in
partnership there is a tendency to collaborate in order to solve emergent societal issues,
among which environmental ones have been most prominent (cf. Glasbergen et al.
2007). Partnerships are believed to have bounced on the scene globally because many
nation states failed in providing basic services (such as sanitation and solid waste services),
in particular to the poor (cf. Baud 2004). Thus partnerships have been seen to promote
the expansion in the quantity and quality of public services beyond levels possible under
pure private or pure public arrangements (Jones 2000, Ayee and Crook 2003). In addition,
some authors claim that a combination of different actors is more likely to meet the
variation in demands from the population living under different circumstances (Muller
and Hoffman 2001). The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) also believes
that partnerships increase access of the urban poor to basic services (sanitation and solid
waste management) through the NGO and CBO participation, and hence contribute to
the achievement of the MDGs. In such partnerships, NGOs and CBOs can act as new mod-
ernising agents, working together with governmental agencies and private companies in
upgrading sanitation and solid waste management.
But in analysing partnerships in the area of sanitation and solid waste management in
Africa, UNDP notices that these have mainly emerged between government and the large
private companies. Notwithstanding the rhetoric, often NGOs and CBOs have been
excluded from the formal partnership arrangements in sanitation and solid waste. They
have played a role in more informal projects and practices of sanitation and solid waste
management in poorer urban settlements (cf. Wilson et al. 2006), but the dominant mode
of partnerships in solid waste management – and to a lesser extent sanitation – has been
to contract large scale private companies by the government. From a modernised mixtures
model, this is not necessarily the most preferred model; and the practice of Kampala and
other urban centres in East Africa seems to illustrate that these market models with
large-scale private companies do not solve the urban solid waste and sanitation problems,
especially not those of the poor. The call for wider partnerships, also involving CBOs
and NGOs, is heard more widely recently, building on a number of successful experiences.
But evidence of the involvement, problems and successes of NGOs/CBOs in sanitation
and solid waste remains rather fragmented and little systematic. Against this background,
this paper aims to review more systematically what the current involvement of NGOs
and CBOs is in sanitation and solid waste management in Kampala.
In addition, over 25 face-to-face interviews were held with key informants from these NGOs
and CBOs, from relevant ministries, from local councils or municipalities, and from other
government agencies that had links with the NGOs, CBOs, and NGO-umbrella organisations.
Direct observations were made for identifying some of the major weaknesses and innovative
approaches applied in solving problems of sanitation and solid waste management. Annual
reports, project and programme progress reports, and evaluation reports – both internal
and external – on NGOs and CBOs were collected and reviewed. Also collected were
reports from the relevant government ministries, departments and agencies.
Table 1. Sanitation and solid waste management activities of NGOs and CBOs (%).
International NGOs (local Local NGOs Local CBOs
Activities branches) (N ¼ 12) (N ¼ 15) (N ¼ 17)
Advocacy services 9 2 0
Capacity building 12 6 1
Community sensitisation 12 14 13
and mobilisation
Recycling 4 9 11
Construction of latrines 8 5 0
Garbage collection 1 6 12
Support to other NGOs and 9 1 0
CBOs
Advisory services 9 1 1
Monitory services 9 4 0
Cleaning of drainage 3 10 7
Source: Survey.
6 J.T. Tukahirwa et al.
they chose to serve certain localities, because they aimed to attract a specific category of
households, who were mainly poor and living in unplanned settlements (slums). Most
NGOs and CBOs involved in sanitation belong to Uganda Water and Sanitation Network
(UWASNET), an umbrella organisation that helps with the coordination and updating
member NGOs and CBOs with information on sanitation. This umbrella organisation
also contributes to the formation of partnerships among its members.
living (slums). The main advantage of this system is that one part of the toilet is used at least
up to one year before switching to the next. A loose slab is placed on each toilet side, which
can be easily removed when emptying the toilets. When one part of the toilet is filled, it is
closed and left to decompose. SSWARS encouraged and sensitised communities on the
benefits of using the manure for compost. SSWARS built 10 toilets for communities and
the beneficiaries of these toilets contributed 10% of the construction costs. SSWARS
remained involved in monitoring the toilets after construction.
According to KCC about 1500 tonnes of waste is generated daily and of this only less
than half (600 tonnes) is collected and taken to the dumping site (Kitazi). These 1500 tonnes
of waste contain 170 tonnes of plastic waste, of which only 2% is collected for recycling.
According to the National Environmental Management Authority about 3000 tonnes of
plastic waste remains uncollected in the city streets. The overwhelming amount of uncol-
lected waste has attracted a number of actors, such as NGOs and CBOs that seek to
improve the situation through better collection rates and more recylcing.
Garbage collection and solid waste recycling was primarily an activity of local NGOs
and CBOs, but their involvement in solid waste collection is diminishing. Solid waste
collection services initially carried out by the local NGOs have been greatly affected by
the introduction of privatisation. Under privatisation, KCC gives contracts for garbage
collection only to medium-sized and large private companies. While working reasonably
well in the planned, richer areas, these companies often fail to satisfy poor communities
in the unplanned settlements. The large trucks used by these companies cannot access
these settlements, and payments for waste collection are often too high for the poor.
While the solid waste ordinance advocates equal involvement of private companies and
NGOs/CBOs in solid waste collection services, NGOs and CBOs feel they have been
sidelined. For example, KCC requires bank guarantees of 5 million Uganda shilling
(US$3000) and access to trucks for transporting waste, in order to enter the solid waste
tendering process. Hence, most of the local CBOs collecting the garbage have to work
with the large private companies contracted by the local government (cf. Table 2).
In contrast to waste collection, recycling activities by CBOs and NGOs are not (yet)
affected by unfavourable state policies. Recycling activities are important because they
reduce the amount of waste reaching the dump site, reduce the accumulation of waste in
homes and neighbourhoods, and generate income. Uncollected plastic waste deteriorates
the living environment and blocks water channels, accelerating flooding in various neigh-
bourhoods in Kampala. Some NGOs, such as Envirocare Initiative, have been successful in
organising recycling activities. In both 2006 and 2007 over 7 tons of deposited plastic and
polythene waste was collected from the communities in Kawempe division and taken to
recycling industries in Nakawa. While the amount of plastic waste collected for recycling
appears small compared with the total amount of plastic waste, it contributes greatly to the
2% of plastic waste that is collected for recycling in Kampala as mentioned above. Other
recycling activities included the production of organic manure, making of crafts, roofing
tiles, fencing poles (from plastic waste) and charcoal briquettes.
In conclusion, those activities that require significant resources (monetary resources,
fixed capital/equipment, knowledge and information, and access to politics) are predomi-
nantly carried out by (local branches of) international NGOs, while the domestic local
NGOs and CBOs are more and more pushed towards sensitisation, waste recycling, drai-
nage cleaning, and garbage collection.
and quality of the urban poor sanitation and soil waste management. For instance, despite the
collaborations between NGOs, CBOs, and government, 38 (or 86%) of the NGOs and CBOs
judged partnership collaborations as neither preferential nor as a barrier for successful
sanitation and solid waste systems. This lack of trust and confidence in partnerships or
collaborations is a hindrance to solving problems of sanitation and solid waste management.
Table 3. Challenges/constraints met by NGOs and CBOs in sanitation and solid waste.
International NGOs (local branches) Local NGOs Local CBOs
Challenges (N ¼ 12) (N ¼ 15) (N ¼ 17)
Inadequate All All All
finances
Policy All All All
shortcomings
Politics All All 15 (88%)
Source: Survey.
Local Environment 11
In the developed business models, the production of organic manure, making of crafts,
charcoal briquettes production, and selling collected plastic waste to plastic companies
are key income-generating activities. A side-effect is, however, that CBOs start competing
with the private companies for clients in the more affluent areas, while ignoring the poor
communities they originally served. This dilemma is not unique to Kampala; similar
cities in developing countries face this problem (cf. Kaseva and Mbuligwe 2003).
There are two ways out of this dilemma of donor dependency. A further upgrading and
diversification of strategies/activities for acquiring income by NGOs and CBOs, so that
they become self-sustaining. Or government contracting of sanitation and solid waste ser-
vices to these organisations (see below). Both strategies result in civil society organisations
that increasingly take up business characteristics.
5.3 Politics
Close to all civil society organisations in this study experience, local political interference
as a major constraint, especially close to and during elections. NGOs and CBOs are more
than incidentally accused by politicians to be political mobilisers, rather than genuinely
carrying out sanitation work. This perception by politicians hinders their activities. The
inability of local NGOs and CBOs to sustain their activities in sanitation and solid waste
management and shifts in their goals in times of financial shortage, contribute to that suspi-
cion by politicians. More transparency and further involvement of all stakeholders in their
work is seen as a key strategy to overcome these political constraints.
6. Conclusion
NGOs and CBOs are no longer standing on the sidelines of sanitation and solid waste
management, waiting to be called to take up the leftovers of conventional urban service
12 J.T. Tukahirwa et al.
provisioning; they are already fully involved. By the same token, these civil society
organisations move beyond just implementing marginal projects in poor neighbourhood
areas. In that sense, we see a kind of modernised mixture model emerging, where the
conventional advocates of large-scale, privatised, and high technological sanitation
and solid waste services become mixed with civil society organisations whose activities
and agendas initially remained limited to small projects in poor unplanned neighbourhoods.
It becomes increasingly accepted that effective sanitation and solid waste management in
African cities can only be achieved through collaboration of governmental authorities
and agencies, NGOs and CBOs, and the private sector (Oosterveer 2009). Hence the
idea of environmental partnership is widely shared and supported.
But the successful implementation and operationalisation of, and the division of
tasks, responsibilities and power in, such partnerships proves far from easy and comes
along with major hurdles and constraints. Hence, the involvement of NGOs and CBOs
has been hampered by, among others, shortage of resources, donor dependencies, central
policies that favour the formal large-scale private companies, and lack of government
recognition. While policies formally advocate for involvement for NGOs and CBOs,
these policies have not been very helpful for civil society organisations in practice
because of the official conditions included.
Therefore, for NGOs and CBOs to successfully become partners in the implemen-
tation and development of sanitation and solid waste services, a reform is necessary of
the policies, the policy-making process as well as the policy enforcement. This asks
for a further rethinking of the role of the public and private actors in urban service pro-
visioning. Can we have just partnerships in the implementation of service provisioning,
while leaving the policy design and the enforcement in the hands of the state? Most
likely not. And if we widen the partnerships in urban services beyond the execution
of government policies, what is the key and specific role of the state in such public –
private partnerships (cf. Mol 2007)? Is it just one among the many partners or does
the government continue to have primacy in regulation, monitoring, enforcement, and
execution? Hence, the often quoted solution of partnerships for the problem of ineffective
sanitation and solid waste management in African cities, raises a number of new, challen-
ging issues.
Acknowledgement
We would like to extend our appreciation to the Interdisciplinary Research and Education Fund
(INREF) of Wageningen University, the Netherlands, for funding this study. Special thanks go to
the NGOs and CBOs for their invaluable time used to respond to the questionnaire and interviews.
Notes
1. The Kampala declaration on Sanitation was endorsed by all five Kampala districts and urges the
government to create an enabling environment to facilitate the provision of urban services
through NGO and CBO participation.
2. These three systems are onsite sanitation technologies that are pro-poor and also offer similar
benefits and user convenience as the conventional systems. The systems require less water,
which is a scarce commodity in those areas, and can be built and repaired with locally available
materials. The systems also have low capital and operation costs and claim to be suitable for all
types of users. Ecosan toilets are ecologically sustainable because they separate faeces and urine,
which allows faeces to dehydrate and be treated to an appropriate level that is safe to use in agri-
culture. Urine can be recovered. It is suitable for Kampala because of the high water table. The
VIP toilets have an external vertical vent pipe with a fly screen at the top, which reduces faecal
Local Environment 13
odour and minimises fly breeding. However, the ecological sustainability of the VIP toilets and
alternating pit latrines is debated, especially given the nature of the local conditions in Kampala,
which are marshy and with a high water table.
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