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Basic Arrhythmias 7th Edition Walraven Test Bank
Basic Arrhythmias 7th Edition Walraven Test Bank
Test Bank
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Basic Arrhythmias 7th Edition Walraven Test Bank
Exam
Name___________________________________
MULTIPLE CHOICE. Choose the one alternative that best completes the statement or answers the question.
3) The built-in rate of each of the three major areas of the conduction system is referred to as the 3)
________ rate.
A) fast B) inherent C) escape D) heart
Answer: B
Explanation: A)
B)
C)
D)
4) What is the term for the fail-safe mechanism that allows a lower pacemaker to take over when a 4)
higher site fails?
A) AV conduction B) polarization C) escape D) irritability
Answer: C
Explanation: A)
B)
C)
D)
5) Which of the following is NOT a part of the normal cardiac conduction system? 5)
A) AV node B) internodal pathways
C) Purkinje Fibers D) coronary sinus
Answer: D
Explanation: A)
B)
C)
D)
7) Which of the following does NOT happen when the sympathetic branch is stimulated? 7)
A) Ventricular conduction slows down. B) The heart becomes more irritable.
C) Impulses go faster through the AV node. D) Heart rate increases.
Answer: A
Explanation: A)
B)
C)
D)
9) When stimulated, the ________ branch of the nervous system will increase heart rate, AV 9)
conduction, and irritability.
A) inherent B) pacemaker
C) parasympathetic D) sympathetic
Answer: D
Explanation: A)
B)
C)
D)
10) What term is used to refer to the process of electrical discharge and the flow of electrical activity? 10)
A) polarization B) repolarization C) depolarization D) polarized
Answer: C
Explanation: A)
B)
C)
D)
11) After leaving the area of the AV node, impulses go through the ________ to reach the right and left 11)
bundle branches.
A) Bundle of His B) Purkinje fibers C) AV junction D) SA node
Answer: A
Explanation: A)
B)
C)
D)
2
12) Which of the following best explains the mechanism called irritability? 12)
A) A lower pacemaker site speeds up to take control of the heart.
B) The normal pacemaker changes its inherent rate.
C) The ventricles repolarize before they are ready.
D) The normal pacemaker slows down and gives up control.
Answer: A
Explanation: A)
B)
C)
D)
13) If polarizing is considered the ready state, then ________ would be considered the recovery state. 13)
A) depolarization B) discharge C) repolarization D) polarization
Answer: C
Explanation: A)
B)
C)
D)
15) Which cardiac cells are responsible for initiating and conducting pacemaker impulses? 15)
A) mechanical cells B) electrical cells
C) atrioventricular cells D) motor cells
Answer: B
Explanation: A)
B)
C)
D)
3
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ultimately turned the tide in his favour; and, in April, 1752, steps were
taken to erect for him one of the largest chapels in the city. For a time,
this was supplied by him, and Cudworth, and Robinson, afterwards the
noted Socinian minister at Cambridge.
Space forbids our following the history of James Wheatley further;
except to say, that, in 1754, he again disgraced himself; and the judge of
the ecclesiastical court at Norwich, before whom his case was tried, on
February 4, 1756, declared him to be “a lewd, debauched, incontinent,
and adulterous person; and stated, he had committed the crimes of
adultery, fornication, and incontinence, to the great scandal of good men,
and the pernicious example of others; and, that he (the judge) decreed,
that the said Wheatley be enjoined a public penance, to be performed in a
linen cloth, with a paper pinned to his breast, denoting his crime; and,
that he further pay the costs of his prosecution.”[153]
For a time, poor Wheatley was obliged to leave the kingdom. He then
returned to Norwich, and preached to his “dear lambs” for several years,
after which he lost his voice, and went to Bristol, where he was suddenly
seized, in a barber’s shop, with a violent fit of coughing, and expired.
John Pawson, who knew him, and from whose manuscript letters this is
taken, adds: “He was one of the greatest mysteries that ever bore human
shape. Such a degree of hypocrisy hardly ever lodged in a human heart
before.”
The detected immorality of James Wheatley, and his accusation of
other preachers, led Wesley and his brother to determine upon instituting
a more strict inquiry into the life, and behaviour of the preachers in
connection with them.
It was now twelve years since Methodism was fairly founded. During
that period, eighty-five itinerants had, more or less, preached and acted
under Wesley’s guidance. Of these, one (Wheatley) had been expelled;
six, Thomas Beard, Enoch Williams, Samuel Hitchens, Thomas
Hitchens, John Jane, and Henry Millard, had died in their Master’s work;
ten, for various reasons, had retired; and sixty-eight were still employed,
namely:—
Cornlieus Bastable
William Biggs
John Bennet
Benjamin Beanland
William Crouch
Jonathan Catlow
Alexander Coates
Joseph Cownley
William Darney
John Downes
Edward Dunstan
John Edwards
John Fisher
William Fugill
Nicholas Gilbert
Paul Greenwood
John Haughton
Thomas Hardwick
William Holmes
John Haime
William Hitchens
Christopher Hopper
Herbert Jenkins
Joseph Jones
Samuel Jones
John Jones
Thomas Kead
Samuel Larwood
Henry Lloyd
Thomas Lee
Thomas Maxfield
John Maddern
Richard Moss
James Morris
Jonathan Maskew
John Morley
Samuel Megget
Thomas Mitchell
James Morgan
James Massiott
John Nelson
James Oddie
William Prior
John Pearce
Edward Perronet
Charles Perronet
Jacob Rowell
Thomas Richards
Jonathan Reeves
William Roberts
William Shent
Charles Skelton
Robert Swindells
Thomas Seacombe
John Trembath
David Tratham
Joseph Tucker
William Tucker
John Turner
Thomas Tobias
Thomas Westall
Thomas Walsh
Thomas Williams
Francis Walker
Eleazer Webster
John Whitford
Richd. Williamson
James Wild
Of this number, two were expelled, viz. Thomas Williams in 1755, and
William Fugill in 1768; and forty-one left the itinerancy; thus leaving
only twenty-five of the sixty-eight preachers employed in 1751, who
died in the itinerant work. Several of those who left became clergymen
of the Church of England, some Dissenting ministers, and some, on
account of failing health or for domestic reasons, entered into business,
but lived and died as local preachers. There is, however, another fact too
notable to be omitted, namely, that, of the forty-one preachers who
relinquished the itinerancy, six resigned in 1751, six in 1752, and twelve
within four years after that.[154] This was a serious sifting; but the
searching examinations of 1751, and the sacramental disturbances of the
next five years, account for it.
As already stated, the case of James Wheatley led the Wesleys to
resolve upon a thorough inquiry into the character and creed of all their
preachers. The office fell upon Charles; and, for that purpose, he started
for Leeds on June 28. He preached and visited all the societies on the
way. At Worcester, the mob, with faces blacked, some without shirts, and
all in rags, began to curse and swear, and sing lewd songs, and throw
dust and dirt over both the preacher and his congregation, till they were
covered from head to foot, and almost blinded.
The conference, for inquiry, was opened at Leeds, on September 11. It
consisted of about a dozen preachers and three clergymen, and was
begun by singing a hymn, which Charles Wesley seems to have
composed for the occasion, and a few stanzas of which are here
subjoined.
Twelve verses of this searching hymn were sung; its author, the
president, prayed; and then stated his views, freely and fully, concerning
the qualifications, work, and trials of Methodist preachers. No immediate
action was taken, except that poor William Darney, who had just
published his “Collection of Hymns, in four parts,” was refused
admittance, and was told, that unless he abstained, in future, “from
railing, begging, and printing nonsense,” he should be expelled. The
conference lasted but a day, and seems to have passed but one resolution.
“We agreed,” writes Charles Wesley, “to postpone opinions till the next
general conference, and parted friends.”[155]
Charles Wesley, however, accomplished the work assigned him by his
brother, more by private inquiry than by public conference. Robert
Swindells he found inclined to Calvinism, but teachable; David Tratham
was a confirmed predestinarian;[156] and John Bennet’s theological
principles were doubted.
Wesley’s suspicions and anxieties were, at this period, quite equal to
his brother’s. He had heard that Charles Skelton, and J. C. (?Joseph
Cownley) “frequently and bitterly railed against the Church”; he
declared, that “idleness had eaten out the heart of half their preachers,
particularly those in Ireland”; and he requested his brother to give them
their choice, “Either follow your trade, or resolve, before God, to spend
the same hours in reading, etc., which you used to spend in working.” He
counselled, that the young preachers should not be checked without
strong necessity; and said, that, in the process of sifting, he should prefer
grace before gifts. They must deal, not only with disorderly walkers, but
with triflers, the effeminate, and busybodies. In a letter to a friend, dated
August 21, he wrote: “I see plainly the spirit of Ham, if not of Corah, has
fully possessed several of our preachers. So much the more freely and
firmly do I acquiesce in the determination of my brother, ‘that it is far
better for us to have ten, or six preachers, who are alive to God, sound in
the faith, and of one heart with us and with one another, than fifty of
whom we have no such assurance.’”
Towards the end of the year, Wesley and his brother conferred with
their confidential adviser, the Rev. Vincent Perronet, and then drew up
and signed the following agreement.
“With regard to the preachers, we agree—
“1. That none shall be permitted to preach in any of our
societies, till he be examined, both as to grace and gifts; at
least, by the assistant, who, sending word to us, may, by our
answer, admit him a local preacher.
“2. That such preacher be not immediately taken from his
trade, but be exhorted to follow it with all diligence.
“3. That no person shall be received as a travelling
preacher, or be taken from his trade, by either of us alone, but
by both of us conjointly, giving him a note under both our
hands.
“4. That neither of us will re-admit a travelling preacher
laid aside, without the consent of the other.
“5. That, if we should ever disagree in our judgment, we
will refer the matter to Mr. Perronet.
“6. That we will entirely be patterns of all we expect from
every preacher; particularly of zeal, diligence, and punctuality
in the work; by constantly preaching and meeting the society;
by visiting yearly Ireland, Cornwall, and the north; and, in
general, by superintending the whole work, and every branch
of it, with all the strength that God shall give us. We agree to
the above written, till this day next year, in the presence of
Mr. Perronet.
“J W ,
C W .”[157]
It has been already stated, that Whitefield embarked for America in the
month of August. Before sailing, he penned a letter, an extract from
which will be read with some surprise.
“B , March 22, 1751.
“R S ,—Thanks be to God, that
the time for favouring the colony of Georgia seems to be
come. Now is the season for us to exert our utmost for the
good of the poor Ethiopians. We are told, that even they are
soon to stretch out their hands to God; and who knows but
their being settled in Georgia may be overruled for this great
end? As for the lawfulness of keeping slaves, I have no doubt,
since I hear of some that were bought with Abraham’s money,
and some that were born in his house. I also cannot help
thinking, that some of those servants mentioned by the
apostles in their epistles were, or had been, slaves. It is plain,
that the Gibeonites were doomed to perpetual slavery; and,
though liberty is a sweet thing to such as are born free, yet to
those who never knew the sweets of it, slavery perhaps may
not be so irksome. However this be, it is plain, to a
demonstration, that hot countries cannot be cultivated without
negroes. What a flourishing country might Georgia have been,
had the use of them been permitted years ago! How many
white people have been destroyed for want of them, and how
many thousands of pounds spent to no purpose at all? Though
it is true, that they are brought in a wrong way, from their own
country, and it is a trade not to be approved of, yet as it will
be carried on whether we will or not, I should think myself
highly favoured if I could purchase a good number of them, in
order to make their lives comfortable, and lay a foundation for
breeding up their posterity in the nurture and admonition of
the Lord. I had no hand in bringing them into Georgia, though
my judgment was for it, and I was strongly importuned
thereto; yet, I would not have a negro upon my plantation, till
the use of them was publicly allowed by the colony. Now this
is done, let us diligently improve the present opportunity for
their instruction. It rejoiced my soul, to hear that one of my
poor negroes in Carolina was made a brother in Christ. How
know we but we may have many such instances in Georgia? I
trust many of them will be brought to Jesus, and this
consideration, as to us, swallows up all temporal
inconveniences whatsoever.
“I am, etc.,
“G W .”[159]
“J W ,
C W ,
J T ,
E. P ,
J. D ,
J R ,
J C ,
C. P ,
T M ,
J J ,
J N ,
W S ,
J H .”[168]
Seven weeks later, another document, dated March 16, 1752, was
drawn up and signed, chiefly through the influence of Charles
Wesley.[169]
“We whose names are underwritten, being clearly and fully
convinced, (1) That the success of the present work of God
does in great measure depend on the entire union of all the
labourers employed therein; (2) that our present call is chiefly
to the members of that Church wherein we have been brought
up;—are absolutely determined, by the grace of God, (1) To
abide in the closest union with each other, and never
knowingly or willingly to hear, speak, do, or suffer anything
which tends to weaken that union; (2) never to leave the
communion of the Church of England without the consent of
all whose names are subjoined.
“C W ,
J W ,
J D ,
W S ,
J J ,
J N .”[170]
These are curious and important papers, showing that, to a great
extent, suspicion had taken the place of confidence, and that Methodism
was in danger from “false brethren.”
On Sunday, March 15, Wesley set out from London, on his long
northern journey, which, with his tour to Ireland, occupied his time for
seven months. All the way to Manchester, which he reached on March
26, he encountered a continued succession of storms of wind and snow,
but was not deterred from preaching, even in the open air.
At Manchester, he went, on Good Friday, to the cathedral, where his
old friend, Mr. Clayton, read the prayers “more distinctly, solemnly, and
gracefully” than he had ever heard them read. He spent three days in a
searching examination of the members of the Manchester society, and
found reason to believe, “that there was not one disorderly walker
therein.”
At Birstal, he preached out of doors, and was surprised to find, that
those of the congregation who were a hundred and forty yards distant,
distinctly heard him. At Leeds, he preached in the new chapel. At
Wakefield, in the church, and writes: “Who would have expected to see
me preaching in Wakefield church, to so attentive a congregation, a few
years ago, when all the people were as roaring lions; and the honest man
did not dare to let me preach in his yard, lest the mob should pull down
his houses?”
At Sheffield, he preached “in the shell of the new house”; and says,
“All is peace here now, since the trial at York, at which the magistrates
were sentenced to rebuild the house which the mob had pulled down.”
At Epworth, he found his coarse, ignorant, wicked brother-in-law,
Richard Ellison, who had farmed his own estate, reduced to poverty. All
his cows were dead, and all his horses, excepting one. For two years
past, all his meadow land had been flooded; his money and means were
gone; and Wesley recommended him to Ebenezer Blackwell, as a fitting
object to be relieved out of the funds disposed of by Mr. Butterfield.[171]
Nine years afterwards, Charles Wesley buried him.
On landing at Hull, the quay was covered with people, inquiring,
“Which is he? Which is he?” But, for the present, they only stared,
inquired, and laughed. At night he preached, “a huge multitude, rich and
poor, horse and foot, with several coaches,” being gathered together at
Mighton-Car. Thousands gave serious attention; “but many behaved as if
possessed by Moloch. Clods and stones flew on every side.” A
gentlewoman invited Wesley and his wife into her carriage, in which
were six persons, besides herself, already. Wesley writes: “There were
nine of us in the coach, three on each side, and three in the middle. The
mob closely attended us, throwing in at the windows whatever came next
to hand; but a large gentlewoman, who sat in my lap, screened me, so
that nothing came near me.” On arriving at his lodgings, the windows
were smashed, and, till midnight, he and his host were, more or less,
saluted with oaths, curses, stones, and brickbats. This was a rough
reception, and Wesley did not repeat his visit for seven years.
From Hull, Wesley and his wife proceeded to Pocklington, where he
had been announced to preach, though there was no society, and scarcely
a converted person in the town. The room, which had been provided for
the preaching, was five yards square, which Wesley reasonably enough
thought too small. A yard was looked at, but it was plentifully furnished
with stones, and Wesley’s experience taught him that these might be
dangerous artillery in the hands of the “devil’s drunken companions.” At
last, a gentleman offered a large commodious barn, in which Wesley had
the most blessed season of refreshing that he had had since his leaving
London.
At York, a magistrate had stuck up in public places, and distributed in
private houses, part of Lavington’s Papists and Methodists Compared;
and hence, as soon as Wesley and his spouse passed through the city
gates, they were saluted with bitter curses.
At Osmotherley, he visited a scoffer at all religion, who was either
raving mad, or possessed of the devil. The woman told him, that the
devil had appeared and talked to her for some time, the day before, and
had leaped upon, and grievously tormented her ever since. Wesley says:
“We prayed with her. Her agonies ceased. She fell asleep, and awoke in
the morning calm and easy.” Osmotherley tradition says, that the name
of this maniac was Elizabeth Whitfield.
Wesley reached Newcastle, the centre of his northern peregrinations,
on April 30. At Sunderland, he “found one of the liveliest societies in the
north of England. This,” says he, “is the effect of their being so much
under the law, as to scruple, one and all, the buying even milk on a
Sunday.” He preached at Alemouth, and made this remarkable entry in
his Journal: “How plain an evidence have we here, that even our outward
work, even the societies, are not of man’s building! With all our labour
and skill, we cannot, in nine years’ time, form a society in this place;
even though there is none that opposes, poor or rich; nay, though the two
richest men in the town, and the only gentlemen there, have done all
which was in their power to further it.”
At Wickham, he met with a remarkable case. Mrs. Armstrong, before
whose house he preached, was an old lady of more than fourscore years
of age. From childhood, the Bible had been her companion; but recently,
on mounting her spectacles, she was not able to see a word. She took
them off; looked again; and could read as well as her daughter could.
“From that hour, she could not only read without spectacles, but sew, or
thread the finest needle, with the same ease as when she was thirty.”
At Barnard Castle, the mob was numerous and loud. The rabble
fetched out the fire engine to play upon the congregation; but John
Monkhouse, great grandfather of the late Rev. Thomas Monkhouse,
seized the pipe, and diverted the stream from Wesley, so that, as he
remarks, “not a drop fell on him.”[172]
From Barnard Castle, Wesley made his way to Whitehaven, intending
to embark for Ireland; but the master of the ship set sail without him.
Upon this, he made an excursion into Lancashire and the west of
Yorkshire. He spent two days with his clerical friend, the Rev. Mr.
Milner, at Chipping, and preached in the parish church to “such a
congregation as was never seen there before.”
At Heptonstall, “an attorney endeavoured to interrupt, by relating low
and threadbare stories; but the people cut him short” in his harangue, “by
carrying him quietly away.”
At Todmorden, Wesley found the clergyman “slowly recovering from
a violent fit of the palsy, with which he was struck immediately after he
had been preaching a violent sermon against the Methodists.” The
following items appear in the Todmorden circuit book. “1752, June 9.—
Received of Mr. Grimshaw towards the maintenance of Mr. Wesley and
others, in all, six shillings.” As further curiosities of Methodism we give
other extracts from the same book for 1752. “April 20.—For William
Darney, foreside of his waistcoat, 7s.” “For trimming for his coat, 9s. 11-
1/2d.” “To him for his wife, 20s.” “May 5.—For friends at quarterly
meeting, 1s. 3d.” “June 9.—Paid to James Heanworth for Mr. Wesley
and others, in all, 12s. 2d.” “August 14.—Paid to William Marshall when
in a strait, 5s.” “December 14.—For writing paper, 1/2d.”
At Mellar Barn, Wesley’s bedroom served “both for a bedchamber and
a cellar. The closeness was more troublesome at first than the coolness;
but he let in a little fresh air, by breaking a pane of paper in the window;
and then slept sound till morning.”
As a specimen of Wesley’s itinerant troubles, we give the following
extract from his Journal.
“1752, June 15.—I had many little trials in this journey, of
a kind I had not known before. I had borrowed a young,
strong mare when I set out from Manchester; but she fell lame
before I got to Grimsby. I procured another, but was
dismounted again between Newcastle and Berwick. At my
return to Manchester I took my own; but she had lamed
herself in the pasture. I thought, nevertheless, to ride her four
of five miles to-day; but she was gone out of the ground, and
we could hear nothing of her. However, I comforted myself
that I had another at Manchester, which I had lately bought;
but when I came thither, I found one had borrowed her, and
rode her away to Chester.”
By some means, he rode to Chester on June 20, where “a poor
alehouse keeper seemed disgusted, spoke a harmless word, and run away
with speed.” While preaching “in the square,” “a man screamed and
hallooed as loud as he could, but none regarded him. A few of the rabble,
most of them drunk, laboured much to make a disturbance; but the far
greater part of the congregation, the gentry in particular, were seriously
and deeply attentive.” A few days afterwards, however, the mob made
the Methodist meeting-house a heap of ruins. On July 10, Wesley and his
wife got back to Whitehaven.
In the midst of these labours and journeyings, Wesley wrote as
follows, to his friend, Mr. Ebenezer Blackwell.
“N , May 23, 1752.
“D S ,—I want your advice. T. Butts sends me word
that, after our printers’ bills are paid, the money remaining,
received by the sale of the books, does not amount to £100 a
year. It seems, therefore, absolutely necessary to determine
one of these three things:—either to lessen the expense of
printing, which I see no way of doing, unless by printing
myself; or to increase the income from the books, and how
this can be done I know not; or to give up those eighty-six
copies, which are specified in my brother’s deed, to himself,
to manage them as he pleases.
“The people in all these parts are much alive to God, being
generally plain, and simple of heart. Here I should spend the
greatest part of my life, if I were to follow my own
inclinations. But I am not to do my own will, but the will of
Him that sent me.
“I am, dear sir, your ever affectionate servant,
“J W .”[173]
Wesley set sail, from Whitehaven, for Dublin, on July 13, and, after a
passage of four days, arrived in safety. The new chapel was ready, and he
describes it as “nearly of the same size and form” as that at Newcastle,
with the exception, that on three sides it had deep galleries. The society
consisted of about four hundred and twenty members, many of whom
“were much shaken, chiefly by various opinions, which some even of his
own preachers had propagated.”
The following extract from a letter, written three days after his arrival
in Dublin, may be acceptable:—
“D , July 20, 1752.
“D S ,—Finding no ship ready to sail, either at Bristol
or Chester, we at length came back to Whitehaven, and
embarked on Monday last. It is generally a passage of four-
and-twenty hours; but the wind continuing contrary all the
way, we did not reach this place till Friday evening. My wife
and Jenny were extremely sick, particularly when we had a
rolling sea. They are already much better than when they
landed.
“Last month, a large mob assaulted the new house here, and
did considerable damage. Several of the rioters were
committed to Newgate. The bills were found against them all,
and they were tried ten days since; but, in spite of the clearest
evidence, a packed jury brought them in, Not guilty. I believe,
however, the very apprehension and trial of them has struck a
terror into their companions. We now enjoy great quietness,