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Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management

Patrol officers' perceived role in responding to cybercrime


Adam M. Bossler, , and Thomas J. Holt,
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Adam M. Bossler, , and Thomas J. Holt, (2012) "Patrol officers' perceived role in responding to cybercrime",
Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management, Vol. 35 Issue: 1, pp.165-181, https://
doi.org/10.1108/13639511211215504
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(2013),"Multi-agency partnerships in cybercrime reduction: Mapping the UK information assurance network
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Responding to
Patrol officers’ perceived role in cybercrime
responding to cybercrime
Adam M. Bossler
Justice Studies Program, Department of Political Science, 165
Georgia Southern University, Statesboro, Georgia, USA, and
Thomas J. Holt Received 29 October 2010
Revised 1 February 2011
School of Criminal Justice, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Accepted 6 March 2011
Michigan, USA
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Abstract
Purpose – Little empirical research exists regarding how local law enforcement has responded to
cybercrime. This paper aims to understand: the law enforcement agencies that line officers believe
should be primarily responsible for investigating cybercrime cases; their perceptions about their
agency’s current ability to respond to these offenses; and their beliefs regarding the best ways to
improve the social response to cybercrime.
Design/methodology/approach – The authors surveyed patrol officers in the Charlotte-
Mecklenburg and Savannah-Chatham Metropolitan police departments.
Findings – The authors found that officers do not believe that local law enforcement should be
primarily responsible for handling cybercrime cases and they have little information on how upper
management is addressing cybercrime. Officers indicated that the best strategies to deal with
cybercrime were greater care taken by citizens online and improvements to the legal system.
Research limitations/implications – Local law enforcement agencies feel they are unable to fully
address cybercrime. Although the findings were generally consistent across demographic and
experiential characteristics and cities, two cities in the southeastern United States were surveyed.
Practical implications – According to these officers, they want citizens to be more careful online
and for clarification of cybercrime laws and increased prosecutions. They do not favor local
cybercrime units and additional computer training for line officers as much as scholars and police
administrators advocate.
Originality/value – This paper studied the perceptions of patrol officers, who are the first
responders to most crime scenes, on local law enforcement responses to cybercrime and the strategies
they view to be most effective in combating cybercrime.
Keywords Cybercrime, Police, Officer perceptions, Law enforcement, Computer crime,
United States of America
Paper type Research paper

I. Introduction
Technology has radically altered the capacity of offenders to engage in most forms of
crime (Brenner, 2008; Taylor et al., 2010), including prostitution (Holt and Blevins,
2007), pedophilia (Durkin and Bryant, 1999; Holt et al., 2010), fraud (Burns et al., 2004;
Newman and Clarke, 2003), piracy (Higgins, 2005), and terrorism (Brenner, 2008; Policing: An International Journal of
Stambaugh et al., 2001). There are few available statistics regarding the prevalence of Police Strategies & Management
Vol. 35 No. 1, 2012
cybercrimes reported to law enforcement agencies (Collier and Spaul, 1992; Goodman, pp. 165-181
1997; Holt et al., 2010; Wall, 2007). Evidence from various sources, however, indicate q Emerald Group Publishing Limited
1363-951X
that cybercrimes are increasing, as demonstrated in a national study of state and local DOI 10.1108/13639511211215504
PIJPSM police agencies which found that 80 percent of the participants believed there was a
35,1 “measurable increase” in computer crimes reported to their offices (Stambaugh et al.,
2001).
The economic impact of cybercrimes is more commonly documented for both
individuals and corporations. The Government Accountability Office (GAO) estimates
that various forms of cybercrime cost the economy approximately $117.5 billion each
166 year (GAO, 2007). Businesses reported average losses of $500,000 in 2008 due to
financial fraud incidents (Computer Security Institute, 2008), while individual
consumers lost an average of $575 to various types of fraud in 2009 (Internet Crime
Complaint Center, 2010). Beyond financial losses, there are significant emotional and
psychological consequences associated with cybercrime victimization, particularly for
children affected by pornography and pedophilia (Durkin and Bryant, 1999). Finally,
computer-based attacks against critical infrastructure, such as electrical grids, nuclear
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power plants, water sources, hospitals, and financial systems, are especially damaging
and possibly catastrophic because of how these systems are linked and dependent on
computer technology (Denning, 2001; Taylor et al., 2010).
In addition to a lack of official statistics, scholars have discussed the difficulties that
cybercrime poses to law enforcement (Brenner, 2008; Collier and Spaul, 1992;
Goodman, 1997; Hinduja, 2007; McQuade, 2006; Stambaugh et al., 2001; Taylor et al.,
2010; Wall, 2001). In particular, the internet allows cybercrime to transcend
geographical boundaries while also providing some degree of anonymity. This
produces confusion for victims as to what agencies are responsible for dealing with the
various forms of cybercrime. Commentators and police administrators alike have
argued that local law enforcement agencies, including their line officers, must increase
their capability to respond to cybercrimes (Goodman, 1997; NIJ, 2008; Stambaugh et al.,
2001). These scholars and officials expect patrol officers to play the same role in
computer crime cases as they do in traditional cases, namely as first responders who
arrive and secure the scene, collect some evidence, and interview witnesses (Goodman,
1997; Holt et al., 2010; NIJ, 2008; Stambaugh et al., 2001; Taylor et al., 2010).
In spite of the increasing literature questioning the ability of local law enforcement
to effectively deal with cybercrimes, few empirical studies have actually assessed how
local law enforcement has responded to this emerging problem. Most of our knowledge
on this issue is based on scholarly insights (Brenner, 2008; Goodman, 1997; Hinduja,
2007; Wall, 2001, Wall, 2007) or surveys of administrators or representatives of local
agencies (Hinduja, 2004; Marcum et al., 2010; Stambaugh et al., 2001). Patrol officers are
rarely surveyed to provide their feedback on how local law enforcement is responding
to cybercrime. Thus, there is a critical need for research exploring local law
enforcement awareness, perceptions, and preparation for dealing with cybercrimes
from the vantage point of the officers who are being asked to be first responders to
cybercrime (e.g. NIJ, 2008; Stambaugh et al., 2001). Such information can provide key
policy recommendations to improve the training and resources available for local law
enforcement agencies and increase the capability of patrol officers to appropriately
handle cybercrime cases. This study therefore sought to address this gap in our
knowledge by addressing multiple issues using a sample of patrol officers from two
southeastern cities. Three specific issues were addressed in the course of this analysis:
(1) the law enforcement agencies that line officers believe should be primarily
responsible for investigating cybercrime cases;
(2) their perceptions about their agency’s current ability to respond to these Responding to
offenses; and cybercrime
(3) their beliefs regarding the best ways to improve the social response to
cybercrime.

II. Policing and cybercrime


The media often report and hypothesize on the vulnerabilities in financial and 167
governmental computer network systems at the hands of hackers from across the
globe (Taylor et al., 2010). Though such targets are more likely to involve international
perpetrators, individuals living in close proximity to one another quite often use the
internet to engage in various crimes. In fact, data from the Internet Crime Complaint
Center (2010) suggests that between 20 and 35 percent of reports of internet-based
fraud from ten states have both offenders and victims living in the same state. In
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addition, juveniles are likely to experience cyberbullying or online harassment from


individuals they know in the real world as friends or associates (Wolack et al., 2006).
Thus, cybercrime can also be viewed as a local problem that requires local law
enforcement involvement (Wall, 2001), even if most cybercrimes are not currently
reported to authorities (Brenner, 2008; Holt et al., 2010).
Cybercrimes pose a significant challenge for law enforcement agencies at the local
level (Burns et al., 2004; Goodman, 1997; Holt et al., 2010; McQuade, 2006; Senjo, 2004;
Stambaugh et al., 2001; Swire, 2009; Wall, 2001, 2007). According to scholars and police
administrators, a long list of issues have complicated local cybercrime investigations,
including: the lack of a standard definition for cybercrime; little public outcry in
comparison to traditional forms of crime; difficulty in investigating an invisible crime;
an inability to acquire and maintain the required technologies needed to investigate
these offenses due to resources; difficulty in training and retaining officers; and gaining
managerial and line officer support for investigating these forms of crime (Goodman,
1997; McQuade, 2006; Senjo, 2004; Stambaugh et al., 2001; Taylor et al., 2010; Wall,
2001). Due to these challenges, scholars have attempted to assess the ways that local
officers perceive cybercrime and their ability to respond to it. Local law enforcement
agencies generally place low priority on computer cases, unless they are child
pornography or pedophilia related (Hinduja, 2004; Senjo, 2004; Stambaugh et al., 2001).
They also feel that police management and prosecutors have little knowledge of
cybercrime and that they do not have the resources needed to adequately investigate
and prosecute the offenses (Burns et al., 2004; Hinduja, 2004; Holt et al., 2010;
Stambaugh et al., 2001). They therefore perceive state or federal agencies as the
appropriate investigative agencies to respond to such cases (Burns et al., 2004;
Goodman, 1997; Hinduja, 2004; Holt et al., 2010; McQuade, 2006; Senjo, 2004;
Stambaugh et al., 2001; Swire, 2009).
In light of these complications, scholars and police administrators have argued for
local law enforcement to increase their role by making several improvements and
adaptations (e.g. McQuade, 2006; Senjo, 2004; Stambaugh et al., 2001). For example, the
development of more local cybercrime investigation units could significantly impact
the ability of local agencies to investigate cybercrimes with less assistance from state
and federal agencies (Hinduja, 2007; Marcum et al., 2010). However, there are few
specialized cybercrime units at the local level due to insufficient funding. This reduces
the availability of these units to directly handle cybercrime cases and makes it difficult
PIJPSM to implement this change (Hinduja, 2004, 2007; Marcum et al., 2010; Stambaugh et al.,
35,1 2001).
Scholars have therefore argued that one of the most critical steps that can be taken
is to ensure that patrol officers take the same role in cybercrime cases as they do in
traditional crimes: act as first responders, secure the crime scene and evidence, and talk
with witnesses (Hinduja, 2007; NIJ, 2008; Stambaugh et al., 2001). Unfortunately, scant
168 data exists on how often patrol officers actually respond to cybercrime calls, although
many officers report that it is currently rare (Holt et al., 2010). Scholars and
administrators, however, believe that patrol officers will have to play a larger role in
cybercrime investigations because of their proven contributions in solving traditional
crimes. For example, Hinduja (2007) notes that the classic RAND studies of the 1970s
found that the most important factor in a case being solved was the information
provided to the responding officer by the victim. The assumption that patrol officers
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will act as first responders in future cybercrime cases exists in government documents
and training manuals as well (NIJ, 2008; Stambaugh et al., 2001). For example, the
second edition of “Electronic Crime Scene Investigations: A Guide for First
Responders,” published by the National Institute of Justice (2008), appears to be
geared toward patrol officers and details what to do upon arrival at a digital forensic
crime scene. This guide provides both basic and more advanced information for first
responders on how to recognize, seize, document, handle, package, and transport
digital evidence from an electronic crime scene.
Congruent with this vision that patrol officers need to be more effective first
responders (Goodman, 1997; Hinduja, 2007; NIJ, 2008; Stambaugh et al., 2001), there has
been consistent calls for more computer training for patrol officers (e.g. Brenner, 2008;
Collier and Spaul, 1992; Goodman, 1997; Hinduja, 2007; Holt et al., 2010; McQuade,
2006; Stambaugh et al., 2001; Wall, 2007). Evidence, however, suggests that local law
enforcement agencies do not have the proper training to investigate these offenses
(Hinduja, 2004, 2007; Holt et al., 2010; Senjo, 2004; Stambaugh et al., 2001; Swire, 2009).
For example, NIJ’s Electronic Crime Needs Assessment Study (Stambaugh et al., 2001)
found that only 37 percent of agencies reported that they provided basic computer
crime awareness and evidence collection training for their front-line personnel.
In Hinduja’s (2004) analysis of Michigan law enforcement agencies, he found that
75 percent of the agencies reported that additional training was the primary
requirement that would help them handle computer crime cases better. The training
needed, however, was for their “front-line officers, so that they are equipped with the
basic skill set essential for the proper management of interrogations, crime scenes,
computer evidence, and the attendant paper work involved” (Hinduja, 2004, p. 352).
Thus, basic computer literacy is necessary for patrol officers to be able to protect a
crime scene and ask witnesses and victims the correct questions (Goodman, 1997).
The final suggestion made by scholars for law enforcement to more capable of
addressing cybercrime is for them to work better with other agencies, entities, and
individuals that provide security on the internet (Brenner, 2008; Hinduja, 2007; Wall,
2007). This would include creating and strengthening relationships with online
citizens, internet service providers and web-hosting companies, state sponsored
non-public policing agencies, and other public law enforcement agencies (see Wall,
2001, 2007; Wall and Williams, 2007 for thorough discussion). Each of these could
make a strong contribution in “policing” the internet. For example, the largest control
group operating on the internet consists of online citizens who have direct exposure to Responding to
deviant and criminal activities online, enabling them to immediately recognize and cybercrime
report when illegal activities occur. In addition, internet service providers and
corporate computer security units maintain data that can be used as evidence, may act
as points of first contact with victims, and can cut off services to individuals to reduce
further victimization. State-sponsored non-public policing agencies, such as Computer
Emergency Response Teams, can also act as reporting resources for public and private 169
entities and may help to institute and enforce national infrastructure protection
guidelines. Finally, public law enforcement agencies must link their disparate
resources together to investigate and prosecute cybercrimes within the criminal justice
system. Thus, all of these organizations and individuals could play a role in better
investigating and prosecuting various forms of cybercrime at the local level (Wall,
2007).
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III. Present study


Scholars (Brenner, 2008; Goodman, 1997; Hinduja, 2007; Wall, 2001, 2007) and law
enforcement administrators (Marcum et al., 2010; Stambaugh et al., 2001) have
provided insights into the problems that cybercrime poses for law enforcement with
some scholars and officials asking patrol officers to be better trained for future first
responses to cybercrimes (Goodman, 1997; Hinduja, 2007; NIJ, 2008; Stambaugh et al.,
2001). Surveys of patrol officers regarding their views of cybercrime are quite rare (see
Senjo, 2004 for exception). Thus, there is a need to understand the perspective of what
should be done about cybercrime from the vantage point of patrol officers. In order to
address this gap, we surveyed patrol officers from two southeastern cities in the United
States to assess their views on cybercrime investigation and the social response to
these offenses. Three specific issues were addressed in the course of this analysis:
(1) the law enforcement agencies that line officers believe should be primarily
responsible for investigating cybercrime cases;
(2) their perceptions about their agency’s current ability to respond to these
offenses; and
(3) their beliefs regarding the best ways to improve the social response to
cybercrime.

Data
The data for this study were collected from patrol officers in the
Charlotte-Mecklenburg police department (CMPD) in Charlotte, North Carolina and
the Savannah-Chatham Metropolitan police department (SCMPD) in Savannah,
Georgia. Although the two cities are both in the southeastern region of the United
States, they differ on several characteristics. Charlotte has a large population
consisting of approximately 687,456 residents within the city limits and over two
million in the combined statistical area, compared with Savannah’s much smaller
population of 134,669 residents (US Census Bureau, 2009). Charlotte is also a major
financial hub, second only to New York City in terms of banking centers and financial
institutions. Tourism, shipping, and military bases constitute the primary economic
drivers of the Savannah region. Additionally, the racial composition of these cities
PIJPSM differs as African-Americans compose the majority of the Savannah population
35,1 (57 percent) while Whites are the largest racial group (55 percent) in Charlotte.
In addition, the CMPD and SCMPD vary by size and demographic characteristics.
At the time of the surveys in the Spring of 2008, the CMPD had over 1,400 patrol
officers while the SCMPD had a little under 400 patrol officers. Approximately
85 percent of the officers in both departments were male; 78.3 percent of the CMPD
170 were White and 16.4 percent were African-American, compared to 59.4 percent of the
SCMPD being White and 33.4 percent being African-American. CMPD also has a
specialized cybercrime task force and participated in the 2001 NIJ report on local law
enforcement needs regarding electronic crimes (Stambaugh et al., 2001). SCMPD does
not have such resources within their department. Similar to almost all jurisdictions,
data are not readily available regarding the number of cybercrimes that have occurred
in these two jurisdictions, the number of cybercrimes reported to the police, or the
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percentage of cybercrimes responded to by patrol officers as first responders. The


differences between these two cities and departments provide important points of
comparison to examine for consistency and generalizability of the results.
A survey instrument was created using questions adapted from studies on
computer crime awareness among the police (Hinduja, 2004; Holt et al., 2010; Senjo,
2004; Stambaugh et al., 2001) and the general public (Furnell, 2002). The goal of this
study was to assess the perceptions of patrol officers who are asked to respond to a
wide variety of offenses as part of their daily duties. Thus, administrators, managers,
and detectives were not asked to participate in the study. We did not employ a specific
sampling strategy. Instead, all patrol officers at the rank of Sergeant and below were
asked to participate and complete the survey, creating a sample of volunteers. Officers
with ranks higher than Sergeant were not asked to participate as these officers would
have had more managerial and supervisory responsibilities and our study focused on
line officer perceptions. Therefore, 100 percent of the officers who completed the survey
were line officers.
In order to collect the data in the SCMPD, paper copies of the survey instrument
were given to command staff at a weekly departmental meeting in the Spring of 2008
and were then distributed to the precincts for all patrol officers ranked Sergeant and
below to complete. The command staff forwarded 144 completed surveys (36 percent
response rate) back to the research team to analyze. In order to accommodate the
CMPD, the survey was uploaded on an internal departmental website for all patrol
officers ranked Sergeant and below to complete. An electronic data file of 124
completed instruments (response rate of 9 percent) was delivered to the research staff
for analysis. We discuss the limitations of the volunteer nature of our sample and the
response rates in the limitations section.
A final sample of 268 surveys was analyzed. The overwhelming majority were male
(86.4 percent) and White (75.6 percent), closely matching demographic characteristics
of police officers in US police departments. LEMAS (2007) reports that 87.5 percent of
police officers are male and that 25 percent consist of racial minorities. The percentages
of male officers in the two samples were equivalent, but the CMPD sample had more
White officers in keeping with the demographics of the departments. The mean age for
the sample was 37.1 years old, ranging from 22 to 63. Half the sample had more than
ten years of policing experience, while only 21.3 percent of the sample had two years or
less of policing experience. A total of 40 percent had completed a four-year degree,
while another 9.7 percent had taken or completed graduate or law courses. These Responding to
characteristics are also similar to the demographic composition of the police workforce cybercrime
nationally (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2009). The CMPD had a higher concentration of
officers with more policing experience and higher levels of education. Finally,
44 percent of the sample has some type of military experience. The SCMPD had a
statistically significant higher percentage of officers with military experience because
of its close proximity to two military bases in the region. 171
In order to understand the officers’ baseline experiences with cybercrime in each
city, respondents were asked to describe their exposure to cybercrime cases. In total,
61.5 percent stated that they have never had any experience with a cybercrime case;
16.9 percent had some experience, but the case was over a year ago. Two-thirds of the
Charlotte officers had never been involved in a cybercrime case compared to
55.9 percent of the Savannah officers. The respondents estimated that 11 percent of the
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officers in their department had previously worked on a cybercrime case (estimates


ranged from 0 to 95 percent). Additionally, only 11.6 percent of the respondents
received any form of cybercrime investigation training. Of the Charlotte officers,
16.1 percent received cybercrime investigation training, compared to 7.6 percent of the
Savannah officers.

Analysis
This analysis sought to examine officer attitudes toward the local law enforcement
response to cybercrime and their perception of the best steps to combat these offenses.
The primary focus of the analysis was to look for overall trends, though we also
examined the generalizability of results across demographic and experiential
characteristics. This allowed us to assess whether the opinions and perceptions are
widely held across all officers. Therefore, we examined whether their perceptions
significantly differed by sex, race, age, highest level of education, years of total policing
experience, experience with recent cybercrime cases, whether they have received
cybercrime investigation training, and the city in which they work. In order to examine
statistical significance ( p , .05), tests of significance were used to identify the
relationships between the variables.

IV. Results and discussion


Police responses to cybercrime
Officers were asked three questions to assess whether they believed that federal and
state law enforcement agencies, local law enforcement agencies, or local cybercrime
units should have primary responsibility for investigating local cybercrime (see
Table I). A relatively balanced number of officers agreed and disagreed (approximately
one quarter) that local cybercrimes should be handled by federal or state agencies. Of
the respondents, 50 percent either had no opinion on the matter or did not know
whether the federal or state agencies should be primarily responsible. When asked if
local cybercrime should be primarily investigated by local law enforcement, only
18.3 percent of the officers agreed. At the same time, 39.2 percent of the patrol officers
did not think that local law enforcement should primarily deal with local cybercrime
and another 40 percent were not sure. These findings mirror existing research that
local line officers do not feel that local law enforcement should be primarily responsible
for investigating cybercrimes (Burns et al., 2004; Goodman, 1997; Hinduja, 2004; Senjo,
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35,1

172

Table I.
PIJPSM

Local law enforcement


response to cybercrime
(1) Strongly (5) Strongly
n Mean SD agree (2) Agree (3) Neither (4) Disagree disagree

Responsibility for dealing with cybercrime


Controlling cybercrime in the local area is the
primary responsibility of the federal and state
governments 256 2.98 0.85 4.3 20.7 50.8 21.1 3.1
Controlling cybercrime in the local area is the
primary responsibility of the local police 258 3.29 0.90 1.2 17.1 42.6 29.5 9.7
Most cybercrime reports/calls should be responded
to directly by a computer crime unit 257 2.14 0.86 21.8 51.0 20.2 5.8 1.2
Police response to cybercrime
Most cybercrimes often go unreported to law
enforcement 255 2.31 0.78 12.5 51.0 30.6 5.1 0.8
Cybercrime is not taken seriously enough by law
enforcement 257 3.05 0.84 3.9 18.3 49.4 25.7 2.7
Upper management in our department treats
cybercrime serious enough 258 3.09 0.74 2.3 11.2 66.3 15.5 4.7
Upper management in our department is taking the
proper steps to address cybercrime 258 3.05 0.65 1.9 10.1 71.7 13.6 2.7
Additional computer training should be a top
priority for our department 255 2.65 0.87 8.2 34.9 43.1 11.4 2.4
Cybercrime will dramatically change police work 259 2.46 0.84 10.8 44.4 33.6 10.8 0.4
Cultural support for cybercrime investigations
Investigating cybercrime drains valuable police
resources that should be spent investigating other
crimes 257 3.67 0.92 2.3 7.8 26.8 46.3 16.7
Conducting a stakeout on the computer is just as
important as a traditional stakeout 257 2.57 0.92 12.1 34.2 40.5 10.9 2.3
Real police work occurs on the street, not behind a
desk 258 3.14 1.05 8.5 17.1 32.9 35.3 6.2
2004). Finally, a majority of officers (72.8 percent) agreed that most cybercrime reports Responding to
should be responded to directly by a specialized cybercrime unit, suggesting that cybercrime
patrol officers strongly believe unique units are better equipped to respond to
cybercrimes than patrol officers.
Overall, these views were consistently reported across groups of officers. There
were no statistical differences by city, race, highest level of education, years of total
policing experience, and whether the officer received cybercrime investigation training. 173
Female officers, however, were more likely than males to indicate that investigating
local cybercrime complaints are not the primary responsibility of the local police. Older
officers were also less likely to believe that local cybercrime is primarily the
responsibility of the state and federal level, though age was not related to the question
of local responsibility. Finally, officers with more recent exposure to cybercrime cases
were less likely to feel that specialized units should directly respond to cybercrime
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calls. Thus, practical experiences with cybercrime may increase officer efficacy in
responding to these calls for service, much like with traditional offenses.

Police response to cybercrime


The patrol officers were also asked a series of questions exploring the ways that local
departments were responding to local cybercrime. Almost two-thirds (63.5 percent) of
the officers agreed that most cybercrimes go unreported to law enforcement. This
strongly supports previous arguments that there is a significant dark figure of
cybercrime (Hinduja, 2004; Holt et al., 2010; Stambaugh et al., 2001; Taylor et al., 2010;
Wall, 2001, 2007). In fact, officers with more recent cybercrime case involvement were
more likely to agree that most cybercrimes go unreported.
Half of the patrol officers did not know or had no opinion on whether cybercrime
was being taken seriously by law enforcement. Although 28.4 percent of the officers
felt that law enforcement was taking cybercrime seriously enough, 22.2 percent
disagreed with this sentiment. These findings suggest that officers in general do not
think about cybercrimes in the course of their day-to-day activities and do not place a
strong emphasis on combating these offenses (Goodman, 1997; Stambaugh et al., 2001).
Similarly, a majority of officers had no opinion or knowledge of whether upper
management treated cybercrime seriously enough (66.3 percent) or were taking the
proper steps to address it (71.7 percent). Only 13.5 percent believed that upper
management treated cybercrime seriously enough and 12 percent thought that it was
taking the proper steps to address it. Clearly, the officers had little knowledge on how
or if upper management was addressing cybercrime at the local level. In addition,
43.1 percent had no strong opinion on whether additional computer training should be
a top priority, although the same percentage believed it should be a top priority.
Although there was general agreement on these views, there were statistically
significant differences based on the city the officer served, sex, race, experience with
cybercrime cases, cybercrime investigation training, and age. Officers in Savannah
were: more likely to believe that cybercrime was taken seriously by law enforcement in
general; more likely to disagree with the notion that upper management was taking the
proper steps to address cybercrime; and believed that additional computer training
should be more of a top priority for its department. Such a difference may be a function
of the city, as Charlotte has a specialized cybercrime unit within the agency, whereas
Savannah has no such group. In addition, White officers and those with cybercrime
PIJPSM investigation training were more likely to agree that cybercrime was not taken
35,1 seriously by law enforcement. Male officers were more likely to agree that upper
management was treating cybercrime seriously enough, although officers with more
recent experience with cybercrime cases did not agree. Thus, officers who have been
exposed to actual cybercrime investigations were cognizant of less managerial support
for these offenses that might not be evident to the larger pool of officers (Stambaugh
174 et al., 2001). Finally, older officers were more likely to agree that additional computer
training should be a top priority.
Despite the absence of strong attitudinal responses to cybercrime, more than half of
the respondents (55.2 percent) agreed that cybercrime would dramatically change
policing. Only 11.2 percent of respondents disagreed; 33.6 percent had no opinion. In
addition, there were no significant differences across demographic and experiential
categories. This is surprising given that officers with cybercrime investigation training
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or recent experience with these cases did not view cybercrime as affecting the future of
policing more than those without these experiences.

Cultural support for cybercrime investigation


Almost two-thirds (63 percent) of the officers believed that cybercrime investigations
did not drain valuable resources that should be spent investigating other crimes. In
addition, many of the officers (46.3 percent) agreed that computer stakeouts were an
important investigative technique. Finally, officers were asked whether “real” police
work could occur behind a desk – something necessary for many cybercrime
investigations. Although 25.6 percent of the officers believed that “real” police work
occurred on the street, 41.5 percent felt that desk-based investigations are valuable
tools in police work. Thus, the findings generally indicate that there is some support
among officers for cybercrime investigations.
The findings regarding the cultural support for cybercrime investigations were
generally universal, although some groups had stronger beliefs. Sex, education level,
years of policing experience, and whether the officer had received cybercrime
investigation training were not significantly related to any of the three items. Those
with more recent cybercrime case experiences, however, were more likely to believe
that investigating cybercrime had no effect on police resources for other offenses. In
addition, older and non-White officers were more likely to agree that computer-based
stakeouts were just as important as traditional stakeouts. Older officers were also more
likely to feel that real police work can occur behind a desk.

Strategies to improve the response to cybercrime


To assess the most important strategies and policy changes for dealing with
cybercrime from the vantage point of patrol officers, respondents were asked to score
fifteen items on their importance (1 ¼ not important; 21 ¼ a little important;
31 ¼ somewhat important; 41 ¼ important; 51 ¼ very important). The results for
these items were ranked in order of importance in Table II. These items were used to
explore general trends, not to focus on percentage differences.
The top four ranked strategies for dealing with cybercrime were non-police
responses. The most important response to combat cybercrime was for internet users
to be more careful while online (mean ¼ 4.18). Educating the public about the dangers
of the internet (mean ¼ 3.96), however, ranked well below many other strategies. Thus,
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(3)
(1) Not (2) A little Somewhat (4) (5) Very
n Mean SD important important important Important important

(1) Internet users being more careful on the internet 261 4.18 0.88 1.1 4.2 11.9 40.6 42.1
(2) More severe penalties for cybercriminals 260 4.14 0.84 1.2 3.1 12.7 46.5 36.5
(3) Increased prosecutions of cybercriminals 261 4.08 0.87 1.5 4.2 12.6 48.3 33.3
(4) Clearer legislation against cybercrimes to increase
the success of prosecution and investigation 262 4.04 0.87 1.5 4.2 14.5 48.5 31.3
(5) Special forensic tools and technologies 260 4.01 0.86 0.8 5.0 16.5 47.7 30.0
(6) Increased funding for training law enforcement
agencies 261 4.00 0.88 0.4 6.1 18.0 44.4 31.0
(7) Creating and improving relationships with federal
and state cybercrime task forces 260 3.99 0.87 1.5 3.8 17.7 48.1 28.8
(8) Working with service providers (e.g. AOL) to
“police” the internet 259 3.97 0.90 1.2 6.2 16.2 47.5 29.0
(9) Better education for the public concerning
cybercrime 262 3.96 0.88 0.8 6.5 16.8 47.7 28.2
(10) Cooperation with the business community (high-
industries) to improve crime reporting and
investigation 259 3.89 0.82 1.2 3.9 21.2 52.5 21.2
(11) Structured local cybercrime units 261 3.87 0.82 1.1 4.2 21.5 52.5 20.7
(12) Better methods for detecting cybercrime 262 3.80 0.87 0.80 7.3 22.9 49.2 19.8
(13) More computer training for line officers 261 3.73 0.98 3.1 7.7 23.8 44.4 21.1
(14) Increased management to develop county and
regional level cybercrime task forces 258 3.72 0.89 1.6 7.4 25.2 48.8 17.1
(15) Working with citizens online to “police” the internet 260 3.56 0.91 3.5 8.1 28.5 49.2 10.8

about cybercrime?
cybercrime

What should be done


175

Table II.
Responding to
PIJPSM officers viewed public education as important, but the need for internet users to more
35,1 carefully manage themselves was considered much more critical.
Officers also emphasized the need to change the legal system to improve responses
to cybercrime. Officers felt computer criminals needed to receive more severe penalties
(mean ¼ 4.14), there needed to be an increase in the number of prosecutions
(mean ¼ 4.08), and clearer legislation needs to be written to increase the success of
176 investigation and prosecution (mean ¼ 4.04). Similar recommendations have been
proposed by various researchers over the last two decades and some notable legal
precedents have been observed at the federal level (Brenner, 2008; Goodman, 1997;
Stambaugh et al., 2001; Taylor et al., 2010; Wall, 2001). At the same time, these shifts
have not been consistently applied at the local level. Thus, officers’ responses reflect
that there is still a significant amount of improvement that must occur in the legal
response to cybercrime at the state level.
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Respondents also gave strong support for funding-related items that could increase
their capability to investigate cybercrime. For example, special forensic tools and
technologies were ranked fifth overall (mean ¼ 4.01). The unique nature of digital
evidence and continuing adaptation of technologies makes access to such equipment a
critical need for local law enforcement (Hinduja, 2004; McQuade, 2006; Stambaugh et al.,
2001; Taylor et al., 2010). Respondents also supported increased funding to train law
enforcement agencies ðmean ¼ 4:00Þ to respond to cybercrime generally. At the same
time, patrol officers ranked “More computer training for line patrol officers” as the
thirteenth most critical response overall. Thus, the scores suggest officers are not
interested in computer training for themselves that directly impact their day-to-day
activities.
Officers also viewed creating and improving relationships with federal and state
cybercrime task forces ðmean ¼ 3:99Þ as more important than collaborations or task
forces at the local level. “Structured local cybercrime units” ðmean ¼ 3:87Þ and
“Increased management to develop county and regional level cybercrime task forces”
ðmean ¼ 3:72Þ were ranked 11th and 14th respectively. Only 55.9 percent of
respondents stated that developing county and regional level cybercrime task forces is
important or very important, in keeping with officers’ perceptions that federal agencies
should be tasked with responding to cybercrimes rather than local officers (Burns et al.,
2004; Hinduja, 2004; Stambaugh et al., 2001).
It is also critical to note that officers recognized the need to work with the public or
private sector, but ranked these items lower by comparison to the other strategies. Of
the sample, 76.5 percent said that it was important for law enforcement to work with
service providers, such as AOL, to “police” the internet ðmean ¼ 3:97Þ: Additionally,
the officers showed support for working with the business community to improve both
crime reporting and investigation ðmean ¼ 3:89Þ: Thus, the officers placed substantial
value on partnering with the private sector to provide online social control, though
other systemic and social changes were much more critical.
The strategy that was the least popular among patrol officers was directly working
with citizens online to “police” the internet ðmean ¼ 3:56Þ; illustrating that local law
enforcement viewed online citizen relations as less important than all other strategies.
This finding is problematic in that internet users are the largest group that could be
involved in securing virtual spaces (Jones, 2007; Wall, 2001; Wall and Williams, 2007).
Similar resistance to community partnerships are evident in the literature on street
crimes (e.g. Adams et al., 2002). Thus, the officer responses noted here could be a Responding to
reflection of a general mistrust or dislike of community partnerships rather than a cybercrime
unique response to cybercrime in general.
Demographic and experiential characteristics influenced the support for certain
policies over others. Non-White officers placed more importance on additional
computer training for patrol officers and increased funding for training law
enforcement agencies. Officers with more formal education placed less value on 177
additional computer training for line officers, presumably because they already had
basic computer skills and felt additional education was unnecessary. In addition, older
officers saw 13 of the 15 items as being more important than those identified by
younger officers. Age was not significantly correlated with increases in cybercrime
prosecutions and the creation of structured local cybercrime crime units.
Involvement in recent cybercrime cases also influenced officer perceptions on the
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changes necessary to address cybercrime. First, they thought it was more important
for internet users to use caution while online. Second, these officers placed greater
significance on increasing penalties for computer criminals, prosecutions of computer
criminals, and developing clearer legislation against cybercrimes. Thus, their exposure
to cybercrime cases affected their views on the need to revamp the legal system
because of unsuccessful investigations or laws that were too vague to be fully
prosecuted. Third, they placed more value on increased funding for training law
enforcement agencies and for special forensic tools and technologies. Fourth, they
placed greater value on the need for management to develop county and regional level
cybercrime task forces. Although they were supportive of collaborations with other
entities and agencies, they placed greater emphasis than officers with no recent
experience on local agency relationships to increase their overall capacity to
investigate cybercrimes. Finally, SCMPD officers ranked all fifteen measures higher
than Charlotte officers. Therefore, these officers placed a stronger emphasis on these
items to be implemented to address cybercrime. Overall, however, the trends between
the two cities were fairly similar with both departments placing citizens being more
careful and changes to the legal system as the two top priorities.

V. Conclusions and limitations


This study surveyed patrol officers in two police departments in the southeastern
United States to identify what agencies or units they perceived should be primarily
responsible for handling local cybercrime cases, how the police were handling these
types of cases, and their perceptions on the most important strategies for responding to
cybercrime. Overall, the findings support the small body of research that indicates that
officers had little experience handling or responding to cybercrime calls (Burns et al.,
2004; Goodman, 1997; Hinduja, 2004; Holt et al., 2010; McQuade, 2006; Senjo, 2004;
Stambaugh et al., 2001; Swire, 2009; Taylor et al., 2010). The officers suggested that
local law enforcement should not be primarily responsible for addressing cybercrime.
In addition, they have little information on the ways that upper management addresses
cybercrime. Even those officers who had experience with cybercrime cases had mixed
attitudes on many cybercrime-related issues. Thus, there appears to be generally little
improvement in cybercrime investigation at the local level, despite repeated calls for
change over the last two decades (Brenner, 2008; Goodman, 1997; Hinduja, 2004;
McQuade, 2006; Stambaugh et al., 2001).
PIJPSM Officers generally reported that their agency is supportive of cybercrime
35,1 investigation. Regular discussions of these issues by management in departmental
meetings may increase officer awareness of both cybercrimes and demonstrate that
command staff is responding to cybercrime in the local area. Clear managerial support
for cybercrime investigation may also improve officer willingness to respond to these
calls for service (Stambaugh et al., 2001). In addition, public awareness campaigns
178 regarding the need to report cybercrimes to law enforcement may greatly improve
citizen reporting of cybercrime and decrease the dark figure of cybercrime.
The patrol officers’ views on the most important steps to combat cybercrime shared
both similarities and differences with that of scholars and police administrators. Patrol
officers thought that the most important steps that could be taken to decrease
cybercrime would be for citizens to be more careful online and for significant changes
to occur to the legal system, similar to arguments made in previous research on
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policing cybercrime (e.g. Stambaugh et al., 2001). The respondents, however, placed
less emphasis than scholars and administrators on two of the most common policy
suggestions for local law enforcement agencies to better address cybercrime:
(1) additional computer training for front line officers (Brenner, 2008; Collier and
Spaul, 1992; Goodman, 1997; Hinduja, 2007; Holt et al., 2010; McQuade, 2006;
Stambaugh et al., 2001; Wall, 2007); and
(2) the creation of local cybercrime investigative units (Hinduja, 2007; Marcum
et al., 2010; Stambaugh et al., 2001).

As a whole, the findings indicate that the officers believe that changes need to occur to
better combat cybercrime, but were less interested in changes that would affect their
daily routine.
This study also found that officers placed less value on working with individuals
and entities in cyberspace relative to traditional criminal justice strategies. Creating
community partnerships take time and are often viewed as ineffective by some officers,
which may be reflected in the responses of the officers in this sample. Internet users
comprise the largest social control entity online, however, making them a key untapped
resource to manage cybercrime. Thus, future research is needed to develop and
evaluate virtual community policing initiatives and their impact on various forms of
cybercrime.
Several limitations of this study should be noted. First, these findings may have
limited generalizability as the sample is based on patrol officers in two Southeastern
cities. Although both departments have been studied in the policing literature to
understand complex and controversial issues, such as police officer decision making in
regards to stopping and questioning citizens (e.g. Alpert et al., 2005), police officer
stress (Lord, 1996), and the impact of street crime units on fear of crime (Rutherford
et al., 2009), developing a larger sample of agencies from various sized cities across the
country would strengthen the confidence in these findings.
In addition, our study experienced low response rates similar to previous studies
due to the salience of the topic to the officers (Burns et al., 2004; Marcum et al., 2010).
For example, Burns et al. (2004) received a 31 percent response rate in a federally
funded study on the ability of local law enforcement to combat fraud. Marcum et al.
(2010) also received 26.9 percent of the surveys sent out to local law enforcement
officials. Thus, the response rate from the SCMPD was more in line with previous
studies, though the CMPD responses may be lower due to an online delivery system Responding to
(Dillman, 2007). The demographics of these samples closely resembled that of the two cybercrime
departments and police departments in general (LEMAS, 2007). In addition, a large
percentage of the officers expressed “no opinion” on a majority of the items. If a
volunteer bias existed in the data, there may have been stronger opinions because the
topic interested them in some fashion. Considering the paucity of research in this area,
this sample provided an important opportunity to explore patrol officers’ perceptions 179
on cybercrime responses and whether these perceptions differ by demographics and
experiences. At the same time, there is a significant need for increased statistical
reporting on cybercrime in order to better understand the problem as well as how local
law enforcement and first responders are addressing these issues (Brenner, 2008; Burns
et al., 2004; Hinduja, 2004; Wall, 2007).
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Further reading
Holt, T.J., Bossler, A.M. and Fitzgerald, S. (2010), “Examining state and local law enforcement
perceptions of computer crime”, in Holt, T.J. (Ed.), Crime On-line: Correlates, Causes, and
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About the authors


Adam M. Bossler is an Assistant Professor of Justice Studies at Georgia Southern University. He
has a doctorate in criminology and criminal justice from the University of Missouri - St Louis. His
current research focuses on examining the application of traditional criminological theories to
cybercrime offending and victimization, how law enforcement responds to cybercrime, and
exploring innovative correctional programs. Adam M. Bossler is the corresponding author and
can be contacted at: abossler@georgiasouthern.edu
Thomas J. Holt is an Assistant Professor in the School of Criminal Justice at Michigan State
University. He received his PhD in criminology and criminal justice from the University of
Missouri - Saint Louis. His research focuses on cybercrime and the ways that technology and the
internet facilitate deviance, as well as the law enforcement response to these events.

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