Revised Paper Level of Knowledge

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1 CHAPTER I
2 INTRODUCTION
3 Martial law remains to be an unending debate between and among individuals,
4 especially the youth. It is perpetuated by the fear of another Marcos filling the highest
5 position in the Philippine government for it might bring back another history of
6 impunity, horrors, and trauma. However, questions were and are continuously being
7 raised about youth’s credibility in intervening in a part of history in which they had
8 nothing to do and were not even conceived at that time, thus, know nothing about it. It
9 is a common logic that when someone is not affected by a particular event, no matter
10 how big its impact, opinions must be kept to themselves and avoid dipping a finger
11 into it. However, the researchers as part of the youth, believe that it is not necessary
12 for someone to experience the violence and exploitation done by the Marcos regime to
13 understand further the implication it caused to the general public because up until
14 this very day, the negativity it caused to social, political, and economic aspects are still
15 being felt, thus, logically establishes the very idea that youths of today are also subject
16 to the distress brought by martial law.
17 Youths play a big role in nation-building as they are the ones who will carry out
18 existing generations’ breakthroughs and eventually create a better future. Their
19 interest and curiosity about what’s happening around them should not be tormented
20 because it gives them a general outlook of the world they are living in and serves as a
21 preparation for what’s ahead of them. Youths’ enthusiasm to uncover and learn about
22 the history of martial Law is an act of putting one foot forward not to merely create a
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1 drastic judgment without any basis of what had been but learn and eventually arrive
2 at a reasonable criticism of it.
3 Young people are under more pressure to carefully consider the nuances of
4 this period of history, both the good and the bad, in a society where historical
5 misrepresentation is pervasive. When asked where they learned about martial law,
6 millennials (born between 1977 and 1995) and generation z (born between 1996 and
7 2010) responded that they learned about it in school, from their families, but
8 primarily on social media (Geducos, 2021). Martial law was first taught in school by
9 their teachers then later on, a piece of different information was provided on media
10 platforms and news outlets. Student leader Angelica Sanchez read information
11 crediting Marcos for his good projects that made the lives of Filipinos easier and the
12 abuses of armed forces during martial law. TV producer Von Hernandez acquired
13 more information from movies and documentaries and noticed a divide on what is
14 true about martial law. Marcos’ projects during martial law left a first impression on
15 the youth, but following the abuses and killings, despite the difference in the platform
16 where they got the information, they share the same belief that martial law shall not
17 be repeated again. The criticisms and judgments raised by the youth are a product of
18 their analysis of their information acquisition based on the available resources
19 provided by history. The question of whether or not young ones have knowledge
20 about martial law and claim that they should not contribute opinions to it is therefore
21 wrong and inappropriate because there was and there always had been existing
22 information circulating for the youth to feed on through social media, educational
23 books, journals, documentaries, interviews, and the like. This study, therefore, aimed
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1 not just to know students’ knowledge on the topic at hand but to validate their act of
2 criticism and intervention to it.
3 Martial Law
4 Perception of martial law can be heard to and fro yet an objective conception of
5 it was never fully established brought by compounding interests in its definition.
6 Article 7, Section 18 of the Philippine Constitution states that when martial law is
7 implemented, the President is granted authority in situations that are truly necessary,
8 such as when people's lives are in danger, and these powers facilitate the process of
9 ensuring their safety. It replaces civil rule with military rule which is characterized by
10 curfews, the imposition of military tribunal rulings on civilians, and the suspension of
11 the writ of habeas corpus (Martial Law Museum, n.d). Froilan Bacunagan, a former
12 dean of the UP College of Law, provided another definition of martial law, stating that
13 it does not automatically suspend the privilege of the writ based on simple dissent,
14 replace the objectives and functions of the civil courts or legislative institutions, or
15 allow the conferral of jurisdiction over civilians to military courts and agencies where
16 civil courts are able to function. Rather, only those legally accused of rebellion or
17 crimes directly related to or inherent in invasion will have their right to the writ of
18 habeas corpus suspended. (Reyes & Jose, 2013).
19 In the context of martial law in the Philippines, it was implemented due to the
20 rising insurgency of armed communist groups in the country at the time. However,
21 this led to a number of effects on the society as a whole, leaving restrictions on civil
22 liberties, which made it difficult for people to voice their opinion to the government
23 (Amnesty International, 1975). The supposed objective of martial law was only
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1 directed to the judicially-charged rebels, but during its implementation, it affected
2 thousands of people, including innocent lives.
3 In various state democracies, existing historical memories of previous
4 dictatorial and authoritarian regimes are vulnerable to contestation and debates
5 among individuals (Oteiza & Achugar, 2018). However, these contrasting beliefs and
6 perceptions on specific events must be assessed in different scopes in order to fully
7 understand the underlying reason of their existence while uncovering its impact in a
8 community. In the Philippines, one of the most contested phenomena in history is
9 Ferdinand Marcos Sr.’s declaration of martial law as it left a significant impact on
10 people’s lives being under military rule by signing Proclamation 1081 on September
11 21, 1972. According to the Official Gazette of the Philippines of 2018, this was done on
12 the basis of “lawless elements” which the government claimed that there was an
13 ongoing political takeover by communist rebels which aimed to change the course of
14 the country’s social, economic, and political track. With this proclamation, Marcos Sr.
15 effectively assumed control of the Philippine Military Forces and wielded great
16 influence. Filipinos were denied of their civil and political rights under the totalitarian
17 rule.
18 As always, in all political issues, people’s perception varies in a wide scope.
19 There were those who believed that the social condition in the Philippines was
20 reeking of false information, propaganda, claims, and counterclaims, that redirecting
21 the status quo on a process of evaluating the advantages and disadvantages of martial
22 law would be of no use to the general majority of Filipino people. The wide gap
23 between those for and against martial law was so wide that it seemed unbridgeable.
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1 Political situations in the Philippines perpetuated the fires of passionate partisanship
2 that to take a pro and con analytical disposition was to trigger tension between those
3 for and against the current regime (Laquian, n.d). To fully understand martial law, it is
4 necessary to establish a level of analysis in the spheres to which it permeated and it
5 includes three distinct aspects: (a) social, (b) political, and (c) economic.
6 Social Impact
7 The social aspect covers patterns of relations that influence the bigger aspects
8 of social structure and the alignment of concrete relationships among individuals
9 (Martin & Lee, 2015). The social sphere specifically concerns activist groups,
10 independent media outlets, the film industry, religious groups, and student councils as
11 social movements during the Marcos regime.
12 A dangerous social order existed in the Philippines due to insurgency and
13 social movements. Many Filipinos struggled for their freedom and rights during this
14 period. As a result, more insurgencies lead to more reasons to declare Martial law.
15 (Jamolin, et al., 2020). Many activists and political opponents were subject to forced
16 disappearances, where they were taken into custody by government forces and their
17 whereabouts were not disclosed. Student activists who joined were particularly
18 targeted by the government and many were arrested, tortured, and killed (Francisco,
19 2017). The government heavily censored the media and controlled the flow of
20 information, making it difficult for activists to disseminate information about their
21 cause. The film industry was also heavily regulated by the government, in order to
22 align it with Marcos's vision of the "New Society" (Ubaldo, 2022). The churches, who
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1 were initially supportive of the new society, began to become disillusioned as more
2 priests, nuns, pastors, and lay workers engaged in social justice activities were
3 arrested by the government. As a result, the churches played a significant and vital
4 role in the resistance movement against the Marcos regime (Youngblood, 1990).
5 These social movements were known to be critical of social issues as theyfought
6 against issues like imperialism, land reform, price hikes, and subpar working
7 conditions. (Jamolin, et al., 2020). On the other hand, Armed Forces of the Philippines,
8 and Philippine Constabulary were also to be considered belonging to the social sphere
9 as they aimed to maintain peace on the existing social unrest by suppressing the
10 major threats to social stability which were the Maoist guerillas of the New People’s
11 Army (NPA), the rebel Muslim fighters in Mindanao, and civil unrest brought about by
12 student and intellectual mass movements (Lim, 2011).
13 Though polar opposites, both former and latter categorizations of social sphere
14 brought the condition eminent in establishing the status quo during the martial law
15 years and caused the acceleration of movements aimed at advancing varied interests.
16 However, While though martial law would speed up development, the Philippines will
17 ultimately devolve into an archipelagic political state with dysfunctional politics.
18 Apart from the massive faction, it was simply anticipated that the government would
19 crumble because martial law would be enacted, elevating Marcos to a position of
20 absolute power and allowing him to become wholly corrupt. (Enrile, 2012).
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1 Political Impact
2 As the social sphere continues to cause a contradiction, so does politics since
3 the political sphere concerns the affairs of the government along with the people, non-
4 government actors, and private organizations. The government faced many changes
5 including consolidation of power by the government, the weaponization of the
6 judiciary, a polarization of public perception, the restriction on individual rights, and
7 the unprecedented growth of then president Marcos Sr. 's power.
8 It was during the martial law period when there had been intense dynamism
9 among these institutions especially on the emergence of a crucial argument at the
10 constitutional convention about the length of the transitional period between the two
11 constitutions during which Marcos accumulated both powers and duties of the
12 president under the old constitution and the powers of the prime minister under the
13 new constitution (Jamolin, et al., 2020). The reason why Marcos won was that General
14 Fabian Crisologo Ver, the Commanding Officer of the Armed Forces of the Philippines
15 during the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos, summoned one by one the delegates and
16 leveraged their malpractices if they would not vote on the duration of the interim
17 period (Overholt, 1986). Due to the widening gap of paralleling social and political
18 spheres together, resistance was met with repression when Marcos restricted Filipino
19 people to exercise their freedom of speech and assembly as well as strikes brought by
20 unequal and exploitative working conditions.
21 The amalgamated political power possessed by Marcos had the objective of
22 effectively abolishing Congress and taking a grip on the judiciary hostage by obligating
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1 them to give up their position through the submission of resignation letters (Salonga
2 as cited in Yu, 2006). While existing defiance of the political impact of martial law
3 exists, considerations were also present on its implementation because of the belief
4 that restrictions on political freedom are a must to help instill discipline among
5 Filipinos. They believe that since actions were continuously being monitored and
6 controlled, Filipinos had to be disciplined enough to avoid unnecessary imprisonment
7 or punishment. During that time, the people felt like the Philippine society needed
8 Martial law. However, there was a recognition that it was only necessary for a given
9 period of time (Jamolin, et al., 2020).
10 The judiciary was not able to escape the impact of the 1972 martial law. A case
11 study conducted on the effects of martial law on the regional political development in
12 the Philippines found that the stagnation and the weakness of authorities were the
13 direct consequence of too much centralization in the judiciary. Local courts had
14 inadequate judges and fiscals to cater to different cases in the localities, resulting in
15 the continued delay in cases (Nawawi, 1980).
16 It was then a period of expectation and challenges after the declaration of
17 martial law in the Philippines. All persons suspected of insurrection and rebellion
18 were arrested and detained. And most of those detained are members of the
19 opposition party of which none were tried or convicted. Different methods of torture
20 were also used such as the San Juanico bridge and Russian Roulette (New York Times,
21 1976). The impact of martial law on its post years; disappearances, tortures, and
22 political killings of suspected communists did not stop and people were still victims
23 and were political prisoners (Frankel et al. ,1983).
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1 The political agenda of martial law intensively utilized all possible loopholes in
2 the constitution while justifying government acts aimed at exploiting and restricting
3 individual rights from suspending the writ of habeas corpus by Marcos being the
4 commander-in-chief which means he had the authority to call out the armed forces to
5 prevent or end arbitrary violence, invasion, insurrection, or rebellion. Truth be told,
6 the power of Marcos transformed on an enormous level over that period. So, from the
7 standpoint of a person being tortured, from the standpoint of the student whose
8 fingernails are being pulled with pliers.
9 Economic Impact
10 It has been said that economic power perpetuates political power and greatly
11 impacts social conditions. It is therefore inevitable to assume that as the political and
12 social sphere individually intensifies their internal contradictions, the economic
13 sphere silently aggravates these contradictory complexities. During martial law, the
14 Philippine economy showed great results in terms of GDP, but then followed a
15 downfall which resulted in an economic recession, crime issues, debts, hunger, and
16 poverty.
17 Marcos exerted an intensive monopolistic approach to political and economic
18 power, destroying any form or interest of dissent (Manapat, 1991). This, however, did
19 not come as a surprise because, in terms of economic policymaking, Cesar Virata saw
20 that Marcos could get what he wanted while maintaining his regime’s credibility as it
21 was claimed to be the “Golden years” of the country because the economy showed the
22 highest annual GDP growth it has ever attained since the 1960s —8.9 percent in 1973
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1 and 8.8 percent in 1976. However, this was immediately followed by a decline from
2 1981, which then ended with the crash of 1984 to 1985— the Philippines’ worst
3 economic recession since World War II (De Dios, et al., 2021).
4 GO No. 68 of 17 November 1980 of the Amnesty International Report during
5 martial law asserted that it is not only crimes that directly affect national security or
6 public order but also those that are dangerous to social and economic stability. The
7 danger laid on how Marcos utilized his economic resources to snatch political power
8 to gain more economic resources and maintain such a parasitic cycle.
9 The economic accomplishments of Marcos during his presidency and martial
10 rule were astounding until the economic crisis of 1983 brought the engine of
11 achievements to a halt. The political and economic crises brought an end to the all-
12 powerful regime since they shattered their image to the Filipino people and their
13 international credibility while in the government. Credit lines that would have
14 continued to fuel the economy were no longer funded. Financial expectations reversed
15 and economic conditions spiraled downwards. The economy finally unraveled its
16 mask, leaving major projects unfunded in midstream. These developments further
17 induced an outflow of capital. Marcos' hold on political power weakened and
18 eventually led to his fall (Sicat, 2011).
19 A year before the Marcos administration ended, the sugar industry's downturn
20 had resulted in economic losses for planters and millers in the province of Negros,
21 while poverty and associated health conditions afflicted the masses of workers. While
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1 social reformers rejoiced with the turn of events, many unemployed and
2 impoverished people found encouragement by joining the insurgents (Aguilar, n.d.).
3 Brought by this drastic economic downward spiral was the emergence of a lot
4 poorer Filipino people. Squatters increased in number and became a serious economic
5 problem of the dictatorial regime. According to a report done by the National Housing
6 Authority, the number of squatters residing in Metro Manila including a number of
7 cities skyrocketed to 38% which was equivalent to 1.6 million in 1 year. In the
8 previous four years, the number doubled which unsurprisingly perpetuated health,
9 welfare, and crime issues.
10 Undeniably, there is one aspect of the Marcos regime which is often ignored or
11 overlooked — it represents an intensive objective to implement a value system which
12 has to be inculcated to every Filipino and was conceived to be essential for the overall
13 development of modern society. The advocacy of such a value system, however, did
14 not necessarily justify the actions taken by the martial law government, yet served as
15 a move worthy of more notice than it has received. Marcos’ declaration of martial law
16 may have attracted more criticism than praise yet it is unfair not to reveal that his
17 achievements were stellar in many aspects as he would have come out as one of the
18 most effective and smartest leaders of the country in the postwar era. He also fulfilled
19 the role of executing at a higher level of achievement in bringing up the nation’s
20 economic condition despite the various social and political challenges. However, it
21 also would be unfair if it is disregarded to acknowledge as well the turbulent history
22 he created if the basis of public dissatisfaction is to be used.
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1 This study aimed to show the two sides of the coin, and judge together with
2 history how martial law unfolded its impact on people’s social, economic, and political
3 lives. In politics as in war, the victors write the history as what they say. However,
4 perceiving history from the victors’ viewpoint has the tendency to reinforce in the
5 public's mind the victors’ interest. It is therefore necessary to be guided by an
6 understanding liberated from preconceived reasons and open to unprejudiced
7 sensible ones.
8 Conceptual Framework
9 Martial law can never be fully understood by deliberating certain information
10 and accounts alone. In order to understand its impacts, the analysis of its social,
11 economic, and political aspects should be known to establish a degree of analysis it
12 has been imbued with. Undertaking this form of strategic analysis will be able to
13 diagnose the key issues of martial law’s impacts.
14 If an impact directly affects individuals on the well-being of society as a whole,
15 it is a social impact. People feel and react to it by the way its leaders organize and help
16 move the community forward. It is meant to create a change derived from different
17 sectors and groups aimed to solve problems that would address challenges from a
18 specific set of goals in the most significant way (Ricee, 2021).
19 Philippines, it was implemented due to the rising insurgency of armed
20 communist groups in the country at the time. However, this led to a number of effects
21 on the society as a whole, leaving restrictions on civil liberties, which made it difficult
22 for people to voice their opinion to the government (Amnesty International, 1975).
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1 The supposed objective of martial law was only directed to the judicially-charged
2 rebels, but during its implementation, it affected thousands of people, including
3 innocent lives. This brought fear of retaliation which made people afraid to speak out
4 against the government. Social impact is meant to drive the people to grasp the
5 change and take action from it, but martial law only steered them into strategizing
6 their escape from the dangers of it.
7 Within a society, there exists an economy that makes them dependent on the
8 goals it promotes and the impact it creates. It aims to meet the growing needs of
9 people as life conditions change. Society is dynamically shaped by its historical
10 contingencies, but it also affects its contemporary economics, production, and
11 consumption activities (McCartney, 2018). One of the fundamental principles of an
12 economy is that a policy that is good for society as a whole can be good for everyone
13 in society (Frieden, 2020). During martial law, the impact of the economy at the time
14 rippled into how people lived.
15 This gap only widened between the rich and the poor, while prices of goods
16 continued to skyrocket (Bautista, et al, 2021). During the Marcos era, poverty and
17 inequality have always been a problem in Philippine society. For the first ten years in
18 government, the number of Filipinos who failed to meet their basic needs for food,
19 shelter, and clothing increased from 39% to 48% of the population; centered only on
20 food intake, around 84.3% of households were suffering from malnutrition (Martial
21 Law Museum, nd). Those programs found it hard to deal with the result of the
22 liquidity expansion associated with the deterioration of trades and the sudden
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1 increase in commodity prices (International Monetary Fund, 2002). Martial law was
2 authoritative in that it reached the livelihood and economic state of the country.
3 As one objectively looks into the impact of martial law, the political impact
4 should not be overlooked—broadening their understanding of the socially
5 constructed dynamics that determine the collectively understood impact in society
6 (Davel and Olivera, 2021). As people agonized over martial law across social and
7 economic domains, it also continued mainspringing contradictions in the political
8 aspect.
9 Reaching the end of his term, the Philippines suffered from an economic crisis
10 which caused Marcos’ constitutional prohibition from running for a third term of
11 presidency. It was then a period of expectation and challenges. All persons suspected
12 of insurrection and rebellion were arrested and detained. Most of those detained are
13 members of the opposition party of which none were tried or convicted. The impact of
14 martial law resulted in disappearances, tortures, and political killings of suspected
15 communists (Frankel et al. ,1983). Its political impact created abuses of power in the
16 government, jeopardizing thousands of lives and major debts that are still being paid
17 in the present.
18 The knowledge generated from martial law is imbricated in power relations.
19 With society as its scope, politics as its driving factor, and economy as its
20 performance-based metric of the decisions of the administration, analyzing the
21 impacts of martial law with these variables shows a clearer vantage point on how it
22 created a divide in understanding martial law. The researchers set these concepts as
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1 their standards in objectively analyzing the level of knowledge of students on martial
2 law’s impacts. In order to identify the variables mentioned in getting the results
3 needed as the basis of the researchers' output, this study will embark on utilizing the
4 Independent-Dependent Variable Model as the paradigm of the study.
5 The first figure of the conceptual framework was the identification of the
6 demographic profile of the participants in terms of their year level, sex, and school.
7 This was essential in analyzing their dynamics which helped provide context for the
8 respondents, allowing researchers to describe them and better analyze their data.
9 For the next figure of the framework, the researchers determined the students’
10 level of knowledge of martial law to its social, economic, and political impacts. This
11 phase helped demonstrate the impact of martial law and the importance of utilizing
12 the three variables in the conclusion of this study.
13 The significant difference of the demographic profile and the level of
14 knowledge of students on martial law’s impact was also to be determined, whereas
15 the results of this phase provided evidence concerning the plausibility of the study’s
16 hypothesis.
17 The last figure of the framework explained the output of this study, the forum
18 to educate students on martial law. The results of this study can be the basis of the
19 topics that will be discussed in the forum. The researchers chose forum as their
20 output to engage their minds, remember the sacrifices of those who stood up for our
21 today's freedom and serve as the basis of governance for the future generation that
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1 will lead this country. This will contribute to the studies of the students in their
2 Philippine history subjects in their curriculum.
3 Examining Marian students’ level of knowledge on the impacts of Philippine
4 martial law aligns with the institution's mission to foster a sense of civic responsibility
5 by challenging them to explore and pursue relevant and innovative ideas through
6 research and development. Understanding the history of the Philippines and the role
7 that martial law played in shaping the country’s social, political, and economic
8 landscape is essential for further progress as history can often serve as examples to
9 either emulate for its benevolent effects if applicable and appropriate or veer from its
10 mistakes.
11 Figure 1.
12 Paradigm of the Study
Level of Knowledge
Demographic of Students on Forum to educate
Profile Martial Law’s students about
Impact Martial Law’s
Year Level
impact
Sex Social
School Economic
Political
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1 Statement of the Problem
2 This study aimed to determine the level of knowledge of tertiary students of
3 Saint Mary’s University on martial law’s impacts.
4 Specifically, it sought to answer the following questions:
5 1. What is the demographic profile of the respondents in terms of:
6 1.1. Year Level,
7 1.2. Sex, and
8 1.3. School?
9 2. What is the level of knowledge of tertiary students of Saint Mary’s University
10 on martial law’s impacts in terms of:
11 2.1. Social,
12 2.2. Economic, and
13 2.3. Political?
14 3. Is there a significant difference on the level of knowledge of tertiary students of
15 Saint Mary’s University on martial law’s impact when grouped according to their
16 demographic profile?
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18 Statement of the Hypothesis
19 There is no significant difference on the level of knowledge of tertiary students
20 of Saint Mary’s University on martial law’s impact when grouped according to their
21 demographic profile.
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1 Chapter II
2 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3 Research Design
4 The study utilized a quantitative design to determine the level of knowledge
5 of Saint Mary’s University tertiary students on martial law’s social, economic, and
6 political impacts.
7 The researchers employed a descriptive-comparative method in
8 interpreting the statistical data collected from the Likert questionnaires.
9 Descriptive, which the researchers were able to identify the demographic profile of
10 the respondents, and Comparative, which described the level of knowledge of the
11 students of Saint Mary's University on martial law’s impact. This quantitative
12 approach was used to identify the difference among the variables and deploy
13 statistical analysis to form conclusions from the study. This design was also able to
14 determine the entirety of the current tertiary-level students of Saint Mary’s
15 University represented through a sample.
16 The instruments and techniques that are employed were administered for
17 the data gathering, selection of respondents for the study, and the formulation of
18 dependable interpretations from the findings.
19 Research Locale
20 The study was conducted at Saint Mary’s University, a private university
21 located at Don Mariano Marcos, Bayombong, Nueva Vizcaya. The researchers chose
22 Saint Mary’s University-College Department as the location of implementation
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1 because it provides the researchers with the necessary information to determine the
2 level of knowledge of tertiary students of Saint Mary’s University on martial law’s
3 social, economic, and political impact.
4 Saint Mary’s University is accredited by the International Organization for
5 Standardization (ISO) and the Philippine Association of Colleges and Universities
6 Commission Accreditation Level II, taking pride as one of the top-performing
7 universities within North Luzon. Saint Mary's University, being a renowned CICM
8 educational institution, committed to providing education that fosters growth of
9 individuals exemplifying exceptional abilities, innovative thinking, and an
10 unwavering commitment to fulfilling Christ's mission, is the ideal research locale for
11 the study of the impacts of martial law in the Philippines. The university's mission to
12 "persistently challenge one another to explore and pursue relevant, innovative and
13 breakthrough ideas through research and development" aligns well with the
14 significance and relevance of the topic. The university's dedication to fostering a
15 culture of intellectual curiosity and innovation and its commitment to forming
16 socially conscious citizens make it the perfect location for this type of research.
17 Additionally, the university's dedication to fulfill the mission of Christ aligns well
18 with the study of the impacts of martial law, which is a study of social justice, and its
19 goal to strive for a society that upholds principles based on justice and humanity.
20 Based on the findings of the study, the university can also integrate the areas of
21 martial law that the students lack an understanding of into the curriculum. Therefore,
22 studying the impacts of martial law at Saint Mary's University is not only
23 academically valuable but also aligns well with the university's core values and
24 mission, as well as its vision of being "a premier CICM Catholic educational institution
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1 drawn into communion by the Wisdom of God, dedicated to the integral formation of
2 persons exemplifying excellence, innovation, and passion for Christ’s mission", and
3 helps students to become well-rounded and informed citizens.
4 Participants of the Study
5 The respondents of this study were tertiary students of Saint Mary’s
6 University. There were 335 respondents classified according to their year level,
7 sex, and school (School of Teacher Education and Humanities, School of
8 Accountancy and Business, School of Engineering, Architecture, and Information
9 Technology, and School of Health and Natural Sciences). The number of
10 respondents was determined based on Slovin’s formula or the calculation of the
11 required sample size for random sampling.
12 Table 1.
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14 Distribution of the Respondents per School
School of School of School of School of
Teacher Accountancy and Health and Engineering,
Education and Business Natural Architecture,
Humanities Sciences and
Information
Technology
57 79 113 86
15 The researchers’ respondents covered students of Saint Mary’s University in
16 4 schools which are School of Teacher Education and Humanities (STEH), School of
17 Accountancy and Business (SAB), School of Health and Natural Sciences (SHANS),
18 and School of Engineering, Architecture and Information Technology (STEH).
19 However, it did not involve students who are below 18 years old and those who
20 were officially and unofficially dropouts.
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1 Each of the respondents was handed a survey questionnaire that contains a
2 series of questions. The researchers distributed the questionnaires in their
3 respective schools.
4 The following respondents were determined by the researchers through
5 random sampling. Through a random sampling method, the researchers will be
6 able to randomly select respondents from the total population which will give
7 them an equal chance of being selected as part of the sample respondents. The use
8 of the said sampling technique will help the researchers determine the different
9 perspectives of the respondents according to their school. This ensures that all
10 aspects of the population are denoted in the sample for its efficiency to increase.
11 After the level of knowledge of tertiary students of Saint Mary’s University
12 on martial law has been identified; a proposed strategic plan was recommended
13 for the enrichment of their awareness and understanding of the significant studies,
14 events, and accounts transcribed during the implementation of martial law.
15 Research Instrument
16 The primary instrument was a researcher-made questionnaire checklist to
17 gather the needed data for this study. The draft of the questionnaire was drawn out
18 based on the variables through the 4-point Likert scale that determined the level
19 of knowledge of tertiary students of Saint Mary's University on martial law’s social,
20 economic, and political impact. The information from the questionnaire was based
21 on journals, media news outlets, books, and historical accounts included in the
22 introduction and conceptual framework of this study.
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1 Identification of the Demographic profile. The first phase of the survey
2 questionnaire was directed to the tertiary students of Saint Mary’s University and
3 contained a series of questions about the profile of the respondents in terms of sex,
4 year level, and school.
5 Measuring the Level of knowledge of students on martial law’s social,
6 economic, and political impact. The second phase of the instrument was
7 determined in terms of the social impact, economic impact, and political impact of
8 martial law. The researchers created a survey questionnaire composed of 30
9 questions in the quantitative phase. The present study used a four-point Likert
10 scale that described the response of the students on their level of knowledge of
11 martial law’s social, economic, and political impact.
12 The researchers conducted a pilot test consisting of 30 students from Nueva
13 Vizcaya State University, Bayombong, Nueva Vizcaya. The research tool underwent
14 tool validation from the research adviser, instructor, panelists, and research
15 coordinator.
16 The researchers aimed to collect numerical data using quantitative
17 questionnaires to obtain standardized responses from tertiary Marian students.
18 This approach enabled them to analyze the data more objectively as they seek not
19 to measure students’ insights, but rather what the students know. The researchers
20 also aimed to utilize the findings to contribute to the improvement of the
21 curriculum. By gaining a deeper understanding of college students' comprehension
22 of the multifaceted impacts of martial law in the Philippines, the researchers hope
4
1
2 23
3
1 to provide valuable data that can inform the development of educational materials
2 and approaches to Philippine martial law.
3 Table 2.
4 Reliability Coefficients per Cluster

Reliability Statistics
Item Cluster Cronbach’s Alpha N of item
Social Impact 0.866 10
Economic Impact 0.893 10
Political Impact 0.894 10
Overall Results of the
0.953 30
Questionnaire
5 Table 2. shows the reliability testing results of the pilot testing conducted in
6 Nueva Vizcaya State University - Bayombong Campus. The instrument was validated by
7 the researchers’ adviser, research instructor, panelists, and the research coordinator before
8 it underwent pilot testing. The instrument was divided into three variables, Social,
9 Economic, and Political Impact. The results indicate that the overall reliability test is
10 very highly reliable, with .953 Chronbach’s Alpha. The Social Impact variable
11 acquired .866 Chronbach’s alpha, .893 Chronbach’s alpha for the Economic Impact
12 variable, and .894 Chronbach’s alpha for the Political Impact variable, all of which
13 indicate that all variables are highly reliable.
4
1
2 24
3
1 Data Gathering Procedure
2 Figure 2.
3 Data Gathering Procedure Flowchart
4
Approval of Request Letter to the Authorities Concerned
5
6
Distribution of Informed Consent Form
Distribution of Questionnaires
8
9
Retrieval of Questionnaires
10
11 The researchers followed a systematic data-gathering procedure in the
12 duration of this study.
13 The administration of the data-gathering procedure started upon the
14 approval of the letter signed by the research administrators of Saint Mary’s
15 University which was immediately followed by the distribution of the informed
16 consent form together with the questionnaires to their respondents.
17 For the recruitment of the participants of the data gathering procedure, the
18 researchers personally approached the respondent and provided a short
19 orientation about the contents of the instrument. Upon answering the
4
1
2 25
3
1 questionnaire, the researchers assisted the respondents in their case of concerns
2 with the items. The questionnaires were also handled with utmost confidentiality.
3 The researchers then retrieved the questionnaires after being answered by
4 the respondents.
6 Statistical Treatment of Data
7 For the profiling of the respondents, the study used Frequency and
8 Percentage to determine the data of their year level, school, and sex variable.
9 Determining the level of knowledge of tertiary students of Saint Mary’s
10 University on martial law’s social, economic, and political impacts used the
11 computation of means, median, and standard deviation.
12 The following indicators will be the basis of the significant difference of the
13 variables of this study:
14 Table 3
15 Quantitative Indicators
Mean Range Social Political Economic

Impact Impact Impact
1.00-1.49 Not Not Not
Knowledgeable Knowledgeable Knowledgeable
1.50-2.49 Knowledgeable Knowledgeable Knowledgeable
to a least extent to a least extent to a least extent
Moderately Moderately Moderately
2.50-3.49
Knowledgeable Knowledgeable Knowledgeable
to an extent to an extent to an extent
3.50-4.00 Knowledgeable Knowledgeable Knowledgeable
to a great extent to a great extent to a great extent
4
1
2 26
3
1 The parametric tool One-way Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) was used to test
2 the significant difference of the level of knowledge of the respondents when
3 grouped according to their year level and school. For the sex variable, the
4 parametric tool Independent Samples T-test was used for the dichotomous variable.
5 The level of significance to be set in this study will be at 5% (0.05). The researchers
6 utilized SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences) to analyze all the statistical
7 data that will be used in this study.
9 Ethical Consideration
10 The study was submitted for ethics review to Saint Mary’s University
11 Research Ethics Board (SMUREB) with address and contact information at 2nd
12 Floor, Rev. John Van Bauwel Hall, SMU Main Campus, Ponce Street, Don Mariano
13 Marcos; Bayombong, 3700 Nueva Vizcaya, Philippines (email:
14 reb@smu.edu.ph;cellphone: 09177053041).
4
1
2 27
3
1 Conflict of Interest
2 The researchers are declaring that there is no personal gain or conflict of
3 interest from the result of the study.
4 Privacy, Confidentiality and Data Protection
5 Respondents were not required to write their names in the survey
6 questionnaire to protect their privacy of information. Data gathered from the
7 respondents were treated with the utmost confidentiality and will only be used for
8 research purposes. This data was only accessed and processed by the researchers.
9 The questionnaires used in gathering data will be disposed properly after the
10 conduct of the study. Dataset file of responses of the respondents will also be
11 deleted from the file after the conduct of the study.
12 Management of vulnerability
13 The respondents of this study are tertiary students of Saint Mary's
14 University. The 335 selected respondents were from the different schools of the
15 said university (School of Teacher Education and Humanities, School of
16 Accountancy and Business, School of Health and Natural Sciences, and School of
17 Engineering, Architecture, and Information Technology).
18 Risk / Benefit Ratio
19 The researchers, upon analysis of the study, did not find any possible risk
20 that will harm the respondents on involving themselves in the conduct of the thesis
21 study. Furthermore, no animal or human testing will be involved, thus, assures a
4
1
2 28
3
1 harmless conduct of the study. As for the benefits, it was provided on the informed
2 consent that no monetary gift will be doled out for those who will participate in the
3 study.
4 Informed Consent
5 A letter addressed to the respondent and the informed consent form was
6 given to the participants. The respondent was given enough time to think and
7 respond if he or she will accept or decline to participate in the survey. When the
8 respondent agreed, the survey questionnaire was administered.
9 Terms of Reference
10 The students of the Bachelor of Arts in Political Science - 4 were the authors
11 of the study. There were no government agencies and organizations involved in the
12 production of this research.
4
1
2 29
3
1 CHAPTER 3
2 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
3 This chapter presents the statistical findings, analysis, and interpretation of
4 data collected through the instrument of the study. The data analysis was conducted
5 using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS). The tabular presentations are
6 organized per variable and each table is followed by the interpretation of data, its
7 implication, and related findings from previous studies.
9 Section 1: Profile of the Respondents
10 Section 1 of this chapter presents the data gathered from the respondents of
11 the study in terms of their demographic profile.
12 Table 4.
13 Frequencies and Percentage of the respondents according to their year level.
Frequency Percen
t
st
1 Year 127 37.9%
2nd Year 79 23.6%
3rd Year 52 15.5%
4th Year 77 23.0%
Total 335 100.0%
14 Table 4 shows the frequency and percentage of the respondents’ school year
15 level. The 335 respondents are composed of randomly selected Saint Mary’s
16 University students from First Year, Second Year, Third Year, and Fourth-year. 127 of
17 the total respondents are from First Year, 79 from second year, 52 from third year,
18 and 77 from fourth-year. The frequency of the respondents shows that first-year
19 students have the highest number of respondents, representing 37.9% of the total
20 sample size. The lowest number of respondents are third-year students, representing
4
1
2 30
3
1 15.5% of the total sample size. The discrepancy between sample sizes for each year
2 level are linked to the use of Slovin's formula, resulting in sample sizes that are
3 proportional to the number of enrollees per year level.
4 Table 5.
5 Frequencies and Percentage of the respondents according to their sex.
Frequency Percent
Male 103 30.75%
Female 232 69.25%
Total 335 100.0%
6 Table 5 shows a noteworthy gender-based disparity in the frequency of responses obtained
7 from the randomly selected participants. These 335 respondents are composed of randomly
8 selected tertiary students from Saint Mary’s University with 69.25% or 232 individual
9 females, while the male respondents constitute 30.75% or 103 individuals. This imbalance in
10 gender representation can be attributed to the widely prevalent unequal gender distribution
11 of tertiary education enrollees, with the two sexes following distinct enrollment patterns.
12 Table 6.
13 Frequencies and Percentage of the respondents according to their school.
Frequency Percent
STEH 57 17.0%
SHANS 113 33.7%
SAB 79 23.6%
SEAIT 86 25.7%
Total 335 100.0%
14 Table 6 indicates the frequency and percentage of the respondents based on
15 their school. It is shown in the table that there are four Schools; STEH, SHANS, SAB,
16 SEAIT. 17% are from the School of Teacher Education and Humanities, 33.7% are
17 from the School of Health and Natural Sciences, 23.6% are from the School of
18 Accountancy and Business, and 25.7% are from the School of Engineering,
4
1
2 31
3
1 Architecture and Information Technology, completing the total of 100% that is made
2 up of 335 respondents. The School which consists of the most respondents is from
3 the School of Health and Natural Sciences as they have the most population out of the
4 four Schools in the University, followed by the School of Engineering, Architecture
5 and Information technology, School of Accountancy and Business, while the School of
6 Teacher, Education and Humanities have the least respondents due to having the
7 least number of population. Though respondents are selected randomly, the sample
8 sizes for each school is calculated with the use of Slovin’s formula resulting in sample
9 sizes proportional to the number of enrollees per school.
10
11 Section 2: Level of Knowledge of Tertiary Students on Martial Law’s Impacts
12 Section 2 of this chapter presents the data gathered from the level of
13 knowledge of the respondents on martial law in terms of social, economic, and
14 political impact.
15
4
1
2 32
3
1 Table 7.
2 Mean Percentage of Level of Knowledge of Students on Martial Law in terms of Social

3 Impact
Std.
Me Qualitative
Deviati
an Description
on
1. Disruption in academic freedom brought by 2.9 .778
Moderately
the government's tight control was observed. 1
knowledgeable
to an extent
2. There was an exclusive form of impunity 2.8

.862 Moderately
available only to high government officials. 2
knowledgeable
to an extent
3. Strikes and uprisings from labor unions 2.9

.893 Moderately
became rampant brought by labor exploitation. 3
knowledgeable
to an extent
4. Independent media outlets, and set up state- 3.1

.868 Moderately
funded media outlets were shut down by the 0
knowledgeable
government.
to an extent
5. Right to free speech, the right to strike and the 3.1

.901 Moderately
right to education were restricted. 0
knowledgeable
to an extent
6. Maltreatment to workers perpetuated poor 3.0

927 Moderately
labor conditions. 5
knowledgeable
to an extent
7. Workers were living below the minimum 3.2

.898 Moderately
wage. 2
knowledgeable
to an extent
8. Martial law has inadvertently caused harm to 2.9 .942 Moderately

the academic goals of schools and universities. 1 knowledgeable
to an extent
9. Killing, detention, and torture of political 3.0

.987 Moderately
opponents, and students activists without due 9
knowledgeable
process was systematized.
to an extent
4
1
2 33
3
10. There was a conflict between the Church and 2.9

.966 Moderately
government during martial law. 9
knowledgeable
to an extent
TOTAL: 3.0 .62048 Moderately

125 knowledgeable
to an extent
1 Legend: 4 - Knowledgeable to great extent; 3 - Moderately knowledgeable to an extent;
2 2 –Knowledgeable to a least extent; 1 - Not Knowledgeable
3 Table 7 shows the level of knowledge of the respondents on the social impact
4 of martial law. The mean score indicates that the respondents are Moderately
5 knowledgeable to an extent. Based on the results, the highest mean value is in the
6 item “Workers were living below the minimum wage” (M = 3.22, Sd = 0.898) . On the
7 other hand, the lowest mean value is in the item “There was an exclusive form of
8 impunity available only to high government officials” (M = 2.82, Sd = 0.862).
9 The highest mean which was 3.22 on the item concerning labor exploitation
10 brought by workers living below minimum wage was the most apparent among the
11 respondents brought by its relentless and extended upshot until this very day.
12 Though 50 years had passed after the declaration of martial law, its implication on
13 labor is still palpable to the workers as it is strongly tied to the economic aspect
14 which was also heavily aggravated. The Marcos regime failed to provide the most
15 effective avenue to assure certainty and stability on labor and finance, thus, resulting
16 in institutional damage which continuously hurt the laborers of earning proper
17 remuneration in exchange for the labor they render to maintain a decent living
18 standard even after his ouster (De Dios, et al., 2021).
19 During the Martial law era, labor-intensive industries were set aside while
20 capital-intensive industries were prioritized. This labor and employment strategy
4
1
2 34
3
1 inevitably put all workers to their knees because of the drastic surge of
2 unemployment rate and egalitarian social structure (Overholt, 2010). It is not
3 surprising therefore how respondents still feel its impact today because the same
4 labor scheme used by Marcos Sr. is still being practiced in the current labor process
5 as the influence of globalization magnifies the illusory necessity of prioritizing capital
6 outsourcing, thus creating more debts, instead of creating jobs for the benefit of its
7 people.
8 Aside from labor, respondents also showed the extent of their knowledge on
9 education which dwells on the items of disruption in academic freedom brought by
10 the government's tight control, martial law’s inadvertent harm to the academic goals of
11 schools and universities, and right to free speech, the right to strike and the right to
12 education were restricted. The result defies the long standing argument of Marcos
13 loyalists that the Filipino youth should not intervene in Martial law discussion
14 because they weren’t born at the time it happened. However, this claim is to be
15 considered baseless because while it’s true that youth was not present of its actuality,
16 the development of the Philippine educational system is parallel to the movement of
17 the political system since these social institutions are intersectional, thus, the impact
18 of Martial law to education is being directly experienced by the youth even until the
19 end of the dictatorial regime. As Baluga (1987) explained:
20 “The development of the Philippine educational system following the
21 country's history, is characterized by the various changes related to the
22 political ideology and culture of the different sovereign powers which have
23 controlled the government. This pattern is summarized in Carson's statement
4
1
2 35
3
1 when he says that, "in form, if not in content, the educational system of the
2 Republic of the Philippines appears as an amalgam of Spanish and American
3 patterns."
4 The disruption of academic freedom brought by the restriction to free speech, right to
5 strike and right to education during the Martial law era left historical endowment to
6 the youth of today especially on the kind of militant struggles the student activists
7 faced to oust the dictator which became a precedent to the rise of student activists
8 who fight for their rights. This brought the current education system, specifically the
9 students, in a discernible position to analyze the impact of martial law in the
10 academic environment.
11 On the onslaught of the declaration of Martial law, politicians on the
12 opposition side, journalists, priests, labor leaders and businessmen were detained.
13 However, students comprised the largest population in prisons simply because of
14 their radical dispositions and beliefs and were therefore tagged with national
15 democratic organizations. This situation puts almost all schools and universities with
16 the idea that they are breeding grounds of rebels which in the long run destroyed
17 their academic goals of fostering critical thinking to politics and society because of
18 the tight control imposed on them which further resulted in the absence of academic
19 freedom (Abinales,2005).
20 Aside from education and labor, human rights were the most attacked by the
21 dictatorial regime. The items concerning lack of due process, extrajudicial killing,
22 torture, and maltreatment had a mean that equated to students’ moderate
4
1
2 36
3
1 knowledge. This corresponds with the findings of (Ndunga, 2018) where the
2 respondents possess a comprehensive understanding of the fundamental principles
3 of human rights and recognize their crucial role in shaping the historical and political
4 landscape of their society. But although they are able to acquire these types of
5 knowledge from carrying out their daily activities, they are only aware of the general
6 definitions of the concepts presented to them. Another finding about analyzing the
7 students' historical thinking skills discovered that when it comes to history, it is
8 important to emphasize the need to acquire meaningful critical thought on
9 information that they see on different platforms to hone their development as civic-
10 minded students (Callaway, 2020; Young & Leinhardt, 1998).
11 Concerning the issues about political impunity on item 2, results show that
12 while students are moderately knowledgeable of its impact, there is still a lack of
13 understanding about the misuse of power of the government officials during Martial
14 law. Political knowledge is not weak, but it must be interpreted into political efficacy
15 in order to elicit political participation. Civics educators face significant challenges in
16 developing politically engaged and democratically participating citizens by increasing
17 political knowledge and internal political efficacy (Psychol, 2016)
18 The Philippines is an example of extreme impunity. Even in the most difficult
19 shift from dictatorship, many of these new, weak democracies have managed to
20 secure justice concessions. Different countries have tried various methods of coping
21 with the collective burden of a traumatic past, ranging from remembering to
22 forgetting, from punishment to amnesty (Mccoy, 2016).
4
1
2 37
3
1 It can be drawn out from this that even if the Philippines faced and
2 continuously faces extreme impunity, the government are able to hide its real deals
3 by manipulating the kind of information and news that people absorb and it is
4 because under the dictatorial regime, all news outlet are controlled, therefore the
5 generation of news facts can be easily spinned in favor of the government giving the
6 citizens false, lacking, or worse, no factual information at all on any political affairs.
7 This issue once again leads to another item concerning media and journalists back
8 during the Martial law era.
9 Tracking back its history, one of the most controversial issues are in the media
10 wherein there are extensive human rights violations. Journalists are targets of
11 relentless attacks aimed at preventing them from informing the public about the
12 truth. Students’ responses on item 4 are moderately knowledgeable on these issues
13 which conclude that they have substantial foundation in promoting the importance of
14 media, well-informed in the different aspects of freedom of speech and expression.
15 Furthermore, it can also be asserted that their knowledge of this impact is still
16 influenced by its existence in the status quo to which independent media outlets, and
17 set up state-funded media outlets are still being shut down and controlled by the
18 government. ABS-CBN shutdown because of franchise non-renewal is a case in
19 point.
20 The monopolization and haranguing of state media networks caused a great
21 chilling effect for the rest of history that followed even after Martial law as observed
22 in criticisms being toned down by the press and that many journalists chose to
23 deliver less controversial news subjects. Additionally, what perpetuated this chilling
4
1
2 38
3
1 effect more was that Marcos had security forces and other repressive institutions on
2 his side and so every time he demonstrated hostility to the mass media, he also
3 created a hostile and coercive aura that spread down the line of the bureaucratic
4 system. Undoubtedly, his administration made the press nervous (Lent, 1974).
5 While there is an average mean score on the students’ responses on the
6 implication of Martial law to media, complacency of students’ knowledge should not
7 be maintained, rather schools and universities should be more weighted to enforce in
8 their curriculum media literacy to assure students’ capability of comparing various
9 information in a historic perspective and skillfully deal with media information and
10 various academic genres that are highly relevant worthwhile for all respective
11 disciplines (Pfeffer, 2014).
12 Meanwhile, results show students’ moderate knowledge about the issues
13 regarding the conflict of the church and government during the Martial law era. This
14 response’s result can be attributed to the social actions, charities, and programs
15 organized by the Catholic church, creating the impression that they are for the benefit
16 of people.
17 Enshrined in the study of Dagdag (2013), the Catholic Church has long played
18 a significant role in Western civil society. In the Philippines, Martial law exacerbated
19 the Catholic Church's politicization due to the exile, death, imprisonment, and
20 cooptation of the leaders of the traditional political parties, the church hierarchy
21 became the de facto political opposition to the Marcos administration. Because of
4
1
2 39
3
1 these overlapping roles, the church was inextricably linked to social and political
2 upheavals. It was never a bystander or a bystander in the unfolding historical events.
3 As human rights violations and basic economic inequities escalated, so did
4 official church complaints. Youngblood (1990) furthered,
5 The church had made every effort to expose human rights abuses and
6 assure an honest election. When Marcos continued to hang on in spite of the
7 election results, the bishops accused the regime of using fear and intimidation
8 in a criminal attempt to steal the election. They went further to say that a
9 government which attempts to gain or retain power through fraudulence was
10 immoral, and they recommended that Filipinos seek justice through
11 nonviolent struggle. In the eyes of the church, Marcos had lost all political
12 legitimacy.
4
1
2 40
3
1 Table 8.
2 Mean Percentage of Level of Knowledge of Students on Martial Law in terms of

3 Economic Impact
Mea Std. Qualitative
n Deviation Description
1. There was a brief period of economic growth 2.70 .883 Moderately
and development during martial law. knowledgeabl
e to an extent
2. President Marcos Sr. did a lot of good things 2.69 .931

for the economy during his time in office, but Moderately
the loans that were helping the economy grow knowledgeabl
were no longer available in the latter half of the e to an extent
martial law regime.
3. The economy grew very fast in the years 2.46 .965

1973 and 1976, it was the fastest it had grown Knowledgeabl
since the 1960s, reaching 8.9 percent and 8.8 e to an extent
percent respectively.
4. The economy experienced rampant 3.06 .941 Moderately

corruption and a lack of transparency in knowledgeabl
government. e to an extent
5. There was a year wherein the number of 2.44 1.004 Knowledgeabl

squatters in Metro Manila rose by 1.6 million e to an extent
6. Loans given to the government were no 2.25 .903 Knowledgeabl

longer given. e to an extent
7. During martial law, the impact of the 2.84 .923 Moderately

economy at the time rippled into how people knowledgeabl
lived. e to an extent
8. President Marcos Sr. tried to make the 2.78 .922 Moderately

economy grow faster by using a lot of money knowledgeabl
and government spending. e to an extent
9. Special areas were made for companies to 2.46 .881 Knowledgeabl

make and send out products to other countries. e to an extent
10. There the government couldn’t generate 2.77 .999

Moderately
the money needed to pay back debt, and the
knowledgeabl
country was buying more things from other
e to an extent
countries than it was selling to them.

7 knowledgeabl
e to an extent
4
1
2 41
3
1 Table 8 presents the respondents' perception of their knowledge regarding
2 the economic impacts of martial law in the Philippines. The data in the table suggests
3 that the respondents' level of knowledge is knowledgeable to a least to moderately
4 knowledgeable to an extent, with mean values ranging from 2.25 to 3.06. The item
5 with the highest mean value is statement 4, "The economy experienced rampant
6 corruption and a lack of transparency in government," (M = 3.06, sd = 0.941).
7 Conversely, the item with the lowest mean value is statement 6, "Loans given to the
8 government were no longer given," (M = 2.25, sd = 0.903). These items on the
9 aforementioned questionnaire can be categorized into three; economic growth,
10 economic challenges, and economic policy. Those that pointed out the brief period of
11 economic growth and high growth rates since the 1960s were classified under
12 economic growth. Those that highlighted rampant corruption, lack of transparency,
13 loan cuts, rising squatter numbers, and a trade deficit were grouped under economic
14 challenges. The statements that mentioned President Marcos Sr. 's implementation of
15 debt-driven economic growth attempts to boost the economy through large
16 government expenditures and creating of special economic zones to export goods
17 were categorized under economic policies.
18 The item garnered the highest mean of 3.06 and concerns itself with the lack
19 of transparency and government corruption, a trademark of the Marcos regime that
20 has been well documented.
21 For the economic growth category, the respondents' moderate knowledge on
22 this topic stems from the lack of emphasis on the positive economic impacts of
23 Philippine martial law in historical narratives and media. The aforementioned can be
4
1
2 42
3
1 attributed to the grave social consequences of Ferdinand Marcos’ reign over the
2 Philippines during the martial law period (“Abstracts,” 1986; F. H. Golay 1986).
3 Discussions of martial law within a global context, such as the institutionalization of
4 the World Trade Organization and its role in the Cold War, are absent; there is a lack
5 of discussions as to how Martial law in the Philippines, alongside other dictatorships
6 in Indonesia, Caribbean, and South America were backed by the anti-communist US
7 (De Koninck, 2020). Additionally, a part of the Philippine elite during the era of
8 martial law leveraged its social capital to become a powerful economic bloc in
9 society, but this bloc's social capital was gradually depleted (Tadem, 2013).
10 For the economic challenges category, it's quite the opposite; the respondents'
11 relatively higher knowledge suggests that the negative impacts of martial law on the
12 economy are more widely discussed in history classes and popular media.
13 Additionally, the majority of the Filipino people felt the economic challenges faced by
14 the Philippines during martial law (“Abstracts,” 1986; F. H. Golay 1986), which may
15 have contributed to the respondents' higher scores. Additionally, the infringement of
16 human rights under Marcos’ regime led to the consternation of the international
17 banking community (F. H. Golay 1986; Yu, 2006). Moreover, Philippine debt rose to
18 exponential heights as between the years 1970 and 1981, external debt exhibited a
19 staggering increase of 25%. Over the period spanning from 1970 to 1982, the
20 Philippines incurred a cumulative current-account deficit amounting to US$12.9
21 billion, and by 1983, the total amount of external debt reached US$24.6 billion
22 (Montes, 1987). The burden of this debt is still being shouldered by the Filipino
23 people, and its repayment remains an ongoing challenge.
4
1
2 43
3
1 For the government policies and spending category, the respondents' moderate knowledge
2 suggests that they have some understanding of the role of government policies and spending
3 in shaping economic outcomes. However, their moderate score may be due to the complex
4 nature of economic policies. A study has found that having a comprehensive understanding
5 of the principles of economics didn't necessarily translate to a thorough understanding of
6 economic policies; however, economic policy interest did allow them to learn and understand
7 economic policy better (Ismail et al., 2019). The results of the study can be applied in the
8 Philippine context. The study can highlight the need for better information dissemination on
9 economic policies and the importance of public interest in understanding these policies. The
10 Philippines has high educational poverty, leading to low comprehension in different fields of
11 study (World Bank, 2022). With that in mind, Saint Mary's University stands out as an
12 exception, given its achievement of securing the 24th position in the AppliedHE Private
13 University Ranking: ASEAN 2022, a ranking that exclusively evaluates private universities in
14 Southeast Asia (AppliedHE, 2022; Saint Mary’s University, 2022). These bits of information
15 can then be attributed to the fact that STEH, a tertiary department that leans towards the
16 education of history and policy, attains the highest mean score in this category, followed by
17 SAB, the tertiary department geared towards financial literacy.
4
1
2 44
3
1 Table 9.
2 Mean Percentage of Level of Knowledge of Students on Martial Law in terms of Political

3 Impact
Me Std. Qualitative
an Dev. Description
1. President Marcos Sr. used his control over the
Moderately
economy to gain more control in politics, and then used 2.9
1.030 Knowledgeable to
that political power to gain more control over the 3
an extent
economy. He kept doing this over and over in a cycle.
2. During martial law, the government used loopholes

Moderately
in the constitution and justified oppression by saying it 2.9
1.005 Knowledgeable to
was necessary to protect the country from violence or 0
an extent
rebellion.
3. The 1970 Constitutional Convention was rocked by Moderately

2.6
allegations of corruption and bribery by the 1.040 Knowledgeable to
4
government. an extent
4. Many people thought that Marcos' strict rule was a

Moderately
way for the Philippines to find its identity and that he 2.9
.941 Knowledgeable to
was like a leader who could guide the country to a 2
an extent
better future.
5. There was a systematic subversion of democratic Moderately

2.6
processes in the country. .892 Knowledgeable to
9
an extent
6. The military commander has unlimited authority to Moderately

2.9
make and enforce laws. .935 Knowledgeable to
1
an extent
7. President Marcos had a lot of power in politics and Moderately

2.9
he used it to take control of Congress and the court 1.015 Knowledgeable to
4
system by making the people in those positions quit. an extent
8. The Martial Law regime prolonged and centralized Moderately

2.9
the far-reaching presidential powers and privileges of 1.005 Knowledgeable to
4
Marcos for a total of 21 years. an extent
9. Marcos acted as the de facto chief executive, chief Moderately

2.8
legislator, and chief commander of the armed forces all 1.012 Knowledgeable to
3
at the same time. an extent
10. The supposed objective of martial law was only

Moderately
directed to the judicially-charged rebels, but during its 3.0
.987 Knowledgeable to
implementation, it affected thousands of people, 6
an extent
including innocent lives.

7 knowledgeable to
an extent
4
1
2 45
3

2 Table 9 shows the level of knowledge of the respondents on the political
3 impact of martial law. The overall mean score indicates that the respondents are
4 moderately knowledgeable to an extent. Based on the results, the highest mean value
5 is in the item “The supposed objective of martial law was only directed to the judicially-
6 charged rebels, but during its implementation, it affected thousands of people, including
7 innocent lives.” (M = 3.06, sd = 0.987). On the other hand, the lowest mean value is in
8 the item “The 1970 Constitutional Convention was rocked by allegations of corruption
9 and bribery by the government.” (M = 2.64, sd = 1.040).
10 The highest mean which was 3.06, containing the content that the objective of
11 Martial law was directed to the judicially-charged rebels but instead affected
12 thousands of people including innocent lives and the accounts of the living victims of
13 Martial law to this day. Because of this phenomena, people became interested in
14 knowing more information about what led to the violation of the rights and privileges
15 of the Filipinos.
16 The constitution should be of basic knowledge as citizens of the Philippines, or
17 at least the roles of the political leaders. Based on the results, students were aware of
18 the constitutional role of the government as a whole and the political leaders as
19 individuals. This is because the K-12 curriculum was given an advantage to provide
20 the students a series of general educational subjects that include teachings about
21 politics and governance. However, it shows that they lack knowledge on the deeper
22 level of some political events, especially about Martial law. There was no consistency
23 and in depth discussions in educational books. According to a public school teacher,
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1 subjects from elementary school such as Araling Panlipunan only discuss a few
2 details that include the proclamation of Martial law, infrastructures, poverty, and
3 injustices (Umil, 2014). This event attests that even educational institutions do not
4 provide enough information about this historical political event which shows through
5 the continuous argument of the two sides that divides the history of Martial law.
6 Students are aware of what happened during the implementation of martial
7 law and the duration of his presidential term because of the existing primary sources
8 which are still being used such as books, journals, narratives of victims and the like.
9 The dictatorial regime manipulated the political influence and power it holds in order
10 to justify the illegitimate and immoral acts committed by Marcos Sr. and his cronies
11 such as violence, extrajudicial killing, forced disappearances, and torture.
12 The political power of the former president Ferdinand Marcos Sr. which was
13 gained through his control over the economy, and became a cycle to further gain
14 more influence on both (De Dios, et. al, 2021). It was discovered that there was a
15 culture of cronyism peddled by Marcos Sr., in which he picked cronies made up of his
16 relatives and close friends that assumed government positions and established
17 monopolies that to this day are still influential in the economy (Montesa, 2022).
18 Marcos cronyism shows signs of nepotism, debunking the Executive Order No. 111
19 (1937), in which students failed to recognize as well as the truth behind the power of
20 then President Ferdinand Marcos Sr. which was gained through the use of his control
21 in the economy. Additionally, the discussion of Martial law in history classes and
22 existing documentary films contributed to the increase of the level of knowledge of
23 the respondents. The existence of mass media helped in filling the gaps which
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3
1 educational institutions failed to provide. It allowed more accessibility and
2 information in today’s generation. Since the accessibility of different media sources
3 are continuously growing, disinformation and misinformation is also becoming
4 rampant, along with the existence of different methods of acquiring information that
5 influence the content of knowledge of students about Martial law. Also, the political
6 participation of students needs justification for the information that they use to
7 strengthen political knowledge and contribution.
8 The results imply that although students are knowledgeable of the political
9 impact of martial law, they still lack knowledge on some political events that were
10 mentioned. There had been a generational gap and an educational barrier which
11 according to a media news outlet, affected the knowledge that students have about
12 martial law today, especially the accessibility of books and schools due to the
13 insurgence of the COVID-19 that affected the students and their education. The
14 COVID-19 pandemic highlighted the educational crisis of digital divide, change in
15 pedagogy of teachers, and neoliberalism in education. This affected how they view
16 politics in general due to unfamiliar political concepts. The onset of the COVID-19
17 pandemic had halted at least 425 private schools in the Philippines permanently
18 (Mendoza, 2022). An estimated 214 million total students missed three-quarters to
19 all school time in the first year of the pandemic, with the Philippines’ tally reaching
20 up to 24.9 million students (UNICEF, 2021). The advent of online learning unearthed
21 a significant connection of previously recorded digital divide trends among students
22 in rural and urban Philippine schools and the recent digital divide from emergency
23 remote teaching: students in lower socio-economic classes having struggled more
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3
1 than students in higher socio-economic classes because of inaccessibility to
2 technology (Talandron-Felipe, 2020).
3 Concepts make sense by letting us establish meaning on what might appear
4 meaningless (Heywood, 2013). In the case of politics, it is contested as there are
5 different agreements on its concept. He also concluded that politics is a struggle of
6 legitimate meaning to its terms and concepts, thus, the failure to recognize a
7 definitive understanding about some of these concepts. Moreover, for most people,
8 the internet is their primary source of information (Kleinberg and Lau, 2019). This
9 means that people in the 21st century have the most access to political information
10 and involvement in political activities. Educational institutions should then promote
11 civic education in addition to the curriculum through the internet providing reliable
12 data and evidence to solidify the study’s findings that the reason for this gap is their
13 poor access to historical information and low political awareness and involvement.
14
15 Section 3: Significant Difference on the Level of Knowledge of Tertiary Students
16 on Martial Law’s Impacts
17 Section 3 of this chapter presents the significant difference of the level of
18 knowledge of the respondents on martial law impacts when grouped according to
19 their demographic profile.
20
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1 Table 10: The respondents’ level of knowledge on the Social Impact of Martial law in
2 terms of Year Level
N Mean Sig. Significance Indicator

1st Years 127 3.0000
2nd Years 79 3.0582
Social 3rd Years 52 2.9673 .860 Accept Ho
4th Years 77 3.0169
Total 335 3.0125
3 *p ≥ 0.05 = Accept Ho, p ≤ 0.05 = Reject Ho
4 Table 10 shows the results of the one-way ANOVA (Analysis of Variance)
5 conducted to evaluate the significant difference of respondents’ level of knowledge
6 on the social impact of martial law in terms of Year Level. The data revealed a
7 significance value higher than 0.05 (p = 0.860), indicating that the null hypothesis
8 must be accepted. This implies that there is no statistically significant difference
9 between the respondents’ knowledge on the social impact of martial law when
10 grouped according to their year level. In addition, the mean scores from the table
11 show that the respondents are moderately knowledgeable about martial law’s
12 impacts. The results imply that when it comes to the level of knowledge on martial
13 law’s impacts, it doesn’t necessarily mean that lower years have lesser knowledge
14 than higher years, and vice versa.
15 The respondents are mainly of the age range 18-24 years old, falling under the
16 Generation Z bracket. Generation Z is known to be “digital natives” because of their
17 familiarity with gadgets, technology, and the internet. This generation bracket is
18 quick to access information and research in identifying different concepts. However,
19 as more information websites expand, they are also more vulnerable to
20 disinformation. In determining disinformation, the metrics to measure in spreading
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3
1 them are sources of information, accuracy, precision, intended receiver, and user
2 characteristics (Pazon, 2018). In the social impact of Martial law in the Philippines,
3 since it covers a larger scope, it also impacted a bigger number of people during and
4 after its implementation. Information on human rights violations, rampant
5 corruption, abuse of power by government officials, police, the military, and the like
6 (Francisco, 2017), were published even online. Most of this information can be found
7 through technological means, and the youth have demonstrated an advantage in
8 accessing them, identifying whether they are credible or not due to their familiarity
9 with the niche. Because of the numerous unjust events recorded during Martial law,
10 the youth still find these impacts infuriating, emphasizing the phrase “Never Again,
11 Never Forget” to show the people, regardless of time, that these historical events
12 exist and should not be forgotten (Elemia and Jojo Riñ oza, 2022). The huge amount of
13 lives that were impacted during and after its implementation, with 70,000 individuals
14 have been imprisoned, 34,000 have been tortured, and nearly 3,200 have been killed
15 (Amnesty International, n.d.), concerned a lot of people, criticizing the former
16 administration and even the false narratives that were peddled online. Significant
17 initiatives were done to counter disinformation, diving into the biggest source of
18 information, the internet. It sparked curiosity among Filipinos, especially the youth,
19 to learn more information about the impacts of martial law as shown in the results of
20 this study. One study also found out that regardless of their year level in college, the
21 key factor of students’ online information-searching strategy still dwells more on
22 their curiosity and what interests them (Emiroğ lu and Kurt, 2018).
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3
1 But although the results show that the year level of the respondents has no
2 effect on their knowledge, the older generation has produced contradictory results in
3 other relevant studies. While fake news is prevalent among readers of all ages, older
4 adults are most likely to spread disinformation (Brashier & Schacter, 2020).
5 According to a study that was published in Science Advances, people over the age of
6 65 are more prone to believe and spread false information online, and social media
7 users over the age of 65 posted items from fake news websites seven times more
8 frequently than Gen Z users (Guess et. at., 2019). Members of the older generation
9 have a great deal of influence on the younger members of the generation. Over the
10 years, they tend to carry those principles and weigh them in the context of their
11 interactions with different individuals. Environments in which these opinions,
12 political beliefs, or attitudes are reinforced through repeated interactions in
13 households, have similar tendencies and attitudes (Cinelli et al., 2021). This can
14 create an increasing concern for the discourse in the Philippines regarding Martial
15 law. That is why, even though they are more technologically advanced than the older
16 generation, youths who are not actively involved in societal issues like Martial law
17 are still vulnerable to disinformation on Martial law when it circulates within their
18 environment.
19
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3
1 Table 11: The respondents’ level of knowledge on the Economic Impact of Martial law
2 in terms of Year Level

1st Years 127 2.6110
2nd Years 79 2.7101
Econo
3rd Years 52 2.5404 .288 Accept Ho
mic
4th Years 77 2.7078
Total 335 2.6457
6 on the economic impact of martial law in terms of year level. The data revealed a
9 between the respondents’ knowledge on the economic impact of martial law when
10 grouped according to their year level. The results imply that the year level of the
11 respondents does not affect their mean score indicating a moderate level of
12 knowledge on martial law’s economic impact.
13 The most prominent piece of positive information about martial law covers
14 the infrastructures being built during his regime—the Cultural Center of the
15 Philippines, San Juanico Bridge, Lung Center of the Philippines, Manila Film Center,
16 which buried around 169 workers alive in quick-drying cement while rushing the
17 construction of the infrastructure, and the like. All these power structures indeed
18 established a great tool to improve the economy at the time, which is why a lot of pro-
19 Marcoses pride themselves in emphasizing the “Golden Years” of martial law (De
20 Dios, et al., 2021). Because of these great impacts, people utilize these infrastructures
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3
1 as evidence of Marcos’s legacy up to this day. However, contradictions in the
2 economic narratives are still evident in social media; whether or not the “Golden
3 Years” narrative is true. According to a research conducted by the Marcos Regime
4 Research Group, 72% of favorable assertions that derived from recent events,
5 persons referenced in the media, and information spread via social media did not
6 come from reputable sources. (Berdos, 2020). Because of the people who glorify the
7 administration’s projects, it rippled to the backend of how these projects were made
8 and how some of these infrastructures were extracted even from the below-
9 minimum wage income of Filipino workers. In the current setting, the people are
10 faced with a ₱117B debt, surpassing a total debt stock of ₱13 trillion (Manuel, 2022).
11 In hopes of a sustainable economic action to utilize the debt as a functional
12 mechanism for the country, the liability of the debt will go back to the ones who will
13 pay them—the Filipinos of the current generation to the next ones. With the rising
14 inflation in the country, it will be another weight to carry for the people.
15 The study’s findings confer that students of diverse year levels learning about
16 martial law still need a thorough review of its whole concept. It should be analyzed as
17 a whole and broken down even to its economic impact and not just on its positive
18 aspects because people can be swayed by the numbers, disregarding the latter impact
19 it had caused on other people.
20
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3
1 Table 12: The respondents’ level of knowledge on the Economic Impact of Martial
2 law in terms of Year Level

1st Years 127 2.8598
2nd Years 79 3.0025
Politica
3rd Years 52 2.7981 .345 Accept Ho
l
4th Years 77 2.8221
Total 335 2.8752
6 on the political impact of martial law in terms of year level. The data revealed a
9 between the respondents’ knowledge on the political impact of martial law when
10 grouped according to their year level. The results imply that the year level of the
11 respondents does not affect their mean score indicating their moderate level of
12 knowledge on martial law’s political impact.
13 Since Martial law is deemed more as a political concept and that the former
14 constitution, the roles and the actions of Marcos Sr. as the head of the state were
15 mostly the concepts, this information became known to people because of the impact
16 he had done to the country at the time. It concerned the affairs of the administration,
17 justifying his acts that exploited people’s rights through the suspension of the writ of
18 habeas corpus. Based on the analysis of the legislation and scientific studies, despite
19 the legal realities of martial law being implemented to take measures of
20 counterinsurgency, human rights were also subjected to exclusive legal protection of
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3
1 the few, mainly for high government officials and military only (Panasiuk et. al,
2 2022). Because of Marcos Sr.'s unrivaled political power—claiming positions such as
3 de facto chief executive, chief legislator, and chief commander of the armed forces—
4 its relevance to the current situation made it more appealing for them to investigate
5 what Marcos Sr. did to strengthen the implementation of Martial law while
6 disregarding the welfare of the people. Its impact on the country made people view
7 Marcos as the dictator responsible for all the human rights violations caused during
8 his term.
9 Journalists, public officials, activists, judges, and civilians who opposed him
10 were immediately suspected of insurrection and rebellion and were detained and
11 tortured (Frankel et al.,1983). These instances are still visible in the current political
12 setting in the Philippines; Activists who conduct peaceful rallies are being blocked by
13 police even on permit-free grounds and some rallyists acquire bruises and injuries
14 from those encounters (Luna, 2022); Journalists who tackle abuse of power and
15 corruption among politicians, such as Percy Lapid, are being killed and detained for
16 exposing their criminal acts while in government (Ratcliffe, 2022); and public
17 servants who are in the without a criminal case are being detained for being in the
18 opposition.
19 The results of the study indicate that this piece of history is to be understood
20 that its main objective has gone beyond measures and that they have abused their
21 positions as politicians to gain more power in the state. These pieces of information
22 do not require a certain year level to understand the impact that martial law had
23 caused. It is every citizen’s civic responsibility to learn from the mistakes of their
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3
1 country’s history and learn from it. This is in consonance with a study that found that
2 the willingness of students to learn about historical awareness is driven mainly by
3 their desire to feed their minds and how historical inquiry in themselves allowed
4 them to acquire even the minor historical topics they have never encountered before
5 (Penalba et. al., 2020).
7 terms of Sex
Sex N Mean t Sig. Significance

(2-tailed) Indicator
10 3.003 -.1 .865 Accept Ho
Male
3 9 70
Social
Fema 23 3.016
le 2 4
9 Table 13 shows the results of the Independent samples t-test conducted to
10 evaluate the significant difference of respondents’ level of knowledge on martial law
11 in terms of Sex. The data shows that all of the dependent variables obtained a
12 significance value higher than 0.05 (p = 0.865) for Social Impact. This implies that
13 there is no statistically significant difference between male and female tertiary
14 Marian Students’ level of knowledge on martial law’s Social Impact (Male, M=3.0039,
15 Female, M=3.0164,) indicating to accept the null hypothesis. This study revealed that
16 male respondents gained higher mean value than women which is consonance with
17 the study findings of Halpern, & LaMay (2000) where men are smarter than women
18 in some aspects.
19 Women were oppressed during martial law as they were subjected to
20 exploitation and discrimination (Friesen, 2018). The present challenges in a
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3
1 developing nation like the Philippines include exacerbated for females. They are
2 unable to use this privilege of access to information as frequently, easily, or with the
3 same degree of success as males (Nueman, 2022). This might be a factor why men
4 obtained higher mean values than women.
5 The social impacts of Martial law had damaged the Philippines' economy,
6 education, healthcare system, media and entertainment sector, and many other areas
7 as it was completely monopolized by Ferdinand Marcos under his dictatorial regime.
8 Thousands of innocent people who were classified as subversives died as a result of
9 his reign. The past events devastated the whole Filipino population. (Ambion, n.d.)
10 Among the victims of Martial law is Neri Javier Colmenares who was arrested in 1983
11 when he was 18 years old by members of the Philippine Constabulary in 1983. He
12 was considered one of the youngest political prisoners at the time, having suffered
13 mental and physical torture (Torres, 2022).
14 The disruption of academic freedom had been rampant during martial law and
15 still felt up until today. Thus, gender does not affect the level of knowledge of the
16 respondents as they both have the access to information in different platforms such
17 as echo chambers, filter bubbles and through their family and learning from school.
18 Today, more student activists are still fighting for their rights and continue the fight
19 of the predecessors. This implies that the youth need not personally witness Martial
20 Law abuses in order to comprehend them. Students claim to be able to study and
21 conduct research on one of the worst eras in Philippine history.
22
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3
2 law in terms of Sex

10 2.667 .43 .665 Accept Ho
Male
Econo 3 0 3
mic Fema 23 2.636
le 2 2
4 Table 14 shows the results of the Independent samples t-test conducted to evaluate
5 the significant difference of respondents’ level of knowledge on martial law in terms
6 of Sex. The data shows that all of the dependent variables obtained a significance
7 value higher than 0.05 (p > 0.05); .665 for Economic Impact. This implies that there is
8 no statistically significant difference between male and female students’ level of
9 knowledge on martial law’s Economic Impact Economic Impact (Male, M=2.6670,
10 Female, M=2.6362,) when grouped according to their sex, indicating to accept the
11 null hypothesis.
12 As Marcos was the only post-war leader to explicitly make steps to build a
13 significant correlation between educational and economic advancement throughout
14 his two decades in power. He declared in 1972 through his "New Society" initiative
15 that "education must be transformed so that it can become an instrument for the
16 economic and social transformation of the country". It was also the first time that a
17 long-term 10 year strategy was implemented for the educational system. However,
18 this resulted in education serving the one expanding area of the economy, the export
19 of employees, since schools were designated as the "vital agency in achieving the
20 desired reform in the New Society." (Maca, M. & Mooris, P., 2012). Furthermore, the
21 nation has graduate unemployment and a labor-skills gap. The elimination of the
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3
1 National College Entrance Examination (NCEE), which resulted in uncontrolled entry
2 into tertiary education, is to point out. (Esplanada, 2007).
3 The results are in consonance with the study demonstrating large samples
4 which show no substantial differences between men and women in the two basic
5 general cognitive capacities, fluid and crystallized intelligence (Lyn & Meseinberg,
6 2016). Access to knowledge is a fundamental and universal right that is required for
7 economic empowerment and the fulfillment of other rights (Neuman, 2016). This
8 implies that sex of the respondents does not affect their level of knowledge on martial
9 law’s economic impact.
10
11 Table 15: The respondents’ level of knowledge on the Political Impact of Martial law
12 in terms of Sex

10 2.914 .64 .519 Accept Ho
Male
Politica 3 6 5
l Fema 23 2.857
le 2 8
14 Table 15 shows the results of the Independent samples t-test conducted to
15 evaluate the significant difference of respondents’ level of knowledge on martial law
16 in terms of Sex. The data shows that all of the dependent variables obtained a
17 significance value higher than 0.05 (p > 0.05); .519 for Political Impact. This implies
18 that there is no statistically significant difference between male and female tertiary
19 Marian Students’ level of knowledge on martial law’s Political Impact (male, M=2.913,
20 Female, M=2.8578,) when grouped according to their sex, indicating to accept the
21 null hypothesis.
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3
1 During Martial law era, the patriarchy dominated the country most especially
2 in the position in the government from lowest to highest position, the late dictator
3 Marcos Sr. is an example case wherein men have more access to political knowledge,
4 engagements and activities rather than women. It is not surprising therefore how
5 respondents still feel its impact today because men are still dominating the world of
6 politics. This is in consonance with the study of Ihme & Tausendpfund (2017) which
7 showed a higher mean score on men than women in terms of their political
8 knowledge on history. In contrast to another study where the most important
9 decisions are made and attitudes are defined, Filipino women continue to be grossly
10 underrepresented in the highest posts in both governments. (David, C. et. al., 2017)
11 The post-Martial Law era made politics smoother for Filipino women who saw
12 the chance to take a more active role in decision-making. This might be a factor why
13 female respondents are moderately knowledgeable in martial law’s political impacts
14 because there are women politicians who take space in politics and leadership such
15 as Cory Aquino, Miriam Defensor Santiago, Leni Robredo, Leila Delima, Risa
16 Hontiveros (Tapales, n.d.). As a developing nation such as the Philippines, the success of
17 government is largely dependent on the performance of political institutions. Effective
18 governance requires measures to avoid barriers, promote consensus, enhance
19 accountability, and promote unified, consistent and disciplined self-controlled political
20 parties. Political institutional transformation cannot be assumed, it must be a part of an
21 in-depth governmental reform.
22
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3
2 terms of School
N Mean Sig. Significance

Indicator
STEH 57 3.2193 .050 Accept Ho
SHANS 113 2.9646
SAB 79 2.9557
Social
86
SEAIT
2.9907
Total 335 3.0125
4
7 on the social impact of martial law in terms of school. The data revealed a
10 between the respondents’ knowledge on the social impact of martial law when
11 grouped according to their school. The results imply that the year level of the
13 knowledge on martial law’s social impact.
14 The respondents, regardless of their school, are knowledgeable about martial
15 law, indicating that history should always be remembered by all citizens of a country.
16 However, the history of Martial law that some people grew up with keeps repeating
17 in a cycle despite the changes in their political landscape. While it is true that the
18 system must be held accountable for the welfare of the nation and its citizens, people
19 must also be skeptical of historical revisionists' attempts to romanticize the 'golden
20 years' story of Marcos. But to understand this phenomenon in the eyes of the people,
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3
1 it is also important to note that the imbalances in the impacts of martial law on
2 people were due to the intensifying gap between the rich and the poor. Those who
3 find martial law abusive to the people are mostly in the labor/workers sector, and
4 those who find those years golden are the ones who benefited from the regime, those
5 high-ranking officials, or those who have not read enough information about Martial
6 law (Bautista, et al, 2021). These were opposing narratives that led to misinformation
7 about the effects of martial law, sparking an ongoing discussion among people that
8 jeopardized their faith in democracy as a whole. Because of the disparity in the
9 narratives put forth by these two sides, it is indicative that students from the
10 different schools are still vulnerable to being disinformed about martial law.
11 In the Philippine landscape, Filipinos have a nostalgia over tangible
12 infrastructures from the administration. They exalt the leader in charge the more
13 they see the projects. Youths who call out these politicians are often viewed as
14 “ungrateful” to the government (Musico, 2022). Progressive students who see
15 through these tactics and speak up on social realities, do outreach programs, and
16 initiate volunteer work in the community experience red tagging and intimidation—
17 viewing them as members of communist-terrorist groups recruiting for new
18 members. Those who are aware of their own rights and participate in social
19 movements continue to face the fear of being falsely accused by others and by the
20 government. A study about the indirect threat of disinformation to democracy found
21 that the more people are aware of disinformation, the more they see the truth, and
22 the more aware they become of how the government needs work (Mortenson, 2021).
23
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3
2 law in terms of School

Indicator
STEH 57 2.7649
SHANS 113 2.5920
Econo
SAB 79 2.6481 .364 Accept Ho
mic
SEAIT 86 2.6349
Total 335 2.6457
4
7 on the economic impact of martial law in terms of school. The data revealed a
10 between the respondents’ knowledge on the economic impact of martial law when
13 knowledge on martial law’s economic impact.
14 The results of the study indicate that information about martial law
15 concerning infrastructures is familiar to them, however, they still need further
16 analysis on its effects on the economy of the Philippines. With SAB having the closest
17 school to tackle these impacts on the economic aspect, the data shows otherwise.
18 This implies that if there is a desire to see growth and stability when it comes to
19 accountancy professions in political discussions, institutions need to continue to
20 make the argument that strengthens their curiosity about the economic and political
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3
1 development of their country (Soll, 2018). On the other hand, STEH obtained the
2 highest mean, indicating that they are the most knowledgeable among the schools
3 when it comes to economic impacts.
4 One of the conjectures of some is that the impact of active military actions on
5 the stability of the economic environment could have preserved a potential to make
6 the country a leading economic state at the time, but because of mismanagement of
7 funds and increasing debt, the administration’s success did not last too long and that
8 the debts are still being paid by the Filipinos today. The economic performance of the
9 admin should be measured by its sustainability of growth and its benefit to the
10 people instead of relying on numbers and fad ranks that will only decline after a few
11 years (Diola, n.d.). The results reveal that STEH students are knowledgeable on these
12 aspects even if there are no actual numbers of GDP involved, indicating that they are
13 familiar with the simple concept of the economic impacts of martial law.
14
15
16 Table 18: The respondents’ level of knowledge on the Political Impact of Martial law
17 in terms of School

Indicator
STEH 57 3.1053
SHANS 113 2.7690
Econo
SAB 79 2.7797 .018 Accept Ho
mic
SEAIT 86 2.9500
Total 335 3.1053
19
22 on the social impact of martial law in terms of school. The data revealed a
4
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3
1 significance value lower than 0.05 (p = 0.018), indicating that the null hypothesis
2 must be rejected. This implies that there is a statistically significant difference
3 between the respondents’ knowledge on the political impact of martial law when
5 respondents affects their mean score indicating a moderate level of knowledge on
6 martial law’s social impact.
7 The results imply that when it comes to their knowledge on martial law’s
8 political impacts, the school they are enrolled in has something to do with how they
9 grasp knowledge on the political aspect of martial law. The School of Teacher
10 Education and Humanities houses all Bachelor of Arts degrees that emphasize critical
11 thinking, communication, and holistic learning. In contrast, the programs offered in
12 other schools are Bachelor of Science programs, which focuses on logic, reasoning,
13 and quantitative skills (Coursera, 2022). This may be one of the main reasons why
14 STEH also obtained the highest mean score in all dependent variables. The same goes
15 when Gunes (2011) evaluated the association between high school type and
16 proficiency using students' placement test results and discovered that when it comes
17 to school type, it was revealed that there is a significant difference in all survey
18 domains for the schools' grouping categories.
19 The political impacts mentioned in the instrument are pieces of information
20 concerning the structure of the government, the constitution, the powers of the
21 executive military operations of martial law, etc. Education in the Philippines took a
22 neoliberal stance and its essence has seeped into the national curriculum, promoting
23 profit rather than praxis (Toquero et al., 2021). In light of neoliberalism in Philippine
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3
1 education, when emergencies suddenly arise, the oppressors that set the status quo
2 remain safe, while those who are unsafe are predisposed to feel digital divide effects
3 at a more disproportionate scale. Evidence of reliance on a top-down, oppressor-
4 approved approach of policies the Philippine education curriculum rigidly obeyed
5 since the past until the present. There is no trust in the learner body at all, despite
6 facts telling curriculum workers to trust them more. This phenomena should be aided
7 with the actions of increasing the freedom of students in generating new knowledge
8 and eliminating deficit or limiting barriers of learning process, providing a conducive
9 space for progressive community and safe space for critical thinkers.
10
11 Table 19: Generated multiple comparisons from Post-Hoc test on the significant
12 difference of the level of knowledge of the respondents on Martial Law’s political impact
13 when grouped according to their school.
14
Multiple Comparisons
Dependent Variable: Political
Tukey HSD
(I) School (J) Mean Sig. Significanc
School Difference (I- e Indicator
J)
SHANS .33624* .026 Reject Ho
STEH SAB .32552 .055 Reject Ho
SEAIT .15526 .604 Accept Ho
*The mean difference is significant at the 0.05 level.
15 Table 19 shows the results of the Post-Hoc Test conducted to generate
16 multiple comparisons between the significant difference on the respondents’ level of
17 knowledge on martial law’s political impact when grouped according to their school.
18 The data shows that within the four schools, STEH (p = 0.026) have significant
4
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3
1 differences in their knowledge on Martial law’s political impact. This indicates to
2 reject the null hypothesis.
3 The result revealed that respondents from STEH are moderately
4 knowledgeable on martial law’s political impact. The School of Teacher Education
5 and Humanities offered courses such as Education, Philosophy, Public
6 Administration, Psychology, Social Work, Journalism and Political Science in which
7 most of the subjects are focused on liberal arts, history, world and local societal
8 affairs, politics, governance, and etc that employ analytical, critical, or speculative
9 approaches. Another factor that affect the respondents level on knowledge on martial
10 law’s political impact is that students from STEH are socially aware and involved on
11 the political issues not only in the University during election of Marian leaders but
12 also during the national elections as students were participated during the Mock
13 Elections called “Marian Pulso” for national leaders last 2022.
14 In relation to this, there were student leaders taking courses under STEH.
15 During Martial law era, a student activist major in Communication at Pamantasan ng
16 Lungsod ng Maynila named Liliosa Hilao who penned many writings for the PLM
17 school newspaper "Hasik," in which she attacked the Marcos Sr’s administration
18 (Ambion, n.d.). The swiftness by the Martial Law had greatly affected the Educational
19 System in the Philippines. The results of this lack of preparation were evident in the
20 schools. Universities were shut down until the end of 1972 before being reopened
21 under strict military oversight. Education authorities made sure that popular
22 political groups and activities were outlawed on college campuses (Abinales, 2008).
23 At the University of the Philippines, the student newspaper, the Philippine Collegian,
24 stated that up to 3, 000 students did not come to school when classes resumed. Those
4
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3
1 who did were given arrest threats and had their classrooms watched. Many people
2 who were connected to the student "Left" were quickly arrested and sent to the
3 major detention facilities.
4 Another case where former and current student leaders at SMU are from STEH
5 in which they have a sense of strong leadership to serve the Marian community. It is
6 not an uncommon phenomenon how respondents from STEH feel about the political
7 impact of martial law because they are more aware and engaged in political and
8 societal issues in the country. Students who take the teacher education and
9 humanities pathway acquire strong communication and analytical abilities as well as
10 cultural variances because they tend to study philosophy, languages, and literature,
11 and concentrate on topics like economics, psychology, and history (Epps, 2023). They
12 learn more about the depth of history and the detailed events during the martial law
13 era due to their curriculum. The effects of the Education System can be seen up until
14 today as students are branded as communist rebels who go against the
15 administration.
16
(I) School (J) School Mean Sig. Significa

Difference (I- nce
J) Indicator
SAB -.01072 1.000 Accept Ho
SHANS
SEAIT -.18097 .315 Accept Ho
20 *. The mean difference is significant at the 0.05 level.
21
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3
1 The data shows that within the four schools, SHANS (p = 0.026) have
2 significant differences in their knowledge on Martial law’s political impact. This
3 implies rejecting the null hypothesis.
4 SHANS is known to be a school of medicine which offered courses like Medical
5 Laboratory Science, Biology, Pharmacy, Chemistry and Nursing which subjects are
6 focused on medical terms, biochemistry, anatomy, physiology and the like (SMU
7 Official Site, 2021) yet the results revealed that the respondents are moderately
8 knowledgeable about martial law’s political impacts. As medical students, the
9 respondents are taught about history, social issues such as poor and inaccessible
10 healthcare in the country that employs logical and critical thinking. These issues are
11 still visible even after the Martial law era has passed as the majority of the Filipino
12 people today doesn’t have equal access to healthcare, and healthcare employees in
13 the Philippines are often understaffed, underpaid, and overworked. (Treston, 2021).
14 Looking back to Martial law era, the Philippines faced major healthcare issues
15 that impacted mainly the worker sector. It was a luxury for ordinary Filipinos to
16 access healthcare back then, which resulted in numbers of deaths and serious
17 diseases. (Martial Law Museum, n.d.). The implication of the results of this study is
18 relevant to the healthcare landscape of the people before, taking a toll even to the
19 medical students. Because of the impacts of Martial law in the healthcare sector,
20 students find this information useful to their future professions, sparking curiosity to
21 the forecast of the healthcare sector at the time.
22 In addition, it was shown that medical students' knowledge of general history
23 varied significantly statistically (Sanky,2022). It went on to say that students are not
24 only entering medical school with little prior knowledge, but they are also not picking
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3
1 up any fresh historical knowledge during their medical studies. The respondents
2 resonated well with this information because Marcos and his network of allies indeed
3 engaged in abusive behavior which left a wound on the country and is felt most
4 keenly by the marginalized Filipino people. Student activists rallied and came
5 together to fight and stand up against Marcos and his cronies despite the courses
6 they took because they are all affected by the sudden implementation of Martial law
7 that caused damage in Educational institutions all over the country. They were
8 oppressed, exploited and disrupted in their academic freedom.
(I) School (J) School Mean Sig. Significance

Difference (I-J) Indicator
SHANS SEAIT -.17025 .447 Accept Ho
13 *. The mean difference is significant at the 0.05 level.
14
15 The data shows that within the four schools, SAB and SEAIT (p =.447) have no
16 statistically significant differences in the respondents’ level of knowledge on Martial
17 law’s political impact when grouped according to their school. This implies that the
18 researchers accept the null hypothesis. The results revealed that school is one factor
19 in their level of knowledge on martial law’s political impact. Hence, the findings
20 suggest that respondents' level of knowledge on martial law in terms of political
21 impacts may vary depending on the school they attend.
22 For SAB, courses such as Accountancy, Marketing, Tourism, and Hospitality
23 Management offered subjects that focused more on finance, taxation, tourism, and
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3
1 economics, which may be a factor why respondents from SAB achieved a low mean
2 score in all dependent variables.
3 Tracing back to the history during the martial law Era, the country’s economy
4 has been crumpled down and its lasting repercussions on the nation may still be felt
5 today, several decades later. ( Blas et. al., 2021) The data reveals that SAB are well
6 knowledgeable of the economic impact of martial law rather than its political impact.
7 The fact that their interests and what they studied are mostly about economy,
8 business, taxation, entreprenuerial and other subjects aligned on Accountancy and
9 Business. . In 1972, Marcos sought to duplicate the East Asian economic miracle by
10 transitioning from import substitution to export-led manufacturing. (Litonjua,
11 1994:19). However, the global economy was already in a recession, and the country
12 was entirely unprepared for a competitive worldwide market. (McCoy, 1983). Under
13 martial law, the country's development strategies remained jumbled, as "there was
14 continued promotion of exports, but at the same time continued protection of import
15 substitution firms'' (De Dios & Hutchcroft, 2003), the majority of which were owned
16 or controlled by Marcos and his wife's cronies and relatives
17 On the other hand, the school of SEAIT offered courses such as Architecture,
18 Engineering, and Information Technology, which mainly focused on architectural
19 design, communication engineering, software, and the like, which might be a factor
20 why the respondents are not interested and aware of martial law’s political impacts.
21 That is why, depending on the school they attend, it is likely that it influences their
22 knowledge on martial law.
23
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3
1 CHAPTER 4
2 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
3 This chapter includes the conclusions and recommendations of the study. It
4 investigated the level of knowledge of tertiary students of Saint Mary’s University on
5 martial law in terms of their social, economic, and political impacts and compared
6 them to their demographic profile.
8 Conclusions
9 The study was conducted to determine the level of knowledge of tertiary
10 students from Saint Mary’s University on martial law in terms of social, economic,
11 and political impacts, on which the findings are as follows:
12 1. There were 355 respondents randomly selected from the different schools of
13 Saint Mary’s University. Most of the respondents are 1st years, obtaining more
14 than one-third of the total respondents. With SHANS being the school with the
15 highest population, it also obtained the highest number of respondents. In
16 terms of sex, the respondents are mostly female, acquiring more than half of
17 the total population.
18 2. Based on the data gathered, the respondents are moderately knowledgeable
19 on martial law in terms of social impact, economic impact, and political
20 impact.
21 3. There is no significant difference in the level of knowledge of the respondents
22 on martial law’s impacts when grouped according to their year level and sex.
4
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2 73
3
1 However, there is a significant difference in the level of knowledge of the
2 respondents on martial law’s impacts when grouped according to their school.
4 Recommendations
5 The following recommendations are made based on the findings of the study:
6 1. The researchers recommend the results to Lingkod Maria for curriculum
7 development that provides valuable knowledge for lectures on the students of
8 the university. They also recommend monthly or quarterly seminars/forums
9 inviting notable speakers to discuss martial law and fight disinformation.
10 2. The researchers suggest collaborating with other departments or
11 organizations to promote awareness and understanding of martial law. This
12 may include partnering with history or political science departments,
13 organizing public lectures or forums hosted by people who have an extensive
14 expertise on the subject of martial law or the nuances of it that the students
15 may be lacking a comprehensive understanding of.
16 3. The researchers also recommend an independent fact-checking arm
17 administered by the university which could tackle the misconceptions of
18 martial law, and this arm could extend further to fact-checking
19 misconceptions brought about by relevant current events.
20 4. A section in the library containing “archive” of martial law, journals from the
21 happenings in the past, interviews, and video documentaries.
4
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3
1 5. A section in the school publication containing social, economic, and political
2 information about Philippine history.
3 6. Further the researchers determine the differences in the students’ knowledge
4 of martial law, their source of information, and their means of accessing
5 information since there is a pattern from the findings obtained and numerous
6 literature reviews where there is still a gap on how people gather information
7 about martial law.
8 7. The results and findings of this research can be a guide for future researchers
9 who want to further study martial law’s impact within the country.
10
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3
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33 University.
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35

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1 1

3 Martial law remains to be an unending debate between and among individuals,

16 to the distress brought by martial law.

18 existing generations’ breakthroughs and eventually create a better future. Their

2 at a reasonable criticism of it.

18 their analysis of their information acquisition based on the available resources

2 criticism and intervention to it.

5 it was never fully established brought by compounding interests in its definition.

18 habeas corpus suspended. (Reyes & Jose, 2013).

1 directed to the judicially-charged rebels, but during its implementation, it affected

2 thousands of people, including innocent lives.

3 In various state democracies, existing historical memories of previous

4 dictatorial and authoritarian regimes are vulnerable to contestation and debates

6 perceptions on specific events must be assessed in different scopes in order to fully

8 community. In the Philippines, one of the most contested phenomena in history is

9 Ferdinand Marcos Sr.’s declaration of martial law as it left a significant impact on

18 As always, in all political issues, people’s perception varies in a wide scope.

20 reeking of false information, propaganda, claims, and counterclaims, that redirecting

1 Political situations in the Philippines perpetuated the fires of passionate partisanship

4 necessary to establish a level of analysis in the spheres to which it permeated and it

8 of social structure and the alignment of concrete relationships among individuals

11 social movements during the Marcos regime.

12 A dangerous social order existed in the Philippines due to insurgency and

20 information, making it difficult for activists to disseminate information about their

5 These social movements were known to be critical of social issues as theyfought

12 student and intellectual mass movements (Lim, 2011).

17 ultimately devolve into an archipelagic political state with dysfunctional politics.

19 crumble because martial law would be enacted, elevating Marcos to a position of

2 As the social sphere continues to cause a contradiction, so does politics since

5 including consolidation of power by the government, the weaponization of the

6 judiciary, a polarization of public perception, the restriction on individual rights, and

7 the unprecedented growth of then president Marcos Sr. 's power.

9 among these institutions especially on the emergence of a crucial argument at the

20 unequal and exploitative working conditions.

21 The amalgamated political power possessed by Marcos had the objective of

6 controlled, Filipinos had to be disciplined enough to avoid unnecessary imprisonment

9 period of time (Jamolin, et al., 2020).

15 the continued delay in cases (Nawawi, 1980).

16 It was then a period of expectation and challenges after the declaration of

23 and were political prisoners (Frankel et al. ,1983).

5 prevent or end arbitrary violence, invasion, insurrection, or rebellion. Truth be told,

8 fingernails are being pulled with pliers.

12 social sphere individually intensifies their internal contradictions, the economic

17 Marcos exerted an intensive monopolistic approach to political and economic

3 economic recession since World War II (De Dios, et al., 2021).

4 GO No. 68 of 17 November 1980 of the Amnesty International Report during

8 to gain more economic resources and maintain such a parasitic cycle.

9 The economic accomplishments of Marcos during his presidency and martial

16 mask, leaving major projects unfunded in midstream. These developments further

17 induced an outflow of capital. Marcos' hold on political power weakened and

18 eventually led to his fall (Sicat, 2011).

2 impoverished people found encouragement by joining the insurgents (Aguilar, n.d.).

6 Authority, the number of squatters residing in Metro Manila including a number of

9 welfare, and crime issues.

11 overlooked — it represents an intensive objective to implement a value system which

19 the role of executing at a higher level of achievement in bringing up the nation’s

21 also would be unfair if it is disregarded to acknowledge as well the turbulent history