Keeladi Excavations Tirupuvanam Taluk Si

K.
Amarnath Ramakrishna ~1~
KEELADI EXCAVATIONS
TIRUPUVANAM TALUK, SIVAGANGAI DISTRICT, TAMIL NADU
(2014-15 & 2015-16)
______
K. Amarnath Ramakrishna
Superintending Archaeologist
Archaeological Survey of India, Goa Circle, Goa
––––––––––––––––
The office of Superintending Archaeologist, Excavation Branch VI, Bangalore
during the season 2013-14 undertook exploration of archaeological sites and
remains in Vaigai river valley comprising the Theni, Madurai, Sivagangai and
Ramanathapuram districts in Tamil Nadu for the season. The objective of the
programme was to explore archaeological sites and remains along Vaigai river
valley and identify suitable site for systematic excavation to understand the
cultural transformation of Tamil Nadu occurred during various periods and
southern Tamil Nadu in particular.
Vaigai is one among the sacred rivers and the major lifeline for southern Tamil
Nadu. It originates near Vellimalai in the Western Ghats and traverses through
Theni, Madurai, Sivagangai and Ramanathapuram districts before debouching
itself into the Bay of Bengal near the historic port city of Alagankulam. In spite
of having immense archaeological wealth, the Vaigai river valley remains
neglected for any intensive excavation till date.
As part of the exploration programme, about 293 sites all along the Vaigai river
valley with various forms of antiquarian remains have been identified and
documented. Many of these sites face threat of being get destroyed due to rapid
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Indian Historical Studies - Vol. XV (No. 2) & Vol. XVI (No.1)
~2~ Keeladi Excavations, Tirupuvanam, Sivagangai
agricultural expansion and urbanization. Out of these, the site of Keeladi was
identified for systematic excavation having potent archaeological wealth that may
provide crucial evidences to understand the missing links of Iron Age to early
historic period and subsequent cultural developments.
The site of Keeladi (09° 51' 40" N, E 078° 11' 70" E) is located about 12
kilometres south east of Madurai on the ancient highway (modern NH 49) leading
to Ramesvaram via Tiruppuvanam. The village is strategically located on the
south bank of river Vaigai and is surrounded by various historical places like
Kondagai, Manalur etc. The historicity of the village is very well attested by the
presence of archaeological mound within the village encompassing the ancient
settlements of Kondagai, Manalur, Pallichandai.
The impressive habitation mound spread in an area of about 100 acres with 4.5
km in circumference is located 1 km to the southeast of present Keeladi village
and to the west of Manalur irrigation tank. The mound is locally known as
‘Pallichandai Thidal’ (i.e. mound at Pallichandai) or ‘Mettu Punjai’ (i.e.
elevated ground land). The mound raising of about 2.88 meters from the ground
level is relatively undisturbed in spite of being used as coconut grove. The whole
area is littered with fine to crude variety of black and red ware, black ware, red
slipped ware, red ware, coarse red ware having decorations, incised patterns in
various forms. Antiquities like terracotta discs, beads, pestles, querns etc have
been frequently met while tilling the land.
The whole area encompassing Keeladi and Kondagai villages was referred as
‘Kuntidevi Chaturvetimangalam’ in the c. 12th - 13th AD later Pandyan
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K. Amarnath Ramakrishna ~3~
inscriptions in the territorial unit of ‘Velur Kulakkizh’ i.e. the village located
within the water spread of Velur tank fed by Vaigai river. The name Keeladi is
derived for its location lying to the east of ‘Kuntidevi Chaturvetimangalam’.
The antiquity of Kondagai village dates back to Iron Age for the discovery of
burial complex located between the Ayyanar temple and the water tank
containing numerous urn burials. They belong to the class of simple pit burials
by interring the urn with or without lid directly within the pit cut for the purpose.
The burial goods contain various forms of black and red ware, black ware, red
ware kept along with select bones, teeth of the deceased. The finding of white
painted black and red ware and black painted red ware is an interesting and rare
feature found with the urn burials. The proximity of the urn burial complex not
far from the habitation mound (mettupunjai) at Keeladi leads to surmise that it
could have remained as its associated burial complex.
In spite of having potent archaeological sites and remains scattered all along the
Vaigai river valley, there is hardly any serious attempt made till date to ascertain
the cultural developments that took place in different periods. Apart from the
sporadic diggings made at the urn burial sites of Anuppanadi and Paravai near
Madurai by Alexander Rea (1888), T. Kalluppatti (1976) by ASI, Kovalanpottal
(1980), Alagankulam (1986) and the limited diggings much recently done at
Mangulam (2006) by Tamil Nadu State Archaeology Department there is hardly
any attention paid to understand the potent archaeological wealth of Vaigai river
valley.
Thus, with the above backdrop and also keeping in view the archaeological
importance of the site dating from Iron Age, the Excavation Branch VI,
Bangalore carried out first season (2014 -15) archaeological excavation at the site
of Keeladi. The initial work has revealed early historic remains datable to c.
3rd BC – 10th AD. The date of c. 10th AD is assigned on the basis of surface
collection of copper coin of Rajaraja I earlier found near the site. Two different
localities within the mound namely Locality-1 and Locality-2 were identified and
subjected to large scale spade work to ascertain the nature of the settlement and
also the cultural sequence, transformation etc.
Excavation at Keeladi 2014-15
Locality-1
Locality-1 lie on the eastern slope of the mound and to the west of Manalur water
tank. About 21 quadrants were opened horizontally to expose the cultural deposit
which subsequently revealed predominantly early historic remains ranging from
2.50 to 2.80 meters in six layers with the survival of early medieval remains in
the upper most level.
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General View of excavated trenches in Loc-I (2014-15)
The significant finding in this locality was the evidence of structural activity in
brick datable to early historic period. Judging by the brick size and stratigraphic
position of the structure, it is probable to ascertain its date to the late phase of the
early historic period.
Exposed brick structure in Loc-I (2014-15)
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The extant portion revealed the possibility of a square shaped structure of about
1 meter in height paved with brick flooring. The occurrence of grooved roof tiles
along with it is suggestive of a roofed super structure. A similar structure
identifiable as a storage tank was also exposed in the nearby quadrant. Besides
the above, the other activity noticed in the area is the presence of numerous trash
pits purposefully dug into the natural soil.
The notable antiquities recovered in this area comprised of iron nails, spear heads,
bone points, spindle whorls, terracotta figurines, legged saddle quern, stone
pestle, terracotta beads, glass beads, semi-precious stone beads, shell bangles,
terracotta ear lobes etc.
Keeladi - Semi-precious stone beads Keeladi - Shell bangles

(2014-15) (2014-15)
The pottery repertoire consisted of coarse red ware in the upper level while the
lower levels predominated by fine to medium fabric black and red ware, black
ware, red slipped ware and coarse red ware. The russet coated red ware as well
as in black and red ware is seen as an intrusive element in limited numbers.
Russet coated painted ware sherds Russet coated pot sherd with graffiti
(2014-15) (2014-15)
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Besides, the occurrence of white painted black and red ware in proper
stratigraphic context in considerable quantity in this locality is an interesting
feature. The paintings are executed in series of ‘dots’ or ‘dash’ in the neck portion
of bowls and vases. In addition to this, this locality has also yielded good number
of graffiti sherds both single as well as in composite form. Among various post
firing graffiti marks, the occurrence of single / double arrow mark variety
predominates the others.
Locality-2
Locality-2 lie on the top most part of the mound on the west away from
Locality-1. The contour survey measured a maximum height of the mound in this
locality about 2.88 meters from mean sea level. To understand the cultural
sequence of the site, about 22 quadrants were subjected to spade work, which
revealed a maximum cultural deposit of 4.40 meters.
General View of Excavated Trenches in Loc-II from western side

(2014 -15)
The stratification was observed to be similar to that of Locality – 1 with six or
seven layers in total. A huge dump of about 1.5 meters depth was seen uniformly
in most of the quadrants below the upper level suggesting the lower early historic
levels were completely removed and refilled at a later date. Considerable amount
of brick debris with grooved tiles found to be scattered in many of the quadrants
suggest large scale structural activities carried out in this area.
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Keeladi – Exposed brick flooring with parallel walls in Loc-II (2014-15)
The interesting feature found in this area of thick brick built rectangular structure,
walls and portion of brick flooring set in mud mortar presumably forming part of
a residential area. The size of the bricks used for the structures measured
32215, 34226, 36225, 38246 cm respectively. A terracotta ring well
was found near the flooring on the same level. In addition to this, two more
terracotta ring wells were also exposed at the lower levels in Locality-2.
Keeladi – Close-up view of exposed ring well in Loc-II (2014-15)
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This locality evinced

interesting finds like
Rouletted pot sherds
suggesting trade contacts
maintained by this
settlement with western
world. These pot sherds
are considered deluxe
varieties and might have
been reached here through
traders. At a later date
these varieties were
imitated and manufactured
locally at the site. Keeladi – Roulette pot sherds (2014-15)
Besides the above, the locality also yielded antiquities like glass, terracotta beads,
semiprecious stone beads like carnelian, quartz, terracotta figurines, spindle
whorls, iron objects, copper antimony rods, bone points. The ceramic assemblage
consisted of black and red ware, black ware and coarse red ware. Unlike Locality
-1, the occurrence of white painted black and red ware and russet coated ware
were found in limited numbers. Different form of graffiti marks was also noticed
in various pot sherds. Another important find during the excavation in this
area was that of inscribed pot sherds having names of individuals such as
‘athan’, ‘tisan’, ‘uthiran’, ‘iyanai’ ‘surama’ written in Thamizhi script over
them.
Keeladi: Thamizhi inscribed potsherd Keeladi: Thamizhi inscribed potsherd

‘ti sa n’ (2014-15) ‘sat a n’ (2014-15)
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On the basis of stratigraphy and also on paleographical grounds, these inscribed

sherds may tentatively be dated to c. 1st cent. BC - c. 1st cent. AD.
Antiquities retrieved from the site include glass, carnelian, agate, quartz, glass,
terracotta beads, ivory objects, ear ornaments, bone points, terracotta figurines,
legged quern, various form of copper and iron objects, spindle whorl, terracotta
disc, gamesmen etc. About 1800 no. of antiquities have been collected during the
season 2014-15.
Potsherd with fish symbol Keeladi – Ivory Dice

(2014-15) (2014-15)
Excavation at Keeladi 2015-16

To understand the settlement pattern partly identified during the previous season
(i.e. 2014-15) and to further trace the structural activities at the site, this season’s
excavation work has been concentrated at the highest part of the mound i.e.
Locality-2. A total number of 59 quadrants have been opened to trace the
continuity of structures exposed during the previous work and to confirm the
nature of cultural deposit in this area.
On the whole, the spadework undertook in this area has revealed remains mostly
confined to early historic period. The significant finding at Locality-2 (ext.) was
that of two massive brick structures which seem to have formed part and parcel
of a big residential complex.
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General View of Excavated Trenches in Loc-II

from western side (2015-16)
Exposed brick structures after baulk removal in Loc-II (2015-16)
In continuation to the brick flooring along with a ring well exposed in the
previous season, a rectangular brick structure measuring 2.90  1.90 mtr was
noticed (YF1/1). The extant portion of the structure consisted of 11 brick courses
and extended to a depth of 1.50 mtr with brick flooring. Large quantity of grooved
roof tiles recovered within the structure is suggestive of a roofed super structure.
To the west of the above structure, a massive brick structure roughly square in
shape was also traced (YF1/2). With dimensions measuring 6.00  3.70 mtr it is
evident that this structure had much larger functional importance in this area. The
available evidences showed that it had at least two constructional phases. The
main chamber on its northern wall has a square inlet / outlet like feature extending
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towards north. Except that of its southern side, the structure had solid brick walls.
The southern side instead of a wall had sloped brick flooring set within a
rectangular enclosure which in turn had horizontal wall running towards south.
This wall perhaps connects with the two horizontal walls identified in the last
season work.
On the western side two thick walls running in east-west orientation has been
partly exposed. The eastern side revealed pit activities containing various forms
of pots in broken condition. The extant portion of the structure consisted of 23
brick courses and extended to a depth of 2.70 mtr with brick flooring.
The adjacent quadrants on either side have also revealed structural evidences in
the form of paved channel, floor and a wall. One of the structures exposed on the
eastern side (ZF1/3) revealed a channel like feature connected with a square
enclosure. The floor of this structure was intentionally rammed with small
pebbles up to a depth of 10 cm. Further excavation in whole of the area might
reveal more structures to provide a better understanding of the main structure and
its associated structures.
The western part of the mound seems to be the core area with high density of
structures and associated features. Excavation work carried further west of the
above area confirmed this fact. A series of quadrants taken in this area exposed
many interesting structures hitherto unknown in the early historic phase of Tamil
Nadu. Here almost each quadrant evinces some sort of structural activities. Out
of the various structures found in this area, two of them strike importance in their
form and findings. Both of them share similar rectangular shape in form varying
only in dimension.
Aerial View of exposed Brick Structures in Loc-II

(2015-16)
The first one (YF4/1) measured 2.15 x 1.98 mtr in size with 17 courses of bricks
along with a brick flooring at a depth of 1.98 mtr. The finding of a channel like
feature attached on its outer side indicates its possibility of being used for storage
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or industrial purpose. This is strengthened by another partly survived paved

channel exposed little away on the eastern side. This channel is connected with a
big granite slab set in east-west orientation. The structure was further provided
with brick flooring running in north-south orientation. The occurrence of large
quantity of grooved roof tiles and post holes along the flooring is indicative of a
roofed super structure. The most important finding made within the structure was
that of a black and red ware bowl inscribed with two Thamizhi label inscriptions
with post fired graffiti markings.
Exposed brick structures facing eastern section in Loc-II (2015 -16)
Exposed brick structure with post holes in Loc – II (2015 -16)

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The other structure similar like that of the above was exposed little away on the
western side (YF5/2). This structure measured 2.55  1.75 mtr in size with 25
courses of bricks along with brick flooring at a depth of 2.35 mtr. At the southern
end of the quadrant another paved brick channel was found. This structure was
again provided with brick flooring running in north-south orientation. Near this
floor was exposed a part of big sized double walled hearth like feature in semi
circular shape filled with ashy deposit.
Similar to above, this
structure also yielded a
black and red ware dish
inscribed with Thamizhi
label inscription. Along
with this dish at the same
level, a red slipped pot
and a spouted basin in red
ware were also collected.
The finding of inscribed
pot sherds within the
structures is crucial as it
provide firm date for the
construction of the
structures.
Thamizhi inscribed black and red ware dish
‘ce n ta n a va (ta) thi’ (2015-16)
In this area, almost all the quadrants have yielded structural activities in the form
of walls, channels etc. Another interesting feature found here was that of the
remains, reflecting the civic sense of the people in the form of terracotta pipes
fixed with one another probably discharging the sewage water to the soakage jars.
Two such soakage jars(?) were found with multiple pots kept one above another
was found nearby the terracotta pipes. Its north end was found to be connected
with a hemi spherical pot.
Close-up view of exposed terracotta pipes (2015 -16)

_______________________________________________
The uniform north-south orientation of all the structures associated with drains or
channels found in the excavation is an intriguing aspect which requires further
investigation. The total cultural deposit of the area during the current season
ranged from 3.40 to 4.00 meters. The ceramic assemblage found in the
excavations include coarse, medium and fine black and red ware, russet coated
ware, white painted black and red ware, red slipped ware and coarse red ware,
etc. Interestingly, the pits dug into the natural soil yielded finer varieties of black
and red ware ceramic assemblage. The occurrence of roulette ware indicates long
distance trade maintained by this settlement.
Black and red ware and Rouletted sherds

Black ware pots (2015-16) (2015-16)
Both fine and locally manufactured

variety of roulette ware were collected
during the excavation. The occurrence
of about 40 inscribed pot sherds is
another interesting aspect of the
excavation. The pot sherds containing
names of individuals such as ‘sathan’,
‘eravathan’, ‘santhan’, ‘madaici’
‘santhan avathi’, muyan, perayan, …
kuviran kuravan, ‘perumuvar un…’,
‘campan’, written in Thamizhi script
over them. The occurrence of some
prakrit names in the pot sherds also
deserves attention.
Thamizhi inscribed
potsherds (2015 -16)
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On the basis of stratigraphy and also on paleographical grounds, these inscribed

sherds may be dated to c. 1st cent. BC - c. 1st cent. AD.
Antiquities retrieved from the site include glass, carnelian, agate, quartz, glass,
terracotta beads, ivory objects including combs, ear ornaments, bone points,
terracotta figurines, legged quern, coins, various form of copper an iron objects,
spindle whorl, terracotta disc, gamesmen and terracotta seal etc. About 4000 nos
of antiquities have been collected during the second season.
Ivory Combs (2015-16) Stone weights (2015-16)
Further investigation shall likely to reveal not only the cultural developments
took place at the site but also the factors led to the formation of early historic
phase in Vaigai valley and southern Tamil Nadu on the whole. The findings will
further lead us for a better understanding about the historicity of the celebrated
city of Madurai.
References
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The Megalithic Culture of South India, Indian Archaeological Society, New Delhi,
Special Report No. 6: 148-157
2. W. Francis, 1906. Madura, Madras District Gazetteers, Government Press, Madras.
3. Pon. Ganesan, 2013. Prehistoric Culture of Madurai Region, Sharada Publishing
House, Delhi.
4. Indian Archaeology - A Review. 1976-77. Archaeological Survey of India, New
Delhi.
5. D. D. Kosambi, 1951. The Bodinayakkanur Hoard, Journal of the Bombay Branch
of the Royal Asiatic Society 26 (2): 214-218.
6. Iravatham Mahadevan, 2014. Early Tamil Epigraphy: From the Earliest Times to
the Sixth Century AD, Revised and Enlarged Second Edition, Vol I, Tamil Brahmi
Inscriptions, Central Institute of Classical Tamil, Chennai.
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7. K. Rajan, 2015. Early Writing System: A Journey from Graffiti to Brahmi, Pandya
Nadu Centre for Archaeological Research, Madurai
8. K. Rajan, and V. P. Yatheeskumar, 2007. Thathappatti: Tamil-Brahmi Inscribed
Hero Stone, Man and Environment 33 (1): 39-45.
9. K. Rajan, and V. P. Yatheeskumar, 2012. Cultural Transformation from Iron Age
to Early Historic Times: A Case Study of the Vaigai River Valley, Tamil Nadu,
New Dimensions in Tamil Epigraphy, (Select Papers from the Symposia held at
EPHE-SHP, Paris 2005, 2006 and a few invited papers), Ed by A. Murugaiyan, Cre-
A, Chennai, pp. 170–202.
10. K. Amarnath Ramakrishna, M. Rajesh, N. Veeraraghavan. 2017. Archaeological
Explorations in the Vaigai River Valley with special reference to Inscribed
Jewellery Hoard from Tenur, Madurai District, Amaravati: Essays on History,
Archaeology, Epigraphy and Numismatics, Felicitation Volume for Professor P.
Shanmugam, Professor P. Shanmugam Felicitation Committee, Chennai, pp.
170-183.
11. K. V. Raman, 1970. Distribution Pattern of Cultural Traits in the Pre and Proto
historic times in Madurai Region, Araichi (1): 499-509.
12. Rea Alexander. 1888. Some Pre‐historic Burial Places in Southern India, Journal of
the. Royal Asiatic Society Bengal, LVII, Pt. I (2): 48-71.
13. C. Santalingam, 1997. Roman Coins from Kambam Valley in Tamil Nadu, Studies
in South Indian Coins (7): 57-60.
14. V. Selvakumar, 2002. Hunter Gatherers Adaptations in Madurai Region, Tamil
Nadu, India from c. 10000 B.C. to c. A.D. 500, Asian Perspectives 41 (1): 71-102.
15. K. V. Soundararajan, 1974. Archaeology of Pandyanadu, The Madurai Temple
Complex Kumbabhisheka Souvenir, Madurai.
16. South Indian Inscriptions Vol. XXII (pt. III), Archaeological Survey of India, New
Delhi.
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Archaeology, Govt. of Tamil Nadu, Chennai.
18. T. S. Sridhar (ed), 2006a. Select Inscriptions of Tamil Nadu, Department of
Archaeology, Govt. of Tamil Nadu, Chennai.
19. T. S. Sridhar (ed), 2004. Excavations of Archaeological Sites in Tamil Nadu (1969-
1995), Department of Archaeology, Govt. of Tamil Nadu, Chennai. ISSN 2347-
5463 Heritage: Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies in Archaeology 6: 2018 72.
20. T. S. Sridhar (ed), 2005. Alagankulam: An Ancient Roman Port City of Tamil Nadu,
Department of Archaeology, Govt. of Tamil Nadu, Chennai.
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Tamil Literatures and Epigraphy (c. 1000-1300 AD), Unpublished Ph.D.
Dissertation (in Tamil), Madurai Kamaraj University, Madurai.
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C. Thomas ~17~
PROBLEMS FACED BY THE COTTON HANDLOOM

INDUSTRY IN THE COOPERATIVE SECTOR IN TAMIL NADU
IN THE ERA OF GLABALISATION
_______
Dr. C. Thomas
Formerly Associate Professor of History, Periyar EVR College, Tiruchirappalli-620023
Presently Professor of Emeritus, Department of History, St. Joseph’s College
Tiruchirappalli-620002
––––––––––––––––––––––––––
Abstract
The cotton handloom industry is a traditional and heritage industry and in the
process of production of handloom goods almost the entire family members are
involved. This industry has both economic and cultural values. It provides
employment to several thousands of people directly and indirectly, and generates
a considerable foreign exchange to the State. In order to protect the weavers from
the exploitation of the Master Weavers and other capitalists and to improve the
condition of the weavers, the then Government of Madras started the Madras
State Cooperative Society for the handloom weavers. At present in the Tamil
Nadu State level cooperative set up, Tamil Nadu State Cooperative Society
(Co-optex) remains as an apex body and the Primary Weavers Cooperative
Societies are functioning as the affiliating units.
Keywords: Co-optex, Primary Weavers Cooperative Societies, MFA, ATC,
Handlooms, Power looms, Hank yarn, Janatha Cloth Scheme, Rebate Subsidy
Acknowledgement
Hereby I acknowledge and thank the University Grants Commission, New Delhi
for sanctioning grant to undertake the Major Research Project in History entitled,
‘Handloom Industry in Tamil Nadu: Problems and Prospects in the Context of
the Globalisation (1991-2009)’.
Introduction
The Cotton Handloom Industry in Tamil Nadu is a heritage rural/semi-rural based
industry. It occupied a strategic place in the economy of Tamil Nadu, as a major
provider of employment next to agriculture and cultural life of the people of
Tamil Nadu. Archeological excavations conducted in the Indus region and the
recent exactions held at Keeladi on the banks of river Vaigai in Madurai reveal
the fact that the birth place of handloom industry was in India. The handloom
industry in ancient Tamilakam possessed a pre-eminent status with its rich
cultural heritage in the arts of hand-weaving, hand spinning, hand-dyeing and
hand-printing. The handloom fabrics of Tamilakam have won acclaim throughout
the world for their artistry and craftsmanship. Once upon a time ancient
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~18~ Problems faced by the Cotton Handloom Industry ...
Tamilakam remained the cotton monarch of the world of textile manufactures on

account of the performance of the handwoven products of the land. She was the
most important cotton manufacturing region in the world prior to 1800. Egypt,
Greece, Rome, England, China, Burma, Japan, Europe, parts of Africa and Persia
were some of the prominent nations in the world that used the Indian handwoven
textiles on a large scale in those days. The main communities in Tamil Nadu who
are engaged the handloom weaving as a hereditary occupation are Sengunthars,
Devangas, Saurashtras and Saliars. The other communities like Gounders,
Vanniars including Padayachis, Naickers, Pandarams, Nayudus, Vellalas,
Muslims, Nadars, Naidus, Pandarams, Scheduled Castes and Illathu Pillais and
Kerala Mudaliars (Kanyakumari District) also carry out handloom weaving as an
important occupation. Muslim weavers are found in large numbers in Madras,
Chingleput and Tirunelveli districts who engaged the handloom weaving
activities. Understanding the significance of this industry the Government of
India in general and the Tamil Nadu in particular have introduced several
measures to develop this industry and enhance the standard of living of the
weavers and auxiliary workers engaged in the process of weaving. Yet the
industry witnessed a series of challenges in the era of globalization. This paper is
an attempt to analyse the problems faced by the cotton handloom industry in
Tamil Nadu in the era of globalization.
1. Changes in the Textile Trade policy at the Global Level in the Era of
Globaliation
India can compete globally, due to its endowments in cotton production and its
competiveness in yarn, apparels, made ups, handlooms, handicrafts etc. However,
in the recent years the textile industry is facing stiff competition from China,
Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. The problem further compounded by the
industry having to face the tariff and non-tariff barriers against Indian Textile
exports put up by the European Union and the United States of America. The
prospects were grim with the facing out of quotas under ATC and WTO
obligations.1 Since 1961, in the global level the textile trade has been governed
by a separate set of rules, permitting the application of discriminatory quotas, in
violation of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT’). In the era of
globalization, a series of bilateral and multilateral agreements on the imposition
of tariff and non-tariff barriers by developed countries on textile imports from
developing countries culminated in the Multi-Fibre Agreement (MFA) outside
the orbit of the GATT in 1974. The MFA remained in force, after several
renewals, until the end of 1994. The MFA essentially means an arrangement by
which countries are allocated Quotas by the quota imposing countries.2 The
developed-countries imposed quotas on exports of textiles and apparel of the
developing countries, producing for low cost. The US imposed the quotas on 46
countries including 6 non-WTO countries, on the other hand the European Union
maintained quotas on textile and clothing imports from 21 countries including 5
non-WTO members. For the developing countries like India, textiles industry is
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C. Thomas ~19~
a labour-intensive industry because of its cost advantage due to their low wages,
and the MFA was an attempt to protect developed countries against cheaper
products from abroad. According to the World Bank, the economic results for
these exporting countries were disastrous and it was estimated that the MFA cost
the developing world 27 million jobs and US $40 billion per year in lost exports.3
The MFA expired with the new the Agreement on Textiles and Clothing (ATC)
which entered into force on 1st January 1995. The ATC is an integral part of the
WTO Agreement and is a 10-year transitional agreement with a four-stage
integration programme into GATT 1974 rules, i.e., on 1 January of 1995, 1998,
2001 and 2005. After the expiry of the 10-year period, i.e., from 1st January 2005,
it will not be possible for any member country to maintain restrictions on imports
of textiles unless it can justify them under the safeguard provisions of the
Agreement on Safeguards. The ATC was initially applauded as major
achievement of developing country exporters of textiles and clothing products.
The “Compendium of Textile Statistics”, the Ministry of Textiles (2005),
Government of India, remarking about the ATC commented that the end of the
MFA would increase access to export markets for developing countries clothing
and textile products. Within the context of the free trade atmosphere, India’s
labour cost advantages and high domestic cotton production would place the
textile industry in a good position and would continue to provide employment to
15 million people.4
A market-driven quota-free system would unleash a wave of relocation and
restructuring of the textile industry in a number of countries and throw up
opportunities and challenges. Developing countries with competitive textile
industries could benefit in terms of increased textile exports which were earlier
bound by quotas. At the same time, international competition would impose
adjustment costs and undermine external sector balances in those countries which
have overly protected and less competitive textile industries. Gains from the
abolition of the MFA are estimated at about US $ 2 billion per year for South
Asian region. Industrialised countries would reap substantial welfare gains from
lower consumer prices and efficiency in the longer run. However, adjustment
costs in the short or medium term might push them to take greater recourse to
other forms of protection such as increased tariff rates when the quotas are phased
out5. About 94 percent of the quota items were integrated into the WTO rules on
1st January 2005. India lies heavily on markets in the US and EU because they
together imported over 60 per cent of the world textile and 75 per cent of the
world clothing directly and much more indirectly.6
India has a wide range of domestically produced fibres. As the world’s third
largest cotton producer, India’s fibre basis is mainly cotton oriented, but includes
to a lesser extent also wool, silk, jute and ramie. India’s strong cotton orientation
constitutes both strength, because of the availability of low-cost materials and an
obstacle for export development due to a lack of product diversification in terms
_______________________________________________
of fibre composition. Hence, India is not prepared to take advantage of the

increasing global demand for blended and synthetic textile and clothing products.
Further, the quality problems in India’s cotton translate into quality deficiencies
with yarns and fabrics that are either directly exported or indirectly used as input
into Indian clothing products. India has the second largest yarn spinning capacity
in the world after China and accounts for 25 per cent of world’s spindle capacity.
It has a strong infrastructure base in textile spinning with 38.58 million spindles
of which 94 per cent are export oriented units accounting for 2.20 million
spindles. India is emerged as the largest exporter of cotton yarn, accounting 25
per cent in the world. Despite the prevalence of low productivity, low rates of
modernization and low profit margins due to suffering from discriminately
government policies, it is expected that cotton yarn exports will be among India’s
main winners of ATC quota removal.7
India accounts for the largest number of looms to weave fabrics world-wide, with
about 64 per cent of the worlds installed looms. The small-scale power looms and
handlooms producers using the old equipment account for 98 per cent of installed
looms, and produce mainly low-value unfinished fabrics for the domestic market.
Composite mills in the organized sector account for only 2 per cent of the
installed looms, but for 85 per cent fabric exports. The total number of shuttle
less looms in the organized and decentralized sector is around 20,000. In fact, this
gives a massive capacity to cater to India’s own as well as export requirements,
many mills simply not are able to benefit from quota removal in 2005.
In order to bring stability and continuity, the Government of India for the first
time introduced the first 5-year EXIM policy (1992-07) on April 1, 1992 with an
objective to liberalize imports and boost exports. Export Import Policy is believed
to be an important step towards the economic reforms of India. Main steps taken
are: (1) Introduction of the duty-free Export Promotion Capital Goods (EPCG)
Scheme, (2) Strengthening of the Advance Licensing system, (3) Waiving of the
condition on export proceeds realization and (4) Rationalization of schemes
related to Export Oriented Units and units in the Export Processing Zones.8 The
second five year Exim Policy for the period 1997-2002 has further simplified the
procedures and reduced the interface between exporters and the DGFT by
reducing the number of documents required for export by half. Import has been
further liberalized and better efforts have been made to promote Indian exports
in international trade. Objectives of the Second five year Exim Policy are: (1) To
accelerate the economy from low level of economic activities to high level of
economic activities by making it a globally oriented vibrant economy and to
derive maximum benefits from expanding global market opportunities, (2) To
motivate sustained economic growth by providing access to essential raw
materials, intermediates, components, consumables and capital goods, (3) To
improve the technological strength and efficiency of Indian agriculture, industry
and services, thereby, improving their competitiveness, (4) To create new
employment opportunity and encourage the attainment of internationally
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C. Thomas ~21~
accepted standards of quality and (5)To give quality consumer products at

practical prices.9 The Exim Policy 1997-02 proposed with an aim to prepare a
framework for globalisation of Indian economy. A series of reform measures
have been introduced in order to give boost India’s industrial growth and generate
employment opportunities in non-agricultural sector. It encourages foreign
investment in India. It successfully fulfils one of the India’s long terms objective
of self-reliance. It encouraged Indian industries to undertake R & D programmers
and upgrade the quality of their products.10
The structure of the textile industry in Tamil Nadu is extremely complex in
character. For instance, while the yarn-manufacturing is almost entirely in the
organized sector, the cloth-manufacturing is wholly in the unorganized sector.
The share of the organized the composite mills in total cloth manufacturing is just
4.4 per cent in India. The share of the decentralized power looms in India was 59
per cent in 1999-2000 which increased from 39 per cent in 1980-81. Hosiery,
handloom and khadi, wool, and silk accounted for the rest. Garments too are
extremely fragmented sector, with over 60 per cent of all garment units engaged
only as fabricators, while independent units engaged in sewing operations. The
lop-sided government policy has been held to be the chief reason for the skewed
industrial structure of both textile and garment industries.
The Handlooms and Textiles Policy Explanation Note for the year 2000-2001,
reveals that when the exports and sales of the handlooms products would come
under the Agreement on Textiles and Clothing which would come into effect
from 01-01-2005, and removed the quota restrictions on Textiles, Tamil Nadu
had a favourable circumstances to compete with the other countries in the world
markets. Hence, good quality of produce with attractive designs would be
manufactured and that would help the handloom cotton fabrics to capture the
world markets.11 The Government of Tamil Nadu appointed committees to
review the challenges and opportunities arising out of implementation of the
ATC. Further, a seminar was organized to discuss the changing scenario in the
global level and to encourage the handloom weavers to produce the exportable
items and to educate them to understand the situation of the world markets in the
future. Moreover, the Government planned to create awareness camps among the
handloom weavers, cloth producers and the exporters about the challenges and
opportunities arising in the future.12 It was further added that when the ATC came
into force the handloom weavers should face the tough competition to sell the
cotton fabrics in the world markets, and hence it was also decided that without
expecting any financial support from the Government for producing the low
quality products, the handloom weavers would be trained to produce the highly
export quality products. The Government also proposed to creates rapport
between the Handloom Export Development Council and Handloom Weavers
Cooperative Societies to get produce the exportable cotton fabrics and thereby to
improve the income of the societies.13
_______________________________________________
The Tamil Nadu Handlooms and Textiles Explanation Note for the year 2003-04
stated that the textile industry faced serious challenges due to the declining rate
of the production of Cotton, increasing prices of the raw cotton and other
materials, rise of wages, decrease in sales and profits, mobilization of capital for
large interest and increasing production of the yarn and cloths contributed for the
overall stagnation of the handloom industry. Besides these, the handloom
industry has to face the provision of the ATC which would come into effect from
1st January 2005.14 The handloom fabrics would be produced in Tamil Nadu has
to compete with the foreign products in the international markets. Therefore,
unless the internal market was brought under set right, this industry could not
thrive in the foreign markets.15
With regards to the initiative of the Tami Nadu Government to face the freedom
from the quantitative restrictions of the MFA, the Tamil Nadu Handlooms and
Textiles Policy Note for the year 2006-07 and 2009-10 reveal that in the context
of opening up of global textiles market, the approach of the Government was to
‘sustain the handloom industry’ and ‘continue to provide livelihood to the several
lakhs of weavers who depend on the activity.’ This required constant skill
upgradation to produce marketable products, technological upgradation to
increase the productivity and to maintain quality to compete in the world market
besides product diversification through continuous design interventions. All the
above measures would ensure sustenance of the industry. The Handlooms and
Textiles Policy Note for the year 2006-2007 reveals that the Government of Tamil
Nadu has taken several measures to provide special training to the students in the
ITIs and Polytechnics regarding the various stages of the Textile industry
including the process of the raw cotton to the weaving. In order to meet the
requirement of the consumers locally and globally, the Handloom Department
gave priority for making new designs. A new variety of 750 designs making
scheme was undertaken in the Institute at Ahmadabad at the estimated expenses
of Rs. 40 lakhs. As soon as the new designs were prepared that would be
implemented through the handlooms centres in the important places like
Gudiyattam, Turupuvanam, Kurinchippadi, Manchamedu and Uraiyur.16 Further,
in order to increase the production of the quality products to be sold in the internal
markets in India and to export to the foreign countries additional handlooms were
reserved for such production of goods. For instance, as per the information shed
by the Handlooms and Textiles Policy Note for the year 2006-2007, 26,900 looms
were, so far, engaged in the production of the quality and costly handloom
fabrics.17 Moreover, in order to protect the traditional handloom products with
geographical specialization, under the Geographical Indication Act, an attempt
was made to get patent right to the products such as the Kancheepuram Silk
Sarees, Madurai Sunkudi Sarees and Bhavani Jamukkala.18
Under the Integrated Handlooms Training Scheme which was started in Tamil
Nadu since 20003-2004, the training were imparted to the handloom weavers and,
designers to develop their managerial skills and to others to make improved
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C. Thomas ~23~
weaving and dyeing. Till the end of the financial year 2005-2006, the training
was given to 3120 beneficiaries.19 Under SGSY a special training was given to
the weavers who had been engaged in the production of the Janatha sarees and
dhoties for free distribution, in order to engage them to produce the quality and
costly products, a scheme was designed at the estimated cost of Rs. 25.30 crores.
The management training was given for weavers, designers and sales men and
sales women. Under this scheme, the Government of India sanctioned Rs. 8.69
crores and the State Government contributed Rs. 2.89 crores, altogether Rs. 11.58
crores. At the first phase training was given to 6358 weavers and modernized
5019 handlooms.20 Besides, as per the official data, of the total production of
cloth in India, Tamil Nadu produced 12,000 sq million metres i.e. about 27% of
the national outcome. Therefore, decision was taken to increase the production
including the readymade cloths in order to capture the world markets in quota
free regime.21 Therefore, Indian Government in general and Tamil Nadu in
particular made series of attempt to increase the handloom production and to
capture the markets.
2. The important problems faced by the handloom industry in Tamil Nadu
2.1 Issues Connected with the Hank Yarn
India is one of the world’s largest cotton producers. As a considerable portion of
cotton is used for producing the yarn, India is standing one of the largest exporters
of cotton yarn and its share in the global market is about 25 per cent. The yarn is
produced by the spinning mills. In the textile industry, a hank is a coiled or
wrapped unit of yarn or twine unlike other forms such as in a ball, cone, bobbin,
spool, etc. The hank yarn is often the best form for use with handlooms,
compared to the cone form needed for power looms. Hanks come in varying
lengths depending on the type of material and the manufacturer. For instance, a
hank of linen is often 300 yards (270 m), and a hank of cotton or silk is 840
yards (770 m). Hanks are twisted and untwisted. The tie typically used to hold
the coil together is visible on the below.22
The scarcity of availability of the hank yarn was one of the important problems
faced by the handloom industry. In India the policy related to the production of
the hank yarn comes under the purview of the Central Government.23 Scarcity
of hank yarn and rising prices of the yarn and dyes has been the major
problems on the production front of the handlooms products. If all the 40
lakhs handlooms in India were to be utilized to their full capacity, around
600 million kgs of yarn was required in a year. However, the actual
production of hank yarn stood around 60 per cent of the requirement.24
The Government issued the Hank Yarn Obligation Order 1985, which states that
every yarn manufacturer ‘who packs yarn for civil consumption’ has to pack in
hank form in not less than 50 per cent of the total yarn packed every quarter.25
This Scheme is meant for the protection of the handloom industry by way
_______________________________________________
of ensuring that the yarn in hank form is available inadequate quantity at

reasonable prices to the handloom industry.26 There was a heavy pressure
from the Textile industry to abolish the Hank Yarn Obligation Order. In view of
the representation from the textile industry, the Ministry of Textiles of the
Government of India reduced the obligation to 40 per cent from the 50 per cent
of the total yarn packed for civil consumption in each quarter of the year in its
notification dated January 16, 2003. The order has come into effect from 1st
January 2003. The Hank Yarn Packing Notification No.2/TDRO/8/2003
dated 17-4-2003, as amended, in force from 1-1-2003, prescribed that
every producer of yarn who packed 100% cotton yarn for civil
consumption should pack such yarn in hank form in each quarterly period
in proportion of not less than 40% of total such yarn packed by him and
not less than 80% of the yarn required to be packed in hank form should
be of counts 80s and below.27 The Hank Yarn Packing Notification dated
17.04.2003 promulgated under Essential Commodities Act, 1955. The studies
reveal that only 10 per cent of the spinning mills were following the hank
yarn obligation.28
The diversion of hank yarn to the power looms has also become a serious
issue. The 1985 Textile Policy promised adequate supply of hank yarn at
reasonable prices, restoration of 22 articles for exclusive production of
handlooms, fiscal concessions, marketing facilities, modernization of
looms, schemes for weavers, etc. Simultaneously, this policy has also
encouraged a massive proliferation of power looms during the period of
economic reforms for promoting productivity, efficiency and competition.
In fact, the power looms that has been snatching away the hank yarn by all
illegal means leaving the handlooms to suffer for want of yarn. The Satyam
Committee (1999) itself has observed that 39 per cent of hank yarn was
whisked away by the power looms.
Apart from this, the Government of India continued the policy related to the
export of the cotton and hank yarn. The liberalization policy has also allowed
indiscriminate export of yarn. During the post globalisation period, the
exports of hank yarn of various counts have gone up at an unprecedented
pace. Normally the Central Government, taking into the demand of the States in
India, would decide for the export of the excess of cotton and hank yarn. As a
result of the increase of demand for hank yarn in India, the Central Government
then temporarily stopped the export of cotton and hank yarn as revealed by the
TNLAD, dt. 28th April 1992.29 The government has permitted the exports of
100 million kgs in 1994, which was later raised to 130 million kgs. The
proportion of hank yarn of the 20’s and 40’s has constituted more than 64
per cent which has been further increasing. Due to the Export policy of the
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C. Thomas ~25~
Indian Government, the price of hank yarn was increased from the month of
August to December 1991.30 The production of cotton yarn in India has remained
relatively stable over the past 10 years from 1995-1996 to 2004-2005. However,
the yarn export has steadily increased from 2.38 percent to 15.8 per cent of
production in the decade from the year 1993 to 2003.31 Most of the exports went
to US and European markets. It led to decrease the domestic supply, as the owners
of the spinning mills sought the foreign markets for prospective price and as a
result the handloom weavers were left with price effect of competing for less
yarn.32
The imposition of the tax on the hank yarn also created to the problems of
availability of the hank yarn used for the handlooms. Except in Tamil Nadu, there
was no tax imposed on the hank yarn in all the other states. In Tamil Nadu 3 per
cent tax was imposed on the hank yarn. According to the Tamil Nadu Legislative
Assembly Debate dated 20th September 1991, during the Governor’s rule a
procession was led by Mathusudanan and Anangaputhur Ramalingam towards
Rashtrapati Bhavan and met the Governor seeking to cancel the tax. It resulted to
the reduction of one percent tax on hank yarn. The remaining two percent of tax
continued on the hank yarn which resulted to increase its prices.33 In this
connection, the Dinakaran, dt. 10th September 2001 wrote that the handloom
weavers in Tamil Nadu had been demanding to cancel the 2% tax already
imposed on the cotton yarn for 10 years. But, in addition to the existing tax, the
Government of Tamil Nadu further imposed 4% tax on cotton yarn.34 Besides,
the Central Government imposed 9.2% excise tax on yarn through the Budget for
the year 2002-2003.35 However, Handloom and Textile Policy Note for the year
2003-2004 reveals that the Primary Weavers Cooperative Societies which paid
excise duty worth Rs. 752.60 lakhs and the private weavers who paid Rs. 1464.33
lakhs were returned.36 In the open market the prices of yarn increased twice or
thrice in a year. But the price of the handloom fabrics was not increased
proportionally. Further, the weavers suffered due to the non-payment of loans,
got for the purchase of new looms or the accessories.37
Defending the excise duty imposed on the hank yarn, the Union Minister of State
for Textiles, V. Dhananjaya Kumar made a statement which was published in The
Hindu, dt. March 24, 2002. According to him, the hank yarn was brought into the
excise duty in order to prevent misuse and diversion of the hank yarn by the power
loom manufacturers. Further, the Government of India was working out cent
percent refund scheme including supply of hank yarn at the mill gate price with
subsidy through the National Handloom Development Corporation and National
Textiles Corporation mills. The Sate-level apex Cooperative such as the Co-optex
would be involved in the supply of the hank yarn. He also said that the Excise
Department had been directed to work out the ways to refund the excise duty
collected for the hank yarn to the handloom weavers on the production of the
finished products.38 He said that in the budget for the year 2001-2002 handloom
_______________________________________________
garments were exempted from the excise duty subject to certification of the
finished products by the Handloom Export Promotion Council.39
In order to reduce the scarcity of the yarn, C. Velayuthan in the Tamil Nadu
Legislative Assembly proceedings dated 16th August 1996 stated that the Central
Government should stop the export of the cotton and hank yarn to the foreign
countries. If the cotton produced in India was converted into yarn and supplied to
the weavers at cheap prices, the cloth and other products could be produced for
low cost and could be exported to the foreign countries. If such policy was
implemented the handlooms and power looms could be operated regularly.40 The
Assembly Debate for the date 25th March 1992 shed details that due to the scarcity
of hank yarn, sometimes the weavers were forced to buy it from the private
mills.41 The Tamil Nadu Budget for the year 1995-96 states that, the Minister of
Handloom, the Government of India increased the rebate for the hank yarn from
Rs. 15 to Rs. 20 per kilogram. Further, the Central Government also agreed to
review the further export of raw cotton and yarn to other countries. The Tamil
Nadu Budget Report for the year 1995-96 further reveals that the State
Government created a website for Spinning Mills in order to facilitate to buy good
quality cotton for the eighteen Spinning Mills in Tamil Nadu, so that the weavers
could get quality yarn at reasonable prices. 42
In Tamil Nadu the hank yarn was distributed to the Primary Weavers Societies
by the Co-optex through the respective Assistant Directors.43 Often, irregularities
occurred in the purchase and distribution of hank yarn. The proceedings of the
Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly for the date 7th April 1992 reveals that
sometimes the Government purchased low quality raw cotton for the Cooperative
Mills for converting them into hank yarn. As a result of the supply of low-quality
yarn to the handloom weavers, they could not produce the quality cloths and
thereby they could not compete with the power looms and thereby the weavers
were not relieved from the various problems connected with the hank yarn. O.S.
Amarnath, MLA citing the irregularities in distributing the hand yarn, said that
Anupanadi, Nilaiyur, Krishnapurm Colony, Sundararasanpatti and Vandiyur
were the important Handloom Weavers’ Colonies in Madurai and the Assistant
Director in charge of distribution of the hank yarn did not follow the government
regulations. Sometimes, the officer in charge of distribution of the hank yarn gave
yarn to the private master weavers without giving to the Primary Societies. 44
Sometimes, the Primary Societies bought the hank yarn for cheap prices and sold
to the private power looms for higher prices.45 Seeing the pathetic condition of
the weavers, then Chief Minister J. Jayalalitha within two months of her assuming
the power, made arrangement to get 2000 bales of hank yarn for cheap price from
Cooperative Mills and it was distributed to the Primary Societies through the Co-
optex.46 Yet, the problems connected with the hank yarn created a serious issue
to the growth of handloom industry in the cooperative sector.
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C. Thomas ~27~
2.2 Problems related to the stockage of the finished goods and delay in
sanctioning rebate subsidy
The cotton handloom products produced through the primary societies are sold
through the retail shops of the primary societies and the Co-optex. In order to
safeguard the handlooms from the competition of the power looms and mills and
to encourage the people to buy the handloom fabrics and to increase the sales of
the handloom fabrics without interruption, the government gave rebate for their
sales. As per the condition of the rebate schemes for the sales of the handloom
products, the Government had to reimburse the rebate amount to the Weavers
Primary Societies and the Co-optex in proportion to the sales made by them. The
delay in sanctioning the rebate amount to be reimbursed to the Weavers Primary
Societies and the Co-optex created another problem in the handloom weaving in
the cooperative fold. In order to sell the stock of the handloom fabrics
accumulated in the societies and the Co-optex and to provide regular works to the
weavers in the cooperative sector, the Government started 100 days rebate
scheme in year 1989.47 As per the information revealed by the Tamil Nadu
Assembly Proceeding for the date 18th March 1997, of the total amount allotted
by the Government of India for the promotion of the handloom fabrics, the State
Government spent 75 percent towards the rebate and the remaining 25 percent
was spent for other handloom development programme. Even though there was
no change in the grant allotted by the Central Government, as the contribution of
the State Government was increasing every year, Government of Tamil Nadu
taking into the consideration of the sale realized during the year 1992-93, issued
an order in 1997 by which it fixed the maximum amount to be sanctioned for
rebate scheme would be Rs 41 crores per year for the sales of the handloom
products by the Primary Societies and Co-optex retail shops for the year 1995-
96.48 The Central Government allotted Rs. 1862.73 lakhs for the financial year
1995-96. Along with this the State Government sanctioned Rs. 2237.27 lakhs and
gave Rs. 41 crores toward the rebate scheme.49 This decision was taken by the
DMK Government in Tamil Nadu, based on the maximum rebate limit fixed by
the previous AIDMK Government as 40.85 crores for the year 1992-93.50 This
fixation was made by the latter at the calculation of the rebate for the same year
adding the balance rebate amount due to the Primary Societies and Co-optex from
the year 1985-86 to 1991-92.51 Further, in order to promote the sales of the
handloom fabrics, the rebate was given one hundred days in a year. 52 The
Cooperative Societies which were manufacturing the Janatha Cloth were not
eligible for rebate because they sold the cloth to the Co-optex without rebate.53
The several Members of Parliament in Tamil Nadu and State legislature and
members of the Cooperative societies demanded to relax the maximum rebate
fixed by the State Government.54 Hence, the Director in his letter said that an
additional Rs. 3713.35 lakhs required over the maximum amount fixed by the
government to clear the rebate for the sales realised during the year 1994-95 and
1995-96.55 However, on the request of the Handloom Department, the
_______________________________________________
government sanctioned additional two crores rupees to spend for the societies
which had guanine transaction.56 Yet the government did not fully reimburse the
sale rebate for the year 1994-95 and 1995-96, totaling about Rs. 33 crores on the
ground that certain irregularities had been taken place in a few Primary
Societies.57
A number of the Primary Societies and the Co-optex retail shops involved in
malpractice in preparing sales and rebate accounts. Hence an investigation was
conducted in 10 percent of the Cooperative Societies and found that Rs. 11.52
crores were included in the Suspense Sales without making real tractions. Of
which the Societies involved in the corrupt activities were made to credit 5.45
crores in their respective account revealed by the TNLAD for the date 18th march
1997.58 Likewise in the investigation conducted in the Co-optex retail shop,
Pavalam at Erode it was found that it prepared a false account stating that it sold
218 handloom silk sarees worth of Rs. 35,33,440 to four members. It caused a
loss of Rs. 7,00,000 to the Government.59 Therefore, the government took efforts
to give full rebate to the retail shops which had done genuine transactions.
There were number of other reasons for the accumulation of stock of the
handloom fabrics in the Primary Weavers Societies. One of the important reasons
for this was refusal of the Co-optex to buy the products produced by the Co-
Operative Societies. The TNLAD for the date 18th March 1997 reveals that
previously the Co-optex had placed an order to the Primary Societies for the
production of the particular varieties but it did not purchase them. It caused for
the accumulation of the stocks in the Societies in Emineswaram, Paramakudi and
Salem.60 C. Velayuthan during the proceedings of the Legislative Assembly held
on 16th August 1996 pointed out that he came to understand that the handloom
fabrics worth of Rs. Five crores was found accumulated in the cooperative
societies in Paramakudi and Emaneswaram. Likewise, the Government of Tamil
Nadu could not sanction the rebate to the tune of Rs. Three crores.61 Sometimes
the handloom products were accumulated due to the over production. For instance
in Srivalliputhur, 13 Cooperative Societies produced 26 S  20 S variety polyester
garment cloth meant for women and as on 31-03-1995 there were accumulated
1.13 lakhs metres of cloth and its value was Rs. 13.72 lakhs. Due to the increase
of the prices of yarn the prices of cloth also increased so that cloth produced
during six months were accumulated. It is said that the Co-optex had not placed
order for this variety and so it did not procure them from the Primary Societies.62
Sometimes the Primary Societies produced more than the production order placed
by the Co-optex.63 Thus several factors contributed for the accumulation of the
handloom fabrics in the Primary Societies. Ever since in 1998, when the rebate
on handloom goods was withdrawn, the handloom sector was on the downward
swing. The withdrawal of the rebate (which was subsequently reintroduced in the
following year) had made the cost of production higher than that of the power
loom sector, making handloom sector to lose its competitive edge. 64 The
dwindling production and wages forced the weavers to quit their traditional
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C. Thomas ~29~
occupation and to take up other employment avenues. The single year (1998) had
seen a drastic reduction of about two-third of weavers in the handloom sector.
Sundaravelu, the Manager of the Kurinjipadi Handloom Weavers’ Cooperative
Society, said prior to 1998 there were 500 members in the society, but
subsequently reduced to 160 members. The migration of weavers was the main
reason for low productivity. Outlining the challenges before the societies, he said
since Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia had started setting up their own
production units; exports of handloom goods from India suffered a setback.65
Another issue was the non-implementation handloom Reservation Act, 1985. It
reserved certain varieties of products to be produced in the handlooms but the
power loom also produced the same varieties.66 Kumaran of the Vallalar
Handloom Weavers’ Cooperative Society said the allocation of items to the
power loom sector was not strictly adhered to, and there were many instances of
encroachment on the handloom sector.67
Focusing nine points’ demands including immediate relief grant of Rs. 5000 each,
the handloom weavers observed protests particularly at Udumalaipattai,
Kangeyam, Madurai, Erode, Puvanagiri, Kurinchipadi, and Tiruppur for several
days. On 23-03-1998, the weavers from Coimbatore, Erode, Dindigul and
Tiruppur numbering about 5000 started procession from new Bus Stand at
Tiruppur. On the way the procession turned as a violent and so 51 persons were
arrested and put in prison.68 Subsequently arrested persons were released.
However, the demands of the handloom weavers were not implemented. In order
to find solution for the accumulation of the stockage of the handloom products,
the Government appointed a Committee under the Convener, Government
Secretary of the Handlooms. Other members were J. Suthanandan of Erode, P. N.
Subramani of Arcot, M.L.A. Raman of Pallipattu, M.L.A. N. Periasamy of
Perunthurai, M.L.A R. Tamaraikani of Srivalliputhu, S.C. Perumal of Vandavasi
and the Government Additional Secretary of Finance, as revealed by the Budget
report for the year 1998-99.69
This committee visited the places where there were a large number of weavers
concentrated to study about the causes for the accumulation of the cotton fabrics
and other problems faced by the weavers. Based on the report of the committee,
the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu announced a twenty-four programme for the
revival of the handloom industry. The most important point was that the
government reimbursed R. 43.25 crores towards the market rebate subsidy to be
given to the Handloom Weavers Primary Cooperative Societies and the Co-optex
for the years 1994-95 and 1995-96.70 Along with the 20% rebate which was in
practice, the Government sanctioned an additional 10% rebate, altogether 30%,
from 1-5-1998 to 31-10-1998 by which the Societies and the Co-optex sold the
products worth of Rs. 202.17 crores. The Government issued an order permitting
the Department to allot the rebate amount to be reimbursed to the Primary
Societies and the Co-optex once in every three months. Based on this, the rebate
for the year 1997-98 was completely reimbursed and for the 1998-99, first two
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quarterly dues up to 30-09-1998 were sanctioned by the Government. In order to

fix the price for the yarn, the state level committee was formed.71 As a result of
the recession in the East Asian countries, the sales of the lungi were affected in
Tamil Nadu. The important lungi producing handlooms in the cooperative fold
were found in Cuddalore, Kurinchipadi, Gudiyattam and Tirunelveli. So, the
government sanctioned the 30% rebate for the clearing sale of the unsold lungis
found on 31-10-1998 and rebate period was extended up to 31-03-1999.72 Though
several measures were taken the problem connected with the stockage of the
handloom products in the Societies was not settled permanently.
The accumulation of the unsold cotton handloom products again began in the year
2001-02. During the same year 1354 weavers societies under the cooperative fold
produced 957.35 lakh metres of cloths which was higher than the previous year’s
level of 941.77 lakh metres valued at Rs. 436.37 crores and sales were realized at
the bottom of Rs. 493.58 crores alone as against the accumulated total stock of
Rs. 667.03 crores. The general recession in the textile industry, resulted in the
loom-age in the cooperative fold deteriorated the profits of these societies. 73
Tamil Nadu Government’s withdrawal of Janatha Cloth Scheme meant for free
distribution in the year 2002 also contributed for the over stockage of the cloths
in the Primary Societies. The free distribution of sarees and dhotis and the free
uniform scheme for the school students started in A.D. 1989.74 The Jayalalitha
Government’s decision to withdraw an 18-year-old scheme - on the plea of a
depleted exchequer,75 the uneconomic production process and the complications
involved in inefficient distribution to the beneficiaries particularly to the
deserving poor and the government discontinued the scheme from the financial
year 2002-2003. The government was intended to provide very quickly
alternative higher economic value added weaving activities involving new
technologies to the weavers who were involved in producing dhotis and sarees
for in the distribution scheme.76 This measure badly affected the weavers and
thereby which was enough to politicise the issue.77
The Co-optex, which had provided yarn to the Primary Societies for the
production of Janata cloths, procured saris and dhotis for distribution until
December 2001. The Co-optex did not procure the Sarees and dhoties from the
Primary Societies for free distribution because the Government did not allocate
funds for the scheme in the budget for the year 2002-03.78 As a consequence,
cooperative banks, which had provided loans to the societies, stopped releasing
funds. This led to the societies stopping wage payments to the weavers. The
weavers, who usually worked on farms during lean periods, had been left high
and dry by the severe drought conditions in many parts of the State. While some
had migrated to neighbouring states in search of work, many worked at
construction sites. But the majority of the weavers and their families had been
pushed to desperation.79 Meanwhile expecting the continuation of the free
distribution scheme, 18 lakh sarees and 9 lakh dhotis were produced from January
2002 to April 2002 for the free distribution in the year 2002-2003. As the
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C. Thomas ~31~
discountenance of the free distribution scheme caused hardship to the weavers

and in order to provide relief to them, the government decided to procure those
sarees and dhoties manufactured for the distribution for the year 2001-2002 and
dhoties and sarees produced in anticipation of government orders for the year
2002-2003.80 Thus there was a stock of more than over 45 lakh sarees and 45 lakh
dhotis in the godowns of Co-optex and the Primary Societies. For clearing the
accumulated stock, the Government introduced the Cheap Price Sarees and
Dhotis Scheme during the year 2002-2003.81 The government decided that, of the
45 lakh dhotis and 45 lakh sarees procured under the free distribution scheme for
the year 2001-2002, 20 Lakhs sarees and 4 lakh dhoties were to be distributed to
all Old Age Pensioners of the state in the then current year (2002-2003) during
the deepavali and pongal seasons. The remaining 41 lakh dhotis and 25 lakhs
sarees would be sold through fair price shops and the Primary Weavers Societies
and Co-optex retail shops at the rates Rs. 40 per saree and Rs. 30 for dhoti under
the scheme of cheap price sarees and dhoties.82
In the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly Proceedings held on 3rd May 2002 the
Minister for Handloom and Textile announced that there were 1375 Primary
Weavers Societies working in Tamil Nadu, of which 98 were Silk Weavers
Societies. Presenting the report the Minister said that the Silk sarees worth of Rs.
129.24 crores were accumulated in the Silk Cooperative Societies and cotton
cloths worth Rs. 104.12 crores were accumulated in the Cotton Primary Societies.
Citing the reasons for the over stockage of the handloom products, the Minister
said that it was due to the impact of the world markets and the declining demand
in the local market.83 Further, the Government collected tax for the Silk saree
worth of more than Rs. 3000.84 More over the Government stopped the free
distribution of the sarees and dhoties.85 According to the views of the Member of
the Legislative Assembly P. Arasan, the stock accumulated in the Societies was
worth for about 500 crores.86 In fact, the Societies found it difficult to sell the
sarees and other fabrics because the Co-optex purchased 30% of the products
produced in the Primary Societies.87 Due to the over stockage of the silk sarees
and other cotton fabrics the Primary Societies could not give wage to the weavers
and therefore, a number of weavers found unemployed. Added to these, as the
Government stopped the free distribution of sarees and dhoties, the weavers who
had been engaged in the production of these varieties also found unemployed.
Further the Subsidies given to the weavers also reduced.88 Hence the weavers and
a few Members of the Assembly urged the Government to purchase the
accumulated silk sarees other other cotton fabrics and to sell in the open
markets.89
In order to encourage the sales and to reduce the stockage the Government had
undertaken the following important measures in August 2002. (i) Special rebate
ranging from 35 to 45 % reduction was given to the Silk sarees which were in the
stock for more than one or two years. (ii) Special rebate of 10% was given for
cotton fabrics and (iii) Exhibitions were arranged in the important places in
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Chennai. Steps were taken to conduct exhibitions in Chennai, Coimbatore,

Madurai and Salem on the occasion of the New Year Day.90 In August 2002 the
Government of Tamil Nadu sanctioned 45 % and 55 % rebate for the Silk sarees
accumulated in the Primary Societies for one and two years respectively. The
Government also granted permission to give 30 % and 45 % rebate to the cotton
fabrics. Due to this special rebates handloom products including the silk and
cotton varieties worth of Rs 571.67 was sold during the year 2002-2003.91 The
Government also permitted the Cooperative Societies to clear the stock of the
cotton sarees and dhoties which had been manufactured three years back through
auction.92 This measure really helped to reduce the stock accumulated in the
Handloom Weavers Primary Societies.
Further, in order to clear the stockage of the handloom goods accumulated in the
Primary Societies and the Co-optex retail shops, the government allowed 10 %
extra rebate in addition to the existing 20% from 15-09-2003 to 31-01-2004. As
a result of the special rebate the cloths for the value of Rs. 173.81 crores was sold
and it helped to clear the stock to considerable extent.93 Besides, in the Budget
for the year 2003-2004 Rs. 88 crores was sanctioned for towards the marketing
rebate subsidy to clear the stock of the finished goods accumulated in the Primary
Societies and the Co-optex.94 The TLAD for the date 30th July 2004 reveals that
after J. Jayalalitha assumed the Chief Ministership of Tamil Nadu, several
measures were taken to reduce the stockage of the handloom fabrics. During three
years handloom products worth of Rs 1639.86 crores was sold.95 In spite the
government took several initiatives the handlooms in the cooperative sector were
not protected from its decline. Thus the issues connected with the accumulated
stockage of the silk sarees and cotton fabrics created a crisis in the handloom
sector in Tamil Nadu.
By this time, the Handlooms and Textile Explanation Note for the year 2003-
2004 was brought by the Government of Tamil Nadu in order to withstand the
cotton handloom industry from the internal and foreign threats. It said that the
persistence challenges faced by the handloom industry due to the internal and
global factors, has to face the provision of the ATC which would come into effect
from 1st January 2005.96 The handloom fabrics would be produced in Tamil Nadu
has to compete with the foreign products in the international markets. The
Handlooms and Textile explanation Note said that unless the internal market was
brought under set right, this industry could not thrive in the foreign markets.97
In the meantime, in July 2002, the weavers of Srivilliputhur as they suffered due
to poverty were back at the gruel centres as a result of the virtual collapse of the
cooperative societies. Weavers have lurched from one crisis to another, surviving
on the strength of their resilience. The latest one was the State government’s
refusal to lift the accumulating stocks from the societies since December
following the withdrawal of the popular Janata cloth scheme, under which dhotis
and sarees were distributed to the poor during the Pongal festival.98 This situation
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C. Thomas ~33~
provided an opportunity to every political party to make the situation fish in the
troubled water instead of finding a solution. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
president M. Karunanidhi urged party cadres to help the weavers by setting up
gruel centres throughout the State. In response to this, the All India Anna Dravida
Munnetra Kazhagam distributed “biriyani and eggs” to the weavers of Andipatti,
making a mockery of the impoverished state of the weavers. On August 9, 2002
the politicisation of the weavers’ plight reached a new low with AIADMK and
DMK cadres coming to blow at Sellur village in Madurai district. The DMK
workers tried to distribute gruel and the AIADMK men, biriyani and egg, to the
impoverished weavers. In the clash that followed, a number of party workers,
including former Minister of Public Works T. Kiruttinam, and policemen were
injured. Some 105 workers, including four women, were arrested. A.K.
Padmanabhan, president, Handloom Workers Federation of the Centre of Indian
Trade Unions (CITU), said that the State government’s refusal to lift stocks, the
delay in making payments for the material purchased, the mounting interest on
loans, and the mounting burden of payment to special officers appointed by the
government superseding the elected boards were some of the reasons for the
weavers’ woes. For instance, the Meenakshi Amman Society in Kancheepuram
falls back every month in interest payment to the tune of Rs.31,000 to the
cooperative bank. The withdrawal of the Janata cloth scheme is like the last nail
in the coffin for the cooperatives that produce mainly for the scheme. According
to Frontline, Co-optex, the apex marketing society was set up to promote
handlooms, have been undermined systematically over the years. Politicisation
of the cooperative set-up, with successive governments dissolving the elected
boards and filling the societies with their own partymen, has weakened the
movement. Co-optex, far from being a promotional agency, has been transformed
into a mere marketing agency.99 Though the Government directly purchased and
sold the sarees and dhoties and revived the free distribution system of sarees and
dhoties, the problems connected with the accumulation of the finished products
created serious problems.
2.2 Mode of Production and Sales
There were nearly 6.5 million handloom weavers in India and shared the 13
percent of the Indian cloth market. There were in Tamil Nadu and most of the
looms were brought under the cooperative sector. The handloom weavers under
the cooperative sector were mainly involved in the production of sarees, dhoties
and school uniforms distributed at the free of cost and sometimes they were also
engaged in the production of janatha cloths. As a result, they did not have regular
works. The countries like China, Indonesia and Taiwan had started producing
textile products using very modern machinery at comparatively cheaper prices
and better quality. We were not capable of meeting their demands for good
quality products because we possessed low quality machine and technology in
compare their infrastructure. Further in Tamil Nadu, the weavers were paid low
wages.100
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The Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly Proceedings for the date 16th August 1996
said that the people did not like the sarees and dhoties because the designs were
not much as the cloths produced in the mill sector a minimum design were
produced. In the mill sector produced the finished products in many designs but
in the cooperative sector. Therefore, there was a demand for producing varieties
of design. 101 The studies conducted earlier said that of the handloom fabrics
produced in India, 25 percent was high value niche products and the remaining
75 per cent of the production was made up of low-cost quality, highly
substitutable fabrics.102 Due to high competition from the substitute products
produced from the power looms and mill sector, a large of handloom weavers
became the poorest group in the textile industry. As the weavers under the
cooperative sector were controlled by the CO-Optex with regards to purchasing
the yarn, production of varieties of fabrics and the sales of the products they lost
their bargaining capacity in the markets. Increase in the prices of cotton yarn also
imposed on the weavers.
2.3 Effects of the development of Power Looms
The Textile Policy, 1985 of the Government of India provided an opportunity for
regularising unauthorized power looms and installation of new power looms.103
Policies and Programmes for the Handloom and Yarn Department for the year
1992-93 said that the researches revealed that among the handloom weavers, a
section of them was alone engaged in weaving costly fabrics and received a good
wages.104 In order to increase their wages and thereby to enhance the living
condition of the weavers, the conversion of Handlooms into Power Looms was
encouraged as a matter of policy since 1991-92.105 As a part of the plan, Rs. 30
lakhs was sanctioned for the year 1991-92 in order to convert 500 handlooms into
1000 power looms.106 In the budget for the year 1992-93 it is said that the
handlooms which were running loss had been already subsequently converted
into power looms. There was a provision in the Budget included to start 5000
power looms.107 The goal to start with the conversion of 3,75,00 handlooms into
75,000 power looms, phased out over ten year period at the rate of two power
looms for each weaver with the assistance of NABARD.108 The arrangement was
also made to convert 2500 handlooms into 5000 power looms during the year
1992-93.109 Under the first phase, till the end of March 1993, 526 power looms
were converted and organized into three Power Looms Weavers’ Societies, one
each in the Chengalpattu-MGR, Tiruchirappalli and Kanyakumari Districts.110
But the ten year duration fixed for achieving the target of replacing the handlooms
by the power looms was very long. In fact, the government did not have clear cut
definite policy of handlooms and the power looms.
The Government policy towards supporting the power looms affected the growth
of handlooms because the power looms produced what are to be manufactured
by the handlooms. In all India level the power loom sector has grown rapidly
during the Seventh Plan period from 8.36 lakh power looms as on 01-01-1985 to
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C. Thomas ~35~
11 lakhs as on 31-03-1990.111 As per the data for the year 1998, in Tamil Nadu
there were 2.43 lakhs registered power looms and it was estimated that one lakh
power looms in the state were functioning without being notified. There were 52
Powerloom Cooperatives were functioning throughout the state of which 14 were
industrial type. The Department of Handloom and Textiles was functioning as
‘State Textile Authority’. As the power looms also provided the employment to
many weavers, the Government desired that the handlooms and power looms co-
existed and grew harmoniously and should not cut into each other’s traditional
market.112 Out of 52 powerloom cooperative societies, 48 were mainly
concentrating on the production of handloom cloths and free sarees and
dhoties.113 Tamil Nadu An Economic Appraisal, 1999-2000 gives the information
that there were about four lakhs power looms were functioning in the state in the
year under the review, of which 3.2 lakhs looms were registered. Of the 144
Power loom Weavers Cooperative Societies (including eight industrial type) 101
societies were functioning.114 As per the Handlooms and Textiles Policy Note for
the Year 2009-2010 of Government of Tamil Nadu, there were 1130 Handloom
Weavers Cooperative Societies, 164 Power loom Weavers Cooperative Societies
in Tamil Nadu.115 The Handlooms and Textiles Policy and Programme for the
year 1996-97, reveals that the power looms plays an important role in the
fulfilling the requirement of cloths in Tamil Nadu and the other states in India.
Further due to the Textile Policy and liberalization of the government to promote
power looms, this sector developed next to Maharashtra in India. Therefore, the
policy decision was taken to sell the powerloom products alone with the
handloom fabrics in the Co-optex retail showrooms and respective cooperative
societies.116 Tamil Nadu An Economic Appraisal, 1999-2000 reveals the fact after
liberalization of economy in Tamil Nadu, the issue of licence to power looms has
been liberalized and this sector has been thriving at the cost of handloom sector.117
This was seen in the growth of power looms in Tamil Nadu. As the production
cost of the cloths produced in the power loom are less costly than produced in the
handlooms, the Government of Tamil Nadu placed an order with the power loom
societies to produce large quantity of cloth for the free distribution. Sometimes,
the lungies and other varieties produced in the power loom societies are sold in
the Co-optex retail shops along with the handloom fabrics.
The handloom is unable to match up to the power loom sector. Terming the
stipulation of a 20% profit margin as “unrealistic,” Jaishankar said that this would
only push up the prices of their products when the handloom sector has been
unable to match up to the powerloom sector whose products are much cheaper.
Manibaba, the President of the Vetri Handloom Weavers’ Cooperative Society,
Nilayur, near Madurai said that the handloom sector could meet the competition
effectively only if the Government enforced vigorously provisions of the
Handlooms (Reservation of Articles for Production) Act, 1985.118 Manibaba also
added that the 11 items, including dhoti, saree, towel, lungi and bed sheet/bed
cover, have been reserved exclusively for production by handlooms. Conceding
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that the law was not “aggressively implemented,” however, the official claimed
that Tamil Nadu was ahead of other States with regard to inspection of
powerlooms, one of the important conditions of the Act. Now, the textiles sector
is witnessing the advent of air jet looms in a big way. During 2016-17, nearly
67,000 powerlooms were inspected and 55 first information reports (FIR) filed.
In 22 cases, the legal proceedings led to conviction of the accused.119 Thus, the
lack of clear cut policy towards the handloom and power loom sectors and the
encouragement given for the growth of power loom also affected the
development of handlooms.
2.4 The Challenges due to the Pressures of Globalisation
The spinning industry in Tamil Nadu was the most efficient segment of India’s
Textile Industry. However, the Textile Mills in Hong Kong for example can
produce up to 70 different types of blended yarn a month, compared to eight in
China but even lesser in India. It was declined mainly due to the weakness of the
Government’s Textile Policy which has created an uneven playing field between
small and large firms, and between exporters and non-exporters. Tamil Nadu’s
firms predominantly work with cotton-based fiber, but trends globally are moving
away from cotton yarn or cotton fabric to blends, or lightweight synthetics. The
firms that want to do well, or succeed in entering new markets need to develop
technology, design, materials, marketing, packaging and training. Adopting new
product lines, reorganizing production and absorbing new technologies not only
help to improve productivity but to link up with input suppliers, buyers and
outside retail markets.120
In the export market the Indian firms are seemingly caught between the lower
cost producers from China, Bangladesh and Vietnam at the low end, and high
quality European producers at the high end. Some Tamil Nadu-based firms are
entering first world market not only as low-cost suppliers, but as co-owners of
European firms that serve as key distribution channels for them.121 At the end of
the year 2004 the WTO – imposed Multi-Fiber Agreement (MFA) and the
Agreement on Textiles and Clothing (ATC) expired. So, from the early 2005 the
handloom industry has to face free competition from European and US markets.
The fastest growth in the Indian yarn market has been in the lowest count ranges
the 10s and 20s.122 They should move to produce a higher quality yarn and finer
counts including the blended yarn, to broaden their product mix.
Since 1991 the neo-liberal voices urging public-sector reform, privitisation, and
eventual disbanding of the handloom boards and handloom cooperatives. The
Satyam Committee in its report recommended for scrapping the Handloom
Boards. The government of Tamil Nadu had taken several efforts for protecting
the handloom weavers and the handloom industry through cooperative societies.
This policy has been criticized as a populist, politicized and misdirected
entitlement programme. Its supporters held the stand that through it the livelihood
of the thousands of artisans was protected.123 The government agency of Co-optex
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C. Thomas ~37~
procured the fabrics and promote sales through its emporium or distributed to the
poor. Each year millions of handloom sarees and dhoties were distributed to the
poor citizens of Tamil Nadu. This distribution system of handloom fabrics by the
government has for long years became main source of demand for handloom
cooperative and has kept the cooperative system alive. The handloom industry
should move towards a new direction in the field of technology, production
market segments. There were measures taken by the Central and the Tamil Nadu
state Government. Consequently, the cost of the finished products particularly the
lungies increased, but in the case of the State of Andhra Pradesh, its price was
very low compared with in Tamil Nadu. Consequently, the lungies produced at
Puttur in Andhra Pradesh was sold in Tamil Nadu for cheaper prices which were
less than the cost of lungies produced in Tamil Nadu. Hence, it affected the
marketing of the lungies produced in Tamil Nadu.124
2.5 The failure of the Cooperative System
The cooperative system witnessed ups and down in several times. As per the
available data during 1994-95, there were 1476 handloom primary cooperative
societies in Tamil Nadu. Of them 71.6 % societies functioned with profits. But in
the next year, 1995-96, the number of societies reduced to 1439 and number of
loom were also reduced from 4.22 lakhs in 1994-95 to 4.15 lakhs in 1995-96.125
The failure of the cooperative system took place as a result of governmental
inability to implement various developmental programmes, the corrupt attitude
of the Primary Societies and the Co-optex retail shops and the delay in conducting
the election to the primaries. In Tamil Nadu over than 50 per cent of the weavers
are in the cooperative fold and the majority of them produce dhotis and saris for
the Janata cloth scheme which distributes saris and dhotis to the poor. As per the
details provided by the Handloom and Textile Principle Explanation Note for the
year 2003-2004 there were 1313 Handloom Weavers Cooperative Societies in
Tamil Nadu. Of them 1125 were the Handloom Cotton Weavers Cooperative
Societies, 85 were the Handloom Silk Weavers Cooperative Societies and 103
were the Industrial Weavers Cooperative Societies.126 One of the important
measures introduced by the Government of Tamil Nadu was the rebate scheme
for the marketing of the handloom fabrics produced through the Primary
Societies. In 1998 a crisis precipitated due to the unsettled issues connected with
the non-reimbursement of the rebate for the two years viz. 1994-95 and 1995-96.
Another problem was the accumulation of the stock of the handloom fabrics
found in the Cooperative Primary Societies. The main reason for the over
stockage was the overall stockage of products in India and the non-
reimbursement of the rebates in Tamil Nadu for the above two years.127 Ever since
in 1998, when the rebate on handloom goods was withdrawn, the handloom sector
was on the downward swing. The withdrawal of the rebate (which was
subsequently reintroduced in the following year) had made the cost of production
higher than that of the power loom sector, making handloom sector to lose its
competitive edge. The dwindling production and wages forced the weavers to
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quit their traditional occupation and to take up other employment avenues. The
single year (1998) had seen a drastic reduction of about two-third of weavers in
the handloom sector. Sundaravelu, the manager of the Kurinjipadi Handloom
Weavers’ Cooperative Society, said prior to 1998 there were 500 members in the
society, but subsequently reduced to 160 members. The migration of weavers was
the main reason for lower productivity. Outlining the challenges before the
societies, he said since Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia had started setting up
their own production units; exports of handloom goods from India suffered a
setback.128
The accumulation of the unsold cotton handloom products again began in the year
2001-02. During the same year 1354 weavers societies under the cooperative fold
produced 957.35 lakh metres of cloths which was higher than the previous years
level of 941.77 lakh metres valued at Rs. 436.37 crores and sales were realized at
the bottom of Rs. 493.58 crores alone as against the accumulated total stock of
Rs. 667.03 crores. The general recession in the textile industry, resulted in the
loom-age in the cooperative fold deteriorated the profits of these societies. 129
Another important development that created crisis in the handloom sector in 2002
in Tamil Nadu was due to the withdrawal of the Janatha Cloth Scheme which
affected the cooperative system. Among the traditional centres associated with
the production of the janatha cloth scheme are Srivilliputhur and Rajapalayam in
Virudhunagar district; Andipatti in Madurai district; Ammayarkuppam and Arani
in Thiruvallur district; and Kezhkodungalur in Tiruvannamalai district.130 Badly
hit are societies that produce only for the Janata cloth scheme on orders placed
by Co-optex. In the traditional handloom weaving districts of Vellore and
Thiruvallur, over 3.5 lakh saris have piled up with 200 societies. Over half the
520-odd cooperative societies in Salem, Namakkal and Dharmapuri districts,
with over 30,000 weavers, remain closed. In Cuddalore district, the number of
handlooms has dropped from 12,000 to a mere 2,000 in the past two years, and
over 80 per cent of the 50,000 weavers were jobless. About 35,000 families,
primarily from the Saliya Community, were affected. Over two lakh looms were
lying idle. According to the societies, stocks worth over Rs.300 crores were lying
unsold. Even the old-age and family pension given to poor weavers had been
stopped by the government for the last 15 months. The weavers, who usually
work on farms during lean periods, had been left high and dry by the severe
drought conditions in many parts of the State. While some had migrated to
neighbouring States in search of work, many worked at construction sites. But
the majority of the weavers and their families had been pushed to desperation.
Sometimes, the Societies also involved in the preparation of the master rolls and
focus production and marketing lists in order to get the benefits from the
Government.131 Further, the non-performance of the democratic process in the
cooperative set up due to the failure to hold elections another important cause for
the failure of the cooperative system.
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C. Thomas ~39~
As per the handloom survey conducted in 1987-88 there were 4.28 lakhs
handlooms were found in Tamil Nadu. The districts such as Salem, Periyar and
Chengelput had 10 to 15 per cent of handlooms each, while Viruthunagar,
Coimbatore, Madurai, South Arcot, North Arcot and Tiruchirappalli districts had
5 to 10 per cent each of total looms in the state. The districts such as Dindigul,
Madras, Pudukottai, Tanjavur, Kanyakumari and Dharmapuri had less than 5 per
cent each. So far as looms coverage of the Co-optex is concerned, 2.85 lakh looms
had been brought under its fold, of which nearly 28,000 looms were idle. Thus
the effective cooperative coverage of handlooms in the state was 57.85 per cent
during 1989-90.132 In 1992-93 there were 1476 societies with 3,79,000 looms, it
increased to 1478 societies with 3,80,000 looms in 1993-94, the number of
societies were reduced to 1476 societies in 1994-95 but the looms increased to
4,22,000 looms and it further reduced to 1439 societies with 4,15,000 looms in
1995-96.133 The capital of the societies during 1992-93 was Rs.172.08 crores, it
increased to 174 crores in 1993-94, further increased to 179.07 crores in 1994-95
and again increased to 221.93 crores in 1995-96.134 During the year 1994-95, as
per the official data 71.6 per cent of the handlooms were running in profits. 135
According to the TNLAD for the date 16th August 1996, there had been 1439
Primary Weavers Societies and in which about 4,27,000 families were engaged
to do the works. After the dismissal of the DMK rule, during the due to the
domination of the officials and the mal administration of the government for the
last five years these societies met heavy loss and in the declining stage.136 As per
the State Planning Commission, July 1998, the actual number of working
handlooms in Tamil Nadu might not exceed 2.5 lakhs.137 During the year 2001-
02, there were 2.83 lakh handlooms were functioning under the cooperative fold
and organized into 1354 Weavers Primary Cooperative Societies. Of them, 1144
were the cotton primary societies, 120 were industrial type and the remaining 90
were the Silk Weavers Cooperative Societies.138 As per another account, as on
March 2003, there 2.16 lakhs handlooms in the State under the cooperative fold
with 1313 Handloom Weavers Cooperative Societies. Of the 1313 societies in the
cooperative fold, Cotton Primary Weavers Cooperative Societies were accounted
for numbering 1125, Industrial Weavers Cooperative Societies were 103 and
remaining 85 were the Silk Weavers Cooperative Societies.139 The profit making
societies increased to 487 during 2002-03 from 320 in 2001-02.140
As per the details shed by the Tamil Nadu An Economic Appraisal, for the year
2003-04 and 2004-05, as on 28-02-2005 there were 2.11 lakhs handlooms were
functioning in the State of Tamil Nadu under 1247 Handlooms Weavers
Cooperative Societies which were existing mostly in rural and semi-rural areas
where handloom weavers were concentrated. Out of 1247 Handloom Weavers
Cooperative Societies, 1169 were cotton Weavers Cooperative Societies and the
remaining 78 were the Silk Weavers Cooperative Societies.141 The Tamil Nadu
An Economic Appraisal for the years 2006-07 and 2007-08 provides the
information that during 2007-08, they were 2.15 lakhs handlooms were under the
_______________________________________________
cooperative fold of 1103 Primary Weavers Cooperative Societies. This is the 53

percent of the total 4.13 lakhs handlooms found in Tamil Nadu142 as per the
census conducted earlier. As per the information provided by the document on
Tamil Nadu State Planning Commission, July 1998, there were 413 Co-optex
retail outlets functioning. Of which 250 were within the state and remaining 163
in outside the state.143 As per the information shed by the Financial Express for
the date 14th October 2015, the uneconomic showrooms were shut down from the
earlier 260 to 200. Thus, the number of showrooms decreased to 200 in 2015.144
Conclusion
The handloom weaving industry occupies a predominant place in the Indian
economy both as major provider of employment and a sizeable earner of foreign
exchange. It is a traditional and skill-based industry which speak a lot about
Indian tradition and craftsmanship of the Indians in general and Tamil in
particular. As the handloom weaving industry requires a minimum
investment, and as it accommodates the member of the family members in
the process of production, it provides employment to a lakh of weavers
and allied workers in Tamil Nadu. But in due course due to the urbanization
process, expansion of trade in handloom fabrics and policy decision of the
Governments, it combined in itself with house hold and group or cluster approach
and rural and semi-urban characters. Besides providing employment, the
cotton fabrics produced in the handlooms has its marketing in India and
world countries. Thus, this industry plays an important play in the
economy of India. As the handloom industry in Tamil Nadu is a traditional
and heritage industry, it reflects the cultural heritage of the Tamils. Hence,
this industry has economic and cultural values.
The handloom weaving industry in the state can be considered to be a sunset
industry since the number of households and weavers being engaged in the
handloom industry declined decade after decade. The reorganisation of the
handloom weaving industry was considered to be the most urgent requirement of
the time as far as the amelioration of the problem of unemployment in the state
was concerned. The efficiency of the handloom weaving industry has also been
reported to be very low on account of warp breaks, shuttle changes, and stoppages
due to the adjusting of let-off and take-up etc. In a backward economy like India
where the problem of unemployment was so acute, the handloom weaving
industry was found suitable for the generation of more employment as it was
known for its labour intensiveness as well as its ability to capital saving. One of
the major reasons which enabled the handloom weaving industry in the country
to withstand the onslaughts of the mill sector in the previous century and in the
beginning of the twentieth century was the dynamics shown by the traditional
handloom weaving industry in the country to adapt itself towards a diversification
of product mix with a view to reach out to the people of different income levels.
_______________________________________________
C. Thomas ~41~
Although several steps were taken to protect the handloom weaving industry in
Tamil Nadu from the onslaughts of the power looms and mills, the power looms
and mills were the real beneficiaries of the schemes being implemented by the
government from time to time. One among the major reasons behind the poor
performance of the handloom weaving industry in the state has been the unfair
and wrong pricing policy being followed by the state from time to time.
In spite, the government spent a considerable amount of money; the welfare
schemes could not prevent the decadence of the handloom industry. The
handloom weaving industry is the age old traditional heritage skilled oriented
industry. As majority of the handlooms in Tamil Nadu is under the cooperative
fold the government has to see that all the schemes and the welfare programmes
to be implemented without any break. The Government should reserve more
looms for the production of the quality products, and should give geographical
brand name to the specialized fabrics. This will help to capture the local markets
in India and the international markets and would increase the marketability of the
products. The weavers should be given exposure programme towards betterment
of their skills, knowledge and technology in order to ensure improved efficiencies
and enhanced productivity levels and to increase the quality of products.
The Government Policy towards the handlooms and the power looms are
complementary. The Government allowed to flourish the power looms at the cost
of the handlooms. Though the power looms are increased under the cooperative
system, no separate show room was opened by the Co-optex to sell the power
loom products. The Co-optex should maintain separate retail shops for the
handloom products and the power loom products. There are customers in India,
who are ready to buy the handloom cloths with good quality for any price. In
order to retain the existing weavers under the cooperative fold and to attract
youngsters in weaving, the Government should revise the wage periodically and
provide other facilities including the housing to all the weavers. In order to have
democratic process in the cooperative system, elected representatives should be
appointed in the decision-making process. The individual weaver should be given
orientation about the changing requirements of the market and provide support to
the individual weavers’ societies to study the market trend and to introduce
innovation in the weaving industry for preparing products for attracting the
different income groups to purchase the fabrics in the local markets.
As the majority of the handlooms were brought under the cooperative system,
managed by the administrative hierarchy, and supervised by a separate
department, and the survival of this industry mainly depend on the financial
support extended by the Government of India and the State Government, keeping
importance to the cultural and economic value of the handloom products the
government should declare the handloom industry as the heritage industry and
provide regular employment to the weavers with remunerative wages. The
Government should create separate administrative wing for the power looms. All
_______________________________________________
the handloom and power loom products should have brand name so that the public
prefer to go for buying either power loom fabrics or handloom products. The
increase of quality in the production of handloom goods, an attempt to retain the
existing weavers to continue the traditional skilled based industry with economic
support, providing regular employment with remunerative wage, providing brand
names to the power loom products and handloom fabrics, regular allocation of
the finance from the government and systematic chain of production and
marketing of the handloom goods will help for protecting the handloom sector
from its present critical situation. Once the handloom weaving becomes
remunerative job, the youngsters will be attracted to pursue the traditional skilled
based industry, so that in the era of globalised economy the handloom goods will
assume a prosperous position in the local and the foreign markets.
Endnotes
1. Tamil Nadu – An Economic Appraisal, 2001-02 (Here in after TNEA), p. 80.
2. Alokesh Barua and Robert M. Stern, (ed.), The WTO and India Issues and
Negotiating Strategies, Orient Black Swan, 2010, p.xxvi.
3. Cited in Oxfam (@004) “Stitched Up” Oxfam Briefing Paper 60, Oxford, quoted in
Vijaya Switha Grandhi and Alec Crawford, Price Volatility in the Cotton Yarn
Industry: Lessons from India, International Institute for Sustainable Development,
Manitoba, Canada, October 2007. http://www.iisd.org, Accessed on 25 November
2012.
4. Ministry of Textile, Compendium of Textile Statistics, Government of India, New
Delhi, 2005.
5. Annual Report, 2003-04, Reserve Bank of India, quoted in TNEA, 2003-04 and
2004-05, p. 76.
6. Samar Verma, “How Big is the Bang for India? Market Access in Textiles,” in
Alokesh Barua and Robert M. Stern, (ed.), The WTO and India Issues and
Negotiating Strategies, Orient BlackSwan, 2010, p. 170.
7. Alokesh Barua and Robert M. Stern, The WTO and India Issues and Negotiating
Strategies, Orient BlackSwan, 2010, p. 182.
8. Bose K Nair, “Evaluation of Export Promotion Councils as Catalyst and Its Impact
on Export Growth”, Ph.D. Thesis in Business Management, Submitted to
Padmashree Dr. D. Y. Patil University, Navi Mumbai, November 2012, p. 72.
9. Ibid., p. 73.
10. Ibid., p. 74.
11. Handloom and Textile Policy Note for the year 2000-2001, (Here in after HTPN),
Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly Debate (Here in after TNLAD), dt. 5th May 2000,
p. 459.
12. Ibid., p. 460.
13. Ibid., pp. 460-61.
14. HTPN for the year 2003-04, p. 2.
15. Ibid., pp. 2-3.
_______________________________________________
C. Thomas ~43~
16. HTPN for the year 2006-2007, TNLAD, dt. 12th August 2006, p. 634.
17. Ibid., p. 635.
18. Ibid., p. 636.
19. Ibid., pp. 638-39.
20. Ibid., p. 639.
21. Ibid., pp. 639-640.
22. Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia, Accessed on 15th April 2017.
23. TNLAD, dt. 28th April 1992, Vol. 27, No. 1, p. 18.
24. Ch. V. Krishna Reddy and Prof. Noorbasha Abdul, “Economic Reforms – Declining
Handloom Industry – Role of Microfinance”, American International Journal of
Research in Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences, 4(1), Sep-Nov, 2013, p. 67.
25. The Hindu Business Line, Internet Edition, Saturday, January 18, 2003.
26. Hank Yarn Packing Notification No.2/TDRO/8/2003 dated 17-4-2003, Ministry of
Textiles, Government of India.
27. Hank Yarn Packing Notification No.2/TDRO/8/2003 dated 17-4-2003, Ministry of
Textiles, Government of India.
28. Ch. V. Krishna Reddy and Noorbasha Abdul, op. cit., p. 67.
29. TNLAD, dt. 28th April 1992, Vol. 27, No. I, p. 249.
31. ICRA (2005), The Indian Textiles and Clothing Industry, ICRA, quoted in Vijaya
Switha Grandhi and Alec Crawford, op.cit.
32. Syamasundari, B., “Persisting shortage of cotton yarn”, The Hindu, dt 8 Mar 2005.
33. TNLAD, dt. 20th September 1991, Vol. 9, No. I, pp. 9-10 and TNLAD, dt. 16th
August 1996, Vol. 12, No. 1, p. 76.
34. Dinakaran, Chennai, dt. 10-09-2001.
35. TNLAD.,Vol. 27, No. 2, dt. 6th May 2002, pp.712 and 720 and Handlooms and
Textiles Policy note for the year 2003-04, TNLAD., Vol. 48, dt. May 7, 2003, p.
397.
36. HTPN for the year 2003-2004, TNLAD., Vol. 48,dt. May7, 2003,p. 397.
38. The Hindu, Sunday, dt. March 24, 2002, p. 5.
40. TNLAD, dt. 16th August 1996, Vol. 20, No. 2, p. 258.
41. Ibid., dt. 25th March 1992, Vol. 12, No. I, p. 61.
42. The Budget Report for the year 1995-96, TNLAD, dt. 22nd March 1995, Vol. 66,
No. 2, p. 327.
44. Ibid., pp. 17-18.
45. Ibid., p. 20.
46. Ibid., p. 19.
_______________________________________________
47. Ibid., p. 65.

48. TNLAD, dt. 18th March 1997, pp. 36-37.
49. Ibid., p. 37.
50. Ibid., p. 40.
51. Ibid., p. 40.
52. Ibid., p. 37.
53. Ibid., p. 42.
54. Ibid., pp. 37-38.
55. Ibid., p. 38.
56. Ibid., p. 41.
57. TNLAD, dt 31st March 1998, pp. 304-05.
58. Ibid., dt. 18th March 1997, pp. 36-37.
59. Ibid., pp. 38 and 41-42.
60. Ibid., p. 40.
61. Ibid., dt. 16th August 1996, Vol. 12, No. 1, p. 62.
62. Ibid., dt 25th April 1995, p. 512.
63. Ibid., p. 513.
64. The Hindu, February 11, 2007 and Updated: September 27, 2016.
65. Ibid.
66. TNLAD, dt. 31st March 1998, p. 304.
68. TNLAD, dt. 31st March 1998, p. 304. Interest subsidy scheme was not regularly
implemented. The TNLAD for the date 30th July 2004 reveals that the interest
subsidy to be given to the Co-Optex and the Primary Weavers Cooperative Societies
from 31-12-1998 to 31-12-2001 at the total amount Rs 27.50 crores was paid during
the administration of J. Jayalalitha. (TNLAD, dt. 30th July 2004, pp. 76 and 80).
69. Budget Report, TNLAD, dt. 27th March 1998, p. 31.
70. HTPN for the year 1999-2000, TNLAD., dt. 20th April 1999, p. 138.
71. Ibid., pp. 138 and 146.
72. Ibid., p. 146.
73. TNEA, 2001-02, p. 81.
75. Frontline, Vol. 19, Issue 17, dt. August 17-30, 2002.
76. G.O. (MS) No. 74, Handlooms, Handicraft, Textiles and Khadi Department (Here
in after HHT&K) (D2) Department, dt. 30.7.2002, pp. 1-2.
77. Frontline, op. cit.
78. Budget for the year 2002-2003, TNLAD, Vol. 16, No. I, dt 27th March 2002.
80. G.O. (MS) No. 74, HHT&K (D2) Department, dt. 30.7.2002, p. 2.
_______________________________________________
C. Thomas ~45~
81. TNLAD, dt. 30th July 2004, p. 63.

82. G.O. (MS) No. 74, HHT&K (D2) Department, dt. 30.7.2002, p. 2.
83. TNLAD, dt. 3 May, 2002, Vol. 27, No. I, p. 58.
84. Ibid., p. 62.
85. Ibid., p. 61.
86. TLAD, dt. 3 May, 2002, Vol. 27, No.I, pp. 58-59.
87. Ibid., p. 64.
88. Ibid., p. 61.
89. Ibid., p. 64.
90. TLAD, dt. 3 May, 2002, Vol. 27, No. I, pp. 58-59.
92. Ibid.
93. HTPN for the year 2004-2005, TNLAD., dt. 30th July 2004, p. 206.
94. Ibid., p. 207.
95. TNLAD, dt. 30th July 2004, p. 85.
97. Ibid., pp. 2-3.
99. Ibid.
100, G. K. Ramalingam and A.D.R. Pandian, Tiruvalluvar District Powerloom Weavers
Welfare Association to the Chairman of the State Human Rights Commission, dt.
20-12-2001 (Private paper).
102. ICRA (2005), The Indian Textiles and Clothing Industry, ICRA, quoted in Vijaya
Switha Grandhi and Alec Crawford, op. cit.
103. Government of India, Eighth Five Year Plan 1992-97, Vol. II Sectoral Programmes
of Development, (Here in after Eight Five Year plan), Planning Commission, New
Delhi, p. 139.
104. TNLAD, dt. April 7, 1992, Vol. 23, No. 2, pp. 334-335.
105. TNEA, 1992-93, p. 153.
106. TNLAD. dt. April 7, 1992, Vol. 23, No. 2, pp. 334-335.
107. Budget for 1992-93, Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly Debates, dt. 6 March 1992,
Vol. 16, No. 1, p. 33 and TNLAD, DT. March 12,1992, Vol. 17, No. 2, p. 143.
108. Ibid., p. 153.
109. TNLAD. dt. April 7, 1992, Vol. 23, No. 2, pp. 334-335.
110. TNEA, 1992-93, p. 153.
111. Eight Five Year plan, op. cit., p. 139.
112. Ninth Five Year Plan, Tamil Nadu 1997-2002, State Planning Commission, July
1998, p. 240.
113. Ibid.
_______________________________________________
114. TNEA, 1999-2000, p. 67.

115. Handloom and Textile Policy and Programme (Here in after HTPP) for the Year
2009-2010, op.cit., p. 3.
116. HTPP for the year 1996-97, TNLAD., dt. 12th August 1996, p. 162.
117. TNEA, 1999-2000, p. 67.
118. The Hindu, dt. July 30, 2017, Online Newspaper.
119. The Hindu, dt. July 30, 2017, Online Newspaper.
120. Tewari, Meenu, The Challenge of Reform: How Tamil Nadu’s Textile and Apparel
Industry is Facing the Pressures of Liberalisation, Draft Paper prepared for the
Government of Tamil Nadu, India and the Center for International Development,
Harvard University, Cambridge, Revised: January 29, 2001, pp. 4-7.
121. Ibid., p. 8.
122. Ibid., p. 24.
123. Ibid., p. 43.
124. TNLAD, dt. 20th September 1991, Vol. 9, No. I, p. 10.
125. HTPP for the year 1996-97, TNLAD, dt. 16th August 1996, p. 163.
126. HTPN for the year 2003-2004, pp. 4-5.
127. TNLAD, dt. 31st March 1998, p. 304.
129. TNEA, 2001-02, p. 81.
130. Frontline, Vol. 19, Issue 17, August 17 - 30, 2002.
131. Interview with S. Sivasangaran and G. Lingappan, Chinnnallapattu, Dindugul, dt.
25-10-2012.
132. HTPP for the year 1990-91, op. cit., p. 6.
133. TNLAD, dt. 16th August 1996, Vol. 12, No. I, p. 136.
134. Ibid., p. 164.
135. Ibid., p. 163.
136. Ibid., p. 136.
137. Ninth Five Year Plan Tamil Nadu, 1997-2002, State Planning Commission, (Here
in after NFYPTN) July 1998, p. 235.
138. TNEA, 2001-02, p. 81.
139. Ibid., 2002-03, p. 55.
140. Ibid.
141. TNEA., 2003-04 and 2004-05, p. 77.
142. Ibid., for the years 2006-07 and 2007-08, p. 106.
143. NFYPTN., pp. 239-240.
144. Financial Express, dt. October 30, 2015 (Online).
______
_______________________________________________
Icchimuddin Sarkar ~47~
UNDERSTANDING RELIGIOUS BELIEF AND FEMINIST

VISION OF THE HINDU GODDESSES OF INDIA: A STUDY ON
THE REFLECTIONS ON A FEW UNCONVENTIONAL
FEMALE DEITIES OF NORTH BENGAL
_______
Prof. Icchimuddin Sarkar
University of North Bengal, Darjeeling
––––––––––––––––––––––––––
It is a well-known fact that of all the religions of the world, Hinduism has the
most elaborate living Goddess tradition. According to a scholar, “Hindus consider
all the Goddesses as various manifestations of divine forms of the Great Goddess
Devi. Sakti is Devi’s feminine power which resides not only in all gods but also
within all humans. The concept of the feminine power Sakti as erotic and maternal
at the notion of the unitary great Goddess (Devi) is mentioned as early as the 5th
century C.E. in Sanskrit texts about the Devi”1 As to the Hindu conception of
female deities it is opined that “Hindu conception of female deities and the over-
arching Great Goddess stem from the supreme cosmic power, Shakti, from whom
all creation emerges and by whom it is sustained. The worship of the Goddess, of
the divine as female, has a long history in India and continues to become even
more popular today.”2In view of the question of the evolution of mother worship
in India, it appears that this cult with all its ‘heterogeneous and theological’ forms,
may be taken “as a contribution to the complex texture of the Hindu religion and
culture mainly, if not solely, by the pre-Aryans, or the non-Aryan aborigines. A
few anthropologists and sociologists hold that “the major portion of what is
known today as the Shakti cult or the mother cult of India developed when the
social, cultural and religious admixture among the Aryans and the aboriginal non-
Aryans was almost complete through a wrong process involving contact, conflict
and compromise”.3
In spite of controversies as how to trace the existence of mother goddess it is
accepted that the worship of this goddess was unknown to the Vedic people and
it was rather a non-Aryan cult adopted in the later time by the descendent of the
Aryans from their non-Aryans neighbours.4 So the worship of the divine female
goddess is nothing new rather it bears an ancient tradition. Side by side with the
conventional forms of mother goddess namely Ushas, Aditi, Vac (speech),
Saraswati, Prithvi, Sri Lakshmi and so on, Indian tradition represents various
village goddess who may be taken as nonconventional in nature and identity but
being worshiped throughout the centuries and still have relevancy today.
Keeping in mind the above background of the worship of divine female deities or
Goddesses, we may present here a systematic study of a few popular female
Goddesses of North Bengal. It may be noted that North Bengal is a region which
represent as a centre of various ethnic communities from ancient time. The
_______________________________________________
~48~ Understanding Religious Belief and Feminist Vision...
religious belief of the people of this part of India is also uncommon because the
varieties in their traditions and customs have made them different from others.
The difference in the form and worship of the female deities of North Bengal
bears a spirit of religious but secular approach which continues till date. In this
study an attempt is made to trace some of the details of a few divine female deities
of North Bengal and how they represent a glorious heritage of not only North
Bengal but also that of India.
In North Bengal the popular and unconventional female deities are mostly
connected with the Rajbangshis and few other tribal communities who worship
these Goddesses in different forms unlike in other parts of India. Most of these
Goddesses have their significance from various religious dimensions and
accordingly they are worshiped by these people. One of the universally accepted
female goddess of North Bengal region is Kali Thakurani.
Worship of Kali Thakurani
Not only the Rajbangshis but also a few other Hindu faith holders worshiped
Mother Kali and this Goddess is variously named as Johora kali, Bindeshwari
Kali, Bhadra Kali, Mecheni kali, Chandi Kali, Panch kali, Matia Kali, Boyra
Kali and so on. The Kali Thakurani is a most fearful goddess to the Rajbangshis
and they worship this Mother Kali with awe and respect like other non-
Rajbangshi communities of North Bengal. The most significant factor behind the
worship of the Kali Thakurani by the Rajbangshis is that the Goddess becomes
satisfied as and there is possibilities of relief from the germs of various diseases
which occur in the localities at any circumstances. It is also a strong impression,
as it appears from a research study, that among the Rajbangshis, if any epidemic
spreads in the neighbouring villages, the people of any locality nearby invite a
priest popularly known as Deusi and arranged the worship of this goddess so that
the people of the locality concerned might be free from the curse of that disease.
With reference to the worship of Mother Kali by the Rajbangshis, myself
particularly observe the Dipavali ceremony like the caste Hindus. In their own
language it is called Gachhadeowa which stands for lighting means Dipavali.
An Adhikari who is supposed to be the local priest is called to perform the
ceremony and he first of all offers homage to the Tulsi Shrine and starts the
function by lighting the lamp made of clay with full of mustard oil. After this, a
woman member of the family lights lamp in a banana tree and afterwards in the
next dawn of the day, this banana tree are thrown away in a pond. In short, these
are the religious performances of the Rajbangshis in the Kali Thakurani Puja and
all these functions are said to be finished within the dark night before the new
moon (Amabasya).
As to the worship of the Mother Goddess Kali, late Dr. Charu Chandra Sanyal, a
reputed scholar of this region, writes that “Kali is a part of Garam Deo, the
Goddess of the village. This worship is done in any part of the year and is
_______________________________________________
performed during the day. There is a Kali sanctuary in a bamboo group near each
village. There are five types of Kali images, given below, found in this area:
1. Than-Kali, Bao-Kali – stands with left leg in front.
2. Bhodro-Kali-stands on hooded snakes.
3. Haowa-Kali- stands with right leg in front.
4. Nangha-Kali- stands completely nude with just a girdle about nine inches
wide.
5. Sasan-Kali-stands with left leg in front but worshiped in the cremation ground.
It is also noted that images of Kali were painted on sheets of pith made from jute
sticks but at present these are now made of clay. One may also come across three
huts in the Kali sanctuary for the three sisters namely Than-Kali, Haowa-Kali and
Bhodro-Kali. A peculiar feature of the worship of the Kali image of North Bengal
by the Rajbangshis is that Mother Goddess Kali is not seen to stand on Mahadev
and a separate hut is constructed and reserved as His residence. On this new and
uncommon feature of the Kali image of this region it has been explained in a way
that since this image does not stand on her husband i.e. Mahadev, she is not found
to protrude her tongue out of the mouth as is seen in other parts of India.5
The other side of the worship is the offering consists of two goats, four pairs of
pigeons, eight branches of ripe plantains, three seers sun-dried rice, two seers
flattened rice and so on. Along with these, there should be other type of offerings
namely curds, milk, one piece of new cloth and napkin and above all a small
quantity of hemp (ganja) for Mahadev.6
There are also performances like those of the musical sounds of the Dhol (a kind
of drum) and Kansi (an instrument of bell-metal plate) and also the payments and
some gifts to the Deosi, and to the musicians and the idol- makers. The Deosi
normally sits in front of the image, offers dhonas. This is followed by other
arrangements like the presence of birds and animals and also application of
vermilion on the forehead of the animals as well as throwing of water and flowers
on them. A He-goat is to be beheaded with one stroke and the heads of the pigeons
are severed with a sharp jerk. Afterwards the meats of the animals are cooked and
along with the cooked rice these are placed in front of the deities. The Deosi
chants some mantras and afterwards the sacred food is distributed among the
participants i.e. devotees. It is also noteworthy that nobody eats this food in the
puja premises and it is carried to home and eaten there. Over and above the puja
or worship of the Kali Thakurani or the Mother Goddess Kali is connected with
the goodness and welfare of the locality. We have already stated how this puja is
observed at the moment of epidemics. Further, during October-November, when
Kali Puja is celebrated all over Bengal, the Rajbangshis performed a typical
worship named as Goru Tsumani, a kind of Puja when cows are to be taken from
the shed and they are cleaned and bathed and along with it the horns are smeared
with vermilion in oil and lamp. This is named as Goru Neotani and in the next
morning these cows are taken to the field and allowed them to eat with heart’s
_______________________________________________
content. This is a part of the entire ceremony of the worship of Mother Goddess
Kali and named as Bakhor Khaoya.7
Devi Puja may be taken a slight modification of the Durgapuja of Bengal. In the
month of September-October, normally in the month of Aswin, this Devi is
worshiped officiated by the Assamese Brhamin. It is interesting that the snake
goddess popularly known as Bisahari and Chandi Puja are also performed along
with this Devi puja. The most significant aspect of this puja is the observance of
the Koina got in which the fortnight of this particular puja is observed by the
villagers by that arrangement. There is also a part of the puja called Pitri Paksha
in which Sraddha in memory of the deceased parents and ancestors with the items
like sun-dried rice, banana and sweets. With reference to the observance of the
puja Dr. Charu Chandra Sanyal writes, “from the beginning of bright fortnight in
the month of Bhadra, no one will eat ripe plantain. On the fourteenth day
(Chturdasi) they will procure the reeds (kashia and khirol) for shraddha
ceremony. On the ninth day of the following dark fortnight Koina got will begin
and on that day sraddha for three ascending generations on the father’s side (tin
siri) will have to be performed. The sun-dried rice for the pindo (offerings) be
made by the girl who has been married in that year, the pindo is to be consigned
in the water. From that day all will eat ripe plantain.”
Dr. Charu Chandra who has also presented an extra ordinary characteristic of the
Devi puja in the Baikanthapur Zamindari House (Jalpaiguri) and the Devi of Boro
Durga Baree (Cooch Behar) and we come to know from his personal statement
that both these images are of red colours and a single images without Lakshmi,
Saraswati, Kartik and Ganesh. All other forms are found almost traditional such
as Devi stands on a lion that bites the elbow of the demon Mohisasura. There is
also the custom of human sacrifice on the Navami day (3rd day of the puja) which
is observed both in Baikanthapur and Cooch Behar. It is also informed that at
Baikhantapur this custom continued up to the reign of Raja Chandra Sekhar Deb
(1852-1856). At dead of night on the Navami day of the puja, a pigeon was to be
cut and its blood was to be sprinkled on the human figure and thereafter he was
to be beheaded and removed. So, to say this puja is a national festival and more
or less it is observed all over India, Bengal in particular and both Rajbangshis and
Hindus take part in this puja.
Worship of Bhandani
In North Bengal, among the Rajbangshis the worship of the Mother Goddess
Bhandani is very much popular. Goddess Bhandani is known in three names
namely, Bhandani, Bhandarni and Bhandali. There is, however, significance of
these three names and behind them, here are three legends.
1. It is said that once upon a time a king named Nahus arranged the worship of
Durga in his palace but at that point of time he went to the forest for hunting
but forgot about the proposed worship. In the meanwhile, the all the
formalities of the puja were completed and the Devi was immersed. But
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curiously enough the Devi was not satisfied having got no offering (puja) from
the king and did not wish to leave this terrestrial world. This forehanded devi
(Chaturbhuja) suddenly appeared before the king rising on a Tiger and aspired
his personal worship. It was the 11th of the month and the king had no other
alternative but to offer puja with flowers. In this way the worship of Bhandari
became tradition in North Bengal.
2. Another legendary is that Devi named Bhandarni has a beautiful story behind
the introduction of her puja at Cooch Behar. It is said that in the Royal Place
of Cooch Behar there was the Durga Puja festival and on the Vijaya Dashami,
Devi Duga wanted to go to Kailash from worldly abode. On the way to Kailash
her carrier of goods named Bharderni fell ill and so Devi had to stay in this
world three days more and naturally during her extra stay there was the
repetition of the devi worship. In the memory of this incident and with
reference to Bhanderni, this worship of Bhanderni Goddess is still observed
in Cooch Behar.
3. At the end of the Sharadiya Durga Puja specifically on the 10th tithi, Devi
Durga on the eve of her leave from this world, her sister Bhandali Devi wished
Durga’s second round worship and as per her direction, from the Ekadashi
tithi of the Sharadiya, the Bhandali worship is held for three days in the similar
style of the worship of Durga.
All the above-mentioned stories are simply known as popular belief in the cultural
life of the Rajbangshis. According to a recent study, these stories may be simply
the recent addition and may not bear any historical truth. All the incidents like
the illness of Bhanderni, the worship of king Nohus, the prayer for the second
round worship of Durga by her sister Bhandali and lastly the desire for another
second round worship of Durga by Bhandali are simply the part of popular belief
which have come down as a mark of respect to the Mother Goddess Bhandani.
In actual fact, it may be accepted that even if all these stories and incidents are
simply a kind of popular religious belief, in reality the worship of Bhandani may
be a common Goddess worshiped by the Rajbangshis side by side like Bana-
Durga, Maha-Kala, Dakshin-Roy, Sona-Roy who are all worshiped some way
or other nature or forest Gods or Goddesses of North Bengal.8
The Bhandani Puja of North Bengal is primarily observed in the districts of
Jalpaiguri and Cooch-Behar and specially located in the region in between the
river Sankosh in the east and the Tista in the west. Some of the extraordinary
features can be experienced in the worship of this Goddess. Firstly, somewhere
she is presented as two-handed deity riding on a tiger where as in some other
places; she is of four-handed and is on a lion. In another way, one can find that
she is worshiped taking in her side Lakshmi, Saraswati, Ganesh and Kartik and
very likely Bhandani is being worshiped as a substitute of Devi-Durga.
In conclusion, it remains to say that the worship of the Bhandari Thakurani is
completely controlled and guided by the Deosi. The life-giving ceremony,
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invocation, peace, immersion and the uttering of the secret mantras are done by
the Deosi. It is interesting that all these hymns (mantras) are written in the local
languages of the Rajbangshis. The Deosi is authorized to offer the desires and
expectations of the devotees to the Mother Goddess Bhandari on behalf of the
bhaktas and surprisingly enough, the Deosi is expected to forecast the good or
bad symptomsi.e. omens, if any, of the coming days.
Worship of Manasa
Manasa is absolutely a goddess of the snakes; people worship it in order to ensure
safety from its biting. An interesting feature of the worship of this goddess can
be found in some parts of Tufangunj Sub-Division of Cooch Behar where the
worship of snake or Mother Goddess Manasa is observed by the Hindus and the
Muslims and thus a syncretistic culture has developed in this region.
In the popular belief of the people of Cooch Behar during the last day of the
Bengali month Bhadra (Sankranti) and especially on the Nag-Panchami Tithi,
the poison of the snake increases and in order to appease this goddess the
Rajbangshis and the Ravas (one of the tribal communities of North Bengal)
observe the worship of this goddess. Generally they do not construct any clay
made image or idol rather it is made out of sponge wood (sola) and somehow the
idol of the Bishari or the snake goddess is made. But now with the passage of
time, and due to various cultural interactions, the snake goddess is at present
worshiped having four-handed or sitting on the lotus or riding on duck and no
matter, she is made with clay (mrinmayee). In Cooch Behar there is a tradition
and belief among the Rajbangshis that before the marriage ceremony or after it
there should be the worship of Manasa and this is known as Marai-Puja. Like
other popular goddesses of Cooch Behar, this Manasa does not have any fixed
sanctuary (than) or any temple of worship and naturally the worship of the
goddess is arranged by the people collectively. In view of the prevalence of the
limited snake worship in Cooch Behar, W.W. Hunter has commented “The snake
goddess, Bis Hara (poison destroyer) is also very largely worshiped by the
people. This is the more strange as there are very few poisonous snakes in Kuch
Behar”.
Amati Goddess
According to the Puranic tradition “when Sati died of vexation at the discourtesy
shown to her husband Shiva by her father Daksha, Shiva overwhelmed with grief
and began to wander about the world carrying her dead body on his shoulder. In
order to put a stop to his penance Vishnu followed him and lopped away the body
piece meal with his Sudarshan Chakra (Discuss). It is said that the organs of the
body fell to earth in 51 different pieces and where ever each piece fell, the ground
was held to be sacred. Her organs of generation fell on Kamgiri, i.e. the Nilachala
hill near Gauhati, and the place thenceforth held sacred to Kamakshya, the
goddess of sexual desire”. The fundamental idea is nothing but the worship of the
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female deity and the pro-creative power of nature as manifested by personified

desire. This goddess Kamakshya turns in her period in every month and a
religious vow (Ambuvachi) is observed (specially by Hindu widows), when
cooked food is strikly prohibited so that this mother god may not be disturbed.
This religious vow is taken as a tradition of a Hindu festival named Ambuvachi
in Assam and Bengal. When the worship of the goddess at the moment of
Ambuvachi is observed for three days, and during worship of god and goddess,
sowing seeds and plaughing the land (Bhumi) are prohibited. According to recent
study it has been accepted that the vow of Ambuvachi is primarily the worship of
Kamakshya and the same is related to the situation when the goddess is in her
period. On the otherhand, Kamakshya’s relation with Devi Basumati is also
experienced in this tradition because this religious festival is directly connected
with the Ambuvachi of the imagined earth goddess. In this sense the worship of
Devi Basumati (Earth Goddess) and Kamakshya is identified with one and the
same.10
This Ambuvachi concept and its observance are known as Amati goddess among
the Rajbangshis of North Bengal. The Rajbangshis also observe this ceremony
for three days and during this time neither any worship in any temple nor any
plaughing or cultivation of land is allowed. In every night after diner every
member of the family is to drink un boiled milk in order to avoid the biting of the
snake.11 It is interesting that the Rajbangshis of Maldah, North and South
Dinajpur observe Ambuvachi in the similar style of non Rajbangshis people of
those areas. There is also a fashion in the belief system that many people of
Maldah and Dinajpur draw some lines with cow dung on the outside wall of their
houses. Again, in front of the main gate, they draw a panda (funeral cake) almost
in the shape of the hood of the snake. These are all imaginary may originate in
the popular belief of the local people. It is likely that the snakes during the rainy
session lay eggs as well as give birth to their offspring. So naturally people in the
village areas observe Amati with deep reverence and in addition to a part of their
religious life they observe it to avoid the curses of the snakes.
Tista Buri Puja
The River Tista is one of the sacred rivers of North Bengal. It has three channels
namely Atreye, Karatoya and Punarbhava. The Tista and Karatoya are
mentioned in the Hindu scriptures and the sacredness of the Karatoya is specially
glorified in the Kalika Purana and the Yogini Tantra.12 In fact tista is held in high
esteem by the Rajbangshis and the worship of Mother Tista is performed in every
village. The worship of this female deity is done collectively or individually. The
main objective behind its worship is to ward off any evil spirit that may cause
disease to the people. So Tista Buri is worshiped as a goddess in any month round
the year. Its worship may be held in any day of the weak but preference and
auspicious days are Tuesdays and Saturdays. There should not be any animal
sacrifice if the puja is held on Thursdays and Sundays. In the name of the tista
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buri and the mother river tista are imagined a female deity in her old age and so
she is called Tista Buri. According to the tradition the Tista Buri is a fair
complexioned old woman with a stick in her hand for support or a human like
structure prepared with the stock of banana leaves or Sola (sponge wood) or only
an earthen pitcher served the purpose of the image. The Tista Buri is normally
seated on an “earthen platform smeared with cow dung emulsion in a newly built
up small hut having its opening either in the North or in the East. A dhona
containing some flowers and water is placed between the image and the priest.”
A Rajbangshi Adhikari (i.e. priest) is called to perform the puja and after
purifying the seat of the deity by uttering a mantra like Dhorti asan, Dhorti basan,
Ei dharti basa jabo and tis-sal-guri debagan. It means take this seat, take this seat,
and let all the gods of the three lokas take their seat.” After chanting this mantra
some flowers are dipped in water and sprinkled on the seat of the goddess. There
are also many other incantation uttered during the puja and one of them was how
she comes down to the earth and is endowed with life on this earth. Then un
boiled milk, rice and bananas are offered to the idol. The tista buri puja is
intimately connected with Mecheni Khela Puja which is known in the terai
region (Darjeeling district) as Bhedai Khela. In fact, the worship of tista river
and Mecheni Khela are identical while the word mech is connected with the
Rajbangshi’s worship of the Tista Buri may be that the Meches were the oldest
inhabitants in the areas where the Rajbangshis are settled at present.
India is a land of rivers and rivers are held sacred. Rivers are worshiped as
goddess and the Rajbangshis are no less respectful to these rivers and their
settlement on the banks of the rivers justifies their dependence on this particular
rivers. According to Charu Chandra Sanyal, “The three streams of the Tista form
the main irrigation system of North Bengal and it is probably on this account that
the river Tista is sacred to the cultivating class”. The Rajbangshis are by and large
are agricultural people, they are indebted to this river from economic point of
view and its worship seems to relieve them from various diseases and phantom
(Apachchaya). It is also a common belief among the Rajbangshis that the tista
buri is also a goddess of storm (Jhatika) and if she is pleased with the inhabitance
near tista she would save them from such natural calamity. As to the form of
worship Dr. Charu Chandra Sanyal writes, “A symbol of Tista Buri in the form
of pitcher is installed on the first of Baishak (April-May), Ghot is commonly
known as dala. … the dala is made of fine bamboo … and on the day of
installation the whole house is swept clean and…. An elderly woman of the house
remains without food. She takes her bath, puts on a clean and washed cloth and
thus purified she washes the dala and puts in it some dried rice, flowers and a
mixture of vermilion and mustered oil in a small earthen cup. The whole thing is
wrapped in a red coloured cloth and kept in one corner of the bastu ghar so that
know unclean person including the members of the family touch this symbol of
Tista Buri. It is kept in the hunt for one day.”
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From the next day the women of the house together with other women of the
nearby houses of the village form into a procession and carry the dala to every
house. It is an affair of the women. While carrying the dala songs are sung. Thus,
while singing the procession comes to a house, the women place a washed and
clean wooden seat (pira) at a place in the inner yard which has previously been
smeared with cow dung and water. An umbrella is opened and placed by the side
of the wooden seat and then the dala is placed on the seat under the shade cast by
the open umbrella. Then all the women begin singing and dancing. They never
dance when a man is present. … The women of the procession are given areca
nuts and betel leaves and the married women are given now a day, a dab of the
emulsion of the vermilion and mustered oil on the forehead. The precisionists are
given un cooked rice, vegetables and sometimes money for the puja of Tista Buri,
and they are requested to pray to the goddess for the wellbeing of the members
of the house. Then one of the bearers of the dala brings out some rice and flowers
from inside the dala and hands it over to the senior women of the house. She then
throws some of the rice and flower on the roof of each huts of the house. It is
believed that the house is thus freed from the possibility of an attack of ghosts …
in the evening the dala is brought back to the house when it started. An earthen
lamp fed by clarified butter in kept burning in front of the dala … this procession
is continued for the month if nothing untoward happen either in the family or in
the village.
In the last week of Baishak (May) on any Tuesday or Saturday, all the women go
to a river or to a tank, whichever is nearer, with the dala in a procession. … the
dala is placed on the raft and it is decorated with flowers and lamps. The members
present then worship the dala by sprinkling sun dried rice and flowers on the dala
without uttering any incahantation. This last puja is called Dzat (Jat). When it is
done the red cloth is taken out and washed. This ceremony is called Dzat Sinani.
The contents of the dala are kept on the rapt and the dala is washed clean in the
water. A pigeon is offered to the goddess and then let off. The raft with the
contents of the dala and the lamp are then pushed into deep water. In a river it is
carried by the stream but in a pond, it goes as far as the push can drive. All the
women then pray to the goddess to the welfare of the members of the each family
and promise to worship her again next year if all goes well. The dala and the red
cloth are preserved and no new dala is made and used until this one completely
breaks down, when it is also immersed.”13 It is thus a most interesting worship of
an unconventional female goddess name Tista Buri where a strong feminine
sentiment is presented and all the more the participation of the women only to
worship a female goddess is something rare in the tradition of our Indian history
and culture.
Ksheti Lakshmi Puja
Historians are well aware about the discovery of rice in the Indus Valley
Civilization and the evidence of its cultivation is available from the excavations
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at Lothal and Rangpur.14 The knowledge of rice growing can thus be related with
India’s agro based economy and its prevalence at the dawn of our civilization.
Scholars believe that cultivation of rice and respect to the Bhumi (land) are
directly connected with the worship of Mother Goddess. Incidentally, Bengal is
the central place for the introduction of the worship of Mother Goddess. In Bengal
for example, we have evidenceof the emergence of the worship of Lakshmi
(Bhumi Devi) with reference to the cultivation of rice and naturally Lakshmi
happens to be a Goddess of agriculture. In view of this tradition, the people of
Cooch Behar in particular, worship the Lakshmi as Khanda Puja. Locally the
term Khanda stands for group and the prevalence of the worship of Ksheti
Lakshmi, Bhumi Lakshmi and Dak Lakshmi of the Rajbangshis and that of the
worship of a Goddess named Than Siri by the Ravas are very popular in Cooch
Behar. According to a study Than Siri may be derived from the word Than while
Sri again indicates the term Sri Lakshmi. This is a popular Goddess connected
with the agriculture-based life of the people of Cooch Behar. In fact, the term
Ksheti Lakshmi is self explanatory and that she happens to be a goddess of kshet
or agriculture. On the very day of the Bengali month of Kartik, the Hindus
observe the worship of Kojagari Lakshmi Puja and on the same day the people of
Cooch Behar arrange the worship of Ksheti Lakshmi. But the customs and the
practices are different from the worship of Lakshmi which is generally being done
in the houses. One of the reasons may be that this worship is not performed by
any Brahmin prist and naturally it justifies a worship of the Lakshmi by the tribals
or the people belonging not within the four-fold castes.
The day of its worship is generally fixed up either on the last day of the month of
Ashwin or the first day of Kartik and preferably on Thursday. The first day of
Kartik is preferred if the last day of Ashwin does not fall on Thursday. The
observance of the Ksheti Lakshmi Puja is nothing but an example of popular
religion and above all a tradition of India’s ancient civilization. On the very day
of its festival, most of the rich men of the locality with special reference to land-
owners come forward along with the share croppers and poor farmers of the
locality. Over and above, the worship of Ksheti Lakshmi is a form of showing
deep respect to the Bhumi Devi (Earth Goddess) and its rules and customs of
worship are almost similar to that of other parts of West Bengal specially
Birbhum, Bankura and Purulia areas.
Kamateshari Devi: The Goddess Kamateshari is a popular female deity
worshiped in Cooch Behar and Assam. She is also named as Gosani Devi. The
many miraculous and uncommon stories are written about the origin of this
female deity. In history we come across the establishment of Kamata Kingdom
by one Niladvaj of the Khen dynasty. Niladvaj was a devotee of the Kamada or
Kamata and as a mark of respect he gave the name of his state as Kamata
kingdom. He also named his capital as Kamatapur, presently known as
Gosanimai in Cooch Behar district, situated on the bank of the Dharla River.
Kamateshari is also known as Chandi, Bhavani and Gosani and thus the states
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name Kamata kingdom its title Kamatapur and above all Kamada Devi or
Kamateshari are identical.15 Later on the Koch Kings of Cooch Behar namely
Visva Singha and Nara Narayan took initiative to repair the Kamateshari temple
and its existence till date proves the popularity and respect of this female deity to
the people of North Bengal. There are many mysterious stories as well as spiritual
attachments of this goddess and in spite of its worship throughout the year yet in
the month of Vaisakh the worship of Kamateshari is held in the presence of its
devotees. Apart from that on the dates of dark fortnight, bright fortnight and other
days like Bisuya Sankranti, Dol Soari, Ambuvachi, Tal Navami etc. people of
different strata come to pay homage to this goddess. In the interior yard of the
temple, the images of Mahadev, Narayan, Gopal and Prajapati Brahamin are
placed on the sanctum. Thus, it is a fact that Kamateshari devi is a popular female
deity and its worship is still held in high respect because she is a popular mother
goddess of the region who not only enjoyed the royal patronage but also homage
of the common people as a whole.
In view of our above discussion we may now look at some other parts of North
Bengal where the Mother Goddesses are not only popular but also worshiped in
due respect. One such region is undivided Dinajpur district where one can come
across a few popular female deities who have become a part and parcel of the
religious life of the people. A few of them are presented as under:
Worship of Methini Deo
Methini Deo is one of the popular and secular goddess of Dinajpur district but its
popularity is experienced in the region of Raiganj and at present it as a district in
the name of North Dinajpur. Like other popular goddesses, Methini Deo does not
have any fixed date of worship. Neither she is worshiped every day. During the
marriage ceremony of the Rajbangshis of Dinajpur the worship of Methini Deo
is held. It has no sanctuary nor does live in any built up temple but only she enjoys
the cooked rice as bhog. During this time a small percentage of the food items to
be cooked for the guests are cooked as Bhog for Methini Deo. The owner of the
house observes fasting on the very day and offers puja to the goddess in naked
position. Methini Deo is a figureless female deity and at the end of her worship
the marriage ceremony occurs. She is by and large a popular female deity and is
respected with devotion till date.16
Worship of Buri Maa
Buri Maa is a female goddess being worshiped by the people of low origin. Her
seat is under the shade of a banyan tree where a temporary hut is made out of the
straw. The body of Buri Maa is hump backed, rough hairs and all the more she is
to be found standing with a support of a bamboo stick. The colour of her body is
like the flower named linseed (Atasi flower). In any Monday of the month of
Baisakh or Jyaitha the worship of the goddess is begun and ends in the next
Monday. During this ceremony, the devotees take various type of musks and
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collect alms (Mangan) with singing songs and dancing. Mangan is stands for
taking something without payment. Before the puja the organizer collects
different items of Bhog consisting of fruits, rice, dal and vegetables. According
to the popular belief, this tradition of food gathering bears the example of the
Nisad community of ancient India.
Free gift in the form of various items connected with the puja are cooked and
distributed among the devotees as prasad. At the end of this ceremony he-goat
and pigeon are to be sacrificed. In some parts of Dinajpur there is a prevalence of
Mashal puja and some people belief that it is a replica of Buri Kali or Buri Maa
or Buri Thakur. We come to know that at Bairatta village of Harirampur, the
present South Dinajpur, a Buri Maa is worshiped and she is known as Bairatter
Buri. There is a sanctum under a tree and Buri Maa is worshiped without any
image but there are various types of fierce full musks which are treated as Buri
Maa. A village fair is also held at Bairatta and very near to the temple of Buri
Maa. There is a Dighi (Big pond) locally named as Alta-dighi. There is a popular
belief that Bairatter Buri everyday walks on the dighi in dancing posture and her
legs are coloured with lac-dye and she is supposed to go to her aunts (Kukramani
by name) house. In memory of this every year a huge number of women devotees
having their legs coloured with lac-dye touch the water of the Alta-dighi and
naturally its water turns red.17
Worship of Chhantika Devi
At Kalongi village of Kishmandi police station, Dakshin Dinajpur a mother
goddess named Chhantika Devi is worshiped. A legendary story shows that the
worship of this goddess has originated from the event of the worship of the
goddess by king Kangsha, maternal uncle of Shri Krishna. Some again believes
that she is one of the wives of Shiva. On the evening of Shukla Ekadashi and in
the month of Magh, the worship of this goddess starts and comes to an end on the
next pratipad of Krishna paksha. There is also a traditional believes that this devi
worshiped on the date in which King Ganesh had recovered his throne from the
Muslims. It is also facts that there are people still living at Karangi (a village of
Uttar Dinajpur) who claim that their forefathers were connected with the Hindu
King Ganesh who rule this region during Medieval period. The people with
having such connection take their title ‘Ganesh’. Ganesh community also prefers
to identify them as malakar community. The mandapa or the sanctuary of the
Devi is constructed at the eastern corner of any village field and thus Chhantika
Devi is worshiped memorizing the glory of this region.
As it is a popular function centering a female goddess, huge gatherings of local
people are found during the days of its worship. At the end of the function a deep
oven in the ground is made and the fuel for this is used from the branches of the
tamarind tree. People stand round the oven and as the fire becomes hotter
gradually people start shouting by identifying themselves as the devotees of
Chhantika Mother. After this there are some other formalities followed and with
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the help of the priest the devotees want to know the unwanted incidents or
calamities that might be the causes of sufferings of the people. This local culture
vis-vis the worship of Chhantika Devi is a source of inspiration and energy to the
village people. The people of Dinajpur find consolation and peace of mind
through this religious ceremony.18
Worship of Bindeshwari Devi
Bindeshwari Devi is a most popular mother goddess of Dinajpur. She is originally
mother goddess Kali. But she does not have any figure, having no sanctum only
a sanctum made of cloth is supposed to be the symbol of this goddess. But over
and above she is worshiped as Kali goddess. There is also a popular saying that
Bhabani Pathak, a character of the novel Devi Chowdhurani of Bankim Chandra
Chatterjee to offer homage to this deity. There is also another popular belief
behind the origin of the name Bindeshwari. It is said that there was a person
named Patiram Chakrabarty who was an employee under Rani Bhabani of Natore.
This Patiram Chakrabarty was a tantric and on this question he was given lesion
of tantra by a girl named Bindeshwari. Local people believe that that girl is Kalika
and till date she is worshiped as a Mother Goddess. On the first bhaishak of every
New Year the worship of Bindeshwari is held but on that fixed date there is no
custom of the sacrifice of he-goats. All the more Bindeshwari is also worshiped
every day.19
Worship of Dakra Chandi
Dakra Chandi is one of the popular female deities of the Hindus located at the
Balurghat block, in the Hosenpur village. There is also a constructive building
situated in the eastern side of the Atreya river of Balurghat. Dakra Chandi is
presented with her simple and sublime figure. On her right side there are Ganesh
and Lakshmi while on the left are Saraswati and Kartik. People are prohibited
from any sort of sacrifice let alone sugar cane or any vegetables. From the sixth
to tenth of a month during the ceremony the song named Chandi Mangal is sung
and the devotees are allowed to sing having mosks on their face. The local people
are also advised not to build houses nearby and it is believed that, if it is not
followed, the concerned man dies out of the curse of Dakra Chandi. Among many
female goddesses, Dakra Chandi occupies an important place till date.20
Worship of Gamira
Gomira is another popular mother goddess of Dinajpur. She is a popular deity
among the Rajbangshis of the remote villages and her worship is held from the
month of Baishakh to Asar. The worship of the goddess the devotees put on masks
of tiger, bear and even those of old man and old woman and they collect mangan
from various houses. In this way either 11th or 15th day they collect the same and
at the end they assemble in the complex of Gamira goddess. The devotees are
also advised to come together to that complex with various other masks like those
of Uran Kali, Mashan Kali, Jata Pakhi, Nara Rakshas and so on. They deposit
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these masks in that ground and it is said that all these masks are worshiped along
with this goddess. This worship is performed by Debangshi who throws sanctified
water to all the masks heaped up in the ground and is believed that all the masks
regain their lives. In this way through different ceremonial methods the worship
of Gamira is performed.21
Worship of Zaher Buri and Chandi Bonga
Among various tribal people of North Bengal, the Mundas are known as popular.
The Mundas do not worship any idol but they worship a few Gods and Goddesses
who are beyond the scene. But over and above they are the worshiper of nature
and their main god is called Sing Bonga. Interestingly the Munda society is
associated with two female goddesses namely Zaher Buri and Chandi Bonga.
Very few documents are available to draw up a comprehensip history of these
two goddesses but it is a fact that the goddess Zaher Buri is associated with the
agricultural activities of the Mundas and all the more being a community of that
background the Mundas are always concerned about pleasing this Goddess. The
Mundas believe that if this goddess becomes angry or displeased, they may be
cursed at any circumstances.
Chandi Bonga is a goddess connected with hunting. The Mundas before going to
the hunting in any forest they promise to worship her so that they may be safe
during the time of hunting. When they come back without any danger or trable
they perform the worship of this Chandi Bonga. This is in brief an unknown face
of history which represents an uncommon story about the belief system of the
Mundas, one of the aboriginal communities of North Bengal.22
In terms of the prevalence of the worship of the female deities, the district of
Malda is not so much in the public notice in comparison with other districts of
North Bengal. Still we come across about the worship of one Mahamaya who is
installed on a sanctum in a temple riding on a lion. Its popularity is the villages
and specially she is gorgeously held in a village named Barinda. The villagers
during this occasion dance in various parts of the locality and all of them are
dressed with clown. Normally the worship of this goddess takes place at the last
Saturday or the month of Baisakh. A particular devotee is belived to be charged
with the blessing of the goddess and he performs dance and other rymes along
with other associates.23
Endnotes
1. Madhu Bazaz Wangu, Immages of Indian Goddesses, New Delhi, 2003, p. 18
2. Alf Hiltebeitel and Kathleen M. Erndl (ed.). Is The Goddess A Feminist?- The
Politics of South Asian Goddesses, New Delhi, 2002, p. 11.
3. Shashi Bhusan Das Gupta, ‘Evolution of Mother Worship in India’, Great Women
of India, Swami Madhavananda (ed.), Kolkata, 2008, p. 50.
4. Swami Sankarananda, The Rigvedic Culture of the Pre-historic Indus, Calcutta,
1946, p. 137. Note: From the study of Sir John Marshal we come to know that there
_______________________________________________
were a number of female figurines found among some dolls made of clay. There is
a representation of a resemblance to a mother cult in Mahenjodaro who is supposed
to be a woman “from whose womb a tree is coming out”. Sir John marshal assumed
it as mother goddess.
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid.
7. This detail statement has been given by Dr. Charu Chandra Sanyal in his book, ‘The
Rajbanshi of North Bengal’, Calcutta, 1965, p. 138f.
8. For details see Girija Shankar, op.cit. pp. 63-64.
9. For these information, see Dr. Dilip Kumar Dey, Cooch Biharer Loka Sanskriti,
Kolkata, 2007, p. 110.
10. Girija Shankar Roy, op. cit., p. 76f.
11. Ibid., p. 77.
12. Kalika Purana, Chapter 78, verse 7; Yogini Tantra, Part-1, patala-11, vs. 16-18.
13. Charu Chandra Sanyal, op.cit., p. 145.
14. Gregory L. Possehl (ed.), Harappan Civilization, New Delhi, 1993. p. 217.
15. Ichhimuddin Sarkar, op. cit., pp. 139f.
16. Dhananjay Roy, Loko Sanskriti: Loukik Deb Debi – Uttar and Dakshin Dinajpur,
1411(B.S), Balurghat, pp. 27-28.
17. Ibid., pp. 30-32.
18. Ibid., pp. 33-34.
19. Ibid., pp. 39f.
20. Ibid., pp. 40f.
21. Ibid., pp. 58f.
22. Abdur Rahim Gazi, Tarai-Dooarser Lokosanskriti, Kolkata, 2018, pp. 168f.
23. Haren Ghosh, ‘Maldaha: Puja-Parbana’. In: Madhuparni (ed. Ajitesh
Bhattacharya), 1985, p. 176.
_____
_______________________________________________
~62~ The Dalit Movement and Dravidian Awakening ...
THE DALIT MOVEMENT AND DRAVIDIAN AWAKENING IN

THE MADRAS PRESIDENCY: 1881-1923
_______
Dr. G. Premkumar
Faculty in History, P.G. Department of History
C.A.S. College, Madayi, Kannur - 670358
––––––––––––––––––––––––––
The word ‘Dravida’ was not widespread among the Dalits up to the 1880s.1
Before this, they were denoted by their caste names. For instance in A.D. 1810 in
the Black Town at Madras, the Administrators of the East India Company levied
tax on the residents of the Black Town now known as George Town to keep the
city clean. In the meantime, a humble petition of all the Head Pariahs and the
inhabitants of the Great Parachery were given to the Company. At that time too
they were denoted as pariahs as their caste name.2 This paper attempts to trace
the Dalit Movement and its Dravidian identity to analyse how far it gave birth to
the Dravidian (non-Brahmin) Movement in the Madras Presidency in the 1910s.
The last quarter of the nineteenth century witnessed the Dravidian identity among
the Dalits in the Madras Presidency. Many authors and intellectuals have opined
that the present day Dalits are the descendants of the original Dravidians. Among
the noted authors Dr. Rev. Bishop Caldwell, who wrote the book Comparative
grammar of the Dravidian or South Indian family of languages, stated
that“perhaps the best representatives at present of the earliest race of inhabitants
are those long-oppressed tribes that are now, the Pariahs and Pallas”.3 In the year
1888, Gustav Oppert published a book called, On the Original Inhabitants of
Bhratavarsa of India: The Dravidans. In his book he says, “I have tried thus to
identify the so-called pariahs of Southern India with the old Dravidian
mountaineers…. the first layer of the ancient Dravidian stratum…. In addition to
this I trust as Pallas and others are one and all offshoots of the Dravidian race”. 4
He wrote this book mainly on philological grounds. At first he referred to the
Pallas as the Dravidians, then he writes that the Pariahs, the greatest part of them
belong no doubt to the original or rather aboriginal Dravidian population.5 Later,
it was a familiar usage of the word Dravida by the British Administrators to
denote the Dalits of southern India.6 From the last quarter of the 19th century a
general awareness started among the Dalits of the Madras Presidency, especially
the Tamil speaking-educated men who organized and associated themselves with
organizations that promised to help against exploitation.
In 1885 one of the Dalit social reformers T. John Rethinam who first started a
paper called Dravida Pandiyan in Tamil. Through this paper he attacked the caste
disabilities and made awareness among the Dalits. Later in 1892 he started an
organisation namely the ‘Dravida Kazhagam’ and through this he gave
emancipation to the downtrodden people.7
_______________________________________________
Dr. G. Premkumar ~63~
In fact, the word Dravida was at first used by a local Tamil Dalit Scholar
Ayothidas Pandithar in order to identify the untouchables and to form an
association called the Dravida Mahajana Sabha in the year 1881. In the same year,
the colonial census was begun in earnest and Ayothidas, on behalf of the Dravida
Mahajan Sabha, memorialized the colonial government on an issue that was to
remain a concern of him although his active and intellectual life. He submitted
that the Dalits (chiefly Parias) should hence forth, be referred to as ‘Poorva
Tamizhar.8 The first conference of the Dravida Mahajana Sabha was held on 1st
December 1891 at Ooty (Udagamandalam) in Nilgiri. This was the first and
foremost association which was formed by the Dalits in Southern India.9 In its
first conference, its members passed ten significant resolutions. Details of the
resolutions are:
1. A law should be enacted to severely punish those who refer to the Dalits as
‘Pariahs’ in order to degrade and insult them. It was the claiming of their civil
rights;
2. To ameliorate the Dalits, the education was most important. Hence separate
schools might be established in every village with teachers belonging to
Dalits and fifty percent fee concession must be given to these students;
3. Three students among the students who passed out of the matriculation might
be selected and given scholarships for graduate studies;
4. Employment in Government service should be ensured to all those among the
Depressed Classes who have passed their matriculation examination;
5. There should not be any obstruction to the Dalits in getting appointments in
various government offices according to their education and good conduct;
6. Representatives of the Dalits should be appointed in villages and towns who
would report to the government on their grievances regarding employment
opportunities. Even while tax payers among the Dalits are selected for
employment in government services, such selections should be based only on
educational qualifications and conduct;
7. Rule 464 of the Jail Manual of those days should be repealed which
empowered authorities to make the ‘pariahs’ to discharge all the menial jobs
in the jails;
8. The Dalits should be allowed to exercise their right to collect drinking water
from public wells and tanks without any hindrance;
9. The existing restrictions of that, the Dalits should not enter or sit near the
premises of the courts and offices where the Hindus caste were employed
should be abolished. The restrictions which prevented the Dalits entering or
sitting near the premises of the public courts and offices where the Hindus
high caste holding posts, while these restrictions were not enforced where
English men holding posts. Further the petitions of the Dalits should be heard
immediately and disposed;
_______________________________________________
10. The Dalits persons who were having good conduct might be appointed in the
post of Villages Munsiff and Maniakaran in the villages which were
predominantly occupied by the Dalits. Further whenever the collectors visit
the village, directed to meet the Dalits and hear their grievances and do
justice.10
Again, on 21st December 1891 Ayothidas presented a copy of the resolutions
passed were also sent to the Indian National Congress and to the Mohammedan
Association too, to be included in the swatantra claims. The then general secretary
M. Veera Raghavachary acknowledged receipt of the same and intimated that
details would be sent in a later date, but no reply was received by the Dravida
Mahajana Sabha even after the lapse of 17 years. Ayothidas said that instead of
calling it National Congress, it could be called the Bengalis Caste Congress or
Brahmin Congress. Ayothidas also criticized the Mohammedans Associations as
well. Even the casteless Mohammedans, who received the copy of the resolutions
sent by the casteless Dravidians, have not done anything even to the demands of
the common nature. Thus, the existence of these two Associations viz. Congress
and Mohammedans were not having any use or helpful to the Dalits.11
Ayothidas was highly critical of the Congress nationalist representative claims
and of their policy of reform along national lines. He was not convinced of the
imminent good of native self-government and found the British more acceptable
than the Brahmins. He often observed that it was only with the arrival of the
British that the Panchama had been brought to the realization of his own humanity
since it was the British who first affirmed his selfhood and treated him like a
human being. As for as he was concerned the Congress was a party of ‘Brahmins’
who were intent on perpetuating caste inequalities and prejudices.12
In 1892 the religious – minded Dalit leaders in Madras formed another
organisation under the name ‘Adi-Dravida Maha Jana Sabha’. But both the
organisations worked together in the matter of common interests of the Dalits.13
In 1892, the government of Madras appointed the Hon’ble Diwan Bahadur S.
Srinivasa Raghava Iyengar, C.I.E. Inspector General of Registration to inquire
into the progress made by the Dalits in the Madras Presidency in the past 40 years.
He reported that, these people could make no progress but becoming either
Christians or Mohammedans. Ayothidas rebutted in an open letter to the Hon’ble
Dewan Bahadur. S. Srinivasa Raghava Iyengar C.I.E in a ten pages booklet
printed in English furnishing all details of history and progress made by the Dalits
with facts and figures since the Europeans entered in this land14. In the opening
Para he observed “In your report to our gracious government, on a poor class of
people who were anciently known as Dravidians but who are now called
Pariahs… But now allow me to explain briefly the real cause of the backward
condition of the Dravidian people who are called Pariahs.15 In the concluding
Para he closes as follows: the antipathy of those who call themselves Brahmins
towards those who are called ‘Pariah’ is notorious and it is no secret that the
Brahmins have been always placing every obstacles in the Pariahs way to
_______________________________________________
progress while you sir. A Brahmin have now come forward with a report on the
‘Pariahs’ as if you meant therefore are beset with a grave doubt whether any good
or evil may be the result of your report.16
In April 1892 a conference was held at Madras on behalf of the Hindus under the
name The Madras Maha Jana Sabha. The representations of the Dravida
Mahajana Sabha (Dalits) were invited to the conference of the Hindus. Ayothidas
and two other Dalit members attended the conference. The resolutions brought
by the Dalit members were accepted by the Hindu members and were passed in
the conference. The Conference passed a resolution and demanded the
government to establish schools for the children of Dalits in every village and
assignment of poromboke lands to Dalits wherever land was available. These
resolutions were moved by Raja Sir. Savali Ramaswamy Mudaliar and seconded
by Ellore Sankaran Iyer. Second support for the resolutions came from Ayothidas
of Dravida Maha Jana Sabha.17
The government of Madras graciously accepted the demands of Dalits and issued
favorable orders in three Government Orders, namely G.O. No. 1010 Revenue
dated 30th September 1892, G.O.No. 1010(A) Revenue dated 30th September
1892, and G.O. No. 68 Education dated 1st February 1893 (hailed as the Magna
Carta of Panchama education). The above orders and some other rules made
thereafter enabled the authorities to establish schools for Dalit children and to
assign lands to landless Dalits and Ex-servicemen of Dalit origin.18
Meanwhile, the leaders of the Indian National Congress asked the British
Government to conduct the I.C.S. Examination in both England and India
simultaneously. In reaction to this one of the Dalit leaders and a member of the
Dravidian Mahajan Sabha Rettamalai, Sreenivasan approached the Indian
Viceroy and gave petition that if the I.C.S. Examination will be conducted in
India, it would be sole beneficial to the Brahmins. So, he pleaded not to allow
conducting such kind of exams in India. In the meantime strong opposition and
reactions came from the Brahmins of Madras. On 23rd October 1895 Sreenivasan
convened a Pariahs meeting and gave a warm warning to the Brahmins.19
Between 1891 and 1920 fifteen conferences and meetings were held in different
parts of the Madras Presidency. The problems of the Dalits were discussed
publicly.20 Some of the noted and significant conferences were ‘Dravida
Mahajana Conference of 1899 held at Madras which was headed by Pandit C.
Ayothidas. ‘Dravidian Conference’ (Dalits) which was held at Thiruppattur in
North Arcot District on 23rd May 1920 convened by Chinna Buddu Swamigal,
and Dravidian Conference (Dalits) at Thiruppattur by A.P. Periyaswamy Pulavar
by a public meeting on the subject: ‘Dravidian unity’ on 15th August 1920.21
Among these stalwarts Ayothidas was a great Tamil scholar. His writings reveals
a person well acquainted with Sanskrit, Pali, and English and of course Tamil.
He seems to have been well read in the philosophical thoughts of Hinduism,
Buddhism, Jainism, Islam and Christianity. He founded the Chakya Buddhist
_______________________________________________
Sangam in 1898 at Madras. He did much for the reconstruction of the history and
culture of the ancient Dravidians through intensive research and study. His
research convinced him that the Pariahs of Southern India were the original
inhabitants of this region and that their ancestral religion was Buddhism.22 He
constructed and activated a Buddhist Weltanschauung vis-à-vis Brahminical
world view and also used Buddhism as a normative creed against which the
historical as well as the spiritual deceptions of Brahminical Hinduism could be
measured. Ayothidas was more than convinced that the problems of the Pariahs
could not be resolved without constructing a counter tradition which alone could
explain the history and culture of the Dalits. He also felt the imperative need for
condemning the Brahminical fraud that was basically responsible for the
degradation of the Dalits.23
The ideas and views of C. Ayothidas were systematically argued out in a Weekly
‘Oru Paisa Tamizhan’ (One Paise Tamilan) and its first issue was brought out on
19th June 1907. A year later the prefix ‘One Paise’ was dropped on the request of
the readers24. In the matter of social protest movements of the 19th century Madras
Presidency, the Dalit intellectuals were the pioneers. In the matter of Communal
G.O. too the Dalits set a precedent to the Justicites. As early as 1909 these Dalit
leaders focused their view through Anyothidas and pleased their demand for
communal representation in Governor’s Executive Council, Army, Medical,
Police, Railway and Educational Services and Municipalities in accordance with
the population of all the major communities in the Madras Presidency.25
If the Legislative Council is to set 100 members it should be done under the ratio
given below:
Non-caste Dravidians (Dalits) 25%
Caste Hindus 25%
Mohammedans 25%
Europeans 13%
Native Christians 12%
Protest came from the Hindus about the demands made by the Dalits. A modified
demand was placed in the next writing by Ayothidas as follows:
Caste Hindus 20%
Non-caste Dravidians 20%
Mohammedans 20%
Europeans 20%
Native Christians 20%
After the sought objection from the Hindus for the demand of Dalits to
‘communal representation’ the leaders organised a signature campaign. They
obtained 2,713 signatures from the employed Dalits in Government services,
working in the private European Companies, Railway Office, merchants,
_______________________________________________
contractors, those who own lands, domestic servants employed in the European
houses and submitted the same to the British Government to implement the
communal representation. Finally, the British had accepted to nominate six Dalits
to the Legislative Council.26
Further, the enlightened Dalit leaders in Madras realised the need for launching
journals through which they could ventilate their grievances to the government,
formulate favorable public opinion and of course educate their own brethren
about their pitiable plight. Some of the important journals are Dravida Pandian
(later Dravidan) 1885, Paraiyan 1893, Tamilan 1907 and Dravida Kokilam
1907.27
From 1880s onwards the Dalit Movement was going under the identity of Dravida
or Dravidians up to 1912 freely. In 1912 under the leadership of Dr. Nadesa
Mudaliar (a non-Brahmin caste Hindu) started a league called the Madras United
League. The main aim of the league was to unite the non-Brahmin educated
Hindus and to gather themselves. In the first year itself the membership rose to
300. In 1913 the members of the league wanted to change its name while
discussion was going on regarding this. They first wanted to put as non-Brahmin
league, but it was disliked and majority opposed. Ultimately, it was named as
Dravidian Association.28 This was the first time that the non-Brahmin caste
Hindus used the word Dravidian to denote their identity. Dr. Natesa Mudaliar
thus became the founder of the Dravidian Movement.29
In 1914 the first annual meeting of the Dravidian Association was held at the
open floor of the Triplicane High School. During the meeting a gathering of the
non-Brahmin graduates was also arranged. In the meeting Dr. T.M. Nair gave a
special lecture to the non-Brahmin graduates. The last lines of his lecture is like
this: Awake arise or be forever fallen.30 In 1915, the Dravidian Association
published two pamphlets. The first one was non-Brahmin letters and the second
was Dravidian Worthies. The non-Brahmin letters was published by S.N.K. as
pen name. This pamphlet contains 21 letters which maintain the urgent need for
creating unity among the non-Brahmins. The Dravidian Worthies were written
by C. Sankaran Nair, which made the urgent need for the unity of the Dravidians.
It actually created an awakening among the non-Brahmins.31 In June 1916 Dr.
Netesa Mudaliar again started a Hostel namely, The Dravidian Association to the
non-Brahmins who came to Madras for studying and other purposes.32
On 20th November 1916 some non-Brahmin leaders joined together and started a
political party called the South Indian Liberal Federation. Later it was called as
Justice Party. To publish their propaganda, it started three newspapers namely the
Justice, Dravidian and Andhra Prakasini in the English, Tamil and Telungu
languages respectively.33
The Justice Party initially wanted to include the Dalits in this movement. Its main
reason was, in 1919 the British Government wanted to give ‘communal
representation’. Hence, the president of this movement P. Theagaraya Chetti sent
_______________________________________________
a telegram to Montagu, telling that Justice Party was the only organ of the 4 crore
non-Brahmins. Meanwhile among the 4 crores 1/5 of the people were the Dalits.
So, the Justicites wanted the support of the Dalits.34
From of beginning of the emergence of the Justice Party many Dalits joined the
justice movement and extended their support. Noted among them were M.C.
Raja, Rettamalai Sreenivasan and N. Sivaraj.35 Yet, the dawn of the Justice party
created the problem of the usage of the word Dravida. The Dalits wanted to
denote themselves as Dravida. Meanwhile the non-Brahmins called themselves
Dravidas based on the historical fact. On 2nd October 1917 the Dalits arranged a
public meeting at Spurtank at Madras and invited Dr. T.M. Nair to talk about the
political conditions of the Dalits.36 In this meeting Dr. T.M. Nair called the Dalits
as Adi-Dravidas and most of the Dalits accepted to call them as Adi-Dravidas.37
Within a year in 1918 a memorial presented by the Dravida Mahajana Sabha
requested the Government that the ancient and the proper name Dravidian shall
be given and recognized by the government instead of the name Paraya. To
denote the Dravidian traditional name the number of supporters increased day by
day.38 The relevant portion of the memorandum read as follows: “The very name
by which these people refer to us breathless contempt. We should therefore
request government to help by issuing orders that hereafter in all government
communications we should be designated as Adi-Dravida or the original
Dravidas. Thus, bringing us into line with the non-Brahmin Hindus, who are
spoken of as Dravidas”.
In 1920, Dr. Natesa Mudaliar passed a resolution in the Madras Corporation to
call the Dalits as Adi-Dravidas and a public meeting was arranged by him and he
requested the Dalits to denote themselves as Adi-Dravidas.39 The term Adi-
Dravida is commonly used to designate the untouchables of Tamil Nadu but it
was not used in government records prior to 1920. The change in the
nomenclature of the Depressed Classes into Adi-Dravida was done as a result of
the concerted efforts taken by M.C. Raja, a leader of the Dalits. In the 1921
Census a total number of 15,025 returned their caste names as Adi-Dravida.40
In 1920, Diarchy was formed in the Madras Presidency. Justice Party won the
elections and formed the Ministry. This party wanted to put a solution to vexed
problem. So, in 1922 the Provincial Legislative Council passed a resolution
recommending that the name Adi-Dravida should replace the Panchama and
Paraya.41
Though the Dalits joined with the Justice Party during the elections of 1920, they
worked independently. Within a year the cleavage between the Justice and the
Dalits started. Anyhow in 1923 while the Second South Indian Adi-Dravida
Conference was held at Koilpatti under the leadership of Adi-Dravidian leader
M.C. Raja, they echoed the step motherly attitude of the Justicites and they
decided to go separately42. Since 1923 the Dravidian Movement had gone as two,
of the Dravidians (the non-Brahmins) and the Adi-Dravidas (the Dalits)
_______________________________________________
separately for two decades. Though the Dravidian Movement later saw the Dalits
as Adi-Dravidas. It was under a non-Aryan feeling. It was a separate identity apart
from the Dravidian identity43. Beyond doubt, the foregone study proves that the
Dalit Movement was the real beginner of the Dravidian Awakening in the Madras
Presidency.
Endnotes and References
1. Upto 1880s the name used to denote this people was commonly as Panchamas.
Since 1890s several names have come into use to denote these classes’ collectively,
the Adi-Dravidas (first or original Dravidas), the Depressed classes, the Scheduled
Castes and later Gandhi called them as Harijan. But the scholar of this article uses
the term Dalit to denote them.
2. T. P. Kamalanathan (ed.), Scheduled Caste Struggle for Emancipation in South
India, Tiruppathur, 1985, p.3.
3. Bishop R Caldwell, A History of Tinnavely, Asian Educational Society, Reprint,
New Delhi, 1982, p.4.
4. Gustav Oppert, On the Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsa or India the
Dravidians, first published 1888, Madras, p.5.
5. Ibid, pp. 25-31.
6. Edger Thurston, Caste and Tribes of Southern India, Vol. VII, Madras, 1909.
7. K. Thirunavukkarasu, Kalathil Ninta Kavalarkal, (Tl.), Madras, 1993, p.89.
8. V. Geetha, S. V. Rajadurai, Dalits and Non-Brahmin consciousness in Colonial
Tamilnadu, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XXVIII, No. 39 September 25,
1993, p.2019.
9. K. Kesavan, Samooga Viduthalaiyum Thazthappattorum (Tl.), Vizhuppuram, 1994,
p.118.
10. T. P. Kamalanathan, op.cit., pp. 7-8.
11. Ibid., p.9
12. V. Geetha, S.V. Rajadurai, op.cit., p.2092.
13. T. P. Kamalanathan, Mr. K. Veeramani M.A.B.L. is Refuted and The Historical
Facts about the Scheduled Caste Struggle for Emancipation in South India,
Tiruppathur, 1985, p. 44.
14. Ibid., p. 45.
15. T. P. Kamalanathan (ed.), Scheduled Castes Struggle, op.cit., p.10.
16. T. P. Kamalanathan, Mr. K. Veeramani is Refuted, op.cit., p.45.
17. Ibid.
18. Ibid.
19. K. Kesavan, op.cit., p. 122.
20. T. P. Kamalanathan, Mr. Veeramani is Refuted, op.cit., pp. 101-102.
21. Ibid., p. 102.
22. K. A. Manikumar (ed.), Essays in Honour of Professor S. Kadirvel, History &
Society, Thirunelveli, 1996, pp. 129-130.
_______________________________________________
23. Ibid., p. 130.

24. V. Geetha, S.V. Rajadurai, op.cit., p. 2092.
25. K. A. Manikumar (ed.), op.cit., p. 130.
26. T. P. Kamalanathan, Mr. K.V. Veeramani is Refuted, op.cit., pp. 62-63.
27. S. Manickam, Conspiracy of Silence, Madurai, 1995, p.19.
28. Murasoli Maran, Dravida Iyakka Varalaru (Tl.), Chennai, 1991, pp. 1-3.
29. P. T. Rajan, ‘My Reminiscences’ in Justice Party Golden Jubilee Souvenir, Madras,
1968, p. 326.
30. P. Rangaswami Naidu, The origin of the Justice party in the Justice Party, Golden
Jubilee Souvenir, Madras 1968, p.257.
31. Murasoli Maran, op.cit., p.5.
32. Ibid., p. 6.
33. T. M. Parthasarathy, Ti. Mu. Ka Varalaru (Tl), Chennai, 1993, p. 24.
34. Murasoli Maran, op.cit., p.157.
35. T. M. Parthasarathy. op.cit., p.25.
36. Thiru. V. Kaliyanasundaranar, Thiru. Vi. Ka. Vazhkkaik Kurippukal, (Tl.), Madras,
1982, p. 211.
37. K. Thirunavukkarasu, Dravidar Iyakkathin Muthal Aavanankal, (Tl.), Madras,
1991, p. 15.
38. Murasoli Maran, op. cit., p. 158.
39. The Hindu, July 19, 1920, Quoted by S. Saraswathi, Minorities in Madras State
Group Interests in Modern politics, Delhi, 1974, p. 14.
40. Ibid., p. 16.
41. G. O. 817, Law (General) Madras 25th March 1922
42. Vasantha Kumar, Dravida Iyakka Kalacharam (Tl.), Madras, 1991, p. 18.
43. K. Kesavan, op. cit., p. 76.
______
_______________________________________________
J. Lenin Albert ~71~
WELFARE MEASURES FOR THE BETTERMENT OF THE

WEAVERS OF THE HANDLOOM COOPERATIVE SECTOR IN
TAMIL NADU (AD 1947-1990)
_______
J. Lenin Albert
Ph.D. Research Scholar, Department of History
Periyar EVR College (Autonomous), Tiruchirappalli - 620023
––––––––––––––––––––––––––
Abstract
The handloom industry has a long tradition of superiority and a living legacy of
unravelled craftsmanship. Handloom has several advantages. Cotton
manufactured things are exported to many parts of the world. Handloom
industrial sector helps the poor people develop their economic condition. The
Government of Tamil Nadu has been taking numerous welfare measures for the
betterment of the weavers like, Relief Schemes, Weavers Cooperative Housing
Schemes. Savings and Security Schemes, Contributory Thrift Fund Scheme,
Central Thrift Fund Scheme, Government Trust for the Weavers Welfare, Free
Uniform Distribution Scheme, Accident Relief Scheme for Weavers, Insurance-
cum Retirement Benefit Scheme for Weavers.
Introduction
In the early stages of civilization, almost five thousand years ago, the people of
the ancient India knew how to grow cotton, spin and weave and make garments
of dyed and patterned cotton fabrics. It bears testimony to the height of artistic
excellence that the textile handloom industry of India had reached even in the
third millennium B. C. Having been associated with the life and culture of Indian
people, the industry epitomized the cultural heritage of the nation and had the rare
privilege of enjoying patronage of all sections of the society, high and low. The
handloom industry has a long tradition of superiority and a living legacy of
unrivalled craftsmanship. The marvelously woven tissues and sumptuously in
wrought apparels of ancient India were favourites in the courts of the Roman
emperors.1
Handloom fabrics have several advantages over their mill and power loom
counterparts like the softness which provides a comfortable feeling, the cooling
and warmth which it gives in the summer and winter respectively; elasticity and
ability to absorb perspiration, durability and it is easily washable and economy of
use etc. Cotton cleaning, ginning, pressing, carding, spinning, sizing, warping,
weaving, bleaching, dying, winding, and printing were the different processes
associated with the cotton handloom weaving industry and all these processes
were done manually in the past. Till the advent of the machines in the handloom
weaving industry, owing to the industrial revolution, in the country it managed to
give a means of subsistence to a good number of people in Indian.2
_______________________________________________
~72~ Welfare Measures for the Betterment of the Weavers ...
Handloom weaving was practiced by the Indian weavers as a cottage industry in

the past. Indian muslins were the earliest articles to conquer the textile markets
in the western world and came to be known as running water, evening dew, and
textile breezes etc. It is evidently true that the handwoven manufacturers from the
country held their sway over the whole textile empire all over the world till the
beginning of the nineteenth century. Even the strong surges of the power loom
aided by the most significant episode in the world of industrial development:
the industrial revolution, were survived by the traditional handloom weaving
industry in the country in its fight for survival. But it should not be forgotten that
with the introduction of the machine made goods in the west in the late decades
of the eighteenth century and its expansion to the East in the nineteenth century
had an adverse impact on the prospects of the traditional handloom weaving
industry in the country. At the same time, it should not be mistaken that the mere
introduction of the modern machines and machine made fabrics in the traditional
textile markets had spelt doom upon the Indian handloom weaving industry.
Tamil Nadu which formed an integral part of the erstwhile Tamilakam
commanded a predominant position in the field of handloom industry from very
ancient days. There are a number of references in the ancient Tamil Sangam
literature to the exquisitely woven fine cotton fabrics exported to various centres
of ancient civilizations. The “marvellously woven tissues and sumptuously
inwrought apparel” of ancient India found their way into Egypt, Greece and
Rome in the heyday of their glory. In ancient Rome, Indian muslins and chintzes
were the rage of fashionable women. Woraiyur in modern Tiruchirappalli,
Pazhayarai near modern Kumbakonam, Karur and Kanchipuram, the ancient
capitals of the three Tamil kingdoms and the Pallava Empire were the main centre
of production of cotton and silk fabrics in Tamil Nadu. It is as a great tribute to
the continuity of Indian culture as to the strength of the handloom industry that
these places still continue to be the important centres of handloom production
even after a lapse of nearly two millennia.
Exports however sharply fell with the decline of South India as a maritime power
in the medieval period. The excellence and exuberance of the Indian handloom
fabrics had been appreciated by such travellers like Marco Polo. Under the
Mughal administration, the hand loom weaving industry had become the most
important handicraft in the country. It was practiced by almost all the women and
children in the villages in the Coromandel Coast as well as in the Bengal region.
The cotton manufacturers in the Indian villages were capable of meeting the cloth
requirements of the country along with meeting the clothing demands of the
people in the foreign lands like Persia, Tartary, Turkey, Barbary, Arabia, Ethiopia
etc. The cotton textile goods had great followers in Persia, Arabia, Egypt,
Abyssinia, Syria, and eastern coast of Africa, Greece, and Rome.3 It had a very
good reputation among the people all over the world. It was also sent to Burma
and Eastern Islands.
_______________________________________________
The weaving communities in Tamil Nadu who were familiar with a variety of
handlooms including the most primitive throw shuttle loom, frame loom, fly
shuttle loom, pedal loom, semi automatic and automatic handlooms struggled
hard to withstand the socio-economic changes initiated by the colonialists. The
import of British mill spun yarn and cloth into Indian markets affected the
fortunes of spinning and weaving industries in Tamil Nadu. The socioeconomic
condition of the weavers who were engaged in the traditional handloom industrial
sector of Tamil Nadu underwent far reaching changes from A.D. 1947 to 1990.
The crises in the handloom sector due to the increase of the prices of yarn, scarcity
of yarn, over accumulation of the finished handloom products, changing trends
in the demand for the handloom products in the internal as well as the
international markets, lack of sufficient financial resources with the Primary
Weavers Handloom Cooperative Societies and delay in implementing the
Governments sponsored schemes affected the development of the handloom
cooperative sector and the handloom industry, that adversely affected the
socioeconomic status of the weavers of the cooperative sector. Likewise, the slum
in the handloom industry sometimes led to unemployment and the handloom
weavers at times remained without jobs that also affected the socioeconomic life
of the weavers. As s result of the development of the cooperativisation of
handlooms, the traditional weaving communities who possessed the skill in the
process of the production of the handloom fabrics could not develop their skills
further because the weavers in the cooperative sector were compelled to produce
whatever the design prescribed by the government agencies such as the
Department of Handloom and the Co-optex. Moreover, the wage paid for the
weavers also not sufficient for managing their families and continuing their
traditional profession of weaving.
The handloom industry has a glorious tradition in India. It occupies a prominent
place in preserving the country’s heritage and culture and plays a vital role in the
economy of the country. The Government of India and the State Government of
Tamil Nadu have been giving high importance to the development of handloom
industry as it is highly employment oriented. This industry affords employment
to over 10 million peoples. Handloom being India’s most important traditional
cottage industry it would be improper to let it disappear from the economy of the
country. Following the cessation of the Second World War, this industry faced
serious difficulties. To tide over the crisis arising out of accumulation of cloth in
the early fifties, the central government set up the All India Handloom Board in
1952, to take suitable welfare measures to rehabilitate and expand the industry.4
Since 1976 handloom sector has been receiving more and more assistance from
both the Central and the State Governments with the setting up of a nodal agency
at the centre in the shape of development commissioner for handlooms. A number
of developments have been launched which have resulted in all round
development of the handloom industry.5
_______________________________________________
Relief Schemes
In June 1952, the Madras State Government introduced a Relief Scheme in all
districts on the lines of the Relief Scheme sanctioned in 1949. This scheme
submitted by the Registrar of Cooperative Societies and recommended by the
Director of Controlled Commodities was approved by the Government with the
following remarks. The scheme would assure the weavers a subsistence wage,
continuous employment and also relieve them from the burden of marketing cloth
as far as possible. It contemplated the revival of all cooperative primary weavers’
societies which had stopped functioning as a result of the 1952 slump in the trade
and making it possible for the weavers outside the cooperative fold to join the
existing or new primary weavers’ societies for which purpose the Government
would lend the money required for the share capital.6
To relieve the unemployment among weavers, the Madras government decided
to work out a scheme through the agency of cooperative societies, which would
assure the weavers of a minimum wage and continuous employment and also
relieve them from the burden of marketing cloth. This scheme was implemented
first in Salem district.7
The relief scheme for weavers was reintroduced in July 1952 and was in force in
17 districts. 159 weavers’ cooperative societies were working the scheme with
15,453 weavers.8 Under the scheme, any weaver who wanted to join a weavers’
cooperative society was given as interest free loan of Rs. 25 towards share capital
to be recovered in twelve monthly installments. Government guaranteed the
repayment of loans borrowed from central banks by weavers’ societies and the
reimbursement of any business losses arising in working the scheme. Five
thousand two hundred and sixty-seven weaver members were admitted into the
societies under this scheme and a sum of Rs. 77,835 was given to them. Yarn
valued Rs. 8.34 lakhs was distributed to the members. The production of only
utility varieties like dhoties, sarees and towels were permitted and government
sanctioned the services of technical superior to draw up designs and
specifications and to render such other technical assistance to the societies
working the scheme. It was in operation only in the districts of Tirunelveli and
Salem and in the Erode circle of Coimbatore district.9 This scheme which was
further introduced in almost all districts in July 1952 was given up in June 1953
on the introduction of Cess Fund Schemes.10
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, then Prime Minister of India, when he visited the
Madras State Handloom Weavers Society on 2nd October 1953, observed that
the government of India was particularly conscious of the importance of the
industry and that they might rest assured that fullest attention would be given to
the needs of the weavers. The crisis which the handloom industry had to face in
1952 was primarily a crisis in the consumption of handloom cloth. This situation
made the government of India to formulate measures to stimulate the
consumption of handloom cloth. The sales of handloom cloth had fallen off
_______________________________________________
largely because of the disparity in the prices of handloom and mill cloth.11 The
Government of India bought to abridge the difference by the levy of an additional
excise duty on mill made cloth which was landmarked specifically for the purpose
of developing khadi and other industries and promoting the sale of khadi and
other handloom cloth.
They made as lungies, sarongs, bed sheets, bedspreads, counter panes, gauze and
bandage cloth were reserved exclusively for the handloom industry.12 The slump
in handloom industry led to a series of ameliorative measures both by the central
and the state Governments. Over 350 weavers societies employing 40,000 looms
were engaged in the production of reserved varieties and the average value of
goods produced by them was about Rs. 20 lakhs per month.13
Weavers’ Cooperative Housing Schemes
One of the measures necessary for the amelioration of the socio-economic
condition of the handloom weavers was related to housing. The housing condition
of the weavers was very poor and sometimes they had very small huts. It was
very difficult to accommodate the weaving materials within the limited space.
Hence the weavers required spacious rooms to keep their weaving materials and
equipment. The process of handloom weaving involves different stages and hence
it has required the support of several people and they should work together.
Therefore, a spacious work spot is needed to continue the weaving works. The
profession of weaving requires a clean atmosphere free from pollution. In many
houses there was no electricity. They required powerful lights to continue the
works even at night time.14
A large number of handloom weavers were living in houses or huts under
conditions which were not hygienic. The weaver should therefore be assured of
proper housing-cum-work-spot facilities. So, that they would increase the
production and improve the socioeconomic conditions. Therefore, the
Government has formulated schemes for the provision of housing and working
facilities to the weavers.15 Besides providing good environment for producing
handloom fabrics, the Government wanted to strength the Cooperative Sector of
the handlooms.
In July 1956, the Government of India announced a policy regarding the grant of
assistance under the Cess Fund Scheme for financing the weavers housing
schemes. In A.D. 1953, the Government of India created the Cess Fund by
levying Cess on the mill cloth to be utilised for rehabilitating the handloom
industry as per the recommendation of the All India Handloom Board. The
creation of the Cess Fund proved to be a turning point in the history of the
handloom industry. Since the constitution of this fund, financial assistance had
been provided on a large scale for the implementation of the various schemes for
the improvement of the condition of the handloom weavers.16 In due course, as
the proceeds were found to be insufficient, it had to be augmented by
contributions from the general revenues from the time to time. The Cess Fund
_______________________________________________
has been abolished from 1960 and the proceeds were then credited to the general
revenues. The expenditure on handloom development schemes was met from the
Consolidated Fund of the Government of India. All grants from the Cess Fund
were given in the shape of Central assistance according to the schemes formulated
by the All India Handloom Board.17
The five-year plans gave due importance for the promotion of housing colonies.
During the Second Five Year Plan (1956-61), Rs. 413.70 lakhs had been
earmarked for the development of the handloom industry. Subsequently the
Planning Commission increased the allotment to a little over Rs.728 lakhs.
Financial assistance towards the entire cost of a house subject to a ceiling of Rs.
3,600 was provided by the Government of India, of which 662/3 per cent as loan
and 331/3 per cent as grant. Besides, the Government of India also sanctioned
loans for provision of common amenities to the colonies. The schemes were
programmed by the Madras State Government for implementation during the
Second Five Year Plan, related the construction of 16 colonies of 1600 houses at
a cost of Rs. 74.29 lakhs for the benefit of members of Weavers Cooperative
Societies and opening of 100 sales depots by the State Government in order to
enlist at least 50 per cent of the handloom weavers within the Cooperative
sector.18 Subsequently, the State Government sanctioned twenty-two housing
schemes for the construction of 1,966 houses at the cost of Rs.88,29,350. Of
them, the construction of 1248 houses were completed in the month of March
1961 and the remaining were finished later.
The weavers’ housing scheme under the Cess Fund scheme of the Government
was discontinued in A.D. 1961. Thereafter, the Government of Tamil Nadu with
financial assistance from Housing and Urban Development Corporation
(HUDCO) revived the Weavers’ Housing Scheme from the year 1979-80 for the
welfare of the member of the Weavers’ Co-operative Societies.19 From 1st July
1982 onwards HUDCO had revised the scheme according to which the total
estimated cost of each house was Rs.12,000 for which a maximum loan of
Rs.9,700 was made available from HUDCO. The State Government had to
provide a subsidy of Rs.1,000 per house and the balance of Rs.1,300 had to be
met by beneficiary members of the Weavers Co-operative Societies.20 The loan
portion under scheme was repayable in 20 years in equated monthly installments
at 7 per cent interest including ½ per cent service charges to Co-optex.21
One of the most important colonies created under the HUDCO scheme in
Madurai region was the Nilayur colony which was opened in A.D. 1982 by
Mr. Aranka Nayakam, the former Minister of Education and the Handloom
Industry, during the Chief Ministership of M. G. Ramachandran. This colony is
known as Kaithari Nagar located near Tiruparankuntam in Madurai district. The
total area of this colony is 40 acres of land and originally constructed 678
houses.22 After clearing the loan by the beneficiary the government handed over
the ownership (patta) to the legal owner weavers. For instance, the State
_______________________________________________
Government gave ownership (patta) to the handloom weavers in Tiruvalluvar

Colony, Madurai after A.D. 2005.23
The concentration of houses on the site works out roughly to about 15 houses per
acre, whereas in urban areas, this was stretched to 20 and sometimes more. The
layout followed set designs suited mostly to local conditions. In the south, which
was an area where high humidity prevailed, houses were all oriented to north and
south to catch as much of the southern breeze as possible. This means that the
roads run mostly towards east and west. To minimize the cost of common
amenities on individual house, it was best to have a colony of 200 houses. This
was in many cases not possible and hence colonies of hundred houses were the
general rule. Some of these colonies even consisted of forty houses in the case of
Woraiyur Devanga Weavers’ Colony at Tiruchirappalli and sixty houses as in the
case of Saidapet Weaver’s Cooperative Society at Madras. This was so because
of the urban nature of the area and the difficulty to get sufficient space for
constructing more houses.24
According to a field visit of the Madurai housing colonies, many of the houses in
Madurai district have modified into big concrete houses. In several places the
weavers had sold their share to other people and shifted to other places for doing
other prosperous jobs. With a minimum income from the handloom industry
some weavers found it difficult to run their family and to raise their standard of
living. Some handloom weavers have changed into working in power looms. In
Aruppukkottai Weavers’ Colony all the handlooms were changed to power
looms, because through the handloom they could earn a maximum of Rs. 250 but
through working in the power loom they earn Rs. 600 per day.25
Savings and Security Schemes
The Scheme was introduced on 15th November 1975. This scheme is also known
as ‘Co-optex Handloom Weavers’ Saving Scheme which is meant for the benefit
of the handloom weavers within the Cooperative fold. Under this scheme of
Insurance policy, a weaver who joined the scheme was contributing six paise, for
every rupee of wages earned and the State Government was contributing three
paise for every rupee. If a weaver member died before attaining the age of 58, his
nominee would get the accumulated fund including the Government contribution
with interest along with a sum of Rs. 3,000 from Life Insurance Corporation.
There were totally 64,365 weavers during the year 1979.26
Contributory Thrift Fund Scheme
One of the important welfare schemes under the Handloom Development Plan
Schemes is the Contributory Thrift Fund Scheme.27 Under this scheme, each
member of a society contributes six paise per rupee of his wage. The Government
contributes four paise and the society concerned two paise, thus making up a
matching contribution of six paise. This scheme was introduced in 1962-63. It
had covered 139 weavers’ cooperative societies, provided benefits to 9,400
members during the year 1964. The total fund in the various cooperative central
_______________________________________________
banks, invested in the name of each and every individual member, had exceeded
the Rs. 15 lakhs. Except a small percentage of handloom cloth exported outside
the country, which was eligible for export incentives, no finance or other forms
of assistance were extended to looms outside the cooperative sector under the
plan schemes.
Central Thrift Fund Scheme
The Central Thrift Fund Scheme was introduced by the Government of India on
19th May 1986. This scheme is similar to the Savings and Security Scheme. The
Scheme provides a subsidy of three paise per rupee for the weaver who earn by a
weaving, subject to a maximum of Rs. 90 per weaver per annum. For the year
1991-92, a sum of Rs. 50 lakhs had been provided in the Budget estimate. The
central assistance was sanctioned to all weavers in the scheme on the ratio of their
contribution under the savings and security scheme. The total amount proposed
to be disbursed by the government of India during the Seventh Five Year Plan
Period (1985-90) was Rs. 1,33,394 for Tamil Nadu. The Government of India
have sanctioned Rs. 33,94,800 for the implementation of the Central Thrift Fund
Scheme for the year 1987-88.28
Government Trust for the Weavers’ Welfare
The Government Trust for the Weavers’ Welfare was started in February 1986
during the Golden Jubilee of Co-optex. The main objective of the trust is to give
financial aid to the poor handloom weavers’ children for their higher studies in
Medicine, Engineering, Agriculture and Mathematics. It helps the weavers’
children to continue their higher studies by giving financial assistance. This trust
gives prizes to organize the internal and external marketing. This prize was
presented from the interest of the Weavers’ Cooperative Societies and the Public
Welfare Fund. The Weavers’ Societies have paid Rs.6.50 lakhs to the Tamil Nadu
Transport Development Corporation. The interest for this amount was also used
for the above purposes. The Apex Weavers’ Society of Tamil Nadu and the Tamil
Nadu Handloom Weavers’ Cooperative Societies helped to start this trust by
providing financial aid from the public and private welfare fund. According to
the Tamil Nadu Journal of Cooperation for June 1990, during the past three years,
there were totally 23 students were provided with a scholarship of Rs.51,000.
During 1990, there was a total balance of Rs.10,72,220.94 with the account of
this trust. From this Rs.3,22,220.94 was with the Tamil Nadu State Co-operative
Bank.
Accident Relief Scheme for Weavers
The Government has also issued an order on 17th September 1985 for
implementation of “Accident Relief Scheme” for weavers in private sector.
Under this scheme, if death occurred due to accident while on duty or loss of
limb, etc., a maximum compensation of Rs. 10,000 was being paid to the weaver.
For the implementation of this scheme, no premium was collected from the
_______________________________________________
beneficiary. The extension of this scheme to the weavers in the Cooperative

sector was under the active consideration of the Government. The Janatha Cloth
Scheme and the Accident Relief Scheme for weavers have been ordered by the
Hon’ble Chief Minister during the Golden Jubilee Celebration of Co-optex and
Government also passed orders and such new schemes formed the new land
marks available only in Tamil Nadu.29
Insurance-cum-Retirement Benefit Scheme for Weavers
The Government has issued an order on 25th September 1985 extending the
scheme “Insurance-cum-retirement benefit” to the weavers in the private sector
and in the cooperative sector also. Under this scheme, a weaver enrolled as a
member would have to pay Rs. 10 every month till he completed the age of 58
and thereafter the member would be paid a lump sum amount as retirement
benefit, i.e., amount contributed by him to the scheme and the interest there on.
If a weaver joined under this scheme in the age 18, he would get a sum of Rs.
33,500 after attaining the age of 58 after contributing for 40 years. In the event of
the death of the member before attaining the age of 58, the Life Insurance
Corporation would pay an insurance amount of Rs. 5000 plus the amount
contributed by him till his death, with interest there on.30
Conclusion
Cooperatives do not aim at profit. However, they are expected to earn profit
sufficient enough to make reasonable allocation towards their various reserves so
that they can be economically strong and can accomplish their social objectives
in the long run. Thus, it may be stated that majority of weavers' cooperatives
including the Co-optex in Tamil Nadu were working with mixed fortunes during
the period under review, lacking consistency in the financial results. However,
the performance of the silk weaving and carpet/made-up fabrics societies were
better. Thus, the welfare schemes introduced by the Government of India and the
Tamil Nadu State Government were helpful to improve the standard of living of
the handloom weavers to a certain extent.
References
1. S. Saravanan, Economics of Handloom, Chennai, 2007, p. 10.
2. K. S. Venkatraman, “The Hand-Loom Industry in the Madras Presidency”, Journal
of Madras University, Madras,1936, pp. 4-6.
3. K. S. Venktaraman, loc. cit., p. 11.
4. S. Saravanan, Economics of Handloom, Chennai, 2007, p. 11.
5. Ibid., p. 13.
6. B. S. Baliga , op.cit., pp. 92-93.
7. The Madras Administration Report, Government of Madras, 1949, p. 97.
8. Report on the Working of the Co-operative Societies in Madras, 1950, Madras,
1953, p. 75.
_______________________________________________
9. Report on the Working of the Co-operative Societies in Madras, 1950, Madras,

1953, p. 91.
10. B. S. Balinga, Compendium of History of Handloom Industry in Madras,
Government of Madras, 1960.
11. Madras Journal of Co-operation Vol. XLVI, No. 3, September 1954, Government
of Madras, p. 146.
12. Report on the Working of the Co-operative Societies in Madras 1950, Madras, 1953,
pp. 90-91.
13. Yvonne J Arterburn, The Loom of Interdependence Silk weaving Co-operatives in
Kanchipuram, New Delhi, 1982. p. 114.
14. Madras Information, Vol. XVI, No. II, November 1960, Government of Madras,
1960, p. 35.
15. Madras Information, Vol. XVI, No. II, November 1960, Government of Madras,
1960, p. 435.
16. Madras Legislative Assembly (Third Assembly), Committee on Estimates., 1966-67,
Second Report, Directorate of Handlooms, Government of Madras, 1966, p. 11.
17. Third Five Year Plan (1961-1966), Madras State, Government of Madras, 1966,
p. 71.
18. Handlooms and Textiles Policy and Programmes. 1984-85, Industries Department,
Government of Tamil Nadu, 1984, p. 6.
19. Tamil Nadu State Administrative Report 1989-90, p. 165.
20. Seventh Five Year Plan in Tamil Nadu (1985-1990), Government of Tamil Nadu,
1990, p. 259.
21. Foundation Stone at Nilayur Colony, Madurai, dt. 23.4.1982. Observation from the
field study conducted by the researcher on 20.4.2017.
22. Interview with Mr. Janorthanan (55), Clerk of Valluvar Weavers’ Co-operative
Society, Valluvar colony, Madurai District, dt. 21.04.2017.
23. Tamil Arasu, Vol. XIII, No.9, March 1983, Government of Tamil Nadu, pp. 432-
33.
24. Interview with T. S. Ramalinga Nadar (65), Handloom Weaver, Nesavalar Colony,
Aruppukkottai,
25. Ramanathapuram district, dt. 16.06.2017.
26. Master Legislative Assembly Debates, 1979, Vol. 29, No. 1-5, Government of
Madras p. 256.
27. Madras Legislature Assembly, Committee on Estimates, 1966-67, Government of
Madras, 1966, p. 14.
28. Tamilnadu State Administration Report (1987-88), Government. General Madras,
p. 129.
29. G. O. MS. No. 1916, Labour Department, 17th September 1985, p. 1.
30. G. O. MS. No. 2084, Labour Department, 25th September 1985, p. 1.
_____
_______________________________________________
Dr. S. Santhanakkumar ~81~
LAND TENURE AND SOCIAL HIERARCHY IN THE RAMNAD

ZAMINDARI AREA DURING THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
_______
Dr. S. Santhanakkumar
Assistant Professor, Department of History,
St. Joseph’s College (Autonomous), Tiruchchirappalli-620002
––––––––––––––––––––––––––
Land is one of the sources of human evaluation of wealth. Land-owning and
holding-right are vital in deciding the social hierarchy in India, especially in rural
society. Land ownership decides whether the social groups are superior or remain
suppressed. Tamil Classical literature classifies lands into five geographical
divisions known as thinai, such as kurinchi, mullai, marudham, neythal and
palai.1 These land divisions were inhabited by respective group of people known
as kuravar, ayer, vellalar, parathavar and maravar respectively. Their
occupations were classified as honey-tapper, cattle rearer, agriculturalist, fisher
folk and warriors, correspondingly based on the nature of the soil.2 These five
regional people migrated to other locations for various reasons like searching for
employment, epidemic disease, famine and other natural calamities. In the
classical age of the Tamils, the social setup was classified based on profession
and nature of the soil, the people held, like idaiyar, iyavar, umanar, ulavar,
weaver, kuravar, kurumbar, kollar, thachchar, parathavar, pulayar, porunar and
vedar. They had settlements in various regions with different occupations.3 Later
these groups fought among themselves for social superiority. During the middle
ages the lands played a major role in deciding power and legitimacy. Landowning
rights had made dynamic changes in the political and socio-economic background
of India from classical to the present period. The present article traces to what
extend did the land holding and land-owning rights lead to the transformation in
the social and economic life of the people in the southern Tamil Country
especially Ramnad region. It also discusses the nature of the land and
circumstances of caste groups in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries of
Ramnad region.
Zamindari Settlement and Ramnad Region
The English East India Company divided Madras Presidency into twenty-one
districts for the convenience of administration such as Ganjam, Vizagapatnam,
Godavari, Kistna, Nellore, Anantapore, Chingleput, North Arcot, South Arcot,
Kurnool, Bellary, Cuddapah, Salem, Coimbatore, Nilgris, Tanjore, Trichinopoly,
Madura, Tinnevelly, South Canara and Malabar. After the formation of the new
district, the Company started their process of reorganization of administration.4
In the beginning of the nineteenth century the Company captured and controlled
most of the little kingdoms in southern India and brought the poligars under
control. Some parts of the southern Tamil country were ruled by local chieftains
_______________________________________________
~82~ Land Tenure and Social Hierarchy in Ramnad ...
but they were the nominal rulers of the British government. They were Ramnad,
Pudukkottai, Travancore and Mysore rulers.5
After the suppression of the poligar’s uprising in the southern Tamil country, The
Company decided on the policy of Zamindari settlement in the erstwhile
poligaris. Initially the Zamindari settlement was first practiced in Chinglepet
District (1802) and then extended to Salem, southern and central districts of
Madras Presidency. In 1803 the Company implemented Zamindari settlement in
the Ramnad region.6 The land regulation XXV of 1802, which guaranteed the
proprietary right of the soil was handed over to the Zamindar.7 During the
nineteenth century, Ramnad Zamindari’s total area comprised around 2,000
square miles and 2,167 villages. The cultivable areas of the Ramnad Zamindari
were 5,38,000 acres.8 After the introduction of Zamindari settlement the ‘Little
Kingdom’ status was reduced by ‘Zamindari’. Subsequently Palayakkarar or
poligars were redesigned as Zamindars and Palayams were named as
Zamindaries in the Madras Presidency. Further, the ‘Little Kingdom’ status was
reduced by ‘Zamindari’ due to the implementation of new land tenure Zamindari
settlement.
Powers and Authorities of Zamindars
The Zamindar was considered the owner of the land, who could sell, mortgage
on transfer the land if he desired. He had hereditary right over the land. If he
failed to pay tax the government could take away the land from his ownership of
rights.9 Under the Permanent Settlement, the Zamindars were not mere revenue
collectors but maintained their economic and social supremacy over their estates.
For a maintaining the social supremacy over the people and neighboring domains,
Zamindars celebrated ceremonies and festivals and they spent more for projecting
them as superiors to others. They also spent largely for palace functions and
funeral rituals. Under Zamindari tenure, the social order was constructed based
on the caste system, Zamindars of Ramnad patronized and followed the caste
system.10 The Zamindars always wanted to maintain their social honor or
mariyathai in the social order which led them to get special status or anthasthu.11
The celebration of Navaratri or ‘festival of nine nights,’ was celebrated in the
Madura only by the Nayaks of Madurai. During the reign of Ragunatha
Sethupathi (1647-72), ruler of Ramnad, Thirumalai Nayak of Madura gave him
privilege to celebrate the Navaratri festival in the Ramnad kingdom as a favour
in return for protecting Madurai from the attack of the Mysore army in 1659.
Besides, Thirumalai Nayak bestowed Ragunatha Sethupathi with the title,
Thirumalai Sethupathi for commemorating his military assistance. Besides
Thirumalai Nayak presented the Durgapidam or the altar of the goddess Durga to
Ragunatha Thirumalai Setupathi.12 Thus the Sethupathi received a higher status
than the other Poligars.
Ramalinga Vilasam was the main palace where Zamindar of Ramnad announced
the royal gifts, circulars to the public and officials. During the durbar days, in the
_______________________________________________
palace, prasadam and coconut were offered.13 According to Ramnad Manual, the
Raja of Ramnad’s power and prestige could be assessed by the court practices
and etiquette during the eighteenth century. The Tondaiman Raja of Pudukkottai,
Raja of Sivagangai and the Chief of Tanjore territory must stand before him, with
palms of their hands joined together and stretched out towards the presence of
Raja of Ramnad. The Poligar of Panjalankurichi Kattabomman and the Tottians
were considered as inferior to the Raja of Ramnad and they should prostrate
themselves in full length before the Sethupathi and they were supposed to stand
until Raja of Ramnad seated.14
The Sethupathis spent lavishly for maintaining their honor and prestige and
carried out philanthropical and welfare measures befitting their social status.
They also gave donations to temples and received mariyathai in the temple
rituals. Baskarasami Setupathi (1889-1903), son of Muthuramaling Sethupathi II
(1862-73) spent rupees two lakhs rupees for the renovation of the temple of
Thiruthirakosamangai, Thiruvadanai and Thiruchuli. Baskarasami Sethupathi
was an enlightened scholar and interested in the studies of Tamil language and
literature and patronized Tamil scholars. He supported Pandithurai Tevar to form
the Fourth Sangam for Tamil at Madurai in 1901. The first three Sangams were
supported by the Pandya Chieftains of ancient Tamil region and the fourth
Sangam was an attempt at reviving the glory of the Tamil language and the
Pandya rule. Baskarasami Setupathi initiated and built the Setupathi High School
at Madurai.15 Among the Ramnad Zamindars, Baskarasami Setupathi maintained
good relationship between public and samasthanam owing to his welfare
activities. He was the only person who had western education among other
Zamindars. He was willing to donate the land and money for patronizing poets,
establishing schools and other such charitable activities. He donated forty
thousand rupees for constructing a hostel for Madras Christian College,
Thambaram where he studied. He also donated money for constructing chatrams
in and around the Rameswaram temple for the visit of pilgrims and opened
schools for marginalized students. The Zamindars of Ramnad mostly
concentrated to maintain their status as rulers of vis-a-vis their reduced political
status and limited authority.16 Zamindars of Ramnad performed as
dharmakarthas or trustees of temples in the entire estate. They had received
muthal mariyatai or parivattam in the Rameswaram temple and other temples of
the Zamindari region.
Land Rights and Social Structure
Before the introduction of Permanent Settlement, land rights in Ramnad
Kingdom were inam or tax-free land grant for dharmasanam,17 devasthanam,
chathiram, madapuram and jivitham. Jivitham inam was gifted as reward for
military services. The maniyam and umbalam lands were granted for personal or
public services, village temple rituals and maintaining irrigation tanks. Later the
lands were gifted for distributing tank water or river water to agricultural field
_______________________________________________
and as labour cost for tank repair and tank digging. Post-Permanent Settlement,
the English East India Company allowed land grants for dharmasanam,
devasthanam, chathiram and maniyam and stopped the grants of madapuram and
jivitham.18
After the introduction of Zamindari settlement in the Ramnad region, the
Zamindars were holders of the territory piece of allotted to them, on the condition
of paying tribute and rendering military service to the central power. Ramnad
Zamindari followed land tenure of pannai (under the control of mirasidars),
inams (under granted land holder or inamdar) and ijara19 or lease by revenue
farming. There was a revenue officer in position of the Zamindar to collect
revenue from the tenants. The tenants had to pay varam or rent to Zamindars;
they paid in kind for the nanjai lands and cash for the punjai lands. Mirasidars
had right over pannai lands, which they got through lease from Zamindar.
Inamdars had rights over Inam lands. Mirasidars and Inamdars had rights to
lease their lands to anyone. They collected ‘samibhogam’ and ‘thunduvaram’ rent
from lease holders and the tenants were demanded to pay melvaram or landlord’s
share to Zamindars.20
In the early period of the Colonial rule, the Company confused and tried to
understand the traditional ownership or mirasi rights21 over the lands. Later the
Company refused to follow the traditional ownership right and it did not allow
land registration. The Company promoted the Zamindars from land holders to
owners of lands and it made an agreement with ryots on contract basis for
collection of rent from them. Thus the Company vested land ownership right with
the Zamindars. According to S. Srinivasa Ragavaiyangar, one-fourth of the total
agricultural population of the Madras Presidency was under the settlement of
Zamindari in the nineteenth century.22
Zamindari Settlement and Agrarian Structure
Zamindars leased their lands to private owners or landlords, gave muchilikka or
agreement documents called qabuliyat or acceptance which was the legal tie-up
of landholders or tenants and Zamindars.23 Zamindars leased pannai lands to
tenants for cultivation who were called Mirasidars who kept some part of land
for their own cultivation with the help of pannayal and padiyal; the rest of the
land was leased to sub-tenants. In 1815, the Company began an investigation on
the mirasi right. Subsequently cultivators were permitted to sell or transfer the
land. In this case, some of the Zamindars and their managers also bought land
from cultivators and utilized the ryot’s land known as siruthettu24 (private or
individual) lands.25 In 1820, the Board of Revenue reported that the Zamindar did
not have rights to drive out the ryot from his land, unless he was denied the rent.
The Zamindar was prohibited from collecting rent exceeding the amount fixed by
the British Government. If he demanded more, the ryot had rights to appeal his
case to the civil court. But in the case of landless of peasants, they did not have
_______________________________________________
right to appeal and were left at the mercy of the landlords who treated them like
slaves.
According to Land Regulation IV of 1822, the Collector was responsible to
enquire into disputes between Zamindars and ryots regarding assessment of land
rents. Without getting permission from the Collector, the Zamindar had no power
to expel the ryot from his land.26 The Zamindar’s main duty was to maintain and
repair the irrigation sources. Instead, he had leased villages to mirasidars and
demanded them to maintain the land. By leasing the village, with tanks to certain
individual persons for a favorable price called cowls or kavul, the Zamindar
thought of getting more revenue from the leases. This land’s melvaram share was
collected as cash. In 1870, 226 villages were leased under the terms of cowls in
the Ramnad Zamindari when Ponnusami Tevar was the Manager of Ramnad.27
According to the Ramnad Manual there were 335 cowle villages. These leases or
cowls were made with royal family members, charitable institutions and
Nattukotai Chetties bankers, for generating money for leading the luxurious life-
style of the Zamindars. The lease (cowls) holders named cowledar, assumed
autonomous power and controlled over the cowel villages.28 Apart from self-
governing power, the cowledar had to pay road tax and other tax as to Zamindars.
The lease of villages was transformed into an agrarian institution in the mid
nineteenth century when the Zamindar became a hollow authority or powerless
ruler in the political order. The landholders who obtained gifts and leases, namely
Inamdars and Cowledars, refused to obey the Zamindar thereby leading to the
decline of the power of the Zamindars or Sethupathis of Ramnad.29 The Zamindar
of Ramnad failed to integrate new land owning groups who maintained supreme
power in their locality.
Ramnad Zamindari’s karnam was the responsible person to asses and fix the land
rent on each pattadar. Zamindars also manipulated the accounts with the help of
karnams. The karnam was deficient in knowledge, un-trained in land surveys and
lacked the ability to prepare field map of their villages to assess the land for rent.
The karnam’s service and duties were not satisfactory to the British Government.
Their land assessment and fixing the rate was not proper; ultimately cultivators
suffered to pay the land rent. Sometimes, Zamindars delayed and denied to issue
pattas to ryots and collected land rents sometimes from unsettled lands.30 The
illiterate ryots were not aware of the procedures for receiving the pattas and
officials’ assessment of the land rent. The manipulation and mismanagement of
the Zamindars were the major causes for the critical situation of the ryots in the
Ramnad Zamindari.
The recipients of donated lands or inamdars were mostly wealthy Brahmins and
other higher castes mirasidars were mostly from among Vellalans, Maravans and
other wealthy social groups of Ramnad. The sub tenants under the mirasidars
employed cultivators known as the payakaris to cultivate the land. Payakaris31
were paid certain fees by mirasidars called ‘swastiyam’.32 At the same time, the
_______________________________________________
tenant cultivated his land with his family members. For more work he made with
the help of others, called pannayals. He was paid wages in two ways; firstly,
monthly grains fee of 20 to 40 measures of maize or ragi, and annual cash
allowance from rupees two to five; secondly, the monthly payment of cash of
Rupees two and half to four was also practiced in the mirasi tenure.33 The
agricultural laborers mostly belonged to the lowest class of people or
economically backward people such as Pallans, Paraiyans and Chakkiliyans.
Burden and Punishment to Peasants
The Zamindars modified the land tax from time to time at their own will without
concern about the conditions of the ryots. They controlled and exploited the ryots
through increasing the land rent. There was no concern about the maintenance of
irrigation source. The patta regulation was imposed on Zamindars to do whatever
they wanted to do on ryots to collect rents; because at the beginning stage the
government did not interfere between Zamindars and ryots. The Zamindars
imposed on ryots the cultivation of forest lands. The Puttur village ryots of
Ramnad Taluk refused to pay varam of punjai land which had been paid regularly
as money. Zamindars were forced to cultivate commercial crops by the British.
But it was filed as a criminal case against peasants in the sub-collector court.
Finally the ryots obeyed the Zamindar’s order and agreed to pay the demanded
varam.34
According to Ramnad Manual the land rent was charged on the cultivated land
and non-cultivated land too. In case of scarcity of rain, if paddy cultivation
depended on tank irrigation, tenants had to pay half of the usual payment to the
Zamindar. If tank water was used without Zamindar’s permission average nanjai
varam or tax was charged. If mirasidars cultivate the nanjai land for second crops
they had to pay some part of full rent which was collected for first crops. If the
second crop of nanjai was cultivated in the punjai land, tenants had to pay half
rent of the first crops to Zamindar. Tenants’ share of Zamindars melvaram
granary was stored as kudivaram share and after getting receipt from manigar,
the ryot could take his kudivaram or kilvaram share to his home. In case the tenant
had taken both melvaram and kudivaram share without permission from
superintendent he had to pay the highest produce of his field. The ryot could not
dig tank or well within fifty yards from the Circar channel or river or tank and
thirty yards from the Zamindar’s tanks.35
A great portion of the Ramnad Zamindari was sandy, not suitable for paddy
cultivation.36 The Ramnad Zamindari had unskilled government officers, who did
not have experience in assessing the land; as a result, they fixed the land very
high. It leads to ryot’s burden on the land rent allotted to him. For example, there
was over-assessment in Kuriyur village of Rajasingamangalam taluk, The
Government officers calculated punjai land converting it into nanjai land for
collecting more rent. It leads to suffering of the ryot in paying their allotted rent.37
Commercialization of Indian agriculture started in the beginning of the nineteenth
_______________________________________________
century and it reached its zenith in the second half of the nineteenth century. In
1833, commercial crops like jute were introduced in Bengal and a foreign verity
of cotton was introduced in the Deccan.38 In Ramnad Zamindari the British
encouraged and imposed the cultivation of commercial crops like cotton,
sugarcane etc; but ordinary cultivators could not cultivate commercial crops
because of the high rate of the seeds. Many times they were prohibited from
cultivating the betel; if ryots cultivated it the rate of the tax was doubled. The
Zamindars were seriously involved in litigation for attaining the status of
Zamindarship of Ramnad; hence they did not try to improve or repair irrigation
sources.
Ramnad Zamindari’s ryots were illiterate and could not understand the rate of the
rent on the agreements. So they were cheated by karnams and government
officials.39 Ryots had rights to appeal their trouble regarding the rate of
assessment to district courts, but practically they hesitated and were denied,
owing to wealth and influence. If they persisted, the result would not be favorable
to them.
There was an average tax collected where tank water was used without
permission from government officers. The average tax was collected for the
cultivated crops.40 The ryot made a contract with the proprietor for cultivating his
land for certain amount for a period. That was known as pathadappu. In this case,
the ryot was bound to pay whether he cultivated or not.41 In 1865 the Madras
Torture Commission reported on the various punishments given to the ryots for
rent due to the Zamindars. The different kinds of torture applied to ryots for the
failure of land rents were keeping a man in the sunlight and not allowing him to
take food or nature call, squeezing his crossed fingers with hands, pinches on the
thighs, slaps, twisting the ears, tying in head hair with a donkey’s or buffalo’s
tail, tying a man in a bent position and with his own cloth or rope or straw passing
over his neck and under his toes, tying or twisting a rope top to bottom and lifting
them by the moustaches, searing them with hot iron, placing scratching insects
on sensitive parts of body, preventing sleep and putting pepper or red chilies in
the eyes.42 Generally these kinds of torture were mostly imposed on the lower
grade ryots.
The agrarian structure was commonly based on the nature of the owning or
holding of lands. In the nineteenth century, the agricultural groups were classified
into three categories; on top were Landowning groups (who did not cultivate land
but collected rent from land); below them were agriculturalists (who not only
cultivated land but also took lands on lease); finally cultivators (who had no land,
but only cultivated the lands of others).43 According to M.B. Nanavathi’s and J.J.
Anjaria’s ‘Indian Rural Problem’ agricultural labourers were classified into three
categories in India, such as field labourers (ploughman, reapers, sowers, weeders,
trans planter and seasonable labourers), ordinary labourers (embankment
_______________________________________________
workers, well diggers and cannel cleaners) and skilled labourers (carpenters,
masons, blacksmiths, leather workers, artisans and not farm workers).44
The wages of the cultivators in agricultural work was commonly four to six
annas. In case of transplanting and weeding works it was one anna per head per
day. Sometimes the wages for weeding and transplanting were paid as grains with
the rate of one and a half measures of paddy or kambu (sort of millet), two
measures of varagu or ragi (paspalum frumentaeeum) or samai (kind of grain) or
kudiraivaly (horse gram).45 The rates of the wages differed from male to female
workers in the mirasidar’s land. In case of contract labourers the wages varied
from twelve annas to one rupee for punjai land and for transplanting and weeding
one anna per head. In case of the payment as grain, one and half measurers of
paddy or kambu or varagu or samai or kudiraivaly were given for the work of
weeding or transplanting. Landlords fixed the grain payment to cultivators for the
work of reaping and thrashing, one kalam of seed land (1 acre and 18 1/8 cents)
and thirty to sixty measures of grains to the labourers. The value of the grains
might be Rs 1-4-0 to Rs 2-8-0 per measure. In the case of punjai land the payment
was compensated with grains, one and half to two measures of ragi, or two to two
and a half of measures of varagu or cholam to the cultivator.46
Conditions of Agricultural Labourers
The landless labourers and bonded labourers treated as agricultural labourers in
the Zamindari tenure. Further, The Company records note that serfs or slaves
existed during Muslim rule. The Muslims had practice of selling the slaves to
their masters. After the onset of the Company rule too slaves continued with their
masters; some of them joined military force as soldiers. The practice of slavery
disappeared in second half of nineteenth century.47 Dharma Kumar’s work
differentiates the pannayal and adimai in agricultural labour. He states that
adimai or slave was transferable from land to land, but in the case of pannayal,
they were attached to the land permanently. In Madura country slavery gradually
disappeared in 1819 and after the establishment of the British rule pallans and
paraiyans were released from slavery and they entered the British military force.
Some of them cultivated their own lands. The Census of 1841 shows that,
pallans’ and paraiyans’ population of Madura was sixteen percent of the total
population.48 The palli, pallans and paraiyans were the agricultural slaves.49
According to Mr. Ellis, pallis were slaves or serf to Brahmins, the rest of the two
castes were slaves of non-Brahmin high castes especially Vellalas landlords.50
The mirasidars had more slaves or pannayal, mostly pallans. They were forced
to do work in irrigation sources and repairing work with a meagre rate of wages.51
Landowning people or elite groups saw to it that ryots never became landholders
or landowners and that they were always maintained as landless labourers for
securing their own social supremacy. The ryots were wandering from farm to
farm and district to district for getting occupation and struggled for survival. The
imbalance between elite groups and cultivators led to the collapse of the entire
_______________________________________________
estate. There was no specific form slavery in southern Tamil country in the
nineteenth century but the pannayals and padiyals of landlords were treated like
slaves or serf. The Company brought about Act of Abolition of Slavery legally in
1843 in India; but the agricultural labourers were treated and maintained as serfs
to Zamindars or Mirasidars or whoever was dominant in the social order.
Conclusion
After the introduction of Zamindari settlement in Ramnad, the Zamindars,
Talukdars, Mirasidars, ryots and all the cultivators were subject to the British
government. Initially during the period of the nineteenth century (Company rule)
the society was divided into four categories. The social structure consisted of
firstly the Europeans; secondly the Brahmins who served as priests as well as
clerks and assistants playing a duel role in the society and thirdly, high caste
Hindus (Zamindars, mirasidars and traders). They mostly belonged to Vellalan
and Telugu communities. The fourth class of people were common or landless
laborers. The impact of the permanent settlement made way for the new social
structure based on the ownership of land. The Zamindars were owners or
proprietors of the entire land and leased land to mirasidars (mostly Vellalans,
Reddies, Maravans and Rajus) for cultivation to get a regular rent. The new
landholders or mirasidars kept some fertile portions which might be cultivated
with pannayal and padiyal. Vellalans rarely cultivated their lands, mostly hiring
labour for cultivating the land from pannayal or padiyal who were from Pallan
and Paraiyan castes. Mirasidars paid in kind and cloths and rarely cash to
agricultural labourers or pannayal and padiyal. Vellalans assumed that Maravans,
Reddies, Agambadians and other castes were just below them. The earlier setup
of the social structure or social stratification in the Tamil society changed after
the introduction of the permanent settlement.
Before the Zamindari settlement the local chieftain played as sovereign ruler over
his kingdom. The ruler of the kingdom was ultimate one who had maintained
political, economic and social legitimacy over his territory. The earlier social
structure changed after the introduction of the permanent settlement in Ramnad.
The beginning of the nineteenth century witnessed the great changes of political
and social stratification of southern Tamil country owing to the British economic
policy. The introduction of Zamindari tenure in 1803 created a new social ladder
in Ramnad. The British government had the top place in the ladder and Zamindars
were in the second place and thirdly Mirasidars or tenants, fourthly peasants or
sub tenants and lastly landless and marginalized laborers.
Endnotes
1. Tolkappiyar, Tolkapiyam, Porulathikaram, p. 5, 11.
2. The kurinchi land was fully covered by mountains, people were engaged with
hunting as their natural occupation and they are called as kanavar, vettuvar and
punavar. In mullai land people’s major occupation was cattle riding. The marutham
land was the fertile and cultivable land. The people were engaged in agricultural
_______________________________________________
activities and therefore they are called as ulavar. As the people of coastal region
involved in fishing and selling fish they were called as parathavar. (K.S.
Ramaswami Sastri, The Tamils, People, their History and Culture, Vol 2 & 3.
Cosmo Publication, New Delhi, 2002. p. 24).
3. D. Sivakala, Trading Communities in Early Tamilagam, Nataraja Publication,
Kanyakumari, 2007, pp. 14-15 and K.S. Ramasamy Sastri, op. cit., p. 24.
4. M. Renganathan, Zamindari System in the Madras Presidency 1802-1948, Siva
Publications, Chennai, 2010., p. 13.
5. K. K. Pillay, Tamilaka Varalaru: Makkalum Panbadum, International Institute of
Tamil Studies, Chennai, 2007, p. 483.
6. Estates Land Act Committee Landholders’ Statements Part III, Government Press,
Madras, 1938, pp. 356-358.
7. C. D. Maclean, Manual of the Administration of the Madras Presidency, Vol. I,
Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1987, 56 and Walter Kelly Firminger,
Affairs of the East India Company Being the Fifth Report from the Select Committee
of the House of Commons 28th July, 1812, Vol. III. Delhi: B.R. Publishing
Corporation, 1812, p. 393.
8. Pamela, G. Price, Kingship and Political Practice in Colonial India, Cambridge
University Press, London, 1996, p. 8.
9. Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, From Plassey to Partition: A History of Modern India.
Orient Black Swan, New Delhi, 2004, pp. 84-86.
10. B. S. Ward, Geographical and Statistical Memoir of the Provinces of Madura and
Dindigul, Vol. III, Madura Collectorate Press, Madurai, 1895. p. 104.
11. Antastu is a Sanskrit word which derived from antahstha means being in the mid or
between. Pamela G.Price, op. cit., p. 135.
12. T. Raja Ram Row, op. cit., p. 219.
13. Ibid, p. 151.
14. Ibid, p. 32.
15. S. M. Kamal, Mannar Baskara Setupathi (Tamil), Ramanathapuram, 1992, pp.
25-30.
16. Pamela G. Price, op. cit., p. 134.
17. Donated lands for Brahmins.
18. History of land revenue settlement and abolition of intermediary tenures in Tamil
Nadu, Tamil Nadu Archives, Madras, 1977. pp. 22, 24.
19. Ijara means a farm or a contract. (H.H. Wilson, A Glossary of Judicial and Revenue
Terms, London, 1855, p.14.)
20. T. Raja Ram Row, op. cit., pp. 284-285.
21. The traditional right of land ownership was concern as ‘those who cleared the
bushes or cultivate the crops, or paid tax they were the owner of the land’. King or
ruler could not involve their right or could not oppose their right over the land. If
ruler wanted the land means had to buy the land through paying price for that.
_______________________________________________
22. M. Srinivasa Ragavaiyangar, Memorandum on the Progress of the Madras

Presidency during the last forty years of British Administration, Government Press,
Madras, 1893, pp. 218, 222.
23. Badan Powell, The Land System of British India, Vol I, Oxford Press, Oxford, 1892,
p. 511.
24. Ryot had right to sell their rights of land to others such a land was purchased by
Zamindar or Manager of the estate which property of land was known as siruthettu
25. Report of the Madras Estate Land Act Committee Part I, Vol. I. Government Press,
Madras, 1915 p. 8, 219.
26. Proceedings of Board of Revenue, 2nd December 1864, No. 7843.
27. David Mosse, The Rule of Water, Statecraft, Ecology and Collective action in South
India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2003, pp. 99-101.
28. T. Raja Ram Row, op. cit., p. 477.
29. David Mosse, op. cit., pp. 99-101.
30. Varghese Jeyaraj, Zamindari System in Tamil Nadu: Madurai, Chennai, 2009,
p. 147.
31. According to H. H. Wilson Payacarry, a temporary cultivator, one who cultivates
the land of another for a stipulated term and a given share of the crop. (Wilson, A
Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms, p. 413).
32. Saratha Raju, Economic Conditions in the Madras Presidency 1800-1850,
University of Madras, Madras, 1941, pp. 31-34.
33. Proceedings of Board of Revenue, dated on 11.11.1872, No. 2179.
34. Report of the Madras Estate Land Act Committee, Part I, pp. 112-113.
35. T. Raja Ram Row, op. cit., pp. 77, 300, 331-333.
36. Letter from E. Turner, Collector of Madura to the Secretary to the Court of Wards,
dated 12.10.1887. p. 18.
37. Report of the Madras Estate Land Act Committee Part I, p. 112.
38. N. Jeyabalan, Economic History of India, Atlantic Publication, New Delhi, 2008,
p. 110.
39. M. Srinivasa Ragavaiyangar, op. cit., p. 329.
40. Report of the Madras Estate Land Act Committee, Part II, Government Press,
Madras, 1938. p. 123.
41. Estate Land Act Committee Landholders’ Statements, Part I, Government Press,
Madras, 1938, p. 346.
42. Report of the Commissioners for the investigation of alleged cases of Torture in the
Madras Presidency, 1865.
43. A. Ramasamy, Tamil Nadu District Gazetteers Ramanathapuram, Madras, 1972,
p. 509.
44. M. B. Nanavati and J. J. Anjaria, The Indian Rural Problem, Indian society of
Agricultural Economics, Bombay, 1984, p. 15.
45. T. Raja Ram Row. op. cit., p. 77.
_______________________________________________
46. Letter from E. Turner, Collector of Madura to the Secretary to the Court of Wards,
dated on 12.10.1887, p. 18.
47. Proceedings of the Board of Revenue, dated on 25.11.1819.
48. Dharma Kumar, Land and Caste in South India, Agricultural Labor in the Madras
Presidency during the 19th Century, Manohar Publishers, New Delhi, 1992, p. 41,
44, 52.
49. Papers on Mirasi Right, pp. 334-335.
50. Dharma Kumar, op. cit., pp. 58-59.
51. David Ludden, Peasant History in South India, Oxford University Press Madras,
1985, pp. 143-144.
______
_______________________________________________
U. V. Jasriya Yoosof ~93~
CLEANING THE BODY AND THE LIVING SPACE:

CUSTOMS AND PRACTICES RELATED TO HYGIENE IN
PREMODERN KERALA
_______
U. V. Jasriya Yoosof
Ph.D. Research Scholar, Department of History
University of Calicut, Calicut, Kerala-673635
––––––––––––––––––––––––––
Human beings by their nature show disgust to filth and cleaning the body is a
human concern. The history of cleaning the body may go back to the Neolithic
ages. Water is the second most important thing after oxygen needed for the
survival of humans and the ancient people might came over to the river sides to
quench their thirst. It may be assumed that the people of this particular period
primarily used the easily available water resources for drinking and secondly for
the use of cleaning their body. Neolithic age marked the beginning of agriculture
and it is a well understood the fact that the agricultural activity is a manual labour
which involves dust and mud. The ancient civilizations in the world were grown
up in the same muddy river banks and the availability of the water was the main
reason for the people of that era chose some specific locations to sprout their
culture. Water is that essential commodity needed for the survival of humans and
without it; there is no possibility of a life in the earth. Thus, the people who lived
along the river banks used this water for consumption and after the work in the
fields, they used this water bodies to remove the dirt from their bodies. This may
be the starting point of the human habit of cleaning the body.
The first evidence of a sanitation history of Indian people is unearthed from the
Indus Valley Civilization. They were highly conscious about hygiene and it is
evident from the ruins of their life which include Great Bath and other material
remains. Great Bath includes a water storage system or tank in the centre and
small rooms can be seen in the sides and these rooms may be the changing rooms.
“Most of the houses in the Indus cities had a well, a bathroom and a good system
of covered drainage connected with that of the street.”1 “The sewers were covered
throughout their length by large brick slabs. The unique sewerage system of the
Indus people must have been maintained by some municipal organization and is
one of the most impressive of their achievements. No other ancient civilization
until that of the Romans had so efficient a system of drains.”2 Thus, the first
evidence in connection with the hygienic consciousness or awareness of Indian
people is coming from the Indus sites. Much material remaining gathered at these
sites showcase a hygienic history of the Indus people. There are references found
in the Tamil Sangam Literatures about hygiene.
Kerala has maintained a distinct culture in matters of hygiene. “The Malayali is
scrupulously particular about the tidiness and cleanliness of his house and its
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~94~ Cleaning the Body & Living Space ...
surroundings. The neatness, tidiness and cleanliness of these surroundings speak

volumes for the housewifely qualities of the ladies who inhabit the dwellings.”3
The yard surrounding the house would clean using a broom everyday.4 A liquid
formed by adding cow dung and water is used to sprinkle throughout the front
yard and all the yards which surrounds the residence. Cow dung is believed to be
a pure thing which can annihilate the impurity of a place and make it clean and
hygiene.5 “People would dilute the cow dung with water and make a sort of
plaster with it which they spread over the floor with their hands. This is the way
through which Hindus purify their houses day by day from the defilements caused
by promiscuous goers and comers. This custom appears odd at first sight, but it
brings this inestimable benefit in its train, that it cleanses the houses where it is
in use from all the insects and vermin which would otherwise infest them.”6
Kerala’s topography includes many water resources such as river, streams,
backwaters etc. and the people of Kerala dig ponds and wells attached to their
houses. Religious places like mosques, temples also have ponds associated with
them. These ponds were the place where people of that specific community
whose religious sentiments are attached with that place met together and it was a
public space in that regional setup where news, rumours, gossips and other talks
were transmitted. Many people used river banks for the purpose of bath and
washing clothes and this kind of river bank used for all these was known as
‘kadavu’ in the regional language and males and females have their own ‘kadavu’
and males are not allowed to enter the area provided for women and vice versa.
These spaces contributed much to the hygienic culture of the people of Kerala.
Every specific community in the world has their own customs, manners and other
kind of practices. The travellers who visited Kerala in the course of time had
given special attention towards the hygienic practices of the common folk of the
land and later wrote about what they witnessed. Sulaiman, an Arab traveler, refers
that the Kerala people are very keen on hygiene and tidiness. They take bath every
morning and eat or drink anything after bath only. The Keralites even clean their
teeth in the morning and before and after every meal.7
Hsuan Tsang, Chinese traveller wrote about Kerala people that it is doubtful for
him that any other part of the world has any people like this land who cares this
much about their body hygiene. They eat only after bath and utensils used once
woud be used again only if it was cleaned properly.8 Al Masudi, Ma Huan, Ibn
Batuta, Barbosa, Varthema etc. are some other travellers who also throw light on
the hygienic practices of Kerala through their writings.
Namboodiris or Kerala Brahmins and Nairs were the landlord castes in Kerala.
They were having a 'sweat free' life and the low caste people were the actual
producers. They worked hard in the fields and the fruit of their labour was
appropriated by the higher caste people. We all know that tilling the fields is a
manual labour and it involves mud and dirt. The high caste Namboodiris and
Nairs who did not sweat out in the fields and having a luxurious life began to
_______________________________________________
practice some hygienic practices very vigilantly. They had all the time in the
world because their only duty was to exploit the low caste people and
consumption of the products produced through their hard work. They had a lot of
leisure time and they used it to beautify their physical body. Bath is considered
as a way through which all the impurities could be removed and in course of time
mere seeing of the working masses were regarded as an impurity which would be
annihilated through bathing.
In India, Brahmins and the untouchables occupy two extreme positions in the
caste hierarchy. The former is placed at the top most position and the latter is at
the lowest position. One imparts the duty of priests and the other is the impure
servants. These untouchable castes have to perform a job which involves dirt and
the Brahmins in contrast to it never involves in anything which causes impurity.
Thus, the notion of this temporary impurity caused due to the labour of
untouchables may have transformed into a permanent impurity and later the
group of people assigned to do the job may have formed a caste which is
untouchable for the superior castes.9
Namboodiri is the term used in Malayalam to refer the Brahmins. It is believed
that Brahmins came to Kerala from the north side of India and there is so many
myths and stories in connection with the arrival of Brahmins to Kerala but this
paper does not focus it, but discusses the customs followed by the Namboodiris
in Kerala regarding hygiene and how they maintained an exclusiveness of their
own and how they appropriated a superior position in the societal hierarchy using
this.
Captain Nieuhoff who was a Dutch official in Kerala wrote the work ‘Remarkable
Voyages and Travels into the Best Provinces of the West and East Indies’. He
mentions about the people, customs, manners and other aspects of the daily
routine of the people of Kerala. What he says about the Brahmin people is that
they are vegetarians: every Brahmin would either eat or drink only after washing
their hands and legs or even after taking a bath.10 Brahmin women are also very
careful about hygiene.11
The customs and practices of the Namboodiris in Kerala are highly influenced by
Sankarasmriti, a 14th century text. The content of this text is actually influenced
by Manusmriti and Namboodiris regarded the former as equivalent to
Manusmriti.12 This text also advocates that the Brahmins were originated from
the mouth of Brahma and thus giving them a higher status. Nambboodiris
formulated a distance to keep from different castes and the Nair should keep from
a Namboodiri at a distance of sixteen feet. Thirty-two feet was the distance for
Ezhava people, sixty-four feet was for the Pulaya caste and this gap was to be
observed keenly. But any such kind of obeying purity and pollution does not force
the Namboodiris not to have a sambandham (alliance with a Nair woman). They
participated in the sambandham without any hesitation and bathing was used to
remove the impurity. Among the Kerala Brahmins, only the eldest son was
_______________________________________________
allowed to marry from the same caste and the other sons were engaged in the
sambandham with the Nair women.
The protagonist Thankam in the Lalithambika Antharjanam's novel, Agnisakshi
is a daughter of an 'Apfan Namboodiri', youngest son in a Namboodiri household.
She was not allowed to touch her father because she was born to a Nair woman
and from her mother, she inherited the Nair caste. Every time the father touches
his daughter, he may have to take a bath. The Nair wife and her children may not
able to touch the dead body of the deceased also because it may lead to impurity.13
Every Brahmin household may have a pond. There may be a well situated near
the kitchen. It may be attached to the house to such a way that the water can
carried to the kitchen directly from the well. Namboodiris should bath thrice in a
day and a person should plunge himself in the water resources and he should
chant the mantras while sprinkling water to his body and after this he should
plunge again.14
Plunge bath was used to overcome every impurity. Namboodiris believed that all
their gains are due to the care and vigilance they are giving to the hygiene. The
first bath is in the morning and it will remove the dirt produced in the body due
to sleep and it will make the person ready for prayer and other religious duties.
The noon time bath may give more gains and evening bath is for the prayer and
food.15 The burnt husk of paddy and mango leaves is used to clean the teeth.
Illam, the residential building of the Namboodiris had a special room for the
women. This room may be used during their menstruation period and after the
child birth. Because they were treated as impure during this period and the women
were not allowed to clean her teeth, apply oil; use flowers etc. during this period.16
Impurity caused due to the monthly course, child birth, death of a family member
etc. were removed only if they receive a cloth from the vannathi or mannathi,
who is the washer woman of the Thiyya caste. The cloth washed by the mannathi
is called 'maattu' and this piece of cloth is necessary to cross the temporary
impurity caused due to the above-mentioned occasions. Banning the maattu was
a severe punishment and those family who were punished by the society were not
able to lead a social life.17 Like the sambandham system, where the Brahmin was
having a relationship with a Nair woman, who should keep a distance of sixteen
feet, here we can see that the Brahmin, who according to their caste rules and
regulations, should keep a distance of thirty two feet from the Thiyya caste is
accepting and wearing a cloth washed by them and it is a compulsory notion that
the impurity will only remove if they wear the maattu washed by the mannathi
or vannathi.
In another context we can see that the Namboodiris used this custom to maintain
their caste hierarchy. Soori Namboodirippad, a character in the Malayalam novel
Indulekha speaks about a Panchu Menavan who filed a case against him that “if
he does this mischief to me; I make sure that pond, well, temple, matt everything
_______________________________________________
should be banned for him and then he will run after me.”18 The writer portrays
such an incident because it was a reality that a landlord in a locality could ban all
these things and banning all these was a severe punishment in the Kerala society.
Namboodiris were the landlords in most of the localities and the high caste people
might use the custom like maattu to torture those low caste people who refused
to obey the caste hierarchy.
The high consciousness of hygiene among the Namboodiris of Kerala made them
a specific community having variety of customs, manners and practices. The
other castes regarded them as superior to themselves because the Brahmin culture
they introduced there gave them exclusiveness. They also used this to exaggerate
their culture and tried to be in an isolated position when compared to other castes
of Kerala. Hygienic practices followed by them also helped in the process of
creating isolation, superiority and exclusiveness. The Nambboodiris tried to
showcase themselves as the sole custodians of the hygienic consciousness and try
to impart the notion of impurity among the other people.
Nairs rank after the Namboodiris and formed one of the most prominent castes in
Kerala. Nairs would not eat food without bathing and mere seeing of a lower caste
was considered pollution and to remove that pollution, he should take a bath. A
Nair might not enter the temple without a bath.19 The main dwelling of a Nair
household is called a nalukettu. The rooms and veranda would be cleaned with a
mixture of cow dung and water. In the north side of the plot, there might be a well
dug for the purpose of drinking water. In the north east side of the plot, a
well-built pond might be there. The first and foremost duty of a Nair woman was
to clean the front yard by using a broom and later a paste made from cowdung
and water might be applied to it. Members of the family might take part in any
auspicious ceremony only after taking bath. The dress worn once would not be
used again if it was not washed because the used dress was regarded as impure.20
The family members and servants arrived in the house after a long trip would not
enter the house without a bath.
Nair women observed pollution for three days during menstruation. The Nair
women might live in a room for three days without touching anybody.21 After
that she should be purified by receiving the maattu. Every member of the
household would get a temporary impurity due to delivery of a child and death of
a family member. Temporary impurity caused due to child birth is known as
‘valayma’ and the impurity due to death is called 'pula'. Pula might be removed
after sixteen days and during this period, the guest would not drink even water
from there and those who visited the house having this temporary impurity should
bath before entering their houses. During the time of this impurity, family
members could not participate in any auspicious ceremony or enter the temple.22
Thiyya people are the next important caste in Kerala. They are called as Thiyya
in north Kerala and Ezhava in the south part of Kerala. They are responsible for
removing the impurity of Namboodiri and Nair castes. They are assigned to give
_______________________________________________
maattu to the above-mentioned higher castes and to give the cloth of purity to
their caste members also. Thiyya caste also observes the pollution of four days
during the menstruation period and the girl lives in a room which situates in the
north east side of the house. A decorated tender coconut leaves may be hanged in
the door entrance in order to indicate the same.23 She may not touch the well,
utensils used in the kitchen etc., during this period. Pula may also observe after
child birth and death of a family member. The visitors have taken to bath before
entering their own houses because they may get the impurity when they visit a
house where the members are having a temporary impurity. The last day of
impurity might have the presence of mannathi or vannathi. She purified the house
by sprinkling the mixture of cow dung and water. Every dirty or worn dress would
be washed by her and she might give maattu and every member of that house
would go to the pond and take a bath. Thus, the impurity might be removed.24
Pulaya is the next important caste in the Kerala society and M V Vishnu
Namboodiri in his work 'Folklore Nikhandu’, presents a meaning to the word
'pulam' as agricultural field and 'pulayar' as those who own this pulam in ancient
times. He also mentions that the meaning like ‘those who are impure' was
assigned to pulayar when the savarna people began to treat them as impure.25
They were not allowed to travel through public roads; clean dress, good home
were also denied for them. High caste people never allowed them to wear clean
dress. If a high caste person touched a pulaya man, the high caste person would
not enter his home before taking a bath and changing his cloth. It was compulsory
for the pulayas and other avarnas to wear unclean dress because the high caste
people recognize a pulaya caste person from his dirty clothes. The dress here
means only a piece of cloth which would cover below the waist. Varthema, one
of the travellers who visited Kerala mentions that the natives of the land were
naked and bare footed and only a piece of cloth may be around their middle and
go without a shirt. Women may also go like the men without wearing anything
above the waist.26 A sub caste among the Pulayas called 'kanappulayar' observed
a temporary impurity like the high caste people during the menstruation period.27
Any human being will not hope for a filthy life and in the case of Pulayas, they
were forced to have a life like that. The Pulayas had to work in the dirty and
muddy fields. They had to work from the very morning to the night. By
compelling them to wear the dirty dresses, the high caste people were able to
make them mentally approving their low status which was a creation of the high
caste to exploit them.
General atmosphere in Kerala was in favour of a hygienic life because of the easy
availability of water resources. The topography of Kerala was the prime reason
for the hygienic consciousness among the Kerala people. Naturally available
water bodies and the digging of ponds and wells helped this process. Many
travellers who visited Kerala in the course of time are all praises for this particular
habit of the Kerala people. In matters of hygiene we found a similarity between
_______________________________________________
the different castes in Kerala like Namboodiris, Nairs, and Thiyyas etc. They
were having different societal status but in customs, manners and practices related
to hygiene; they were having visible similarities. As an example the practice of
maattu was prevailed among the Namboodiris, Nairs and Thiyya castes. The
lowest section of Pulaya caste also had a sub caste which observes pollution for
a temporary period. Louis Dumont in his work Homo Hierarchicus mentions that
the lower castes may show a tendency to imitate the superior caste.28 The Nairs
who worked for the Brahmins may began to imitate or adopt the hygienic
practices associated with the Brahmins and this imitation may have witnessed a
‘downward filtration’.
Otherwise we cannot expect such a vigilant observance of the customs like maattu
and the temporary impurity among the aboriginals of the Kerala. These customs
also show a curtailment of the freedom of women. These customs and practices
may have introduced by the Brahmin immigrants of Kerala and the other caste
people have started to imitate this customs and practices.
We may assume that the people of Kerala were very keen on hygiene and they
also gave special attention towards cleaning of their body and their living spaces.
Every community was having a life of cleanliness and it was part of their daily
routine. There was no restriction or any other kind of law or regulation regarding
physical hygiene and physical impurity. But it was only due to the Brahmin
influence that later Kerala witnessed the implementation of some customs and
practices related to physical hygiene and impurity. They themselves practiced this
custom very keenly and it helped them to create an exclusiveness of their own.
This isolation was the starting point for the development of caste rigidity and
untouchability.
Endnotes
1. R. C. Majumdar, Ancient India, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi, 1968, p. 21.
2. A. L Basham, The Wonder that was India, Rupa and Co, Culcutta, 1981, p. 17.
3. William Logan, Malabar, vol. I, Asian Educational Services, Madras, 1951, p. 108.
4. A. Sreedhara Menon, Kerala Samskaram (mal.), DC Books, Kottayam, 1978, p.
117.
5. A. N. Sathyadas, (Trans.), Njan Kanda Keralam(mal.), Kerala Bhasha Institute,
Thiruvananthapuram, 2010, p. 302.
6. Abbe J. A. Dubois (Trans.), Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies, Clarendon
Press, Oxford, 1906, pp. 153-154.
7. Velayudhan Panikkassery, Chirapuradana Bandhangal (mal.), Sahithya
Pravarthaka Cooperative Society Limited, Kottayam, 2013, p. 42
8. Velayudhan Panikkassery, Sanjarikal Kanda Keralam (mal.), Current Books,
Kottayam, 2001, p. 64.
9. Louis Dumont, Homo Hierarchicus, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1988, p. 47
_______________________________________________
10. K. Sivasankaran Nair (Trans.), Nieuhoff Kanda Keralam (mal.), Kerala Gazetteers
Department, Government of Kerala, Thiruvananthapuram, 1996.
11. Velayudhan Panikkassery, op. cit., p. 346.
12. Paravoor B. Lathika Nair, Bharatha Sthreekal Noottandukaliloode (mal.),
Mathrubhumi Books, Kozhikode, 2012, p. 50.
13. Lalithambika Antharjanam, Agnisakshi (mal.), Current Books, Thrissur, 1976,
p. 61.
14. K. Balakrishnan, Kozhikkodinde Charithram (mal.), Mathrubhumi Books, 2000,
p. 49.
15. A M. Muhiyadheen Aluva, (Trans.), Al Beruni Kanda India (mal.), Sahithya
Academy, New Delhi, 1970, p. 395.
16. K. Balakrishnan, op. cit., p. 48.
17. P. Bhaskaranunny, Irupadam Noottandinde Arambhathil (mal.), Kerala Sahithya
Academy, Thrissur, 2005, pp. 178-181.
18. O. Chandu Menon, Indulekha (Mal.), Sahithya Pravarthaka Co-operative Society
Limited, Kottayam, 1889, p. 123.
19. F. Fawcett, Nayars of Malabar, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1985,
p. 254.
20. K. Madhavan Nair, Nayar Pazhama (Mal.), Current Books, Thrissur, 2014, pp.
81-83
21. Mansel Longworth Dames (Trans.), The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Vol. II, Asian
Educational Services, New Delhi, 1989, p. 53.
22. K. Madhavan Nair, op. cit., p. 84.
23. Priya Pilicode (trans.), Dakshinedyayile Jathikalum Gothrangalum Thiyyar (mal.),
Lipi Publications, Kozhikode, 2016, p. 39.
24. Ibid., p. 46.
25. Babukkuttan, Pulayar: Charithravum Varthamanavum (Mal.), Poorna
Publications, Kozhikode, 2015, p. 52.
26. John Winter Jones (Trans.), Itinerary of Ludovico Di Varthema of Bologna, Asian
Educational Services, New Delhi, 1997, p. 58.
27. Babukkuttan, op. cit., pp. 59-63.
28. Louis Dumont, op. cit., p. 192.
______
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Abhijit Datta ~101~
METAL INDUSTRY IN ANCIENT BENGAL

_______
Abhijit Datta
Assistant Professor, Islampur College
Babupara, Islampur, Siliguri, West Bengal-733202
––––––––––––––––––––––––––
Introduction
The term ‘industry’ is used extensively here that is marked for various types of
handicrafts and cottage and small-scale industries. In the modern sense, the
existence of heavy industries was rarely found in ancient India. The only industry
that can be termed ‘heavy’ in the ancient industry was probably the mining. We
notice to the regular industrial economy for the first time in Harappa and
Mahenjedaro’s Indus Valley sites which were urban centres. The economic well-
being of the Indus Civilization was the result of the industrial and trade initiatives
of the urban people, depending on the agricultural surplus of the hinterland
region. Naturally, there was a diversity of crafts and industrial products, which
were discovered during the archaeological excavation. The most important of the
industries are the house-building, pottery, metallurgy and textile. In addition,
other industries based on antlers and bone, cone-shells and ivory also grew up in
the Indus region, as we found the needles, bodkins and combs made of these
articles played an important role in the field of industrial growth by forming the
wheeled carts and boats as a means of smooth transportation of goods. The
Aryans also maintained flourishing economy based on agriculture, but industry
also existed. They inherited the tradition of the Harappans.
India is an agricultural country since remote past. There is no doubt that ancient
India’s major economic activity was agriculture. However, to date, no other craft
is given more importance. Yet in the past the foundation of India’s rich economic
life was not only agriculture, but there were also various arts and crafts. Economic
historians have done research in various ways. It comes out that a rich and
expanding agricultural economy formed the basis for the production of industry.
It is correctly mentioned by them that society is held together by bond of
production. It is presumed that ancient Bengal enriched with industrial products
based on agriculture. It played an important role in bringing economic stability
in Bengal. The villages of ancient Bengal had been mostly self-sufficient and self-
contained primary units, in respect of both agriculture and crafts. It met the day
to day requirements of their inhabitants. The literary and epigraphic sources bear
testimony to the villages and people of ancient Bengal. There were opportunities
for production of all types of agricultural and industrial items for both rural and
rural people of the country.
In ancient time, the river system divided Bengal into four divisions. The divisions
are Puṇḍravardhana, Vardhanamana-bhukti, Vanga and Samataṭa.1 In different
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~102~ Metal Industry in Ancient Bengal
parts of its history there had been various types of industrial development in
Bengal. Among the factors behind the growth of industries, the most important
factor was the agricultural surplus. The high fertility of the land produced a huge
agricultural production which made Bengal a prosperous region. While
agriculture was the main feature of the economy of Bengal, many industries and
industrial factories were formed. The most notable products manufactured in
Bengal both in rural and urban areas are textiles, sugar, metal work, stone work,
woodwork and pottery etc.
One of the fundamental elements to help in the establishment of industry is the
availability of raw materials. India is fortunate for availability of raw materials
such as mineral, water and fuel, which were found in abundance scattered in
different parts of Bengal which was not found easily available in neighbouring
region. At the same time, financial factor was also needed to be considered.
Without the necessary capital, it may be impossible to set up any industry. During
the ancient period, there were different financiers setting up the different
industrial units. Occasionally it was an independent entrepreneur, whereas the
totalitarian state operated certain industries during the Maurya era. Industries
never can be developed until demand creates among the people. The people who
had a great interest to enjoy something else, they must buy such industrial
products.
However, it has been assumed by some scholars that due to some inconveniences,
the industry of the 8th to 12th century A.D. had been declined. However, some
industries were in action, which contributed greatly to the economic growth of
Bengal. The sources of this time proved the superiority, the manual experience
and the scientific knowledge of artisans and craftsmen of this era was much better
than the ancient Indian era. The origin of industrial growth might be the higher
status of the labour class. Since the Gupta period there was a broad and liberal
outlook about the condition of the working class in society. There were some
contributions to the improvement of conditions of the labour class. The first and
foremost among them was the emergence of a new religious movement in
northern and eastern India which levelled social differences, separated upper and
lower classes from the end of the 8th century. The Buddhist monk Rahul Bhadra,
a renowned Nalanda scholar, led this movement. It represented a revolution
between thought and the basic pattern of culture. It was a great hit of religious
tradition. Following the commitment of the social and economic spheres of life,
the lower classes had welcomed the movement. During the period, the demand
for the workers increased following the imperial policy of the royal powers. The
feudal lords were also looking for opportunities for their region’s expansion. This
increased the demand for war like equipment, and subsequently increased the
condition of the workers. The assimilation of the foreigners in the Hindu society
has also reduced the distinction between the upper and lower classes of society
and thus supports the conditions of the working class. The egalitarian ideology
reduces the racial fundamental ideas that people of all the tribes were
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Abhijit Datta ~103~
disrespectfully unwittingly ignoring the ethnic directions. As a result of the

amalgamation of tribes and injecting the mixed blood in the veins of the upper
and lower class, the concept of a caste-based society reduced. In order to achieve
foreign culture in national life and as a result parallelism is widely served to
improve the situation of the working class and living condition of the working
class. The progress of the working class has greatly influenced the position of the
industry and broadened the way for the country’s economic growth.
Classification of Industries
It must be acknowledged that the term ‘industry’ is used here in a broad sense
rather to refer to various types of handicrafts and cottage and small-scale
industries. In the modern sense, the evidence of the existence of heavy industries
is rarely found in ancient India. The only industry that can be termed ‘heavy’ in
the ancient industry is probably the mining. It has been tried to enlist not only
different types of industries here, but also to find out where it emerged and how
it was developed. Considering the natural resources of Bengal, its agricultural
products and exports, number of industries can be classified under the following
categories:2
1. Industries of agricultural products such as textile, sugar, oil
2. Industries of soil and stones
3. Industries of Metals such as copper, iron, diamond, gold and silver
4. Industries of forest products such as wood, bamboo and cane, and ship
building
5. Industries of marine products: pearl, conch shell etc.
The most important among the various industries was metal industry. One of the
most desirable innovations in human history since ancient times is finding
suitable media to express ones creative imagination, novel ideas and expression
of aesthetic feeling. The main medium is stone, wood, clay, metal etc. Stone tools
are useful and durable but they cannot improve productive forces. Wooden
material is destructive and cannot keep the object of art alive for a long period.
The clay is not a durable material. Therefore, metals are the most important and
sustainable medium for expressing their creative mind and aesthetic sense and
metal became a factor in the revolution of ancient, medieval and economic
sphere. The earliest man used mainly stone tools. But with the advance of
civilization, the use of advanced metal began to develop from one level to
another, due to technical evolution. During the early medieval period it became a
part and parcel of the production process. Among the industries developed in the
early medieval period the metal industry has taken its highest position. In
northern India, it became a fairly advanced craft, which is clear from the literary
and preserved records of this period. Different types of metals such as iron (loha),
silver (rajata), copper (tamra), lead (sisha), tin (trapu), gold (hiraṇya), brass, zinc
etc. were used in the period of study. Apart from these, there were other metals
produced through a specific mixture of metals. The admixture metals were such
_______________________________________________
as buillion3, steel4, kamsya5, Teon-ShiH, Vartaloham (combination of kamsya,

copper, pittala, iron and lead) etc. Under the research, artisans and craftsmen of
northern India as well as Bengal used metal mainly for making tools, weapons,
ships, ornaments and other objects. It is also noticed that most of the people used
to serve their purpose was iron. Although other metals like gold, silver copper
were often used. These represent the aesthetic aspect of the era and the prosperity
of society on the other. It is well-known that the development of art and crafts
and socio-cultural development of society goes together anytime. In the
advancement of art and crafts, the productive activities of the craftsmen spread.
It naturally leads to higher standards of life in those times.
Iron is the most useful metal in everyday life. It transforms the society and
economy of Bengal in an expeditious motion. This metal was mainly used for
making agricultural equipment and implements. Since ancient times agriculture
was the main occupation of the civilisation. Agricultural implements like spade,
sickle, hoe, amkusa (goad), hatchet, axes, ploughshare etc. were considered as an
essential part of the community made of iron by the blacksmiths. So they were
considered as an essential part of the community. According to Bṛihad-dharma
Puraṇa, the karmakaras are included in the uttam-samkara group. Kalidasa’s
Raghuvamsa6 mentions heating and striking of a piece of iron with the help of
stem hammer (ayoghana). Different literary sources and archaeological
excavations focus on the various implements made of iron. It may be added here
that agricultural applications mentioned above are also used by Indian farmers
also in modern times. Iron can be used as instrument working on wood, bamboo
and leather. Among the useful iron objects were hammers, different types of
chisels, axes, padlock, iron plates, and a plate with holes, a spoon, a dagger and
a small iron pot available.7
The demise of Harṣha in 647 A.D. left India small and mutually hostile states.
The period did not give any strong central authority under their control. Thus, it
attracted the foreign aggressors in the northern part of the country. North India
then made significant progress in the field of metallurgy field. Iron was the most
common and useful metal used for war weapons. So undoubtedly the introduction
of iron was one step forward in the rise of human civilization. It led to the
introduction of industrial revolution in a limited sense. A study of metallic
materials derived from scientific excavation ensures the nature and extent of the
use of metallic objects. It played an important role in moulding the socio-
economic life of various objects. In general, it is believed by the scholars that
contact with the Hittites through the Aryans or after started the use of iron in
India.8
Blacksmiths, coppersmiths, carpenters, sculptures and the architects made the
fine instruments with iron. The epigraphs refer to Lohar i.e. blacksmiths who
made the instruments were: 1) needles, 2) rajors, 3) wrench, a tool of screwing,
4) tong, an instrument for grasping and holding things, 5) trowelers, a tool of
_______________________________________________
Abhijit Datta ~105~
masons used for spreading mortars, 6) tweezers for plucking up of small objects,
7) chisels for different types, 8) pincer, an instrument, preserved in Nalanda
Museum, 9) scissors used by the tailors, 10) saw, an instrument with teeth edge
is used for wood, metal or stone separator and it was made of iron and was
probably used by carpenters mentioned in Amarakoṣa, and 11) hammer, an iron
made used by carpenters. Goldsmiths also used a small hammer and it was found
in excavation.9
The blacksmiths supplied equipment to the farmers, gardeners, carpenters, wood
cutters, grass mowers and householders. They also provided weapons to the
armies for war purposes. In addition to the actual findings of arrowheads and
spearheads at Paharpur, we can accept the account of Agni Puraṇa where we
found Bengal was an important centre for the sword manufacture. The production
of the sword is marked by keenness of edge and the power of standing blows.
Weapons of War
The weapons of war such as spears, shields, bows, arrows, swords sabres, battle
axes, lances, pasa, gada, chakra etc. were manufactured. Swords making was an
ancient medieval Indian industry. The author of Sukranitisara10 considered the
makers of the swords to be the effective servants of the kings. Utbi11 describes
the use of white sword, which was the best steel sword. Chau-Ju-Kua states that
the double edged of sword of Bengal was very sharp. The swords made in Khaṭ
or Khaṭṭara were beautiful, Surparaka were strong and Anga were sharp and the
Vanga were characterised both by keenness and the power of standing blows.12
The character of the good and bad sword was considered by the sound generated
by them. The Agni Puraṇa13 describes that a good sword must not be longer than
50 fingers breadths not shorter than 25. The sword generating the sound of an
ornament was the best. The examples of such swords were Padmapalasagra,
Mandalagra, Karaviratalagra, Chritagandha and Akasaprabha. The worst kind
was known as Sṛngaradhara. Yukti-kalpataru maintains the characteristics of a
good and bad sword which follows as: “A good sword is one which is long, light,
sharp, tough, and flexible. The chief characteristics of a bad sword are shortness,
heaviness, sluggishness, thinness, penetrability and inflexibility.”14
Bow was a weapon used since the Vedic age. It is known as various names such
as dhanvas, jhyahroda.15 It was made of strong staff which was usually bent into
curved shape. Its strings were made of hide. The sharp and the pointed bow were
used by infantry from the time being. The Agni Puraṇa says that the bow stick
was made of iron. It was covered with a circular bite of gold, probably to make it
beautiful. Sometimes the bow rod was made of gold, silver, copper or black iron.
The weapon used in the time of war is arrow. It is also made of iron. The sharp
and pointed arrow was used by the soldiers. We came across various categories
of arrows made of iron and some of them had silver.16
In ancient times spears and spear heads were used.17 These were used by the
warriors. From the archaeological excavations in northern India, important
_______________________________________________
discoveries reveal the head of the iron spear which is related to the early medieval
period.18 The soldiers used metal to cover their body during the war as a means
of security called armour. The metal used in making armour was iron. But the
kings and persons of the royal family used to wear armours equipped with
diamond, precious stones and gold.19
Copper Goods
The necessary utensils for cooking and serving food were made of iron, gold,
silver and mostly copper and brass. The utensils made of copper were saucepans,
frying pans and spoons etc. Varahamihira has made reference on copper. A
copper belt of Singhbhum district provided Bengal with as much copper as it
needed. In the past, copper seems to be one of the most useful metals to serve
deva-murti (statues of the Divinities), utensils and coins. Engravings were also
made on the vessels. The names of kings were engraved on various metal objects.
The names of the kings of the past were found in large silver bowls. The
engraving of alphabets was done on the metal plates and the pedestal of images.
Most of the royal records were engraved on copper plates by the artists (tamit),
which was given to Brahmins for donation. Several gold coins found in Bengal
show high degree of artistic ideas and technical skills in their engraving.
Copper was also used in plates recording land grants. Carving on copper plates
was a special art. Engravers were probably hired by the state on permanent basis.
Two copper plate inscriptions found Medinipur can be mentioned as examples of
showing meritorious services such as engravers of the records. In the Lower
Ganges Valley, a large number of punch-marked and cast coins made of copper
testify to the use of metal for coin minting. A brass vessel obtained from Kalighat
hoard, a Celt of copper discovered in the village of Tamajuri in Medinipur district,
a copper mould represented by a ship found from the ruins of Paṇḍu Rajar Ḍhibi
(Burdwan) are a significant progress in copper art which appears in ancient
Bengal.20 A copper insect representing an amulet figure, a copper scab, copper
vase, and miniature sea-going vessel of copper found from Deulpota on the
eastern bank of the Bhagirathi River near Diamond Harbour should be mentioned
in this connection. Bṛihad-dharma and Brahma-vaivarta Puraṇas refer to
kamsakaras, brass-workers. But no reference has been made to the copper-smith
separately. The proof of the evidence discovered so far can be seen that ‘the
growth of big copper foundries’ is seen at the beginning of Bengal.
Diamond
It seems that Bengal possessed a huge area for the production of diamond. Haima,
Surashtra, Pauṇḍra, Kalinga, Kosala, Vena, Ganga and Sauvira are places where
diamonds have been found. The Jaina text Acharanga Sutra refers to two
divisions of Raḍha as Suhmabhumi and Vajjabhumi. Vajjabhumi is considered
as the land of diamond. If the Ganga is similar with Ganges of Ptolemy, it can be
assumed that the diamond is found in littoral Bengal. Another place named
_______________________________________________
Abhijit Datta ~107~
Ratnagṛiha was famous for diamond and this place also same of Tamralipta. On
the basis of Periplus, it is proposed by Rawlinson that Bengal diamonds were
exported to Nelcynda.
Ornaments
During this period the fascination of the people for jewellery created a great
demand of gold and silver.21 There were lots of gold, silver, copper and other
metals in India. The reference of goldsmith has been referred to by
Varahamihira.22 In the Puraṇa goldsmiths are called svaraṇakaras. Smiths of
ancient Indian society achieved great skill in daily use articles as well as fine
craftsmanship ornaments. Actually ornaments are one of the most prominent
branches of art and industry. Goldsmiths excels the manufacture of gold and
silver articles for decorative and other purposes of the temples, royal courts and
artistic circles. Contemporary sources provide us with interesting information.
The Ramacharita23 has described, ‘the city of the gods and the wealthy
inhabitants’ decorated with ‘rows of palaces with plenty of gold therein’. The
Deopara stone inscription24 refers to flowers made of precious stones, necklaces,
ear-rings, anklets, garlands or golden bracelets worn by the wives of the kings’
servants. The same epigraph also speaks of the temple girls wearing of jewellery
to enhance the beauty. The pearl necklaces worn by the women of imperial family
are referred to in the grant of Naihati Copper-plate of Vallalsena.25 Couples
inscribed in Paharpur reliefs were adorned with two lines of necklaces, armlets,
bracelet, wide girdles and anklets.26 Terracotta statistics discovered in Rajghat
and Varanasi show that women’s hair was tied with the pearl festoons. Gold,
silver, copper, ivory and both valuable and semi-precious stones such as, jade,
crystal, agate, carnelian and lapis lazuli were used for making ornaments.
Evidences of a different nature are coming from the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri. The author
mentions that in one temple there were five golden idols, five yards or ells in
height, the eyes of one of them were made of two rubies, and the eyes of another
one were made of sapphires.27 The same author speaks of utensils made from
precious metals such as gold and silver were used in the royal palace of
Lakṣmaṇasena Sulaiman and Masudi.28 Records and literary texts provide us
about the fashion of the rich people to use gold and silver and jewellery,
sometimes pearls and precious stones. In his Ramacharita, Sandhakaranandi
(verses 33-34) describes the costly ornaments diamonds, lapis lazuli, pearls,
emeralds, rubies and sapphires. The south-western part of Choṭanagpur Pargana,
near Mayurbhanj, was rich in mineral resources. The author of the Periplus states,
there was a ‘gold mine’ near the Ganges which supplies available gold for
currency and ornaments.
Utensils
Excavations at Paharpur of Bengal has been discovered with many bronze
images, copper bangles, boxes with lid, cups, small bells and a flat rod.29 Gold
and silver metals were used for the making of utensils of the royal family and rich
_______________________________________________
people. Iron was used for making various objects of daily use. The metal objects
discovered at various places show that the iron industry was very advanced and
many artisans earned their livelihood from these crafts. Thus, the metal industry
has not only proved to be an essential for agricultural and defence purposes, but
also it has had a tremendous impact on the lives of people in the production of
their daily use items. The archaeological excavations at different sites show
evidence of the different types and properties of the metals used by the people of
the era. Some of them were such as spoon, jar, dishes, cups, bowls, frying pans,
pitcher and water vessels, simmering pans, sauce pans, ovens, buckets, cases,
lamps and lamp posts etc.
Contemporary literatures as well as archaeological excavations give a brilliant
picture of metal use for making our animal figurines. Though the pictures were
made of all types of metal, most of them were copper and bronze. A bronze image
of Vishnu and standing image of Buddha mentioned in the literatures of Pala era
show the great progress of the metal industry during 11th century AD. Not only
bronze, there was also a wide spectrum of brass for the creation of various Hindu
deities. Copper industry was a prominent industry especially in Bihar and
generally in northern India. Hiuen-Tsang also saw a huge copper statue of
Buddha in Nalanda, which was eighty foot in height.30 During this period, the
gold and silver industry emerged and many images made of gold and silver were
the examples of this industry. Kalhaṇa31 mentioned the kings’ gold and silver
idols to meet the financial requirements.
Minting of Coins
Dramma, gold, silver and copper were used for minting standard coins during the
ancient period. The Bodhgaya Inscription of Dharmapala33 of Pala Empire is the
first reference in the period which mentions that 3000 drammas were spent to dig
the tank. Vigrahapala of Pala dynasty had issued Vinayakapala dramma. The
Asni inscription of Mahipala34 in 916 A.D. confirms that during the period of
study, dramma was the main medium of currency under the most prominent
dynasty.
Indians were familiar with it from the early Christian era. Rajatarangini35 talks
about the dinars of gold, silver and copper. Dinara is mentioned in the writings
of Muslim historians and other literary works. The coin of rupaka was also
present, which were usually made of silver, but sometimes gold was also made.
Before conquest of Muslims, Tankas were in circulation. Kalhaṇa refers to this
coin as the currency of that time. It is difficult to reconstruct the regular history
of Indian coins in the medieval period due to the absence of actual specimens of
various types and categories. It is true that the gold coins firstly issued by the
Gupta emperors were well in shape and pictures engraving of kings, queens,
animals etc. were significantly artistic. It proves that the coin industry has
achieved perfection in the Gupta era. Literary and archaeological discoveries
provide adequate information about the type and quality of currency at this time.
_______________________________________________
Abhijit Datta ~109~
From the district of Malda a gold coin of Sasanka with Siva reclining on bull on
the obverse and seated Laxmi on the reverse was obtained.
Copper currency was also common during the ancient period. Copper coins with
bronze coins were also issued by the rulers of northern India. The description of
the different coins issued by the rulers of the study period clarifies that all the
coins, except some of them major five divisions come under: 1) seated Goddess
type, 2) gajasardula type, 3) the horsemen and Bull type, 4) hanuman type, and
5) lion type.
The above discussion clearly speaks of metals used for the making of objects of
war, agriculture, family and ornaments. It was very essential for the metal
industry that craftsmen should have knowledge of the melting, filtration and
temperature of various metals. Thus, people of the early medieval era were not
only aware of the art of making various articles of metals, but also meticulously
communicated with the method of refining. Alberuni states that the great
knowledge of purification of gold, silver, mercury etc. was acquired by the people
of that time.
Endnotes
1. R. C. Majumdar, The History of Bengal, Vol. I, Hindu Period, Dacca, The
University of Dacca, 1943, p. 2.
2. Sen, Gour Pada, Some Aspects of the Economic Life of the Lower Ganges Valley C.
1st Century A.D. to 8th Century A.D. (Thesis), The University of Burdwan, 1977,
p. 156.
3. It was a base metal and alloy of copper, tin or similar. It was used for making coins,
which is found in the coins of many northern Indian dynasties. The early Muslim
aggressors accepted this coin.
4. It was a very powerful metal, which was used for making various types of weapons
such as swords, spears, blades, etc. Steel (tiksna) had six varieties which were
i) Khara, ii) Sara, iii) Hrinnals, iv) Tarabhatta, v) Vajira, and vi) Kalalauha. It
indicates that iron industries in northern India were highly developed. The white
sword indicates the best steel sword. The image of Somnath temple was made of
brilliant steel, as seen by Muslim authors. The domestic useful objects are also
made.
5. It was a pure metal and was made from the combination tin and copper. The ratio
has been mentioned to make kamsya Rasaratnassamuchchaya. For this shaft, eight
parts of copper and two parts of tin are used. It was used to make pots, image badges,
coins, plates etc. In ancient India, musical instruments such as Kamsya-Tala were
made of it. The Vanga was its synonym, which shows that South-West Bengal was
its place and Bihar imported it from this place. Abhidhanaratnamala of Halayudha,
II, 17.
6. Kalidasa, Raghuvamsa, XIV, 33.
7. Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report, 1911-12, No. 16, p. 92.
8. N. R. Banerjee, The Iron Age in India, Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal, 1965, p. 113.
9. Indian Archaeology, 1954-55, p. 24.
_______________________________________________
10. B. K. Sarkar, Sukra-Niti-Sara, Allahabad, Sudhindya Natha Vasu at the Panini

Office, 1913, p. 56.
11. Elliot and Dowson (ed.), The History of India as told by its own Historians, Vol. II,
London, Trubner & Co., 1869, pp. 33.
12. Agni Purana, 245,21 ff; Cf. Chakravarti, P.C., The Arts of War in Ancient India,
Dacca, University of Dacca, pp-163-164.
13. Agni Purana, 245, 23.
14. Sastri, Isvara Chandra (ed.)., Yuktikalpataru, Kolkata, pp. 59-60.
15. Katyayana, Sarusti Sutra XXXII, 4.11.
16. M. N. Deshpande (ed.), Indian Archaeology, 1971-72-A Review, Delhi,
Archaeological Survey of India, 1975, p. 28.
17. Kalpasutra. XIX, 62; Jataka No. 462.
18. Elliot and Dowson (ed.), op. cit., p. 33; Sachau, E. C. (tr.), Alberuni’s India, Vol. I,
London, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co. Ltd., 1910, p. 48.
19. Kalhana, Rajatarangini, 47, 107; Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report.
III, 792, Gauḍvaho, 493, p. 141; Sukranitisara IV, 10, p. 68.
20. J. Allan, A Catalogue of the coins of the Gupta dynasties and of Sasanka, the king
of Gauḍa in the British Museum, London, 1914. pp-cxxvi-cxxvii.
21. Gold and silver mining work was done to meet the demands of the royal family and
noblemen. The lust for ornaments was so much in humans that if possible, any part
of the body was left without decorating them. Lexicons tell about a large number of
ornaments, their different types and designs. The varieties of this species were
named after their characteristic, their artisans and their shapes. At this time both
foreign and indigenous authors referred to the most of the ornaments mentioned by
Lexicons. Alberuni living in India was aware of the popularity of ornaments among
the people. He mentions that men preferred to wear gold ornaments in their fingers
as well as ear rings, arm rings and so on. Early Abu Zaid said that Indian kings used
to wear precious red and green stone ear rings. The kings used to wear different
ornaments and the queen was also equipped with them. Under the royal patronage,
goldsmiths or ornament industries flourished because their palace rulers and women
need the services of high skill of goldsmiths and technical knowledge. Literary and
archaeological excavations reveal this fact that the goldsmith knows the technique
of setting jewels in the ornament very beautifully. The precious and semi-precious
stones were used for making gems and jewellery. The raw and uncut stones were
severely cut to set in gold or silver plates and properly polished. During this period
there was a high degree perfection of stone cutting and polishing. Heating and
cleaning techniques were used for providing brightness and shine. Goldsmiths knew
the technique of melting old ornaments and then their new shaping technique. The
royal and wealthy families decorated themselves with gold or silver ornaments,
whereas poor people satisfied themselves with the ornaments of bronze, iron,
copper etc. AI,I, p. 181.
22. V. Bṛihatsamhita, 53, 53, 74; XVIII, 3.
23. Ramacharita, III, 31.
24. N. G. Majumdar, ‘Deopara Inscription of Vijaysena’, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol.
III, Rajshahi, The Varendra Research Society, 1929, pp. 42-56.
25. R. D. Banerji, ‘The Naihati Grant of Vallalasena. The 11th Year’, Epigraphia lndica,
XIV, 1917-18, p. 156; N. G. Majumdar, ‘Naihati Copper-plate of Vallalsena’, p. 68.
_______________________________________________
Abhijit Datta ~111~
26. Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, No. 55, PI. 34(e).
27. Minhaj-ud-Siraj, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, 85.
28. Ferrand, Gabriel, Relations de Voyages at Textes Geographiques Arabes Relatifs a
l’-Extreme-Orient du VIII au XVIII Siecles, Persons at Turks, Paris, Earnest Leroux
Editeur,1913,p- 43, 104;
29. R. Dikshit, and K. N. Bahadur, Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India,
No. 55: Excavations at Paharpur, Bengal, New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of
India, 1999, p. 85; Majumdar, N.G., op. cit., p. 21.
30. Hwai-Li, Shaman, The life of Hieun-Tsang, London, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner
& Co. Ltd., 1911, p. 174; Watters, Thomas, On Yuan Chwang’s Travels in India,
Vol. I, London, Royal Asiatic Society, 1904, p. 171.
31. Elliot and Dowson (ed.), op. cit,, Vol. I, p. 97-99; Kalhana, Rajatarangiṇi, VIII,
991, 993.
32. The currency reflects the economic position and prosperity of society in an era or
period. The precious metal coin is a sign of prosperity in society. The coins of the
lower metals show that people’s economic status is generally poor. Along with this,
the techniques and methods and variation used in metallic coins, shapes, sizes and
engraving etc. also indicate the artistic skills and craftsmanship of these minters. A
country’s currency indexes commercial and trading enterprises.
33. N. Chakravartti, ‘Bodh-Gaya Inscription of the 26th Year of Dharmapala’, Journal
& Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, New Series, Vol. IV, 1908, p. 102.
34. J. F. Fleet, ‘Asni Inscription of Mahipala Vikrama Sambat 974’, Indian Antiquary,
Vol. XVI, 1887, p. 174.
35. Kalhana, Rajatarangini, I, VI, 45, p. 239.
_______
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~112~ Mother’s Milk - Health & Wealth of a Child
MOTHER’S MILK – HEALTH AND WEALTH OF A CHILD

_______
Dr. R. Saravanan
Assistant Professor, PG & Research Department of History
Pachaiyappa’s College, Chennai
–––––––––––––––––––––
Introduction
Breast feeding is best feeding. A Mother’s milk is the best food for a baby. It
contains exactly the right quantity of nutrients required, in the right proportions,
to ensure that a baby gets the perfect balanced meal. Today, many mothers are
opting to bottle-feed their babies as they need to return to work. Women now stop
breast feeding in just 1 or 2 months and start bottle-feeding their babies as early
as possible. Manufactured milk, no matter how fortified it may be, can come close
to being as nutritious as breast milk. A recent study based on data from the
National Family Health Surveys of 1998-99 and 2005-06 found that in the case
children who were not fed the first breast milk, they were more at risk of under-
nourishment than those who were fed the first breast milk.
Benefits of Breastfeeding for Child
1. Breastfeeding increases Immunity
Needless to say, a newborn is extremely delicate and susceptible to many
diseases. It is thus recommended that mothers always breastfeed their baby in its
initial stages. The first milk that flows out of a mother’s breast is called
colostrum’s, and it is packed with antibodies that increase a baby’s immunity. In
addition, colostrum’s also protect a newborn’s intestines and strengthen its
respiratory system. Moreover, studies have shown that babies who have been
artificially fed have higher chances of developing pneumonia, gastroenteritis,
middle ear infections and various other health problems. Breastfed babies also
react better to other immunizations.1
2. Breastfeeding increases Intelligence
Breastfed babies have better brain development than their non-breastfed
counterparts. There are various other reasons that contribute to brain
development, but research shows that breast milk also contributes to this. Human
milk has certain ingredients that contribute to the brain’s development, which are
not found in artificial milk.
3. Breastfeeding prevents Allergies
Babies who are fed milk formulae fortified with cow’s milk or soy milk are more
susceptible to developing allergies. Breast milk protects the infant’s intestinal
_______________________________________________
Dr. R. Saravanan ~113~
tract without which the wall of the intestine may get inflamed, thereby allowing
undigested proteins to leak through and cause allergies.
4. Breastfeeding helps babies recover better from Stuttering
The child who had been breastfed for more than a year had significantly lesser
odds of suffering from persistent speech problems when compared to those who
have never been breastfed. This is because breast milk significantly affects
neurodevelopment and benefits children for years after weaning.
5. Breastfeeding is beneficial for Premature Babies
For premature baby, breast milk will also be premature, and this breast milk
contains nutrients suited to its needs. In addition, this milk will be easier to digest
for the poorly developed digestive system of a premature baby.
6. Suckling benefits of Breastfeeding
Not just the milk, but also the very act of breastfeeding is beneficial for babies.
Breastfed babies have stronger and better formed teeth. Suckling also improves
hand to eye coordination! In addition, it allows for bonding between the mother
and the baby.
Breastfeeding Reduces Certain Risks
• Non-breastfed babies have higher chances of growing into obese adults.
• Breastfed babies grow differently to non-breastfed babies, and have separate
growth rates and patterns.
• Breastfed babies have lower chances of dying from a syndrome called Sudden
Infant Death Syndrome or SIDS.2
Benefits of Breastfeeding for Mothers
• A new British study has indicated that mothers who breastfeed for an extended
period, have a reduced risk of developing Alzheimer’s disease. Alzheimer’s is
distinguished by insulin resistance in the brain and it is suggested that
breastfeeding serves to restore the insulin, whose tolerance is said to decrease
significantly during pregnancy.
• Breastfeeding helps to reduce the mother’s stress levels and their chances of
suffering from postpartum depression.
• Breastfeeding for a prolonged period of time reduces the mother’s chances of
suffering from type 2 diabetes, ovarian or breast cancer in the future.
• Breastfeeding also helps mothers to burn calories much quicker. So, if a mother
didn’t already have enough reasons to breastfeed her newborn, remember that
breastfeeding will help her lose all those extra pounds put on her during
pregnancy.
Over the past decades, evidence for the health advantages of breastfeeding and
recommendations for practice have continued to increase. World Health
_______________________________________________
Organisation (WHO) can now say with full confidence that breastfeeding reduces
child mortality and has health benefits that extend into adulthood. On a
population basis, exclusive breastfeeding for the first six months of life is the
recommended way of feeding infants, followed by continued breastfeeding with
appropriate complementary foods for up to two years or beyond.
Recommendations of WHO and UNICEF
• Initiation of breastfeeding within the first hour of life;
• Exclusive breastfeeding - that is, the infant only receives breastmilk without
any additional food or drink, not even water;
• Breastfeeding on demand - that is, as often as the child wants, day and night;
• No use of bottles, teats or pacifiers.
Breast milk is the natural first food for babies. It provides all the energy and
nutrients that the infant needs for the first months of life, and it continues to
provide up to half or more of a child’s nutritional needs during the second half of
the first year, and up to one-third during the second year of life. Breast milk
promotes sensory and cognitive development, and protects the infant against
infectious and chronic diseases. Exclusive breastfeeding reduces infant mortality
due to common childhood illnesses such as diarrhea or pneumonia, and helps for
a quicker recovery during illness.
Breastfeeding contributes to the health and well-being of mothers, it helps to
space children, reduces the risk of ovarian cancer and breast cancer, increases
family and national resources, is a secure way of feeding and is safe for the
environment. While breastfeeding is a natural act, it is also a learned behaviour.
An extensive body of research has demonstrated that mothers and other
caregivers require active support for establishing and sustaining appropriate
breastfeeding practices. WHO and UNICEF launched the Baby-Friendly Hospital
Initiative (BFHI) in 1992, to strengthen maternity practices to support
breastfeeding. The BFHI contributes to improving the establishment of exclusive
breastfeeding worldwide and, coupled with support throughout the health system,
can help mothers sustain exclusive breastfeeding.
WHO and UNICEF developed the 40-hour Breastfeeding Counselling
A Training Course and more recently the five-day Infant and Young Child
Feeding Counselling: An Integrated Course to train a cadre of health workers that
can provide skilled support to breastfeeding mothers and help them overcome
problems. Basic breastfeeding support skills are also part of the Integrated
Management of Childhood Illness training course for first-level health workers.
The Global Strategy for Infant and Young Child Feeding describes the essential
interventions to protect, promote and support breastfeeding.3
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Nutrition: Infant and Young Child Feeding

Good nutrition is essential for survival, physical growth, mental development,
performance, productivity, health and well-being across the entire life-span: from
the earliest stages of fetal development, at birth, and through infancy, childhood,
adolescence and on into adulthood. Breastfeeding and complementary feeding
are a critical aspect of caring for infants and young children. Appropriate feeding
practices stimulate bonding with the caregiver and psycho-social development.
They lead to improved nutrition and physical growth, reduced susceptibility to
common childhood illnesses and better resistance to cope with them. Improved
health outcomes in young children have long-lasting health effects throughout the
life-span, including increased performance and productivity, and reduced risk of
certain non-communicable diseases. The Department of Maternal, Newborn,
Child and Adolescent Health (MCA) makes significant investments in the
promotion and improvement of infant and young child feeding. The Global
Strategy for Infant and Young Child Feeding provides a framework for the
Department’s efforts, including the production of technical information, the
development of feeding recommendations, supporting research and designing
training materials.4
Global Strategy: Infant and Young Child Feeding
Infant and young child feeding is a cornerstone of care for childhood
development. In 2005, one third of children under five years in developing
countries were estimated to be stunted as a consequence of poor feeding and
repeated infections. Even in resource poor settings, improved feeding practices
can lead to improved intakes of energy and nutrients, leading to better nutritional
status. Over the past decades, the evidence on the biological requirements for
appropriate nutrition, recommended feeding practices and factors impeding
appropriate feeding has grown steadily. Moreover, much has been learned about
interventions that are effective in promoting improved feeding.
The Global Strategy for Infant and Young Child Feeding, endorsed by WHO
Member States and the UNICEF Executive Board in 2002, aims to revitalize
efforts to protect, promote and support appropriate infant and young child
feeding. It builds upon past initiatives, in particular the Innocent Declaration and
the Baby-Friendly Hospital Initiative, and addresses the needs of all children
including those living in difficult circumstances, such as infants of mothers living
with HIV, low-birth-weight infants and infants in emergency situations. The
Strategy is the guiding framework through which WHO prioritizes research and
development work in the area of infant and young child feeding, and provides
technical support to countries to facilitate implementation.5
Every woman’s journey to motherhood is different, but one of the first decisions
a new mom makes is how to feed her child. Mother’s milk make an investment
in baby’s future. Mother’s milk allows making the food that is perfect for baby.
_______________________________________________
Mother’s milk gives baby the healthy start that will last a lifetime. The Mother’s
milk is special for so many reasons, including:
• The joyful closeness and bonding with baby
• The specific nutrition
• The cost savings
• The health benefits for the mother and the baby
Mother’s milk helps the baby grow healthy and strong from day one. Mother’s
first milk is liquid gold. Called liquid gold for its deep yellow color, colostrum
(coh-LOSS-trum) is the thick first milk that makes during pregnancy and just
after birth. This milk is very rich in nutrients and includes antibodies to protect
baby from infections. Colostrum also helps newborn infant’s digestive system to
grow and function. Baby gets only a small amount of colostrum at each feeding,
because the stomach of a newborn infant is tiny and can hold only a small amount.
Mother’s milk changes as baby grows. Colostrum changes into mature milk by
the third to fifth day after birth. This mature milk has just the right amount of fat,
sugar, water, and protein to help baby continue to grow. It looks thinner than
colostrum, but it has the nutrients and antibodies which the baby needs for healthy
growth.
Breastfeeding – Challenges
Although it is the best feeding choice for babies and mothers, breastfeeding does
come with some concerns that new mothers may share. Whereas it’s easy from
the get-go for some, it can be challenging. Sometimes, both mother and baby need
plenty of patience and persistence to get used to the routine of breastfeeding. But
all the effort is worth it in the long run – for both the mother and her baby.
1. Personal Comfort
The new mothers, initially, as with any new skill, uncomfortable with
breastfeeding. But with adequate education, support, and practice, most mothers
overcome this. The bottom line is that breastfeeding shouldn’t hurt if the mother
receives help and guidance. Latch-on pain is normal for the first week to 10 days,
and should last less than a minute with each feeding.
2. Time and Frequency of Feedings
There’s no question that breastfeeding does require a substantial time
commitment from mothers. Then again, many worthwhile things in parenting do.
Some women may be concerned that nursing will make it hard for them to work,
run errands, or travel because of a breastfeeding schedule or a need to pump breast
milk during the day. Many of these concerns can be addressed at a prenatal
lactation consultant visit. The breastfed babies do need to eat more often than
babies who are fed formula, because breast milk digests faster than formula. This
means mom may find herself in demand every 2 or 3 hours (maybe more, maybe
less) in the first few weeks. This can be tiring, but once breastfeeding has been
_______________________________________________
established (usually in about a month), other family members may be able to help
out by giving the baby pumped breast milk if mom needs a break or is going back
to work outside the home. It is not long before babies feed less frequently and
sleep through the night (usually around 3 months). Also, with a little organization
and time management, it becomes easier to work out a schedule to breastfeed
and/or pump.
3. Diet
Women who are breastfeeding need to be aware of what they eat and drink, since
things can be passed to the baby through the breast milk. Just like during
pregnancy, breastfeeding women should avoid fish that are high in mercury, and
limit lower mercury fish intake. If a woman has alcohol, a small amount can be
passed to the baby through breast milk. She should wait to breastfeed at least two
hours after a single alcoholic drink in order to avoid passing any alcohol to the
baby. Caffeine intake should be kept to no more than 300 milligrams (about one
to three cups of regular coffee) per day for breastfeeding women because it may
cause problems such as restlessness and irritability in some babies. Some infants
are sensitive enough to caffeine to have problems even with smaller amounts of
caffeine. In these situations, discussion with the health care provider or lactation
consultant is required.6
4. Maternal Medical Conditions, Medicines, and Breast Surgery
Medical conditions such as HIV or AIDS or those that involve chemotherapy or
treatment with certain medications may make breastfeeding unsafe. A woman
should check with her doctor or a lactation consultant if she’s unsure if she should
breastfeed with a specific condition. Women should always check with the doctor
about the safety of taking medications while breastfeeding, including over-the-
counter and herbal medicines. Mothers who’ve had breast surgery, such as a
reduction, may have difficulty with supply if their milk ducts have been severed.
In this situation, a woman should to talk to her doctor about her concerns and
work with a lactation specialist.
Formula Feeding
Breastfeeding is considered the best nutritional option for babies by the major
medical organizations, but it’s not right for every mother. Commercially prepared
infant formulas are a nutritious alternative to breast milk, and even contain some
vitamins and nutrients that breastfed babies need to get from supplements.
Manufactured under sterile conditions, commercial formulas attempt to duplicate
mother’s milk using a complex combination of proteins, sugars, fats, and vitamins
that would be virtually impossible to create at home. So, if anybody does not
breastfeed her baby, it’s important that she can use only a commercially prepared
formula and that one does not produce at her own. In addition to medical concerns
that may prevent breastfeeding, for some women, breastfeeding may be too
_______________________________________________
difficult or stressful. The women may choose the formula feeding due to the
various reasons:
Convenience: Either parent (or another caregiver) can feed the baby a bottle at
any time (although this is also true for women who pump their breast milk). This
allows the mother to share the feeding duties and helps her partner to feel more
involved in the crucial feeding process and the bonding that often comes with it.
Flexibility: Once the bottles are made, a formula-feeding mother can leave her
baby with a partner or caregiver and know that her little one’s feedings are taken
care of. There’s no need to pump or to schedule work or other obligations and
activities around the baby’s feeding schedule. The moms of the formula-feeding
do not need to find a private place to nurse in public. However, if mom is out and
about with baby, she will need to bring supplies for making bottles.7
Less Digestible: Formula feeding is less digestible than breast milk, formula-fed
babies usually need to eat less often than do breastfed babies.
Diet: Women who opt to formula feed don’t have to worry about the things they
eat or drink that could affect their babies.8
Challenges to Formula Feeding
There are some challenges to be considered when deciding for formula feeding:
Organization and Preparation: Prepare the baby’s formula by mixing water
and the appropriate amount of powdered infant formula. The packaging on the
side of the formula container will help the mother how much to use. Carefully
follow the directions. She can use tepid (room temperature) tap water, as long as
your local or state health departments have labeled it as safe to drink. Once
prepared, the formula is ready to feed the baby immediately without additional
refrigeration or warming. Formula that’s been prepared should be consumed or
stored in the refrigerator within 1 hour. If it has been at room temperature for
more than 1 hour, throw it away. And if your baby doesn’t drink all the formula
in the bottle, throw away the unused portion – never save it for later.
Lack of Antibodies: None of the antibodies found in breast milk are found in
manufactured formula, which means that formula doesn’t provide the baby with
the added protection against infection and illness that breast milk does.
Expensive: Formula can be costly and expensive. Powdered formula is the least
expensive, followed by concentrated, with ready-to-feed being the most
expensive. Specialty formulas (i.e., soy and hypoallergenic) cost more and
sometimes far more than the basic formulas.
Possibility of Producing Gas and Constipation: Formula-fed babies may have
more gas and firmer bowel movements than breastfed babies.
_______________________________________________
Can’t Match the Complexity of Breast Milk: Manufactured formulas have yet
to duplicate the complexity of breast milk, which changes as the baby needs
change.9
Risks of Mixed Feeding
Mixed feeding, or giving other liquids and/or foods together with breast milk to
infants under 6 months of age, is widespread in many countries. This practice
poses risks to an infant’s health because it can increase the chance of their getting
diarrhea and other infectious diseases. Mixed feeding, especially giving water or
other liquids, can also causes the supply of breast milk to decrease as the baby
sucks less at the breast. Babies do not need liquids other than breastmilk, not even
water, in the first 6 months as breastmilk contains all the water a baby needs, even
in very hot climates.
Legal Protection
In 1983, the Government of India adopted the Indian National Code for protection
and promotion of breast feeding. In 1990, the Indian Government signed the
Innocent Declaration, the Convention of the Rights of the Child and the World
Summit Declaration, which called attention to the importance of breast feeding.
Promotion of breast feeding to reduce malnutrition among children under age 5
is an important part of the national action plan for children formulated last year
by the Department of Women and Child Development. A network of over
300,000 village workers who promoted breast feeding through education and
training programs on nutrition has existed for several years. Demographic and
socio-economic patterns reveal that there are around 100 million working women
in India, of whom about 20 million have children under age 6. New forms of
employment are becoming increasingly incompatible with breast feeding. The
central and state governments have enacted several legal changes to promote
breast feeding for women employed by the government and those employed in
intensive cottage industries. Employers could ensure reasonable time away from
work, flexible timing, and maximum maternity benefits.10 Government of India
enacted the ‘Infant Milk Substitutes, Feeding Bottles and Infant Foods
(Regulation of Production, Supply and Distribution) Act, 1992’ (IMS Act), to
regulate production, supply and distribution of these products. It regulates the
advertising of infant formula milks and promotes breast feeding, which should
help reduce infant mortality from diarrheal diseases and acute respiratory
infections. It aims to deter the manufacturers of infant formula milks from
claiming that their products are superior to breast milk and includes provisions to
prosecute companies violating the new codes of conduct. However, despite the
Act, baby food manufacturers found loopholes to market their products. In 1993,
World Breast Feeding Week focused attention on how rapid urbanization and the
increasing demands on women work force have eroded the traditional preference
of Indian mothers for breast feeding. In 1996, Department of Women and Child
Development constituted a multi-sectorial National Task Force comprising of
_______________________________________________
representatives from various Ministries and Departments of Central Government

and Voluntary Agencies authorized under section 21 of the Act to deliberate and
suggest amendments to the existing IMS Act. An Amendment Bill of 2002 was
presented to the Parliament on March 8, 2002. The Law was enacted on 2 June
2003. The Breastfeeding Promotion Network of India (BPNI) and Association
for Consumers Action on Safety and Health (ACASH), India, the organizations
gazette under the IMS Act, section 21-1-C, spent time and worked hard to see
this through.11 The amended Act 2003 which provides for the regulation of
production, supply and distribution of infant milk substitutes, feeding bottles and
infant foods with a view to the protection and promotion of breastfeeding and
ensuring the proper use of infant foods and for matters connected therewith or
incidental thereto.
Conclusion
Infant formula feeding is inferior to breastfeeding because human milk provides
specific and non-specific factors that have long-term consequences for early
metabolism and the development of disease. Human milk enhances the immature
immunologic system of the neonate and strengthens host defense mechanisms
against infective and other foreign agents. Some mechanisms that explain active
stimulation of the infant’s immune system by breastfeeding are the bioactive
factors in human milk such as hormones, growth factors and colony stimulating
factors, as well as specific nutrients. Human milk may reduce the incidence of
disease in infancy because mammalian evolution promotes a survival advantage.
In addition, factors in milk promote gastrointestinal mucosal maturation, decrease
the incidence of infection, alter gut microflora, and have immunomodulatory and
anti-inflammatory functions. Hormones, growth factors and cytokines in human
milk may modulate the development of disease. Furthermore, breastfed babies
have reduced exposure to foreign dietary antigen. Following the termination of
breastfeeding, there is evidence of ongoing protection against illness due to
protective influences on the immune system mediated via human milk. Industry
continues to attempt to improve infant formula with the addition of compounds
such as fatty acids, oligosaccharides, nucleotides and lactoferrin. However,
human milk has such far-reaching effects on the infant’s immune response that
optimal development depends heavily on its provision. All mothers should be
encouraged and supported to continue breastfeeding for six months and beyond
in order to promote the good health of their infants.
Endnotes
1. Baby Whales Drink Milk by Barbara Juster Esbensen, Lambert Davis, at:
http://www.printsasia.in/book/baby-whales-drink-milk
2. Protecting Infants through Human Milk Advancing the Scientific Evidence, Larry
K. Pickering, A.L. Morrow, G.M. Ruiz-Palacios, R.J. Schanler
3. http://www.who.int/maternal_child_adolescent/topics/child/nutrition/breast-
feeding/en/
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4. http://www.who.int/maternal_child_adolescent/topics/child/nutrition/en/
5. http://www.who.int/maternal_child_adolescent/topics/child/nutrition/global/en/
6. Collaborative WHO, Study Team on the Role of Breastfeeding on the Prevention
of Infant Mortality: Effect of breastfeeding on infant and child mortality due to
infectious diseases in less developed countries: a pooled analysis. Lancet 2000
7. UNICEF: Global Database on Breastfeeding (2000–2006): ChildInfo monitoring
the situation of children and women. [http://www.childinfo.org/breastfeeding _
countrydata.php]
8. http://kidshealth.org/parent/growth/feeding/breast_bottle_feeding.html#a_
Breastfeeding_Challenges
9. N. Laroia and D. Sharma, The religious and cultural basis for breastfeeding
practices among the Hindus. Breastfeed Med 2006
10. http://www.popline.org/node/330222#sthash.7CWGQ6qt.dpuf
11. http://www.popline.org/node/234088#sthash.o2pFTMvB.dpufThe
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~122~ Indigenous People in India and their Development
INDIGENOUS PEOPLE IN INDIA AND THEIR DEVELOPMENT

_______
J. Shirly
Research Scholar, Department of History & Research Centre
Nesamony Memorial Christian College, Marthandam, Kanyakumari District, TN
–––––––––––––––––––––
Indigenous or Tribal community has been living for thousands of years with little
contact with outsiders in India. Development has not only disturbed their
ecological environment but also changed their lifestyle and dietary habits and
endangered them. India started to implement various policies to protect the rights
of the indigenous people in 1989.1 The aim of the study is to provide information,
research and other support to Voluntary Agencies who work in the field of socio-
economic development for Tribals. It may empower them towards active
participation in the sustainable development process. A number of Agencies have
been actively working for their development since Independence.
Tribals are commonly known as ‘Adivasis’, a conjunction in Sanskrit of two
words “Adi” (original) and “Vasis” (inhabitants) thus the literary meaning is the
first of aboriginal dwellers.2 They are called by different names such as
‘primitive’, 'tribal', 'indigenous', 'aboriginal', 'native' and so on. India has a large
number of tribal people. According to The Oxford English Dictionary the word
'tribe' is derived from the Latin term 'tribus' which was applied to the three
divisions of the early people of Rome.3 The term however has gone through a lot
of changes. The word ‘tribe’ describes a set of people of common descent with
same customs, language, religion, etc. living in a particular area and often led by
a chief. A tribe occupied a definite geographical area. Permanent settlement gave
a geographical identity to a tribe. The study narrates the core values of the
Adivasis and struggles faced by them because of the intrusion of other cultures
in their societies.
India is a land full of diversity – different cultures, faiths, lifestyle, traditions,
rituals etc. are all interwoven, that makes it a vibrant nation. As you traverse the
region, you will meet an entirely different set of communities with each passing
kilo metre. As per the latest census held in 2011, tribal people makes up about
8.2 percent of the nation’s total population. This diversity extends to languages
as well. A survey done by passionate linguistics has established that there exist
about 1635 native languages.4 They differ from state to state, area to area
indigenously.
The Adivasis or pazhangudies are categorized as the weaker section as they
lagging behind and were not in a position to compete with other people in the
society. They live in a hilly region of Jawadhu Hills of Vellore and
Thiruvannanmalai districts in Tamil Nadu.5 Tribal languages are universally
significant and are languages of the earth containing ecological, geographical,
and climatic information. When we come to think of different tribal communities
_______________________________________________
J. Shirly ~123~
prevalent in India, we can easily divide them into five major language families
starting from the first civilization of Dravidian, Indo-Aryan, Tibeto-Burman,
Andamanese, and Austro-Asiatic. However, for a better understanding of the
tribal region segregation, it is best to have a look at the regions where tribal
population grouped.
The Austro-Asiatic Family has two branches and 30 languages: The Mon Khemer
branch with the Khasi and Nicobari languages and the Munda branch to which
the Santali, Kherwari, Mundari, Ho, Gondi Kharia, Savaria, Gond, Gandaba and
other languages belong.6 The Tibeto-Chinese Family has 143 languages. Most of
the languages spoken by the North Eastern tribes, such as Khampi, Bhutia,
Lahuli, Swangli, Lepcha, Miri, Angami, Manipuri, Thado and Naga belong to
this family. The Dravidian Family which has 107 languages: Korwa, Yerkula,
Todo, Oraon, Maler, Kui, Khond, Gondi, etc., and the Indo-Aryan Family has
163 languages like Hajon and Bhili.7 They are Indian groups which possess
certain qualities and characteristics that make it a unique cultural, social, and
political entity.
They live in different regions in the forest as well as in urban areas, and mostly
speak their own languages. The states of Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Bihar,
Maharastra, Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh, West Bengal and the Northeastern Region
have a larger concentration of tribal population. The Andaman and Nicobar
Islands are also inhabited by several tribes such as the Great Andamanese,
Sentenelese, Onges, Jarwas, Sompens, and so on. The tribes, according to R. C.
Verma, social researcher in Tribals are "the autochthonous people of the land who
are believed to be the earliest settlers in Indian Peninsula"8 They are called
Adivasis, meaning the first settlers. Prior to the caste system, people were divided
into different tribes. At that time, each tribe was a homogenous and self-contained
unit without any hierarchical discrimination. Each tribe had a chief for its
protection. Gradually, the chief assumed political and military power and was
recognized as the ruler. Thus, there emerged the republics and monarchies. Tribes
were associated with large kingdoms. Each tribe had its own system of
administration. There was decentralization of authority among the tribes. The
traditional tribal institutions were vested with legislative, judicial and executive
powers. The 'Maniki' and 'Munda' system in Singhbhum and the 'Manjhi' system
in Santal Pargana are examples of tribal institutions. As pointed out by
R.C.Verma these "are headed by tribal chiefs who exercise considerable
influence over social, economic and religious affairs of their respective tribes".9
The Mediterranean people form a bulk of the tribal population and are generally
known as the Dravidians. Verma says: "Dravidians are again divided into two
parts [groups] – Kolarians who speak a dialect called Mundari, and the
Dravidians proper".10 It is believed that with the advent of the Aryans, there was
a protracted struggle between the Aryans and the Dravidians, then referred to as
the 'Dasyus.'11 The conquered Dravidians were reduced to a servile status and
_______________________________________________
regarded as 'Sudras.' A section of the Dravidians who escaped defeat and did not
surrender to the Aryans continued to maintain their independent existence in the
remote hills and forests. They are believed to be "the fore runners of the various
tribes in India". Tribals have a long and rich cultural past. Their history goes back
to the pre-historic period. Unfortunately, because they lack a written tradition, it
is difficult for historians and anthropologists to chronicle their past. It is said that
even the subsequent history of the Tribals upto the Aryan invasion is shrouded in
obscurity. Some stone implements of prehistoric man have been discovered.
However, there has been no discovery of skeletons of the people who used these
implements. According to Nadeem Hasnain: "it has now become an established
fact that the aboriginal tribes in India are, in most cases, survivals from the later
prehistoric groups".12 The Aborigines of India do not form a uniform race. They
come from various regions of Asia and they belong to Arian races, as mentioned
early.
The missionaries, with the patronage of the government, spread Christianity
among the tribals and helped them with health care and education. Unlike
Hinduism and Islam, Christianity spread widely in the tribal regions with the
patronage of the British government and established a firm footing there. The
result was a feeling of discontent and unrest among the Tribals.13 At this stage, a
number of movements took place, which raised protesting voices against the
oppression and exploitation by landlords and British rulers who in general, stood
by the side of the landlords. Notable among them are the Herwar movement
(1871-80), the Birsa Munda Movement (1874-1901), the Bhil Rebellion
(1879-80), the Sardari Movement (1881-95), the Bastar Prising (1910-11), and
the Tana Bhagat Movement (1920-35). Johnrose in his Malaival Makkal
Niruvanam in Kanyakumari district recorded some of these movements.14
However, it is useful to discuss some of these movements in detail here.
The Santhal Insurrection took place at the present day Jhaskhand in 1855, as a
reaction to the atrocities of the outsiders. The non-Santhals who resided in this
area got tribal land through some deal, and the tribals had to pay rent to the Hindu
chiefs. In the beginning, the Santhals did not pay rent to the Hindu chiefs, but due
to penetration of their regions by outsiders, they began losing their lands. Initially,
the Santals did not pay much attention to the 'dikus' (aliens), but when their
traditional economy began to be shattered, they stood against the administrator
and the landlord.15 But they were also put down by the British troops. Specific
reform measures were introduced in the Damin-i-koh and other crucial parts.
More powers were given to the administrators over tribal land alienation and
indebtedness issues. The old regulations in force in the plains of Bengal were no
longer operative in the Santhal Parganas. The new regulations that were imposed
upon the Santhals meant that the authority of their headmen was eroded, and that
the Dikus did pretty much what they liked. They frequently increased rents on
land holdings without any notice or consultation.16 With the new judicial system,
the Santals were reduced to the status of serfs. They started their protest in 1871.
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J. Shirly ~125~
Two Santal brothers, Sido and Kanhu, came to the forefront providing leadership
for mass uprisings. Their objective was clearly stated: "we should slay all the
Dikus (aliens) and become rulers of ourselves... We should only pay eight annas
(fifty paise) for a buffalo plough and four annas for a bullock plough, and if the
rulers (both British and Indian aliens) did not agree we should start fighting...".17
Another tribal movement which gained much popularity among the tribals was
the Birsa Munda Movement (1874-1901). Ranchi and the Santhal Parganas were
in the grip of exploitation in the closing years of the nineteenth century. The
domination of the 'dikus' still continued. Around that time the Christian
missionaries were also active in this region. There was a feeling of discontent and
unrest among the tribals. At this stage Birsa, a Munda youth, organized his people
to raise their voice against the oppression and exploitation by the landlords and
the Britsh rulers.18
The Munda and other tribes of the Ranchi district hail Birsa as their God. They
call him Birsa Bhagwan. Mahasweta Devi's novel, Aranyer Adhikar, is based on
this movement. Like the Mundas, the Oraons of this region also launched a
powerful movement known as the Tana Bhagat Movement.19 The Oraons had
seen oppression and deprivation at the hands of the local Zamindars and
policemen. Jatra Bhagat, an Oraon, proclaimed that he had a vision of Dharmu or
God. He had received a revelation for the other fellow Oraons. His message swept
over the country, and people from far and near began to come for his darshan.20
His followers gave up worshipping spirits (ghosts) and stopped animal sacrifice.
People gave up non-vegetarian food, wine, tobacco and group songs and dances.
They were asked not to pay rent to the Zamindars and not to work for the aliens.
Jatra warned his people in strong words that if they did not obey his orders they
would soon perish. Acting upon Jatras's advice people began refusing to work for
the landlords and disobeyed rules and regulations imposed by the British rulers
who in turn issued orders for the arrest of Jatra and his close disciples. Jatra was
imprisoned. After completing his term in jail, Jatra lived for a short period. The
followers of Jatra are called 'Tana Bhagats' because 'tana' means pulling together.
Jatra was trying to pull together all Oraons into his fold. Apart from these
movements in the Chotanagpur regions, uprisings also took place in other parts
as well. The Bastar Uprisings that took place in Central India in 1910-11 is such
an example.21
The monopoly of the outsiders has been cited as the main reason for this uprising.
K. S. Singh quotes a letter sent by B. P Standant, Chief Secretary and the
Commissioner for the Central Provinces to the Secretary to the Government of
India, Forest Department, Shimla, which letter cites the reasons for this. Singh
further said that it was a total revolt. The outburst was accompanied by murder,
arson, looting and general savagery. It was a regular revolt against civilization,
against schools, against forest conservancy, against the opening up of the country
by Hindu settlers, in short it was a movement of Bastar state for Bastar forest
dwellers.22 It was during the colonial period that the conditions of the Adivasis
_______________________________________________
were studied by scholars and designated as 'tribals.'23 A number of administrators

and anthropologists who were engaged in studying the tribes provided classified
information about the tribals and their population. In the Census Report of 1891,
V.A. Bains, the Commissioner of Census, classified the castes according to their
traditional occupations.24 As Verma records: "Under the category of Agricultural
and Pastoral castes; he formed a sub-heading called 'Forest Tribes.' In the Census
Report of 1901, they were classified as 'Animists' and in 1911 as 'tribal animists'
or people following tribal religion".25 In the Census Report of 1921, they were
specified as 'Hill and Forest Tribes' and in the 1931 census they are described as
Primitive Tribes.26
The Government of India Act specified them as Backward Tribes. However, the
Census Report of 1941 classified them as 'Tribes' only. Thus, the term 'tribe' was
designated by the British for these people. In an essay entitled "The Idea of Tribe
in the Indian Scene", Jagannath Pathy explores the origin and politics of using
the term. He states that before India was colonized, there was no equivalent
indigenous word for the English term 'tribe'. The Sanskrit word atavikajana
simply denoted a conglomeration of individuals with specific territorial kinship
and a cultural pattern.27 The so-called tribes were called nations and people. The
so-called Tribals called themselves people and others as outsiders. It was used to
dominate and oppress the peoples and nations. Another term 'noble savage' was
coined to divide the struggling people. The word indicates economic and political
relations between the so-called tribal and the civilized capitalist world. It also
denotes a special kind of social origin and a stage of evolution in human history.
During the colonial expansion, the British faced opposition from non-Aryan and
non-Muslim people. At that time "tribals were characterized as food gathering
communities and animists and shifting cultivators were added to the list of tribes"
.28 This is how the term came into existence. Even the classification is arbitrary.
It is pertinent here to mention that the line between the tribe and caste is very
arbitrary. For people who are classified as tribe in one region are known by caste
in other regions. NGOs raised great concerns on Adivasis and development.
Development Principles
Development is key word in the world. But the question is whose development?
Whose progress? The plight of the Adivasis in all parts of the world is in pitiable
conditions particularly in India as the market economy and cultural life gain
ground in which over-exploitation is order of the day. Development needs a
delicate balance between human needs to improve lifestyles and feeling of well-
being, and preserving natural resources and ecosystems, on which we and
Adivasis depend.29 The Adivasis have been marginalized, their lands invaded and
plundered, and they have been made foreigners in their own land.
In September 2000, the World’s leaders adopted the UN Millennium Declaration,
committing their nations to stronger global efforts to reduce poverty, improve
health and promote peace, human rights and environmental sustainability
_______________________________________________
J. Shirly ~127~
(UNDP, 2003). It is reported that the Millennium Declaration is an attempt to

raise the voice of the people and bring to the fore their concerns. This exercise
was undertaken to set targets so that the results are also measurable. This
Millennium Declaration adopted at the Millennium Summit reflects the concerns
of 147 Heads of States and Governments. The Declaration focused on the
following areas: 1. Values and Principles, 2. Peace and Harmony, 3. Development
and Poverty Eradication, 4. Protecting our common Environment, 5. Human
Rights, Democracy and Good Governance, 6. Protecting the Vulnerable,
especially Adivasis 7. Meeting Specific Needs of Africa and 8. Strengthening the
United Nations (UN 2000).30
As part of the awareness and implementation of Millennium Development in
India too many activities, events, programmes and campaigns were undertaken
by Government, Christian Organisations and NGOs.31 All their efforts resulted to
share with community whatever they do. The policies were greatly influenced to
develop according to their indigenous ways.32 The principles are
1. Encouragement of Tribals on indigenous lines, 2. Respect for tribal rights in
land and forests, 3. Administration and development through local people with
the exception of technical, personnel and avoidance of introducing many
outsiders into the territory, 4. Not overwhelming with a multiplicity of schemes,
but rather working through and not in rivalry, with their own social and cultural
instructions, and 5. Judging results not by statistics or the money spent, but by
the quality of human character evolved.33
Protecting the economic interest of the Adivasis, safeguarding their way of life
and ensuring their development might take their legitimate place in the general
life of the country. Article 242 of the Indian Constitution empowers the Indian
Union to notify Scheduled Tribe areas. Article 46 makes the State responsible for
the promotion of the social and economic interests of the tribes and protect them
from social injustice and exploitation. The policy of economic development
adopted by Indian government has turned out to be policy of destruction and
displacement for the Tribals. Development for the sake of the national interest at
the cost of extermination of the well-consolidated harmonious socio-cultural and
religio-political life of the Adivasis is unfair. Growing land alienation in tribal
areas in the name of development increases sharply. Whole of Adivasi areas is
covered with primary, middle and secondary schools, and primary, and health
centres run by government and many NGOs. Quite a substantial awareness
among the Adivasis was created by them. Through it had good effect on the
society, it led to certain educational and health problems.
The Adivasis communities have become the worst victims. There are smaller
groups in the mountain areas of the south, notably in Kerala, Tamil Nadu and
Karnataka. In today’s situation the Adivasi communities are forced to accept the
false set of values imposed by globalization. This is where Adivasis need to look
at culture beyond the externals of their songs, dances, rites and rituals and look at
_______________________________________________
culture as a political tool and turn it into an instrument of preventing the

exploitation and alienation of Adivasis. The sad thing is that the entire beauty and
charm of hills had vanished in the cloak of development and progress.
Endnotes
1. The Hindu, 29th November, 2018, p. 9.
2. John B. Mundu, Tribal and Indigenous Peoples in India – Responding to India’s
Social Change, NBCLC, Bangalore, 2000, p. 9.
3. The Oxford English Dictionary, Madras, 1987.
4. htt. inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream
5. K. Victor John, “Changing Tribal life of Jawadhu hills in Tamil Nadu”, Indian
Historical Studies, Vol. 8, No. 1&2, Tiruchirappalli, 2012, p. 75.
6. M. Arockiasamy Xavier (ed.), Towards a Just Society, Tiruchirappalli, 2007, p. 24.
7. Ibid.
8. R. C. Varma, Tribals in India, New Delhi, 1989, p. 76.
9. Ibid., p. 80.
10. Ibid., p. 84.
11. Anirudh Prasad, Alleviating Hunger Challenge for the New Millennium, Delhi,
2001, p. 35.
12. Ibid.
13. S. M. Michael, Tribal Culture and Women’s Liberation, Jeevadhara, Vol. 127,
1992, 23.
14. Report of Malaival Makkal Nirvanam 1999 - 2000, Arumanai, Kanyakumari
District, 2000, pp. 28 – 30.
15. S. M. Michael, op. cit., 102.
16. Ibid.
17. M. N. Srinivas, Caste and Modern India, Media Promoters and Publishers, Pvt.
Ltd., Bombay, 1998, p. 48.
18. Ibid.
19. Mahasweta Devi, Aranyer Adhikar, Bangalore, 2000, pp. 70-74.
20. Ibid., p. 86.
21. K. S. Singh, Report of Tribal Culture in India, Shimla, p. 129.
22. M. N. Srinivas, op. cit., p. 97.
23. Ibid.
24. Ibid., p. 106.
25. Ibid.
26. Government of India, 1992, Final Population Totals, Brief Analysis, Census of
India, 1921.
27. S. M. Michael, op. cit., 112.
28. Anirudh Prasad, Alleviating Hunger Challenge for the New Millennium, New Delhi,
2001, p. 35.
_______________________________________________
J. Shirly ~129~
29. C. Thomas, Human Rights Awareness for Sustainable Development,

Tiruchirappalli, 2007, p. 82.
30. Vaiharai, Vol. 14, No. 2, July – December 2009, p. 72.
31. M. Arockiasamy Xavier, op. cit., p. 32.
32. Ibid.
33. Ibid.
______
_______________________________________________
~130~ Book Review
BOOK REVIEW
Name of the Book:

SPEAKING RIVERS: ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY OF A MID
GANGA FLOOD COUNTRY, 1540-1885
Reviewer:
Anjashi Sarkar
Research Scholar, Department of History and Culture
Jamia Millia Islamia University, New Delhi
––––––––––––––––––––––––––
It is not uncommon that colonial intervention in certain ecological spaces has left
us with a history to ponder about the pros and cons of foreign rule. Along with
such a dilemma there also happens to be a specific shift in the study concerning
the same, the possibilities of further scholarship about colonial impacts on
ecological spaces, etc. When we are looking at such pertinent queries, we must
also take note of the fact that indigenous populations had continued to maintain
a fairly judicious way of sustaining themselves. The early modern rulers did not
interrupt such a system but the colonial regime implemented administrative
measures that went on to disturb the harmonious relationship between river areas
and the native populations residing in close proximity. There is no doubt that
colonial policies augmented the progression of cultural and ecological changes in
landscapes. Vipul Singh draws this connection in his work by displaying a sense
of continuousness while looking at governance and change of ecological spaces
in the river plain. He provides a beneficial acumen about the river systems
especially the flood plains of Bihar and the perception about river Ganga that has
now seen some changes with passing time. There is an attempt to recognize the
entire transformation of the Ganga plain along with pointing out certain
ecological modifications after the myriad machineries of governance became a
particularity in the region itself.
Environmental history has emphasized various aspects of ecological change
through the centuries. Singh’s book consists of eight chapters and in addition to
these there is a list each of maps, plates and tables, abbreviations and a glossary.
There is a prologue, an epilogue, a bibliography and the index. It integrates a lot
of elements into the environmental history of the Ganga plain but interestingly
inserts the various cultural, geographical and literary agents without being an
exaggeration. He opines that Ganga is not only a problematic river but the entire
plain has had to see various disasters through the generations. From the initial
chapters of the book one may find several nuances of environmental issues in the
context of river morphology with an all-inclusive deconstruction of the
geographical traits of the river plain. Interestingly the elucidations do not see
environment as a single entity, there is an inclusion of people, geography, the
_______________________________________________
Anjashi Sarkar ~131~
ecology and the history of the river plain, making environment an encompassing
body of various elements in its immediacy.
This work is significant for a number of reasons, first and foremost is the part
about the role of the river in the lives of the river communities (the immediate
environment and their relationship with the river itself). Secondly, the book can
also be viewed with a backdrop of the debates surrounding the Ganga and its
purity. While one may come across a rather sad reality of the 900 crores of rupees
spent on cleaning the river for 15 odd years, the fact remains that not even a single
drop of the river has been cleaned, according to the National Green Tribunal
(NGT). Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Namame Gange Project launched in
2014 undertook the responsibility with a budget of 20,000 crores of rupees that
was to be utilised over a period of five years. The crucial aspect about the cleaning
of the river is attached to the fact that there are over 600 million people inhabiting
the valley apart from the religious and commercial reasons. The humungous
amount of sewage and industrial waste has led to the unclean state of the river. It
is in this particular context that Speaking Rivers is an imperative piece of
scholarship that enlightens us about ample historical and environmental theories
surrounding the river, its communities and the mode in which regimes had a part
to play in its steady transformation, directly or indirectly. The book raises several
essential questions. Some of them centre around the major alterations in the
Ganga plain and their reasons, while the rest concern the changes in cropping
pattern, how these changes affected economy and the society of the region, the
causes of the famine in 1770, whether there is a likelihood of rivers establishing
a cultural and regional identity of their own. It is acceptable that certain regions
have developed or seemed more interesting than the rest because the stories have
survived. Moreover, it draws a beautiful picture of the literary culture, the
changing geography, tradition, geo-politics and environment of the Ganga plain,
focusing more on the Bihar region which is exemplary in its own right.
The investigated work is based on consists of several primary sources and
empirical research which eases out the intricacies one might view while
reviewing the social and economic developments occurring in the region. There
are vernacular sources of history thereby making it lucid and comprehensive
when it comes to the inquiry of tension of the flood plain. Apart from listing out
these issues, Singh makes a noteworthy argument about the triviality attached to
environment history of the mid-Ganga floodplain and the fact that the main issue
of South Asian environmental history in some way mixed itself with the
prevailing historical discourse of the critique of colonialism. This point lays the
ground for further explanations provided by Singh about other idiosyncrasies of
the flood plain without demarcating medieval and modern backdrop directly.
There is a link drawn in the context of ecological change in the Ganga plain.
Singh’s argument is an earnest work affirming that rivers control lives of people
and always have notwithstanding which ruling power stayed in the region and for
_______________________________________________
~132~ Book Review
how long. Simplistic in its essence, there is a comprehensive description provided

about the association between economy and environment corroborated with
historical sources from various regimes and cultural backdrops thereby helping
to understand the course of the river Ganga from the medieval time that has
impacted generations of the early modern period. It is a known fact that studies
of the mid Ganga basin have mainly focused on land revenue grants but Singh
draws a close connection between uses of rivers in the administration and their
effects on the lives of people residing in these areas.
A couple of terms that catch the attention of scholars interested in this genre of
environment and associated history are ‘rivernomics’ and ‘decommonization’.
These terms are helpful for enhancing already existing theories of use of natural
resources. While discussing ‘rivernomics’ Singh does not make it a single
dimensional study about rivers being economically viable but argues that the
communication network that thrived because of the rivers is another exciting
subject one might explore in this arena. Another term that the book speaks of is
‘diara’ land which is understood as land created due to cutting and deposition of
soil but this word is used to indicate the special transformations taking place in
the 19th and 20th centuries in the political and economic spheres subsequently
affecting the common people. The ‘diara’ displays a story about migration,
economic hardships, fishing, revenue for the state, hierarchies in society, etc. The
complex relationships in such lands is expressed in a wide-ranging manner
thereby creating a prospect of further research about such communities. The 1770
famine forms another crucial part of the book where the author explores the sad
event through multiple sources and the monsoons.
The references in the book provide an extra information about phenomena taking
place in certain stances. They are extensions to various terms and historical
processes coupled with historian’s works from similar point of views which
enable us to understand socio-economic or political changes in the area with
respect to administrative machinery.
One of the main points that may attract scholars who are attempting to study the
interdisciplinary nature of the history of the mid Ganga basin is that there is a
substantial part of the book attributed to geography but lays the ground for geo-
politics, therefore making it crucial for our analysis of administration in the area
and the intellectual tradition associated with it. Singh uses historical sources from
the medieval to modern times that is complimentary to the understanding of rivers
and their importance as geographical devices, etc.
The maps provided in the chapters are helpful to students who might not be
acquainted with the geography of the region and are as significant as textual
explanations. There is an honest and naïve feeling of the countryside while
reading various representations provided with respect to the river Ganga. The
author mentions three dialects- Bhojpuri, Maithili and Magahi in the Bihar
_______________________________________________
Anjashi Sarkar ~133~
province. The heterogeneity of the region is sometimes misunderstood and this

classification eases the confusion.
The epilogue forms a thrilling ending to the book because up to a certain extent
it plays with the mythology and the history of this region mentioning local tales
of flooding and how one must understand it is a climatic disaster when there is
flooding and drought at frequent intervals.
In an aggregate one may view Speaking Rivers as a simple and comprehensive
research on the mid Ganga flood plain that brings with a lot of literature, sources,
geo-politics that could be thought of an exhausting but it plays with the readers’
interests in the region. The vernacular sources are the key points to the entire
work because it portrays affinity towards natural spaces in a certain way, thereby
making the study enriching and multi-dimensional. For students who wish to
research on environment especially about the river basins, this book may be used
to clarify several concepts and geographical complexities. The book ends with a
beautiful message about climate change and disasters thus creating a soulful bond
between spirituality and historical phenomena.
______
_______________________________________________

Keeladi Excavations Tirupuvanam Taluk Si

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Keeladi Excavations Tirupuvanam Taluk Si

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K.

Amarnath Ramakrishna ~1~

General View of excavated trenches in Loc-I (2014-15)

Exposed brick structure in Loc-I (2014-15)

Keeladi - Semi-precious stone beads Keeladi - Shell bangles

General View of Excavated Trenches in Loc-II from western side

Keeladi – Exposed brick flooring with parallel walls in Loc-II (2014-15)

Keeladi – Close-up view of exposed ring well in Loc-II (2014-15)

This locality evinced

Keeladi: Thamizhi inscribed potsherd Keeladi: Thamizhi inscribed potsherd

On the basis of stratigraphy and also on paleographical grounds, these inscribed

Potsherd with fish symbol Keeladi – Ivory Dice

Excavation at Keeladi 2015-16

General View of Excavated Trenches in Loc-II

Exposed brick structures after baulk removal in Loc-II (2015-16)

Aerial View of exposed Brick Structures in Loc-II

or industrial purpose. This is strengthened by another partly survived paved

Exposed brick structures facing eastern section in Loc-II (2015 -16)

Exposed brick structure with post holes in Loc – II (2015 -16)

Close-up view of exposed terracotta pipes (2015 -16)

Black and red ware and Rouletted sherds

Both fine and locally manufactured

On the basis of stratigraphy and also on paleographical grounds, these inscribed

Ivory Combs (2015-16) Stone weights (2015-16)

PROBLEMS FACED BY THE COTTON HANDLOOM

Tamilakam remained the cotton monarch of the world of textile manufactures on

of fibre composition. Hence, India is not prepared to take advantage of the

accepted standards of quality and (5)To give quality consumer products at

of ensuring that the yarn in hank form is available inadequate quantity at

quarterly dues up to 30-09-1998 were sanctioned by the Government. In order to

discountenance of the free distribution scheme caused hardship to the weavers

Chennai. Steps were taken to conduct exhibitions in Chennai, Coimbatore,

cooperative fold of 1103 Primary Weavers Cooperative Societies. This is the 53

47. Ibid., p. 65.

81. TNLAD, dt. 30th July 2004, p. 63.

114. TNEA, 1999-2000, p. 67.

UNDERSTANDING RELIGIOUS BELIEF AND FEMINIST

female deity and the pro-creative power of nature as manifested by personified

THE DALIT MOVEMENT AND DRAVIDIAN AWAKENING IN

23. Ibid., p. 130.

WELFARE MEASURES FOR THE BETTERMENT OF THE

Handloom weaving was practiced by the Indian weavers as a cottage industry in

Government gave ownership (patta) to the handloom weavers in Tiruvalluvar

beneficiary. The extension of this scheme to the weavers in the Cooperative

9. Report on the Working of the Co-operative Societies in Madras, 1950, Madras,

LAND TENURE AND SOCIAL HIERARCHY IN THE RAMNAD

22. M. Srinivasa Ragavaiyangar, Memorandum on the Progress of the Madras

CLEANING THE BODY AND THE LIVING SPACE:

surroundings. The neatness, tidiness and cleanliness of these surroundings speak

METAL INDUSTRY IN ANCIENT BENGAL

disrespectfully unwittingly ignoring the ethnic directions. As a result of the

as buillion3, steel4, kamsya5, Teon-ShiH, Vartaloham (combination of kamsya,

10. B. K. Sarkar, Sukra-Niti-Sara, Allahabad, Sudhindya Natha Vasu at the Panini

MOTHER’S MILK – HEALTH AND WEALTH OF A CHILD

Nutrition: Infant and Young Child Feeding

representatives from various Ministries and Departments of Central Government

INDIGENOUS PEOPLE IN INDIA AND THEIR DEVELOPMENT

were studied by scholars and designated as 'tribals.'23 A number of administrators

(UNDP, 2003). It is reported that the Millennium Declaration is an attempt to

culture as a political tool and turn it into an instrument of preventing the

29. C. Thomas, Human Rights Awareness for Sustainable Development,

Name of the Book:

how long. Simplistic in its essence, there is a comprehensive description provided