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Cybercrime 3
Cybercrime 3
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Responding to
Patrol officers’ perceived role in cybercrime
responding to cybercrime
Adam M. Bossler
Justice Studies Program, Department of Political Science, 165
Georgia Southern University, Statesboro, Georgia, USA, and
Thomas J. Holt Received 29 October 2010
Revised 1 February 2011
School of Criminal Justice, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Accepted 6 March 2011
Michigan, USA
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Abstract
Purpose – Little empirical research exists regarding how local law enforcement has responded to
cybercrime. This paper aims to understand: the law enforcement agencies that line officers believe
should be primarily responsible for investigating cybercrime cases; their perceptions about their
agency’s current ability to respond to these offenses; and their beliefs regarding the best ways to
improve the social response to cybercrime.
Design/methodology/approach – The authors surveyed patrol officers in the Charlotte-
Mecklenburg and Savannah-Chatham Metropolitan police departments.
Findings – The authors found that officers do not believe that local law enforcement should be
primarily responsible for handling cybercrime cases and they have little information on how upper
management is addressing cybercrime. Officers indicated that the best strategies to deal with
cybercrime were greater care taken by citizens online and improvements to the legal system.
Research limitations/implications – Local law enforcement agencies feel they are unable to fully
address cybercrime. Although the findings were generally consistent across demographic and
experiential characteristics and cities, two cities in the southeastern United States were surveyed.
Practical implications – According to these officers, they want citizens to be more careful online
and for clarification of cybercrime laws and increased prosecutions. They do not favor local
cybercrime units and additional computer training for line officers as much as scholars and police
administrators advocate.
Originality/value – This paper studied the perceptions of patrol officers, who are the first
responders to most crime scenes, on local law enforcement responses to cybercrime and the strategies
they view to be most effective in combating cybercrime.
Keywords Cybercrime, Police, Officer perceptions, Law enforcement, Computer crime,
United States of America
Paper type Research paper
I. Introduction
Technology has radically altered the capacity of offenders to engage in most forms of
crime (Brenner, 2008; Taylor et al., 2010), including prostitution (Holt and Blevins,
2007), pedophilia (Durkin and Bryant, 1999; Holt et al., 2010), fraud (Burns et al., 2004;
Newman and Clarke, 2003), piracy (Higgins, 2005), and terrorism (Brenner, 2008; Policing: An International Journal of
Stambaugh et al., 2001). There are few available statistics regarding the prevalence of Police Strategies & Management
Vol. 35 No. 1, 2012
cybercrimes reported to law enforcement agencies (Collier and Spaul, 1992; Goodman, pp. 165-181
1997; Holt et al., 2010; Wall, 2007). Evidence from various sources, however, indicate q Emerald Group Publishing Limited
1363-951X
that cybercrimes are increasing, as demonstrated in a national study of state and local DOI 10.1108/13639511211215504
PIJPSM police agencies which found that 80 percent of the participants believed there was a
35,1 “measurable increase” in computer crimes reported to their offices (Stambaugh et al.,
2001).
The economic impact of cybercrimes is more commonly documented for both
individuals and corporations. The Government Accountability Office (GAO) estimates
that various forms of cybercrime cost the economy approximately $117.5 billion each
166 year (GAO, 2007). Businesses reported average losses of $500,000 in 2008 due to
financial fraud incidents (Computer Security Institute, 2008), while individual
consumers lost an average of $575 to various types of fraud in 2009 (Internet Crime
Complaint Center, 2010). Beyond financial losses, there are significant emotional and
psychological consequences associated with cybercrime victimization, particularly for
children affected by pornography and pedophilia (Durkin and Bryant, 1999). Finally,
computer-based attacks against critical infrastructure, such as electrical grids, nuclear
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power plants, water sources, hospitals, and financial systems, are especially damaging
and possibly catastrophic because of how these systems are linked and dependent on
computer technology (Denning, 2001; Taylor et al., 2010).
In addition to a lack of official statistics, scholars have discussed the difficulties that
cybercrime poses to law enforcement (Brenner, 2008; Collier and Spaul, 1992;
Goodman, 1997; Hinduja, 2007; McQuade, 2006; Stambaugh et al., 2001; Taylor et al.,
2010; Wall, 2001). In particular, the internet allows cybercrime to transcend
geographical boundaries while also providing some degree of anonymity. This
produces confusion for victims as to what agencies are responsible for dealing with the
various forms of cybercrime. Commentators and police administrators alike have
argued that local law enforcement agencies, including their line officers, must increase
their capability to respond to cybercrimes (Goodman, 1997; NIJ, 2008; Stambaugh et al.,
2001). These scholars and officials expect patrol officers to play the same role in
computer crime cases as they do in traditional cases, namely as first responders who
arrive and secure the scene, collect some evidence, and interview witnesses (Goodman,
1997; Holt et al., 2010; NIJ, 2008; Stambaugh et al., 2001; Taylor et al., 2010).
In spite of the increasing literature questioning the ability of local law enforcement
to effectively deal with cybercrimes, few empirical studies have actually assessed how
local law enforcement has responded to this emerging problem. Most of our knowledge
on this issue is based on scholarly insights (Brenner, 2008; Goodman, 1997; Hinduja,
2007; Wall, 2001, Wall, 2007) or surveys of administrators or representatives of local
agencies (Hinduja, 2004; Marcum et al., 2010; Stambaugh et al., 2001). Patrol officers are
rarely surveyed to provide their feedback on how local law enforcement is responding
to cybercrime. Thus, there is a critical need for research exploring local law
enforcement awareness, perceptions, and preparation for dealing with cybercrimes
from the vantage point of the officers who are being asked to be first responders to
cybercrime (e.g. NIJ, 2008; Stambaugh et al., 2001). Such information can provide key
policy recommendations to improve the training and resources available for local law
enforcement agencies and increase the capability of patrol officers to appropriately
handle cybercrime cases. This study therefore sought to address this gap in our
knowledge by addressing multiple issues using a sample of patrol officers from two
southeastern cities. Three specific issues were addressed in the course of this analysis:
(1) the law enforcement agencies that line officers believe should be primarily
responsible for investigating cybercrime cases;
(2) their perceptions about their agency’s current ability to respond to these Responding to
offenses; and cybercrime
(3) their beliefs regarding the best ways to improve the social response to
cybercrime.
will act as first responders in future cybercrime cases exists in government documents
and training manuals as well (NIJ, 2008; Stambaugh et al., 2001). For example, the
second edition of “Electronic Crime Scene Investigations: A Guide for First
Responders,” published by the National Institute of Justice (2008), appears to be
geared toward patrol officers and details what to do upon arrival at a digital forensic
crime scene. This guide provides both basic and more advanced information for first
responders on how to recognize, seize, document, handle, package, and transport
digital evidence from an electronic crime scene.
Congruent with this vision that patrol officers need to be more effective first
responders (Goodman, 1997; Hinduja, 2007; NIJ, 2008; Stambaugh et al., 2001), there has
been consistent calls for more computer training for patrol officers (e.g. Brenner, 2008;
Collier and Spaul, 1992; Goodman, 1997; Hinduja, 2007; Holt et al., 2010; McQuade,
2006; Stambaugh et al., 2001; Wall, 2007). Evidence, however, suggests that local law
enforcement agencies do not have the proper training to investigate these offenses
(Hinduja, 2004, 2007; Holt et al., 2010; Senjo, 2004; Stambaugh et al., 2001; Swire, 2009).
For example, NIJ’s Electronic Crime Needs Assessment Study (Stambaugh et al., 2001)
found that only 37 percent of agencies reported that they provided basic computer
crime awareness and evidence collection training for their front-line personnel.
In Hinduja’s (2004) analysis of Michigan law enforcement agencies, he found that
75 percent of the agencies reported that additional training was the primary
requirement that would help them handle computer crime cases better. The training
needed, however, was for their “front-line officers, so that they are equipped with the
basic skill set essential for the proper management of interrogations, crime scenes,
computer evidence, and the attendant paper work involved” (Hinduja, 2004, p. 352).
Thus, basic computer literacy is necessary for patrol officers to be able to protect a
crime scene and ask witnesses and victims the correct questions (Goodman, 1997).
The final suggestion made by scholars for law enforcement to more capable of
addressing cybercrime is for them to work better with other agencies, entities, and
individuals that provide security on the internet (Brenner, 2008; Hinduja, 2007; Wall,
2007). This would include creating and strengthening relationships with online
citizens, internet service providers and web-hosting companies, state sponsored
non-public policing agencies, and other public law enforcement agencies (see Wall,
2001, 2007; Wall and Williams, 2007 for thorough discussion). Each of these could
make a strong contribution in “policing” the internet. For example, the largest control
group operating on the internet consists of online citizens who have direct exposure to Responding to
deviant and criminal activities online, enabling them to immediately recognize and cybercrime
report when illegal activities occur. In addition, internet service providers and
corporate computer security units maintain data that can be used as evidence, may act
as points of first contact with victims, and can cut off services to individuals to reduce
further victimization. State-sponsored non-public policing agencies, such as Computer
Emergency Response Teams, can also act as reporting resources for public and private 169
entities and may help to institute and enforce national infrastructure protection
guidelines. Finally, public law enforcement agencies must link their disparate
resources together to investigate and prosecute cybercrimes within the criminal justice
system. Thus, all of these organizations and individuals could play a role in better
investigating and prosecuting various forms of cybercrime at the local level (Wall,
2007).
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Data
The data for this study were collected from patrol officers in the
Charlotte-Mecklenburg police department (CMPD) in Charlotte, North Carolina and
the Savannah-Chatham Metropolitan police department (SCMPD) in Savannah,
Georgia. Although the two cities are both in the southeastern region of the United
States, they differ on several characteristics. Charlotte has a large population
consisting of approximately 687,456 residents within the city limits and over two
million in the combined statistical area, compared with Savannah’s much smaller
population of 134,669 residents (US Census Bureau, 2009). Charlotte is also a major
financial hub, second only to New York City in terms of banking centers and financial
institutions. Tourism, shipping, and military bases constitute the primary economic
drivers of the Savannah region. Additionally, the racial composition of these cities
PIJPSM differs as African-Americans compose the majority of the Savannah population
35,1 (57 percent) while Whites are the largest racial group (55 percent) in Charlotte.
In addition, the CMPD and SCMPD vary by size and demographic characteristics.
At the time of the surveys in the Spring of 2008, the CMPD had over 1,400 patrol
officers while the SCMPD had a little under 400 patrol officers. Approximately
85 percent of the officers in both departments were male; 78.3 percent of the CMPD
170 were White and 16.4 percent were African-American, compared to 59.4 percent of the
SCMPD being White and 33.4 percent being African-American. CMPD also has a
specialized cybercrime task force and participated in the 2001 NIJ report on local law
enforcement needs regarding electronic crimes (Stambaugh et al., 2001). SCMPD does
not have such resources within their department. Similar to almost all jurisdictions,
data are not readily available regarding the number of cybercrimes that have occurred
in these two jurisdictions, the number of cybercrimes reported to the police, or the
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Analysis
This analysis sought to examine officer attitudes toward the local law enforcement
response to cybercrime and their perception of the best steps to combat these offenses.
The primary focus of the analysis was to look for overall trends, though we also
examined the generalizability of results across demographic and experiential
characteristics. This allowed us to assess whether the opinions and perceptions are
widely held across all officers. Therefore, we examined whether their perceptions
significantly differed by sex, race, age, highest level of education, years of total policing
experience, experience with recent cybercrime cases, whether they have received
cybercrime investigation training, and the city in which they work. In order to examine
statistical significance ( p , .05), tests of significance were used to identify the
relationships between the variables.
35,1
172
Table I.
PIJPSM
calls. Thus, practical experiences with cybercrime may increase officer efficacy in
responding to these calls for service, much like with traditional offenses.
or recent experience with these cases did not view cybercrime as affecting the future of
policing more than those without these experiences.
(3)
(1) Not (2) A little Somewhat (4) (5) Very
n Mean SD important important important Important important
(1) Internet users being more careful on the internet 261 4.18 0.88 1.1 4.2 11.9 40.6 42.1
(2) More severe penalties for cybercriminals 260 4.14 0.84 1.2 3.1 12.7 46.5 36.5
(3) Increased prosecutions of cybercriminals 261 4.08 0.87 1.5 4.2 12.6 48.3 33.3
(4) Clearer legislation against cybercrimes to increase
the success of prosecution and investigation 262 4.04 0.87 1.5 4.2 14.5 48.5 31.3
(5) Special forensic tools and technologies 260 4.01 0.86 0.8 5.0 16.5 47.7 30.0
(6) Increased funding for training law enforcement
agencies 261 4.00 0.88 0.4 6.1 18.0 44.4 31.0
(7) Creating and improving relationships with federal
and state cybercrime task forces 260 3.99 0.87 1.5 3.8 17.7 48.1 28.8
(8) Working with service providers (e.g. AOL) to
“police” the internet 259 3.97 0.90 1.2 6.2 16.2 47.5 29.0
(9) Better education for the public concerning
cybercrime 262 3.96 0.88 0.8 6.5 16.8 47.7 28.2
(10) Cooperation with the business community (high-
industries) to improve crime reporting and
investigation 259 3.89 0.82 1.2 3.9 21.2 52.5 21.2
(11) Structured local cybercrime units 261 3.87 0.82 1.1 4.2 21.5 52.5 20.7
(12) Better methods for detecting cybercrime 262 3.80 0.87 0.80 7.3 22.9 49.2 19.8
(13) More computer training for line officers 261 3.73 0.98 3.1 7.7 23.8 44.4 21.1
(14) Increased management to develop county and
regional level cybercrime task forces 258 3.72 0.89 1.6 7.4 25.2 48.8 17.1
(15) Working with citizens online to “police” the internet 260 3.56 0.91 3.5 8.1 28.5 49.2 10.8
about cybercrime?
cybercrime
Table II.
Responding to
PIJPSM officers viewed public education as important, but the need for internet users to more
35,1 carefully manage themselves was considered much more critical.
Officers also emphasized the need to change the legal system to improve responses
to cybercrime. Officers felt computer criminals needed to receive more severe penalties
(mean ¼ 4.14), there needed to be an increase in the number of prosecutions
(mean ¼ 4.08), and clearer legislation needs to be written to increase the success of
176 investigation and prosecution (mean ¼ 4.04). Similar recommendations have been
proposed by various researchers over the last two decades and some notable legal
precedents have been observed at the federal level (Brenner, 2008; Goodman, 1997;
Stambaugh et al., 2001; Taylor et al., 2010; Wall, 2001). At the same time, these shifts
have not been consistently applied at the local level. Thus, officers’ responses reflect
that there is still a significant amount of improvement that must occur in the legal
response to cybercrime at the state level.
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Respondents also gave strong support for funding-related items that could increase
their capability to investigate cybercrime. For example, special forensic tools and
technologies were ranked fifth overall (mean ¼ 4.01). The unique nature of digital
evidence and continuing adaptation of technologies makes access to such equipment a
critical need for local law enforcement (Hinduja, 2004; McQuade, 2006; Stambaugh et al.,
2001; Taylor et al., 2010). Respondents also supported increased funding to train law
enforcement agencies ðmean ¼ 4:00Þ to respond to cybercrime generally. At the same
time, patrol officers ranked “More computer training for line patrol officers” as the
thirteenth most critical response overall. Thus, the scores suggest officers are not
interested in computer training for themselves that directly impact their day-to-day
activities.
Officers also viewed creating and improving relationships with federal and state
cybercrime task forces ðmean ¼ 3:99Þ as more important than collaborations or task
forces at the local level. “Structured local cybercrime units” ðmean ¼ 3:87Þ and
“Increased management to develop county and regional level cybercrime task forces”
ðmean ¼ 3:72Þ were ranked 11th and 14th respectively. Only 55.9 percent of
respondents stated that developing county and regional level cybercrime task forces is
important or very important, in keeping with officers’ perceptions that federal agencies
should be tasked with responding to cybercrimes rather than local officers (Burns et al.,
2004; Hinduja, 2004; Stambaugh et al., 2001).
It is also critical to note that officers recognized the need to work with the public or
private sector, but ranked these items lower by comparison to the other strategies. Of
the sample, 76.5 percent said that it was important for law enforcement to work with
service providers, such as AOL, to “police” the internet ðmean ¼ 3:97Þ: Additionally,
the officers showed support for working with the business community to improve both
crime reporting and investigation ðmean ¼ 3:89Þ: Thus, the officers placed substantial
value on partnering with the private sector to provide online social control, though
other systemic and social changes were much more critical.
The strategy that was the least popular among patrol officers was directly working
with citizens online to “police” the internet ðmean ¼ 3:56Þ; illustrating that local law
enforcement viewed online citizen relations as less important than all other strategies.
This finding is problematic in that internet users are the largest group that could be
involved in securing virtual spaces (Jones, 2007; Wall, 2001; Wall and Williams, 2007).
Similar resistance to community partnerships are evident in the literature on street
crimes (e.g. Adams et al., 2002). Thus, the officer responses noted here could be a Responding to
reflection of a general mistrust or dislike of community partnerships rather than a cybercrime
unique response to cybercrime in general.
Demographic and experiential characteristics influenced the support for certain
policies over others. Non-White officers placed more importance on additional
computer training for patrol officers and increased funding for training law
enforcement agencies. Officers with more formal education placed less value on 177
additional computer training for line officers, presumably because they already had
basic computer skills and felt additional education was unnecessary. In addition, older
officers saw 13 of the 15 items as being more important than those identified by
younger officers. Age was not significantly correlated with increases in cybercrime
prosecutions and the creation of structured local cybercrime crime units.
Involvement in recent cybercrime cases also influenced officer perceptions on the
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changes necessary to address cybercrime. First, they thought it was more important
for internet users to use caution while online. Second, these officers placed greater
significance on increasing penalties for computer criminals, prosecutions of computer
criminals, and developing clearer legislation against cybercrimes. Thus, their exposure
to cybercrime cases affected their views on the need to revamp the legal system
because of unsuccessful investigations or laws that were too vague to be fully
prosecuted. Third, they placed more value on increased funding for training law
enforcement agencies and for special forensic tools and technologies. Fourth, they
placed greater value on the need for management to develop county and regional level
cybercrime task forces. Although they were supportive of collaborations with other
entities and agencies, they placed greater emphasis than officers with no recent
experience on local agency relationships to increase their overall capacity to
investigate cybercrimes. Finally, SCMPD officers ranked all fifteen measures higher
than Charlotte officers. Therefore, these officers placed a stronger emphasis on these
items to be implemented to address cybercrime. Overall, however, the trends between
the two cities were fairly similar with both departments placing citizens being more
careful and changes to the legal system as the two top priorities.
policing cybercrime (e.g. Stambaugh et al., 2001). The respondents, however, placed
less emphasis than scholars and administrators on two of the most common policy
suggestions for local law enforcement agencies to better address cybercrime:
(1) additional computer training for front line officers (Brenner, 2008; Collier and
Spaul, 1992; Goodman, 1997; Hinduja, 2007; Holt et al., 2010; McQuade, 2006;
Stambaugh et al., 2001; Wall, 2007); and
(2) the creation of local cybercrime investigative units (Hinduja, 2007; Marcum
et al., 2010; Stambaugh et al., 2001).
As a whole, the findings indicate that the officers believe that changes need to occur to
better combat cybercrime, but were less interested in changes that would affect their
daily routine.
This study also found that officers placed less value on working with individuals
and entities in cyberspace relative to traditional criminal justice strategies. Creating
community partnerships take time and are often viewed as ineffective by some officers,
which may be reflected in the responses of the officers in this sample. Internet users
comprise the largest social control entity online, however, making them a key untapped
resource to manage cybercrime. Thus, future research is needed to develop and
evaluate virtual community policing initiatives and their impact on various forms of
cybercrime.
Several limitations of this study should be noted. First, these findings may have
limited generalizability as the sample is based on patrol officers in two Southeastern
cities. Although both departments have been studied in the policing literature to
understand complex and controversial issues, such as police officer decision making in
regards to stopping and questioning citizens (e.g. Alpert et al., 2005), police officer
stress (Lord, 1996), and the impact of street crime units on fear of crime (Rutherford
et al., 2009), developing a larger sample of agencies from various sized cities across the
country would strengthen the confidence in these findings.
In addition, our study experienced low response rates similar to previous studies
due to the salience of the topic to the officers (Burns et al., 2004; Marcum et al., 2010).
For example, Burns et al. (2004) received a 31 percent response rate in a federally
funded study on the ability of local law enforcement to combat fraud. Marcum et al.
(2010) also received 26.9 percent of the surveys sent out to local law enforcement
officials. Thus, the response rate from the SCMPD was more in line with previous
studies, though the CMPD responses may be lower due to an online delivery system Responding to
(Dillman, 2007). The demographics of these samples closely resembled that of the two cybercrime
departments and police departments in general (LEMAS, 2007). In addition, a large
percentage of the officers expressed “no opinion” on a majority of the items. If a
volunteer bias existed in the data, there may have been stronger opinions because the
topic interested them in some fashion. Considering the paucity of research in this area,
this sample provided an important opportunity to explore patrol officers’ perceptions 179
on cybercrime responses and whether these perceptions differ by demographics and
experiences. At the same time, there is a significant need for increased statistical
reporting on cybercrime in order to better understand the problem as well as how local
law enforcement and first responders are addressing these issues (Brenner, 2008; Burns
et al., 2004; Hinduja, 2004; Wall, 2007).
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Holt, T.J., Bossler, A.M. and Fitzgerald, S. (2010), “Examining state and local law enforcement
perceptions of computer crime”, in Holt, T.J. (Ed.), Crime On-line: Correlates, Causes, and
Context, Carolina Academic, Raleigh, NC, pp. 221-46.
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