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Bloomfield, L. Secondary and Tertiary Responses To Language
Bloomfield, L. Secondary and Tertiary Responses To Language
Lronarp BLOOMFIELD
Yate UNIVERSITY
[A discussion of conventional popularstatements aboutlanguage and of certain
characteristic reactions called forth when these are brought into question.]
Utterances about language may becalled sEcONDARY RESPONSESto language.
Forus, the most important are those which are madein the systematic study of
language—theutterances, aboveall, which, recorded in books and essays, embody
thepastresults of linguistic science. They will not concern ushere; to the extent
that we succeed in working scientifically, the verbal phase of our work takes on
the general characteristics of scientific utterance.
On otherthan scientific level, our culture maintains a loosely organized but
fairly uniform system of pronouncements about language. Deviant speech
formsin dialects other than the standarddialect are described as corruptions of
the standard forms (‘mistakes’, ‘bad grammar’) or brandedas entirely out of
bounds,on a par with the solecismsof a foreign speaker (‘not English’). The
forms of the standard dialect are justified on grounds of‘logic’. Either on the
strength of logical consistency or in pursuance of largely conventional authori-
tative rules, which constitute a minor tradition within the main one (for in-
stance, the rules about shall and will), certain forms are theoretically prescribed
for the standard dialect. Whenit is noticed that speakers of the standard dialect
do not use these forms or use others beside them, these deviations are again
branded as ‘mistakes’ or, less often, attributed to ‘usage’, which appears here
only as a special andlimited factor, mentioned doubtfully as interfering with
more legitimate controls.
Traditionallore of this kindis occasionally putinto literary form and developed
in detail, as in the well-known treatise of Richard Grant White, Words and their
uses, past and present: a study of the English language (New York, 1870).!
Thespeakeris able to discourse also upon more remote topics. In spite of the
degenerative character of dialects other than the standard one, some distant
local dialects are said to maintain pure Elizabethan English.2 As a dim reflex
of statements concerning linguistic relationships, one hears that the Finnish
and Hungarian (or the Bengali and Lithuanian, or the Basque and Malayalam)
languages are mutually intelligible. Some ignorant people and some savage
tribes are said to have a vocabulary of only a few hundred words. This may
1 Contemporary with Whitney’s Language and the studyof language (1867) and Life and
growth of language (1874). Our undergraduate instructors advised us to read Richard
Grant White; Whitney was not mentioned.
? An Associated Press dispatch (New York Times, November26, 1939) is headed ‘Fisher-
men speak in Middle English’. Part of the wordingis as follows: ‘A touch of Elizabethan
Englandstill flourishes on the “outer banks,”’ a serpentine strand off North Carolina’s
coast... . one hears on the ‘outer banks” wordsand phrasessosimilar to the language of
QueenElizabeth’s day that philologists and historians see a distinct connection.’
Forthis and mostof the followingcitations, as well as for much kindhelp andcriticism,
I am indebted to Bernard Bloch.
45
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46 LEONARD BLOOMFIELD
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SECONDARY AND TERTIARY RESPONSES TO LANGUAGE AT
syllabary of Sequoyah,”and suggest that the State Teachers college in Tahlequah would
be the school in which the course should beinstituted as an elective study.
“Probablyall the colleges of the state would be interestedin theeffort to perpetuate the
great work of Sequoyah,in the way you suggest,” the state superintendent’s letter to
Doctor Cooley read. However,the education executivespecifically recommended that the
Tulsan take the matterto the president of Northeastern Statecollege in Tahlequah, capital
of the Cherokee Nation. This Doctor Cooley indicated he would do.
The movement to perpetuate Sequoyah’s alphabet and tongue hasreachedinto states
other than Oklahoma. Doctor Cooley pointed outafter receiving a letter Tuesday from a
Mrs. F. P. Arthurs who wrotein behalf of the department of modern languages at Western
State College of Colorado at Gunnison. Mrs. Arthurs, who Doctor Cooley believes to be
officially connected with the college, asked for references on thelife of Sequoyah andin-
quired aboutthe progress of the Sequoyah movementin Oklahoma.
“J shall write her,”said the Tulsan, “that the movementhas plenty of encouragement,
but noofficial action—as yet.”
Turning back pagesof history to 1917,at which timethe unveiling of Sequoyah’s statue
took place in the national capitol’s hall of fame, Doctor Cooley found the kind of praise
for the Cherokee Indian he has been looking for.
“Sequoyah invented the only sensible alphabetin the world,” the Tulsan quotedthe late
Speaker ChompClark; of Missouri as saying at the unveiling ceremonies. “It has one
letter for each and every sound the human throat can make,” the speaker addedin praising
phonetics of the language. “If he (Sequoyah) had lived 2,000 years ago, one-fifth of the
usual timeoflife could be saved.” Here Clark said that it took years of schooling to ac-
quire even a fair commandof the English language, while the Sequoyah alphabet could be
learnedin only a few days.
Onthe sameoccasion, the late Senator Owen of Oklahomasaid: “It is a strange thing that
noalphabetin all the world reachesthe dignity, the simplicity, and the value of the Chero-
gee? alphabet, the Cherokee could learn to spell in one day.”
The alphabet, containing 85 characters, was invented in 1821 by the Cherokee, whose
nameit bears, after 12 years of study. Sequoyah could neitherspeak norwrite the English
language.
In more abstruse matters our tradition gives the speaker some freedom of
improvisation, but even here the pattern is fairly uniform. Theories about the
3 So spelled in our reprint of the release.
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48 LEONARD BLOOMFIELD
origin of language and suggestions for research on this problem run alongcertain
well-fixed lines.‘ The speaker has the right to improvise etymologies; these,
however, adhere to a rather simple scheme.’ This phase of popularlore also is
capable of developmentin literary hands.®
The speaker who discourses about language sometimes adds that he himself
has not a perfect commandofhis native language—the reasons differ with bio-
graphic details—but is aware of his weakness andtries to overcomeit; he alludes
patronizingly to other speakers who do not knowenough to make similar
effort. In fact, it soon appears that the speakerpossesses a fairly extensive stock
of authoritative knowledge which enables him to condemn manyformsthat are
used by other speakers.
Several peculiarities of these secondary responses deserve further study. The
speaker, when making the secondary response, shows alertness. His eyes are
bright, and he seems to be enjoying himself. No matter howclosely his state-
ment adherestotradition, it proffers it as something new,often as his own ob-
servation or as that of some acquaintance, and heis likely to describe it as in-
teresting. If he knowsthat heis talking to a professional student of language,
hefirst alleges ignorance andalludes modestly to the status of his own speech, but
then advances the traditional lore in a fully authoritative tone. The whole
process is, as we say, pleasurable.”
‘ The following, from a reader’s letter to the New York Times, dated August 6, 1937, is
quite characteristic.
‘Someyears agoa scientistlived in a land of monkeys to learn their language. I suggest
thatthe study of language begin there with the primitive sounds of animals, followed by a
survey of whatis knownof the speechof savages. After this might come a reviewof the
mostancient fragments of recorded tongues, tracing them down into the developed lan-
guages of Egypt, Mesopotamia,Persia, India, China and elsewhere. Someidea of a dis-
persalof tongues from a commonAsiatic center mightthus be had andthe earliest roots of
our commonest words be learned. A brief survey,in translation, of the recorded literature
ofthese dispersal tongues would bring us down throughtheancient classics in all lands to
the Greek and Romancultures, where we should learn not merely a few pages of Xenophon
and Homer; of Caesar, Cicero, Virgil and Horace, but,in translations, the wholeglorious
range of Greek andLatin literary, poetic, scientific and philosophic accomplishment, and
the bearingofit all on our modern thought.’
5A letter to the New York Times, dated Caracas, Venezuela, November18, 1939, con-
tains the following characteristic passage: ‘But from what root did the word “Reich”
grow up? Certainly not from the same asthe world “realm.” I rather believe that “Reich”
has somethingto do with the German word “reichen” (ic., reach). On this basis I think
I have a more satisfactory explanation of the designation of “Deutsches Reich” and
“Frankreich,” as those countries or lands that “reach” (or embrace within their respective
boundaries, present or former) the Germans, respectively the French (or Franks, origi-
nally). . . . a longtime ago, probablyafter the division of Charlemagne’s Holy Roman Em-
pire, the western part (chiefly present-day France) cameto be designated by the German
word Frankreich (although probably spelledin the then prevailing German), i.e., the realm,
or rathertheland within which “reached” the Franks, from which word afterward a new
word, France, resulted.’
Cf.the discussion of a similar instance by R. G. Kent, JAOS 55.115-9 (1935).
* Thus, a fairly elaborate theory is built up by Burton Rascoe, Titansof literature, from
Homer to the present 48 ff. (New York, 1932).
* Undefined popularterms, such as pleasure or anger, are here used because there is not
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SECONDARY AND TERTIARY RESPONSES TO LANGUAGE 49
(or I have not) enough physiology and sociology to redefine them. See, for the rest, A. P.
Weiss, A theoretical basis of human behavior, revised edition 419 ff. (Columbus,1929).
Similarly, I use termslike mechanist or non-mentalist: in a community where nearly every-
one believed that the moon is madeof green cheese, students who constructed nautical
almanacswithoutreference to cheese, would have to be designated by somespecial term,
such as non-cheesists.
5 After I had outlined therelation of writing to speech, with explicit reference to the
history of our science, before a group of educationists who were interested in elementary
readinginstruction, I was finally refuted by the statementthat ‘you'll have to sHow the
modern educationist?.
° A physician, of good general background and education, who had been huntingin the
north woods, told me that the Chippewa language contains only a few hundred words.
Upon question, he said that he got this information from his guide, a Chippewa Indian.
WhenI tried to state the diagnostic setting, the physician, our host,briefly and with signs
of displeasure repeated his statement and then turned his back tome. A third person,
observingthis discourtesy, explained that I had some experienceof the language in ques-
tion. This information hadnoeffect.
10 ‘You surely don’t expect me (You wouldn’t wantyour children) to go around saying
thingslike I seen it or I doneit.’ A college administrator expressed his wonder at the
very‘liberal’ attitude of linguists in matters of ‘grammar’.
1 Having read a few sentences aboutthe difference between language and writing, a
philosopher concludes that the linguistic author refuses to talk about writing. This con-
clusion is not shaken by a followingfairly wordy passage about the use of graphicsigns.
Tosaythatwriting is not the centraland basic form of language is simply to ignore writing
altogether. See Journal of Philosophy 36.613 (1939).
Naive inventionof phonetic alphabets is not uncommon. Theinventorusually believes
that he has made an importantdiscovery. Usually, also, he views this discovery as cap-
able of immediately affecting language—removinglanguage barriers or the like. Thus,
Senator Robert L. Owen of Oklahomainvented a ‘global alphabet” (78th Congress, Ist
Session; Senate Document No. 49, Government Printing Office, 1943). The New York
Times (July 29, 1943) quotes Senator Owen as follows: ‘Through it I can teach any reason-
ably intelligent man Chinese in two months,’ he asserted. ‘It is a means by which we can
teach the English languagetoall the world at high speed and negligible cost. It will pay
its own way?
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50 LEONARD BLOOMFIELD
without making clear the connection, to the existence of great writers in his
language.”
A literary instance of the irate tertiary response is the controversy between
George Washington Moon and Dean Alford. Neither contestant had any knowl-
edgeof the subject, but one had questioned the other’s secondary response.!*
The ordinary speaker makes a responseof the tertiary type only when some
secondary responseofhis is questioned or contradicted; but, on a higher and semi-
learned plane, a tertiary response may be aroused in a speaker who merely hears
or readslinguistic statements and possesses enough sophistication to see that
they conflict with his habitual secondary responses. Thus, Oscar Cargill, In-
tellectual America 521 (New York, 1941), writes:
One cannotignore the weight of Freeman’s essay, “Race and Language” (1885), upon the
efforts of these pure scholars. His praise of philology and hisuseofit as a test of nation-
ality tickled the egos of these new scientists who fancied that their researches would be of
the utmost consequence to society. Further and further back into German forests, up
Scandinavian fjords, and over Icelandic barriers they pushed their questsfor the origin of
words. Now, while it is true that the commonest words in English speech have Anglo-
Saxonoriginals and these in turn have Gothic counterparts, notoneof these scholars has
demonstrated that the ideational content of these limited Northern vocabularies was a
heavy burden for theintellect of a moron. Words like the, is, have, sleep, drink and eat
representthe profundity of primitive Anglo-Saxon thought. Pundits, of whom therevered
Walter W. Skeat, Litt.D., LL.D., D.C.L., Ph.D., F.B.A., of the University of Cambridge,
is typical, have laboriously traced Ha (interj. E.) back to Old Friesic haha (to denote
laughter!) and to German he; butit is said that Caligula quite unethically uttered a similar
sound when he ordered Pomposo,thephilologist, thrown to the lions. In all the northern
vocabularies there are no equivalents for such words as democracy, politics, morals, aesthe-
tics, and—horrorof horrors—scholarship! The wolfish pursuit of moronic vocabularies and
the ghoulish unearthingof the kennings and pennings of the Northern barbariansdiverted
young studentsfrom thetrue historical fount of wisdom—the Greek and Roman classics,
whichfell into the greatest disuse in Western history. There was treachery, alas, among
theteachers of classics themselves; for under the leadership of Basil Gildersleeve (educated
at Berlin, Bonn, and Gottingen, though a graduate of Princeton), who was appointed Pro-
fessor of Greek at Hopkinsin 1876 and editor of The American Journal of Philology in 1880,
Americanclassical scholars turned away from the teachingof concepts to the venalstudy
of syntax and word origins. Before long there were noclassical scholars in the old sense in
Americabutonly philologists, papyri readers, and robbers of tombs. On every front save
that of history the triumph of Kultur over culture was complete.
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SECONDARY AND TERTIARY RESPONSES TO LANGUAGE 51
It is only in recent years that I have learned to observe these secondary and
tertiary responses in anything like a systematic manner, and I confess that I
cannot explain them—thatis, correlate them with anything else. The explana-
tion will doubtless be a matter of psychology and sociology. The general back-
ground, however, has become apparent to me through certain observationsof a
more special sort.
It happens that, within the domain of linguistics, I am one of a number of
workers who believe that animistic and teleological terminology (mind, con-
sciousness, concept, and so on) does no good and muchharminlinguistics,or, for
that matter, in any branch of science. In this position one encounters, on a
higher and morespecialized plane, to be sure, responses of the same general type
as the popular ones that were outlined above. I am notalluding here to reasoned
discussion of scientific method or of special postulates and methodsinlinguistics.
Ofthis, in fact, one gets verylittle. Animistic terminologyis so deeply rooted in
our culture that its application seemsself-evident; perhaps it is incapable of
formulation in postulates and definitions which could be confronted, in the way
of a philosophical or methodological comparison, with the postulates and defini-
tions of non-animistic science.’ At any rate, the student who undertakes to
eliminate mentalistic terminology from his work meets with types of response
which resemble the popular responsesto linguistic sciencein general.
Whoeverresolves to forgo in linguistics the use of mentalistic terms, will find
himself accused of ignoring segments of human behavior. According to our
cultural tradition, certain activities are so obviously and indisputable ‘mental’
that anyone whosays that he will not use mentalistic terms or explanations is
understood to mean simply that he will not recognize the existence of these
activities. In an essay on word-meaning (unpublished) a leading linguist
4S. A. Nock of the KansasState College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts, in the Bulle-
tin of the American Association of University Professors 29.202 (1943).
18 A. P. Weiss ix.
16 Counter-statementsare ofno avail, e.g. Weiss vii:
‘When Watson maintains that he will not discuss consciousness, this is generally inter-
preted by psychologists to be an arbitrary elimination of the essential part of human be-
havior. To these it seems asif the behaviorists ignore consciousness becauseit is too diffi-
cult, or becauseit is a phase in the study of human behavior with which they do not wish to
be bothered. Of course, no such inference is warranted. Behaviorism claims to render a
more complete and a morescientific account of the totality of human achievement without
the conception of consciousness, than traditional psychology is able to render with it. The
factors which traditional psychology vaguely classifies as conscious or mental elements
merely vanish without a remainder into the biological and social components of the be-
havioristic analysis.’
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52 LEONARD BLOOMFIELD
17 The actualclaim of the mechanist, regardless of its merits, that was to be met, is of
course anentirelydifferent one. Mechanists and mentalists will in principle give the same
definitions for the meaning of a word; only,the latter, in principleif not in actual usage,
prefix to each definition some such phrase as the image of,, the conceptof, the idea of; L.. Bloom-
field, Language 143 f. (New York, 1933); see also p. 38. My statementof thedifference may
be all wrong,but one cannotdo away with it by inventing some entirely different and plainly
absurdstatement, attributing it to the mechanist, and thenrefutingit.
15 Anextremeinstance, worthy of quotation:
“This paper proposes to discuss the phonemicsofbilinguals from the standpoint of their
conceptionsas well as their speech, an aspect which will be considered unscientific by . . .
confirmed behaviorists. . .. However, we offer as evidence only objectively observable
behavior, whatpeople say and whatpeople do. Like all scientific evidence, introspective
report requires critical handling. Wedo notoffer as established fact every golden remark
of the native informant, but check it against the phonetics of his utterance, his handling
of an experimentalalphabet, his facial and verbal reactions to our attemptsto speak words
of his language,his pronunciationof other languages we know, and anyotheritem that may
suggest something. Thisis Sapir’s method, thecritical use of every bit of evidence. It
refuses to be restricted to usingonly halfthe observable facts, and is not frightenedat such
stigmas as “mentalist.” "—M. Swadesh in Language, culture, and personality: essays in
memory of Edward Sapir 59 (Menasha, 1941). One wonders which half of the observable
factsis not included in what people say and whatpeopledo, andis accessible to the men-
talist but not to the mechanist.
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SECONDARY AND TERTIARY RESPONSES TO LANGUAGE 53
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54 LEONARD BLOOMFIELD
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SECONDARY AND TERTIARY RESPONSES TO LANGUAGE 55
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Linguistic Society of America
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