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Taiwan under Japanese rule


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Taiwan

臺灣 (Chinese)[I]

Tʻaiwan

臺灣 (Japanese)[a]

Taiwan

1895–1945

Flag of Taiwan

Flag

Coat of arms of Taiwan

Coat of arms

Anthem:

"Kimigayo"

0:42

National seal:
台灣總督之印
Seal of the Governor-General of Taiwan
National badge:
臺字章
Daijishō

Taiwan within the Empire of Japan

Taiwan within the Empire of Japan

Status Part of the Empire of Japan

Capital

and largest city

Taihoku

Official languages Japanese

Common languages Taiwanese

Hakka

Formosan languages

ReligionState Shinto

Buddhism

Taoism

Confucianism

Chinese folk religion

Demonym(s)

TaiwaneseFormosan

Government Government-General

Emperor

• 1895–1912

Meiji

• 1912–1926

Taishō

• 1926–1945
Shōwa

Governor-General

• 1895–1896 (first)

Kabayama Sukenori

• 1944–1945 (last)

Rikichi Andō

Historical era Empire of Japan

• Treaty of Shimonoseki

17 April 1895

• Destruction of the Republic of Formosa

21 October 1895

• Wushe Rebellion

27 October 1930

• Surrender of Japan

2 September 1945

• Returned to Chinese control

25 October 1945

• Treaty of San Francisco

28 April 1952

• Treaty of Taipei

5 August 1952

Currency Taiwanese yen

ISO 3166 code TW

Preceded by Succeeded by

Taiwan under Qing rule

Republic of Formosa

Taiwan under ROC rule

Today part of Republic of China (Taiwan)


Taiwan

"Taiwan" in Traditional (top) and Simplified (bottom) Chinese characters

Chinese name

Traditional Chinese 臺灣 or 台灣

Simplified Chinese 台湾

Postal Taiwan

Transcriptions

Japanese Taiwan

Traditional Chinese 日治臺灣

Simplified Chinese 日治台湾

Transcriptions

Japanese name

Hiragana だいにっぽんていこくたいわん

Katakana ダイニッポンテイコクタイワン

Kyūjitai 大日本帝國臺灣

Shinjitai大日本帝国台湾

Transcriptions

Part of a series on the

History of Taiwan

Chronological

Prehistory to 1624

Dutch Formosa 1624–1662

Spanish Formosa 1626–1642

Kingdom of Tungning 1662–1683


Qing rule 1683–1895

Republic of Formosa 1895

Japanese rule 1895–1945

Republic of China rule 1945–present

Topical

CulturalEconomicEducationalTelevision

Local

KaohsiungTaipeiKingdom of Middag

Lists

TimelineRulersArchaeological sites

flag Taiwan portal

vte

The island of Taiwan, together with the Penghu Islands, became a dependency of Japan in 1895, when
the Qing dynasty ceded Fujian-Taiwan Province in the Treaty of Shimonoseki after the Japanese victory
in the First Sino-Japanese War. The short-lived Republic of Formosa resistance movement was
suppressed by Japanese troops and quickly defeated in the Capitulation of Tainan, ending organized
resistance to Japanese occupation and inaugurating five decades of Japanese rule over Taiwan. The
entity, historically known in English as Formosa, had an administrative capital located in Taihoku (Taipei)
led by the Governor-General of Taiwan.[1]

Taiwan was Japan's first colony and can be viewed as the first step in implementing their "Southern
Expansion Doctrine" of the late 19th century. Japanese intentions were to turn Taiwan into a showpiece
"model colony" with much effort made to improve the island's economy, public works, industry, cultural
Japanization, and support the necessities of Japanese military aggression in the Asia-Pacific.[2] Japan
established monopolies and by 1945, had taken over all the sales of opium, salt, camphor, tobacco,
alcohol, matches, weights and measures, and petroleum in the island.[3]

Japanese administrative rule of Taiwan ended following the surrender of Japan in September 1945
during the World War II period, and the territory was placed under the control of the Republic of China
(ROC) with the issuing of General Order No. 1.[4] Japan formally renounced its sovereignty over Taiwan
in the Treaty of San Francisco effective April 28, 1952. The experience of Japanese rule continues to
cause divergent views among several issues in Post-WWII Taiwan, such as the February 28 massacre of
1947, Taiwan Retrocession Day, Taiwanese comfort women, national identity, ethnic identity, and the
formal Taiwan independence movement.
History

See also: History of Taiwan

Background

Early contact

The Japanese had been trading for Chinese products in Taiwan (formerly known as "Highland nation"
(Japanese: 高砂国, Hepburn: Takasago-koku)) since before the Dutch arrived in 1624. In 1593, Toyotomi
Hideyoshi planned to incorporate Taiwan into his empire and sent an envoy with a letter demanding
tribute.[5] The letter was never delivered since there was no authority to receive it. In 1609, the
Tokugawa shogunate sent Harunobu Arima on an exploratory mission of the island.[6] In 1616, Nagasaki
official Murayama Tōan sent 13 vessels to conquer Taiwan. The fleet was dispersed by a typhoon and
the one junk that reached Taiwan was ambushed by headhunters, after which the expedition left and
raided the Chinese coast instead.[5][7][8]

In 1625, Batavia ordered the governor of Taiwan to prevent the Japanese from trading. The Chinese silk
merchants refused to sell to the company because the Japanese paid more. The Dutch also restricted
Japanese trade with the Ming dynasty. In response, the Japanese took on board 16 inhabitants from the
aboriginal village of Sinkan and returned to Japan. Suetsugu Heizō Masanao housed the Sinkanders in
Nagasaki. Batavia sent a man named Peter Nuyts to Japan where he learned about the Sinkanders. The
shogun declined to meet the Dutch and gave the Sinkanders gifts. Nuyts arrived in Taiwan before the
Sinkanders and refused to allow them to land before the Sinkanders were jailed and their gifts
confiscated. The Japanese took Nuyts hostage and only released him in return for their safe passage
back to Japan with 200 picols of silk as well as the Sinkanders' freedom and the return of their gifts.[9]
The Dutch blamed the Chinese for instigating the Sinkanders.[10]

The Dutch dispatched a ship to repair relations with Japan but it was seized and its crew imprisoned
upon arrival. The loss of the Japanese trade made the Taiwanese colony far less profitable and the
authorities in Batavia considered abandoning it before the Council of Formosa urged them to keep it
unless they wanted the Portuguese and Spanish to take over. In June 1630, Suetsugu died and his son,
Masafusa, allowed the company officials to reestablish communication with the shogun. Nuyts was sent
to Japan as a prisoner and remained there until 1636 when he returned to the Netherlands. After 1635,
the shogun forbade Japanese from going abroad and eliminated the Japanese threat to the company.
The VOC expanded into previous Japanese markets in Southeast Asia. In 1639, the shogun ended all
contact with the Portuguese, the company's major silver trade competitor.[9]

The Kingdom of Tungning's merchant fleets continued to operated between Japan and Southeast Asian
countries, reaping profits as a center of trade. They extracted a tax from traders for safe passage
through the Taiwan Strait. Zheng Taiwan held a monopoly on certain commodities such as deer skin and
sugarcane, which sold at a high price in Japan.[11]
Mudan incident

Saigō with leaders of the Seqalu tribe in Taiwan

Japanese painting of the expedition forces attacking the Mudan tribe, 1874

In December 1871, a Ryukyuan vessel shipwrecked on the southeastern tip of Taiwan and 54 sailors
were killed by aborigines.[12] The survivors encountered aboriginal men, presumably Paiwanese, who
they followed to a small settlement, Kuskus, where they were given food and water. They claim they
were robbed by their Kuskus hosts during the night and in the morning they were ordered to stay put
while hunters left to search for game to provide a feast. The Ryukyuans departed while the hunting
party was away and found shelter in the home of a trading-post serviceman, Deng Tianbao. The
Paiwanese men found the Ryukyuans and slaughtered them. Nine Ryukyuans hid in Deng's home. They
moved to another settlement where they found refuge with Deng's son-in-law, Yang Youwang. Yang
arranged for the ransom of three men and sheltered the survivors before sending them to Taiwan
Prefecture (modern Tainan). The Ryukuans headed home in July 1872.[13] The shipwreck and murder of
the sailors came to be known as the Mudan incident, although it did not take place in Mudan (J. Botan),
but at Kuskus (Gaoshifo).[14]

The Mudan incident did not immediately cause any concern in Japan. A few officials knew of it by mid-
1872 but it was not until April 1874 that it became an international concern. The repatriation procedure
in 1872 was by the books and had been a regular affair for several centuries. From the 17th to 19th
centuries, the Qing had settled 401 Ryukyuan shipwreck incidents both on the coast of mainland China
and Taiwan. The Ryukyu Kingdom did not ask Japanese officials for help regarding the shipwreck. Instead
its king, Shō Tai, sent a reward to Chinese officials in Fuzhou for the return of the 12 survivors.[15]

Japanese invasion (1874)

The Imperial Japanese Army started urging the government to invade Taiwan in 1872.[16] The king of
Ryukyu was dethroned the king by Japan and preparations for an invasion of Taiwan were undertaken in
the same year. Japan blamed the Qing for not ruling Taiwan properly and claimed that the perpetrators
of the Mudan incident were "all Taiwan savages beyond Chinese education and law."[16] Therefore
Japan reasoned that the Taiwanese aboriginal people were outside the borders of China and Qing China
consented to Japan's invasion.[17] Japan sent Kurooka Yunojo as a spy to survey eastern Taiwan.[18]

In October 1872, Japan sought compensation from the Qing dynasty of China, claiming the Kingdom of
Ryūkyū was part of Japan. In May 1873, Japanese diplomats arrived in Beijing and put forward their
claims; however, the Qing government immediately rejected Japanese demands on the ground that the
Kingdom of Ryūkyū at that time was an independent state and had nothing to do with Japan. The
Japanese refused to leave and asked if the Chinese government would punish those "barbarians in
Taiwan". The Qing authorities explained that there were two kinds of aborigines in Taiwan: those
directly governed by the Qing, and those unnaturalized "raw barbarians... beyond the reach of Chinese
culture. Thus could not be directly regulated." They indirectly hinted that foreigners traveling in those
areas settled by indigenous people must exercise caution. The Qing dynasty made it clear to the
Japanese that Taiwan was definitely within Qing jurisdiction, even though part of that island's aboriginal
population was not yet under the influence of Chinese culture. The Qing also pointed to similar cases all
over the world where an aboriginal population within a national boundary was not under the influence
of the dominant culture of that country.[19]

Japan announced that they were attacking aboriginals in Taiwan on 3 May 1874. In early May, Japanese
advance forces established camp at Langqiao Bay. On 17 May, Saigō Jūdō led the main force, 3,600
strong, aboard four warships in Nagasaki head to Tainan.[20] A small scouting party was ambushed and
the Japanese camp sent 250 reinforcements to search the villages. The next day, Samata Sakuma
encountered Mudan fighters, around 70 strong, occupying a commanding height. A twenty-men party
climbed the cliffs and shot at the Mudan people, forcing them to flee.[21] On 6 June, the Japanese
emperor issued a certificate condemning the Taiwan "savages" for killing our "nationals", the Ryukyuans
killed in southeastern Taiwan.[22] The Japanese army split into three forces and headed in different
directions to burn the aboriginal villages. On 3 June, they burnt all the villages that had been occupied.
On 1 July, the new leader of the Mudan tribe and the chief of Kuskus surrendered.[23] The Japanese
settled in and established large camps with no intention of withdrawing, but in August and September
600 soldiers fell ill. The death toll rose to 561. Negotiations with Qing China began on 10 September. The
Western Powers pressured China not to cause bloodshed with Japan as it would negatively impact the
coastal trade. The resulting Peking Agreement was signed on 30 October. Japan gained the recognition
of Ryukyu as its vassal and an indemnity payment of 500,000 taels. Japanese troops withdrew from
Taiwan on 3 December.[24]

Sino-Japanese War

The acquisition of Taiwan by Japan was the result of Prime Minister Itō Hirobumi's "southern strategy"
adopted during the First Sino-Japanese War in 1894–95 and the following diplomacy in the spring of
1895. Prime Minister Hirobumi's southern strategy, supportive of Japanese navy designs, paved the way
for the occupation of Penghu Islands in late March as a prelude to the takeover of Taiwan. Soon after,
while peace negotiations continued, Hirobumi and Mutsu Munemitsu, his minister of foreign affairs,
stipulated that both Taiwan and Penghu were to be ceded by imperial China.[25] Li Hongzhang, China's
chief diplomat, was forced to accede to these conditions as well as to other Japanese demands, and the
Treaty of Shimonoseki was signed on April 17, then duly ratified by the Qing court on 8 May. The formal
transference of Taiwan and Penghu took place on a ship off the Kīrun coast on June 2. This formality was
conducted by Li's adopted son, Li Ching-fang, and Admiral Kabayama Sukenori, a staunch advocate of
annexation, whom Itō had appointed as governor-general of Taiwan.[26][27]
The annexation of Taiwan was also based on practical considerations of productivity and ability to
provide raw materials for Japan's expanding economy and to become a ready market for Japanese
goods. Taiwan's strategic location was deemed advantageous as well. As envisioned by the navy, the
island would form a southern bastion of defense from which to safeguard southernmost China and
southeastern Asia.[28]

The period of Japanese rule in Taiwan has been divided into three periods under which different policies
were prevalent: military suppression (1895–1915), dōka (同化): assimilation (1915–37), and kōminka (皇
民化): Japanization (1937–45). A separate policy for aborigines was implemented.[29][30]

Armed resistance

Painting of Japanese soldiers entering the city of Taipeh (Taipei) in 1895 after the Treaty of Shimonoseki

By the 1890s, about 45 percent of Taiwan was under standard Chinese administration, while the
remaining lightly populated regions of the interior were under aboriginal control. The First Sino-
Japanese War broke out between Qing dynasty China and Japan in 1894 following a dispute over the
sovereignty of Korea. Following its defeat, China ceded the islands of Taiwan and Penghu to Japan in the
Treaty of Shimonoseki, signed on April 17, 1895. According to the terms of the treaty, Taiwan and
Penghu (isles between 119˚E-120˚E and 23˚N-24˚N) were to be ceded to Japan in perpetuity. Both
governments were to send representatives to Taiwan immediately after signing to begin the transition
process, which was to be completed in no more than two months. Because Taiwan was ceded by treaty,
the period that followed is referred by some as the "colonial period," while others who focus on the fact
that it was the culmination of war refer to it as the "occupation period." The cession ceremony took
place on board a Japanese vessel because the Chinese delegate feared reprisal from the residents of
Taiwan.[31] The loss of Taiwan would become a rallying point for the Chinese nationalist movement in
the years that followed. Arriving in Taiwan, the new Japanese colonial government gave inhabitants two
years to choose whether to accept their new status as Japanese subjects or leave Taiwan.[32]

The colonial authorities encountered violent opposition in much of Taiwan. Five months of sustained
warfare occurred after the invasion of Taiwan in 1895 and partisan attacks continued until 1902. For the
first two years the colonial authority relied mainly on military force and local pacification efforts.
Disorder and panic were prevalent in Taiwan after Penghu was seized by Japan in March 1895. On 20
May, Qing officials were ordered to leave their posts. General mayhem and destruction ensued in the
following months.[33]

Japanese forces landed on the coast of Keelung on 29 May and Tamsui's harbor was bombarded.
Remnant Qing units and Guangdong irregulars briefly fought against Japanese forces in the north. After
the fall of Taipei on 7 June, local militia and partisan bands continued the resistance. In the south, a
small Black Flag force led by Liu Yongfu delayed Japanese landings. Governor Tang Jingsong attempted
to carry out anti-Japanese resistance efforts as the Republic of Formosa, however he still professed to be
a Qing loyalist. The declaration of a republic was, according to Tang, to delay the Japanese so that
Western powers might be compelled to defend Taiwan.[33] The plan quickly turned to chaos as the
Green Standard Army and Yue soldiers from Guangxi took to looting and pillaging Taiwan. Given the
choice between chaos at the hands of bandits or submission to the Japanese, Taipei's gentry elite sent
Koo Hsien-jung to Keelung to invite the advancing Japanese forces to proceed to Taipei and restore
order.[34] The Republic, established on 25 May, disappeared 12 days later when its leaders left for the
mainland.[33] Liu Yongfu formed a temporary government in Tainan but escaped to the mainland as
well as Japanese forces closed in.[35] Between 200,000 and 300,000 people fled Taiwan in 1895.[36][37]
Chinese residents in Taiwan were given the option of selling their property and leaving by May 1897, or
become Japanese citizens. From 1895 to 1897, an estimated 6,400 people, mostly gentry elites, sold
their property and left Taiwan. The vast majority did not have the means or will to leave.[38][39][40]

Upon Tainan's surrender, Kabayama declared Taiwan pacified, however his proclamation was
premature. However, in December a series of anti-Japanese uprisings occurred in northern Taiwan, and
would continue to occur at a rate of roughly one per month. Armed resistance by Hakka villagers broke
out in the south. A series of prolonged partisan attacks, led by "local bandits" or "rebels", lasted
throughout the next seven years. After 1897, uprisings by Chinese nationalists were commonplace. Luo
Fuxing [zh], a member of the Tongmenghui organization preceding the Kuomintang, was arrested and
executed along with two hundred of his comrades in 1913.[41] Japanese reprisals were often more
brutal than the guerilla attacks staged by the rebels. In June 1896, 6,000 Taiwanese were slaughtered in
the Yunlin Massacre. From 1898 to 1902, some 12,000 "bandit-rebels" were killed in addition to the
6,000–14,000 killed in the initial resistance war of 1895.[35][42][43] During the conflict, 5,300 Japanese
were killed or wounded, and 27,000 were hospitalized.[44]

Rebellions were often caused by a combination of unequal colonial policies on local elites and extant
millenarian beliefs of the local Taiwanese and plains Aborigines.[45] Ideologies of resistance drew on
different ideals such as Taishō democracy, Chinese nationalism, and nascent Taiwanese self-
determination.[46] Support for resistance was partly class-based and many of the wealthy Han people in
Taiwan preferred the order of colonial rule to the lawlessness of insurrection.[47]

"The cession of the island to Japan was received with such disfavour by the Chinese inhabitants that a
large military force was required to effect its occupation. For nearly two years afterwards, a bitter
guerrilla resistance was offered to the Japanese troops, and large forces – over 100,000 men, it was
stated at the time – were required for its suppression. This was not accomplished without much cruelty
on the part of the conquerors, who, in their march through the island, perpetrated all the worst
excesses of war. They had, undoubtedly, considerable provocation. They were constantly attacked by
ambushed enemies, and their losses from battle and disease far exceeded the entire loss of the whole
Japanese army throughout the Manchurian campaign. But their revenge was often taken on innocent
villagers. Men, women, and children were ruthlessly slaughtered or became the victims of unrestrained
lust and rapine. The result was to drive from their homes thousands of industrious and peaceful
peasants, who, long after the main resistance had been completely crushed, continued to wage a
vendetta war, and to generate feelings of hatred which the succeeding years of conciliation and good
government have not wholly eradicated." – The Cambridge Modern History, Volume 12[48]

Insurgents captured during the Seirai-an Temple Incident, 1915

Seirai-an Temple (Tainan)

Major armed resistance was largely crushed by 1902 but minor rebellions started occurring again in
1907, such as the Beipu uprising by Hakka and Saisiyat people in 1907, Luo Fuxing in 1913 and the
Tapani Incident of 1915.[45][49] The Beipu uprising occurred on 14 November 1907 when a group of
Hakka insurgents killed 57 Japanese officers and members of their family. In the following reprisal, 100
Hakka men and boys were killed in the village of Neidaping.[50] Luo Fuxing was an overseas Taiwanese
Hakka involved with the Tongmenghui. He planned to organize a rebellion against the Japanese with 500
fighters, resulting in the execution of more than 1,000 Taiwanese by Japanese police. Luo was killed on 3
March 1914.[42][51] In 1915, Yu Qingfang organized a religious group that openly challenged Japanese
authority. Aboriginals and Han forces led by Chiang Ting and Yu stormed multiple Japanese police
stations. In what is known as the Tapani incident, 1,413 members of Yu's religious group were captured.
Yu and 200 of his followers were executed.[52] After the Tapani rebels were defeated, Andō Teibi
ordered Tainan's Second Garrison to retaliate through massacre. Military police in Tapani and Jiasian
announced that they would pardon any anti-Japanese militants and that those who had fled into the
mountains should return to their village. Once they returned, the villagers were told to line up in a field,
dig holes, and were then executed by firearm. According to oral tradition, at least 5,000–6,000 people
died in this incident.[53][54][55]

Non-violent resistance

Nonviolent means of resistance such as the Taiwanese Cultural Association (TCA), founded by Chiang
Wei-shui in 1921, continued to exist after most violent means were exhausted. Chiang was born in Yilan
in 1891 and was raised on a Confucian education paid by a father who identified as a Han Chinese. In
1905, Chiang started attending Japanese elementary school. At the age of 20, he was admitted to
Taiwan Sotokufu Medical School and in his first year of college, Chiang joined the Taiwan Branch of the
"Chinese United Alliance" founded by Sun Yat-sen. The TCA's anthem, composed by Chiang, promoted
friendship between China and Japan, Han and Japanese, and peace between Asians and white people.
He saw Taiwanese people as Japanese nationals of Han Chinese ethnicity and wished to position the TCA
as an intermediary between China and Japan. The TCA also aimed to "adopt a stance of national self-
determination, enacting the enlightenment of the Islanders, and seeking legal extension of civil
rights."[56] He told the Japanese authorities that the TCA was not a political movement and would not
engage in politics.[57]
Statements aspiring to self determination and Taiwan belonging to the Taiwanese were possible at the
time due to the relatively progressive era of Taishō Democracy. At the time most Taiwanese intellectuals
did not wish for Taiwan to be an extension of Japan. "Taiwan is Taiwan people's Taiwan" became a
common position for all anti-Japanese groups for the next decade. In December 1920, Lin Hsien-tang
and 178 Taiwanese residents filed a petition to Tokyo seeking self-determination. It was rejected.[58]
Taiwanese intellectuals, led by New People Society, started a movement to petition to the Japanese Diet
to establish a self-governing parliament in Taiwan, and to reform the government-general. The Japanese
government attempted to dissuade the population from supporting the movement, first by offering the
participants membership in an advisory Consulative Council, then ordered the local governments and
public schools to dismiss locals suspected of supporting the movement. The movement lasted 13 years.
[59] Although unsuccessful, the movement prompted the Japanese government to introduce local
assemblies in 1935.[60] Taiwan also had seats in House of Peers.[61]

The TCA had over 1,000 members composed of intellectuals, landlords, public school graduates, medical
practitioners, and the gentry class. TCA branches were established across Taiwan except in indigenous
areas. They gave cultural lecture tours and taught Classical Chinese as well as other more modern
subjects. The TCA sought to promote vernacular Chinese language. Cultural Lecture Tours were treated
as a festivity, using firecrackers traditionally used to ward off evil as a challenge against Japanese
authority. If any criticism of Japan was heard, the police immediately ordered the speaker to step down.
In 1923 the TCA co-founded Taiwan People's News which was published in Tokyo and then shipped to
Taiwan. It was subjected to severe censorship by Japanese authorities. As many as seven or eight issues
were banned. Chiang and others applied to set up an "Alliance to Urge for a Taiwan Parliament." It was
deemed legal in Tokyo but illegal in Taiwan. In 1923, 99 Alliance members were arrested and 18 were
tried in court. Chiang was forced to defend against the charge of "asserting 'Taiwan has 3.6 million
Zhonghua Minzu/Han People' in petition leaflets."[62] Thirteen were convicted: 6 fined, 7 imprisoned
(including Chiang). Chiang was imprisoned more than ten times.[63]

The TCA split in 1927 to form the New TCA and the Taiwanese People's Party. The TCA had been
influenced by communist ideals resulting in Chiang and Lin's departure to form the Taiwan People's
Party (TPP). The New TCA later became a subsidiary of the Taiwanese Communist Party, founded in
Shanghai in 1928, and the only organization advocating for Taiwan's independence. The TPP's flag was
designed by Chiang and drew on the Republic of China's flag for inspiration. In February 1931, the TPP
was banned by the Japanese colonial government. The TCP was also banned in the same year. Chiang
died from typhoid on 23 August.[64][65] However, right-leaning members such as Lin Hsien-tang, who
were more cooperative with the Japanese, formed the Taiwanese Alliance for Home Rule, and the
organization survived until WW2.[66]

Assimilation movement
The "early years" of Japanese administration on Taiwan typically refers to the period between the
Japanese forces' first landing in May 1895 and the Tapani Incident of 1915, which marked the high point
of armed resistance. During this period, popular resistance to Japanese rule was high, and the world
questioned whether a non-Western nation such as Japan could effectively govern a colony of its own. An
1897 session of the Japanese Diet debated whether to sell Taiwan to France.[67] In 1898, the Meiji
government of Japan appointed Count Kodama Gentarō as the fourth Governor-General, with the
talented civilian politician Gotō Shinpei as his Chief of Home Affairs, establishing the carrot and stick
approach towards governance that would continue for several years.[32]

Gotō Shinpei reformed the policing system, and he sought to co-opt existing traditions to expand
Japanese power. Out of the Qing baojia system, he crafted the Hoko system of community control. The
Hoko system eventually became the primary method by which the Japanese authorities went about all
sorts of tasks from tax collecting, to opium smoking abatement, to keeping tabs on the population.
Under the Hoko system, every community was broken down into Ko, groups of ten neighboring
households. When a person was convicted of a serious crime, the person's entire Ko would be fined. The
system only became more effective as it was integrated with the local police.[68] Under Gotō, police
stations were established in every part of the island. Rural police stations took on extra duties with
those in the aboriginal regions operating schools known as “savage children's educational institutes” to
assimilate aboriginal children into Japanese culture. The local police station also controlled the rifles
which aboriginal men relied upon for hunting as well as operated small barter stations which created
small captive economies.[68]

In 1914, Itagaki Taisuke briefly led a Taiwan assimilation movement as a response to appeals from
influential Taiwanese spokesmen such as the Wufeng Lin family and Lin Hsien-t'ang and his cousin.
Wealthy Taiwanese made donations to the movement. In December 1914, Itagaki formally inaugurated
the Taiwan Dōkakai, an assimilation society. Within a week, over 3,000 Taiwanese and 45 Japanese
residents joined the society. After Itagaki left later that month, leaders of the society were arrested and
its Taiwanese members detained or harassed. In January 1915, the Taiwan Dōkakai was disbanded.[69]

Japanese colonial policy sought to strictly segregate the Japanese and Taiwanese population until 1922.
[70] Taiwanese students who moved to Japan for their studies were able to associate more freely with
Japanese and took to Japanese ways more readily than their island counterparts. However full
assimilation was rare. Even acculturated Taiwanese seem to have become more aware of their
distinctiveness and island background while living in Japan.[71]

An attempt to fully Japanize the Taiwanese people was made during the kōminka period (1937–45). The
reasoning was that only as fully assimilated subjects could Taiwan's inhabitants fully commit to Japan's
war and national aspirations.[72] The kōminka movement was generally unsuccessful and few
Taiwanese became "true Japanese" due to the short time period and large population. In terms of
acculturation under controlled circumstances, it can be considered relatively effective.[73]
Aboriginal policies

Status

The Japanese administration followed the Qing classification of aborigines into acculturated, (shufan),
semi-acculturated (huafan), and non-acculturated aborigines (shengfan). Acculturated aborigines were
treated the same as Chinese people and lost their aboriginal status. Han Chinese and shufan were both
treated as natives of Taiwan by the Japanese. Below them were the semi-acculturated and non-
acculturated "barbarians" who lived outside normal administrative units and upon whom government
laws did not apply.[74] According to the Sōtokufu (Office of the Governor-General), although the
mountain aborigines were technically humans in biological and social terms, they were animals under
international law.[75]

Land rights

The Sōtokufu claimed all unreclaimed and forest land in Taiwan as government property.[76] New use of
forest land was forbidden. In October 1895, the government declared that these areas belonged to the
government unless claimants could provide hard documentation or evidence of ownership. No
investigation into the validity of titles or survey of land were conducted until 1911. The Japanese
authority denied the rights of aborigines to their property, land, and anything on the land. Although the
Japanese government did not control aboriginal land directly prior to military occupation, the Han and
acculturated aborigines were forbidden from any contractual relationships with aborigines.[77] The
aborigines were living on government land but did not submit to government authority, and as they did
not have political organization, they could not enjoy property ownership.[75] The acculturated
aborigines also lost their rent holder rights under the new property laws although they were able to sell
them. Some reportedly welcomed the sale of rent rights because they had difficulty collecting rent.[78]

In practice, the early years of Japanese rule were spent fighting mostly Chinese insurgents and the
government took on a more conciliatory approach to the aborigines. Starting in 1903, the government
implemented stricter and more coercive policies. It expanded the guard lines, previously the settler-
aboriginal boundary, to restrict the aborigines' living space. By 1904 the guard lines had increased by 80
km from the end of Qing rule. Sakuma Samata launched a five-year plan for aboriginal management,
which saw attacks against the aborigines and landmines and electrified fences used to force them into
submission. Electrified fences were no longer necessary by 1924 due to the overwhelming government
advantage.[79]

After subjugating the mountain aborigines, a small portion of land was set aside for aboriginal use. From
1919 to 1934, aborigines were relocated to areas that would not impede forest development. At first
they were given a small compensation for land use but this was discontinued later on and the aborigines
were forced to relinquish all claims to their land. In 1928, it was decided that each aborigine would be
allotted three hectares of reserve land. Some of the allotted land was taken for forest enterprises while
it was discovered that the aboriginal population was bigger than the estimated 80,000. The size of the
allotted land was reduced but they were not adhered to anyways. In 1930, the government relocated
aborigines to the foothills and invested in agricultural infrastructure to turn them into subsistence
farmers. They were given less than half the originally promised land,[80] amounting to one-eighth of
their ancestral lands.[81]

Aboriginal resistance

Aboriginal resistance to the heavy-handed Japanese policies of acculturation and pacification lasted up
until the early 1930s.[45] By 1903, indigenous rebellions had resulted in the deaths of 1,900 Japanese in
1,132 incidents.[47] In 1911 a large military force invaded Taiwan's mountainous areas to gain access to
timber resources. By 1915, many aboriginal villages had been destroyed. The Atayal and Bunun resisted
the hardest against colonization.[82] The Bunun and Atayal were described as the "most ferocious"
Aboriginals, and police stations were targeted by Aboriginals in intermittent assaults.[83]

The Bunun under Chief Raho Ari engaged in guerrilla warfare against the Japanese for twenty years.
Raho Ari's revolt, called the Taifun Incident was sparked when the Japanese implemented a gun control
policy in 1914 against the Aboriginals in which their rifles were impounded in police stations when
hunting expeditions were over. The revolt began at Taifun when a police platoon was slaughtered by
Raho Ari's clan in 1915. A settlement holding 266 people called Tamaho was created by Raho Ari and his
followers near the source of the Rōnō River and attracted more Bunun rebels to their cause. Raho Ari
and his followers captured bullets and guns and slew Japanese in repeated hit and run raids against
Japanese police stations by infiltrating over the Japanese "guardline" of electrified fences and police
stations as they pleased.[84] As a result, head hunting and assaults on police stations by Aboriginals still
continued after that year.[85][86] In one of Taiwan's southern towns nearly 5,000 to 6,000 were
slaughtered by Japanese in 1915.[87]

As resistance to the long-term oppression by the Japanese government, many Taivoan people from
Kōsen led the first local rebellion against Japan in July 1915, called the Jiasian Incident (Japanese: 甲仙
埔事件, Hepburn: Kōsenpo jiken). This was followed by a wider rebellion from Tamai in Tainan to Kōsen
in Takao in August 1915, known as the Seirai-an Incident (Japanese: 西来庵事件, Hepburn: Seirai-an
jiken) in which more than 1,400 local people died or were killed by the Japanese government. Twenty-
two years later, the Taivoan people struggled to carry on another rebellion; since most of the indigenous
people were from Kobayashi, the resistance taking place in 1937 was named the Kobayashi Incident
(Japanese: 小林事件, Hepburn: Kobayashi jiken).[88] Between 1921 and 1929 Aboriginal raids died
down, but a major revival and surge in Aboriginal armed resistance erupted from 1930 to 1933 for four
years during which the Musha incident occurred and Bunun carried out raids, after which armed conflict
again died down.[89] The 1930 "New Flora and Silva, Volume 2" said of the mountain Aboriginals that
"the majority of them live in a state of war against Japanese authority".[90]
The last major aboriginal rebellion, the Musha Incident, occurred on 27 October 1930 when the Seediq
people, angry over their treatment while laboring in camphor extraction, launched the last headhunting
party. Groups of Seediq warriors led by Mona Rudao attacked policed stations and the Musha Public
School. Approximately 350 students, 134 Japanese, and 2 Han Chinese dressed in Japanese garbs were
killed in the attack. The uprising was crushed by 2,000–3,000 Japanese troops and aboriginal auxiliaries
with the help of poison gas. The armed conflict ended in December when the Seediq leaders committed
suicide. According to Japanese colonial records, 564 Seediq warriors surrendered and 644 were killed or
committed suicide.[91] [92] The incident caused the government to take a more conciliatory stance
towards the aborigines, and during World War 2, the government tried to assimilate them as loyal
subjects.[79] According to a 1933-year book, wounded people in the war against the aboriginals
numbered around 4,160, with 4,422 civilians dead and 2,660 military personnel killed.[93] According to
a 1935 report, 7,081 Japanese were killed in the armed struggle from 1896 to 1933 while the Japanese
confiscated 29,772 Aboriginal guns by 1933.[94]

Japanization

Governor-General's Office in the 1930s (illustrated by Ishikawa Kin'ichiro)

A group of foreign students from Mainland China who lived in Taiwan in 1921 visited Taiwan Governor
Museum

Allied bombing of the Byōritsu oil refinery on Formosa, May 25, 1945

As Japan embarked on full-scale war with China in 1937, it implemented the "kōminka" imperial
Japanization project to instill the "Japanese Spirit" in Taiwanese residents, and ensure the Taiwanese
would remain imperial subjects subjects (kōmin) of the Japanese Emperor rather than support a Chinese
victory. The goal was to make sure the Taiwanese people did not develop a sense of "their national
identity, pride, culture, language, religion, and customs".[95] To this end, the cooperation of the
Taiwanese would be essential, and the Taiwanese would have to be fully assimilated as members of
Japanese society. As a result, earlier social movements were banned and the Colonial Government
devoted its full efforts to the "Kōminka movement" (皇民化運動, kōminka undō), aimed at fully
Japanizing Taiwanese society.[32] Although the stated goal was to assimilate the Taiwanese, in practice
the Kōminka hōkōkai organization that formed segregated the Japanese into their own separate block
units, despite co-opting Taiwanese leaders.[96] The organization was responsible for increasing war
propaganda, donation drives, and regimenting Taiwanese life during the war.[97]

As part of the kōminka policies, Chinese language sections in newspapers and Classical Chinese in the
school curriculum were removed in April 1937.[72] China and Taiwan's history were also erased from
the educational curriculum.[95] Chinese language use was discouraged, which reportedly increased the
percentage of Japanese speakers among the Taiwanese, but the effectiveness of this policy is uncertain.
Even some members of model "national language" families from well-educated Taiwanese households
failed to learn Japanese to a conversational level. A name-changing campaign was launched in 1940 to
replace Chinese names with Japanese ones. Seven percent of the Taiwanese had done so by the end of
the war.[72] Characteristics of Taiwanese culture considered "un-Japanese" or undesirable were to be
replaced with Japanese ones. Taiwanese opera, puppet plays, fireworks, and burning gold and silver
paper foil at temples were banned. Chinese clothing, betel-nut chewing, and noisiness were discouraged
in public. The Taiwanese were encouraged to pray at Shinto shrines and expected to have domestic
altars to worship paper amulets sent from Japan. Some officials were ordered to remove religious idols
and artifacts from native places of worship.[98] Funerals were supposed to conduct funerals in the
modern "Japanese-style" way but it was ambiguous as to what this meant.[99]

World War II

The later President of Taiwan Lee Teng-hui (right) with his brother during the war as a conscript in
Japanese uniforms. Lee's brother died as a Japanese soldier in the Philippines.[100]

War

As Japan embarked on full-scale war with China in 1937, it expanded Taiwan's industrial capacity to
manufacture war material. By 1939, industrial production had exceeded agricultural production in
Taiwan. The Imperial Japanese Navy operated heavily out of Taiwan. The "South Strike Group" was
based out of the Taihoku Imperial University (now National Taiwan University) in Taiwan. Taiwan was
used as a launchpad for the invasion of Guangdong in late 1938 and for the occupation of Hainan in
February 1939. A joint planning and logistical center was established in Taiwan to assist Japan's
southward advance after the bombing of Pearl Harbor on 7 December 1941.[101] Taiwan served as a
base for Japanese naval and air attacks on the island Luzon until the surrender of the Philippines in May
1942. It also served as a rear staging ground for further attacks on Myanmar. As the war turned against
Japan in 1943, Taiwan suffered due to Allied submarine attacks on Japanese shipping, and the Japanese
administration prepared to be cut off from Japan. In the latter part of 1944, Taiwan's industries, ports,
and military facilities were bombed in U.S. air raids.[102] By the end of the war in 1945, industrial and
agricultural output had dropped far below prewar levels, with agricultural output 49% of 1937 levels and
industrial output down by 33%. Coal production dropped from 200,000 metric tons to 15,000 metric
tons.[103] An estimated 16,000–30,000 civilians died from the bombing.[104] By 1945, Taiwan was
isolated from Japan and its government prepared to defend against an expected invasion.[102]

During WWII the Japanese authorities maintained prisoner of war camps in Taiwan. Allied prisoners of
war (POW) were used as forced labor in camps throughout Taiwan with the camp serving the copper
mines at Kinkaseki being especially heinous.[105] Of the 430 Allied POW deaths across all fourteen
Japanese POW camps on Taiwan, the majority occurred at Kinkaseki.[106]
Military service

Starting in July 1937, Taiwanese began to play a role on the battlefield, initially in noncombatant
positions. Taiwanese people were not recruited for combat until late in the war. In 1942, the Special
Volunteer System was implemented, allowing even aborigines to be recruited as part of the Takasago
Volunteers. From 1937 to 1945, over 207,000 Taiwanese were employed by the Japanese military.
Roughly 50,000 went missing in action or died, another 2,000 were disabled, 21 were executed for war
crimes, and 147 were sentenced to imprisonment for two or three years.[107]

Some Taiwanese ex-Japanese soldiers claim they were coerced and did not choose to join the army.
Accounts range from having no way to refuse recruitment, to being incentivized by the salary, to being
told that the "nation and emperor needed us."[108] In one account, a man named Chen Chunqing said
he was motivated by his desire to fight the British and Americans but became disillusioned after being
sent to China and tried to defect, although the effort was fruitless.[109]

Racial discrimination was commonplace despite rare occasions of camaraderie. Some experienced
greater equality during their time in the military. One Taiwanese serviceman recalled being called
"chankoro" (Qing slave[29]) by a Japanese soldier.[109] Some of the Taiwanese ex-Japanese soldiers
were ambivalent about Japan's defeat and could not imagine what liberation from Japan would look
like. One person recalled surrender leaflets dropped by U.S. planes stating that Taiwan would return to
China and recalling that his grandfather had once told him that he was Chinese.[110]

After Japan's surrender, the Taiwanese ex-Japanese soldiers were abandoned by Japan and no
transportation back to Taiwan or Japan was provided. Many of them faced difficulties in mainland China,
Taiwan, and Japan due to anti-rightist and anti-communist campaigns in addition to accusations of
taking part in the February 28 incident. In Japan they were faced with ambivalence. An organization of
Taiwanese ex-Japanese soldiers tried to get the Japanese government to pay their unpaid wages several
decades later. They failed.[111]

Comfort women

Between 1,000 and 2,000 Taiwanese women were part of the comfort women system. Aboriginal
women served Japanese military personnel in the mountainous region of Taiwan. They were first
recruited as housecleaning and laundry workers for soldiers, then they were coerced into providing sex.
They were gang-raped and served as comfort women in the evening hours. Han Taiwanese women from
low income families were also part of the comfort women system. Some were pressured into it by
financial reasons while others were sold by their families.[112][113] However some women from well to
do families also ended up as comfort women.[114] More than half of the young women were minors
with some as young as 14. Very few women who were sent overseas understood what the true purpose
of their journey was.[112] Some of the women believed they would be serving as nurses in the Japanese
military prior to becoming comfort women. Taiwanese women were told to provide sexual services to
the Japanese military "in the name of patriotism to the country."[114] By 1940, brothels were set up in
Taiwan to service Japanese males.[112]

End of Japanese rule

In 1942, after the United States entered the war against Japan and on the side of China, the Chinese
government under the KMT renounced all treaties signed with Japan before that date and made
Taiwan's return to China (as with Manchuria, ruled as the Japanese wartime puppet state of
"Manchukuo") one of the wartime objectives. In the Cairo Declaration of 1943, the Allied Powers
declared the return of Taiwan (including the Pescadores) to the Republic of China as one of several
Allied demands. The Cairo Declaration was never signed or ratified and is not legally binding. In 1945,
Japan unconditionally surrendered with the signing of the instrument of surrender and ended its rule in
Taiwan as the territory was put under the administrative control of the Republic of China government in
1945 by the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration.[115][116] The Office of the
Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers ordered Japanese forces in China and Taiwan to surrender
to Chiang Kai-shek, who would act as the representative of the Allied Powers for accepting surrender in
Taiwan. On 25 October 1945, Governor-General Rikichi Andō handed over the administration of Taiwan
and the Penghu islands to the head of the Taiwan Investigation Commission, Chen Yi.[117][118] On 26
October, the government of the Republic of China declared that Taiwan had become a province of
China.[119] The Allied Powers, on the other hand, did not recognize the unilateral declaration of
annexation of Taiwan made by the government of the Republic of China because a peace treaty
between the Allied Powers and Japan had not been concluded.[120]

Administration

High school girls standing in front of the Governor-General's Office in 1937

As the highest colonial authority in Taiwan during the period of Japanese rule, the Office of the
Governor-General of Taiwan was headed by a Governor-General of Taiwan appointed by Tōkyō. Power
was highly centralized with the Governor-General wielding supreme executive, legislative, and judicial
power, effectively making the government a dictatorship.[32]

In its earliest incarnation, the Colonial Government was composed of three bureaus: Home Affairs,
Army, and Navy. The Home Affairs Bureau was further divided into four offices: Internal Affairs,
Agriculture, Finance, and Education. The Army and Navy bureaus were merged to form a single Military
Affairs Bureau in 1896. Following reforms in 1898, 1901, and 1919 the Home Affairs Bureau gained three
more offices: General Affairs, Judicial, and Communications. This configuration would continue until the
end of colonial rule. The Japanese colonial government was responsible for building harbors and
hospitals as well as constructing infrastructure like railroads and roads. By 1935 the Japanese expanded
the roads by 4,456 kilometers, in comparison with the 164 kilometers that existed before the Japanese
occupation. The Japanese government invested a lot of money in the sanitation system of the island.
These campaigns against rats and unclean water supplies contributed to a decrease of diseases such as
cholera and malaria.[121]

Economy

Poster for the 1935 Taiwan Exposition

Arisan Forest Railway (阿里山森林鉄路, Arisan Shinrin Tetsuro) during the Japanese period

Taiwan Tea House at Panama Pacific International Exposition, San Francisco, U.S.A

Nichigetsu Lake before the power plant was built (taken in 1900)

Bank of Taiwan established in 1897 and headquartered in Taihoku

Ōsaka Neutral Bank in Taihoku (ca. 1910)

Under the Japanese colonial government, Taiwan was introduced to a unified system of weights and
measures, a centralized bank, education facilities to increase skilled labor, farmers' associations, and
other institutions. An island wide system of transportation and communications as well as facilities for
travel between Japan and Taiwan were developed. Construction of large scale irrigation facilities and
power plants followed. Agricultural development was the primary emphasis of Japanese colonization in
Taiwan. The objective was for Taiwan to provide Japan with food and raw materials. Fertilizer and
production facilities were imported from Japan. Industrial farming, electric power, chemical industries,
aluminum, steel, machinery, and shipbuilding facilities were set up. Textile and paper industries were
developed near the end of Japanese rule for self-sufficiency. By the 1920s modern infrastructure and
amenities had become widespread, although they remained under strict government control, and Japan
was managing Taiwan as a model colony. All modern and large enterprises were owned by the Japanese.
[122][123]

Shortly after the cession of Taiwan to Japanese rule in September 1895, an Ōsaka bank opened a small
office in Kīrun. By June of the following year the Governor-General had granted permission for the bank
to establish the first Western-style banking system in Taiwan. In March 1897, the Japanese Diet passed
the "Taiwan Bank Act", establishing the Bank of Taiwan (台湾銀行, Taiwan ginkō), which began
operations in 1899. In addition to normal banking duties, the Bank would also be responsible for minting
the currency used in Taiwan throughout Japanese rule. The function of central bank was fulfilled by the
Bank of Taiwan.[124]

Under the governor Shimpei Goto's rule, many major public works projects were completed. The Taiwan
rail system connecting the south and the north and the modernizations of Kīrun and Takao ports were
completed to facilitate transport and shipping of raw material and agricultural products.[125] Exports
increased by fourfold. Fifty-five percent of agricultural land was covered by dam-supported irrigation
systems. Food production had increased fourfold and sugar cane production had increased 15-fold
between 1895 and 1925 and Taiwan became a major foodbasket serving Japan's industrial economy. A
health care system was widely established and infectious diseases were almost completely eradicated.
The average lifespan for a Taiwanese resident would become 60 years by 1945.[126]

Taiwan's economy during Japanese rule was for the most part, a colonial economy. Namely, the human
and natural resources of Taiwan were used to aid the development of Japan, a policy which began under
Governor-General Kodama and reached its peak in 1943, in the middle of World War II. From 1900 to
1920, Taiwan's economy was dominated by the sugar industry, while from 1920 to 1930, rice was the
primary export. During these two periods, the primary economic policy of the Colonial Government was
"industry for Japan, agriculture for Taiwan". After 1930, due to war needs the Colonial Government
began to pursue a policy of industrialization.[32]

After 1939, the war in China and eventually other places started having a deleterious effect on Taiwan's
agricultural output as military conflict took up all of Japan's resources. Taiwanese real GDP per capita
peaked in 1942 at $1,522 and declined to $693 by 1944.[127] War-time bombing of Taiwan caused
significant damage to many cities and harbors in Taiwan. The railways, plants, and other production
facilities were either badly damaged or destroyed.[128] Only 40 percent of the railroads were usable
and over 200 factories were bombed, most of them housing Taiwan's vital industries. Of Taiwan's four
electrical power plants, three were destroyed.[129] Loss of major industrial facilities is estimated at
$506 million, or 42 percent of fixed manufacturing assets.[127] Damage to agriculture was relatively
contained in comparison but most developments came to a halt and irrigation facilities were
abandoned. Since all key positions were held by Japanese, their departure resulted in the loss of 20,000
technicians and 10,000 professional workers, leaving Taiwan with a severe lack of trained personnel.
Inflation was rampant as a result of the war and worsened later due to economic integration with China
because China was also experiencing high inflation.[128] Taiwanese industrial output recovered to 38
percent of its 1937 level by 1947 and recovery to pre-war standards of living did not occur until the
1960s.[130]

Education

A system of elementary common schools (kōgakkō) was introduced. These elementary schools taught
Japanese language and culture, Classical Chinese, Confucian ethnics, and practical subjects like science.
[131] Classical Chinese was included as part of the effort to win over Taiwanese upper-class parents, but
the emphasis was on Japanese language and ethics.[132] These government schools served a small
percentage of the Taiwanese school-age population while Japanese children attended their own
separate primary schools (shōgakkō). Few Taiwanese attended secondary school or were able to enter
medical college. Due to limited access to government educational institutions, a segment of the
population continued to enroll in private schools similar to the Qing era. Most boys attended Chinese
schools (shobo) while a smaller portion of males and females received training at religious schools
(Dominican and Presbyterian). Universal education was deemed undesirable during the early years since
the assimilation of Han Taiwanese seemed unlikely. Elementary education offered both moral and
scientific education to those Taiwanese who could afford it. The hope was that through selective
education of the brightest Taiwanese, a new generation of Taiwanese leaders responsive to reform and
modernization would emerge.[131]

Many of the gentry class had mixed feelings about modernization and cultural change, especially the
kind advanced by government education. The gentry was urged to promote the "new learning", a fusion
of Neo-Confucianism and Meiji-style education, however those invested in the Chinese education style
seemed resentful of the proposed merging.[133] A younger generation of Taiwanese more susceptible
to modernization and change started participating in community affairs in the 1910s. Many were
concerned about obtaining modern educational facilities and the discrimination they faced in obtaining
spots at the few government schools. Local leaders in Taichung began campaigning for the inauguration
of the Taichū Middle School but faced opposition from Japanese officials reluctant to authorize a middle
school for Taiwanese males.[134]

In 1922, an integrated school system was introduced in which common and primary schools were
opened to both Taiwanese and Japanese based on their background in spoken Japanese.[135]
Elementary education was divided between primary schools for Japanese speakers and public schools
for Taiwanese speakers. Since few Taiwanese children could speak fluent Japanese, in practice only the
children of very wealthy Taiwanese families with close ties to Japanese settlers were allowed study
alongside Japanese children.[136] The number of Taiwanese at formerly Japanese-only elementary
schools was limited to 10 percent.[132] Japanese children also attended kindergarten, during which they
were segregated from Taiwanese children. In one instance a Japanese-speaking child was put in the
Taiwanese group with the expectation that they would learn Japanese from her, but the experiment
failed and the Japanese-speaking child learned Taiwanese instead.[136] The competitive situation in
Taiwan made some Taiwanese seek secondary education and opportunities in Japan and Manchukuo
rather than Taiwan.[132] In 1943, primary education became compulsory, and by the next year nearly
three out of four children were enrolled in primary school.[137] Taiwanese also studied in Japan. By
1922 at least 2,000 Taiwanese were enrolled in educational institutions in metropolitan Japan. The
number increased to 7,000 by 1942.[71] By 1944, there were 944 primary schools in Taiwan with total
enrollment rates of 71.3% for Taiwanese children, 86.4% for aboriginal children, and 99.6% for Japanese
children in Taiwan. As a result, primary school enrollment rates in Taiwan were among the highest in
Asia, second only to Japan itself.[32]
Demographics

As part of the emphasis placed on governmental control, the Colonial Government performed detailed
censuses of Taiwan every five years starting in 1905. Statistics showed a population growth rate of 0.988
to 2.835% per year throughout Japanese rule. In 1905, the population of Taiwan was roughly 3 million.
[138] By 1940 the population had grown to 5.87 million, and by the end of World War II in 1946 it
numbered 6.09 million. As of 1938, around 309,000 people of Japanese origin lived in Taiwan.[139]

Aboriginals

According to the 1905 census, the aboriginal population included 45,000+ plains aborigines[citation
needed] who were almost completely assimilated into Han Chinese society, and 113,000+ mountain
aborigines.[140]

Overseas Chinese

The Consulate-General of the Republic of China in Taihoku was a diplomatic mission of the government
of the Republic of China (ROC) that opened April 6, 1931, and closed in 1945 after the handover of
Taiwan to the ROC. Even after Taiwan had been ceded to Japan by the Qing dynasty, it still attracted
over 20,000 Chinese immigrants by the 1920s. On May 17, 1930, the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs
appointed Lin Shao-nan to be the Consul-General[141] and Yuan Chia-ta as Deputy Consul-General.

Japanese colonists

Japanese commoners started arriving in Taiwan in April 1896.[142] Japanese migrants were encouraged
to move to Taiwan because it was considered the most effective way of integrating Taiwan into the
Japanese Empire. Few Japanese moved to Taiwan during the colony's early years due to poor
infrastructure, instability, and fear of disease. Later on as more Japanese settled in Taiwan, some settlers
came to view the island as their homeland rather than Japan. There was concern that Japanese children
born in Taiwan, under its tropical climate, would not be able to understand Japan. In the 1910s, primary
schools conducted trips to Japan to nurture their Japanese identity and to prevent Taiwanization. Out of
necessity, Japanese police officers were encouraged to learn the local variants of Minnan and the
Guangdong dialect of Hakka. There were language examinations for police officers to receive allowances
and promotions.[136] By the late 1930s, Japanese people made up about 5.4 percent of Taiwan's total
population but owned 20–25 percent of the cultivated land which was also of higher quality. They also
owned the majority of large land holdings. The Japanese government assisted them in acquiring land
and coerced Chinese land owners to sell to Japanese enterprises. Japanese sugar companies owned 8.2
percent of the arable land.[143]

At the end of the Second World War, there were almost 350,000 Japanese civilians living in Taiwan. They
were designated as Overseas Japanese (Nikkyō) or as Overseas Ryukyuans (Ryūkyō).[144] Offspring of
intermarriage were considered Japanese if their Taiwanese mother chose Japanese citizenship or if their
Taiwanese father did not apply for ROC citizenship.[145] As many as half the Japanese who left Taiwan
after 1945 were born in Taiwan.[144] The Taiwanese did not engage in widespread acts of revenge or
push for their immediate removal, although they quickly seized or attempted to occupy property they
believed were unfairly obtained in previous decades.[146] Japanese assets were collected and the
Nationalist government retained most of the properties for government use, to the consternation of the
Taiwanese.[147] Theft and acts of violence did occur, however this has been attributed to the pressure
of wartime policies.[146] Chen Yi, who was in charge of Taiwan, removed Japanese bureaucrats and
police officers from their posts, resulting in unaccustomed economic hardship for Japanese citizens.
Their hardship in Taiwan was also met by news of hardship in Japan. A survey found that 180,000
Japanese civilians wished to leave for Japan while 140,000 wished to stay. An order for the deportation
of Japanese civilians was issued in January 1946.[148] From February to May, the vast majority of
Japanese left Taiwan and arrived in Japan without much trouble. Overseas Ryukyuans were ordered to
assist the deportation process by building camps and work as porters for the Overseas Japanese. Each
person was allowed to leave with two pieces of luggage and 1,000 yen.[149] The Japanese and
Ryukyuans remaining in Taiwan by the end of April did so at the behest of the government. Their
children attended Japanese schools to prepare for life in Japan.[150]

Social policy

The old Tetsuma-in (now Puji Temple in Beitou, Taipei), constructed during Japanese rule

"Three Vices"

The "Three Vices" (三大陋習, Santai rōshū) considered by the Office of the Governor-General to be
archaic and unhealthy were the use of opium, foot binding, and the wearing of queues.[151][152]

In 1921, the Taiwanese People's Party accused colonial authorities before the League of Nations of being
complicit in the addiction of over 40,000 people, while making a profit off opium sales. To avoid
controversy, the Colonial Government issued the New Taiwan Opium Edict on December 28, and related
details of the new policy on January 8 of the following year. Under the new laws, the number of opium
permits issued was decreased, a rehabilitation clinic was opened in Taihoku, and a concerted anti-drug
campaign launched.[153] Despite the directive, the government remained involved with the opium
trade until June 1945.[154]

Literature

Rai Wa, father of the new literature in Taiwan

Taiwanese students studying in Tōkyō first restructured the Enlightenment Society in 1918, later
renamed the New People Society (新民会, Shinminkai) after 1920. This was the manifestation for
various upcoming political and social movements in Taiwan. Many new publications, such as Taiwanese
Literature & Art (1934) and New Taiwanese Literature (1935), started shortly thereafter. These led to
the onset of the vernacular movement in society at large as the modern literary movement broke away
from the classical forms of ancient poetry. In 1915, this group of people, led by Rin Kendō, made an
initial and large financial contribution to establish the first middle school in Taichū for the aboriginals
and Taiwanese.[155]

Literature movements did not disappear even when they were under censorship by the colonial
government. In the early 1930s, a famous debate on Taiwanese rural language unfolded formally. This
event had numerous lasting effects on Taiwanese literature, language and racial consciousness. In 1930,
Taiwanese-Japanese resident Kō Sekiki (黄 石輝, Huáng Shíhuī) started the debate on rural literature in
Tōkyō. He advocated that Taiwanese literature should be about Taiwan, have impact on a wide
audience, and use Taiwanese Hokkien. In 1931, Kaku Shūsei (郭秋生, Guō Qiūshēng), a resident of
Taihoku, prominently supported Kō's viewpoint. Kaku started the Taiwanese Rural Language Debate,
which advocated literature published in Taiwanese. This was immediately supported by Rai Wa (頼 和,
Lài Hé), who is considered as the father of Taiwanese literature. After this, dispute as to whether the
literature of Taiwan should use Taiwanese or Chinese, and whether the subject matter should concern
Taiwan, became the focus of the New Taiwan Literature Movement. However, because of the upcoming
war and the pervasive Japanese cultural education, these debates could not develop any further. They
finally lost traction under the Japanization policy set by the government.[156]

Taiwanese literature mainly focused on the Taiwanese spirit and the essence of Taiwanese culture.
People in literature and the arts began to think about issues of Taiwanese culture, and attempted to
establish a culture that truly belonged to Taiwan. The significant cultural movement throughout the
colonial period were led by the young generation who were highly educated in formal Japanese schools.
Education played such a key role in supporting the government and to a larger extent, developing
economic growth of Taiwan. However, despite the government prime effort in elementary education
and normal education, there was a limited number of middle schools, approximately 3 across the whole
country, so the preferred choices for graduates were leaving for Tōkyō or other cities to get an
education. The foreign education of the young students was carried out solely by individuals' self-
motivation and support from family. Education abroad got its popularity, particularly from Taichū
prefecture, with the endeavor for acquiring skills and knowledge of civilization even under the situation
of neither the colonial government nor society being able to guarantee their bright future; with no job
plan for these educated people after their return.[157]

Change of governing authority

See also: Surrender of Japan, Political status of Taiwan, and Taiwan after World War II
Chen Yi (right) accepting the receipt of Order No. 1 signed by Rikichi Andō (left), the last Japanese
Governor-General of Taiwan, in Taihoku City Hall

Japan surrendered to the Allies on August 14, 1945. On August 29, Chiang Kai-shek appointed Chen Yi as
Chief Executive of Taiwan Province, and announced the creation of the Office of the Chief Executive of
Taiwan Province and Taiwan Garrison Command on September 1, with Chen Yi also as the commander
of the latter body. After several days of preparation, an advance party moved into Taihoku on October 5,
with more personnel from Shanghai and Chongqing arriving between October 5 and 24. By 1938 about
309,000 Japanese lived in Taiwan.[139] Between the Japanese surrender of Taiwan in 1945 and April 25,
1946, the Republic of China forces repatriated 90% of the Japanese living in Taiwan to Japan.[158]

See also

History of Taiwan

Japan–Taiwan relations

Japanese Immigrant Villages in Taiwan

Japanese opium policy in Taiwan (1895–1945)

Political divisions of Taiwan (1895–1945)

Knowing Taiwan

Remains of Taipei prison walls

Taiwan under Qing rule

Taiwanese Resistance to the Japanese Invasion (1895)

Notes

Traditional Chinese script: 臺灣

Mandarin Pinyin: Táiwān

Hokkien: Tâi-oân

Sixian Hakka: Thòi-vàn

Matsu: Dài-uăng

Kyūjitai

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Lai, Huang-Wen (2007). The Turtle Woman's Voices: Multilingual Strategies of Resistance and
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External links

Media related to Taiwan under Japanese rule at Wikimedia Commons

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Under Republic of China rule

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States and territories in the sphere of influence of the Empire of Japan during World War II

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IsraelUnited StatesJapan

Categories: Taiwan under Japanese ruleFormer Japanese coloniesFormer colonies in AsiaJapanese


military occupationsTaiwan in World War II1890s in Taiwan1900s in Taiwan1910s in Taiwan1920s in
Taiwan1930s in Taiwan1940s in Taiwan1895 establishments in Taiwan1895 establishments in the
Japanese colonial empire1945 disestablishments in Taiwan1945 disestablishments in the Japanese
colonial empire1952 disestablishments in the Japanese colonial empireJapanese imperialism and
colonialismStates and territories established in 1895States and territories disestablished in 1945States
and territories disestablished in 1952Former countries of the interwar period

This page was last edited on 18 July 2023, at 07:00 (UTC).

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