2009 Introduction to General, Organic and Biochemistry, 9th Edition Test Bank

2009 Introduction to General, Organic and Biochemistry, 9th

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CHAPTER 7 -- REACTION RATES AND CHEMICAL EQUILIBRIUM

Student: ___________________________________________________________________________

1. Which of the following best describes the rates of chemical reaction?

A. most chemical reactions occur very slowly
B. most chemical reactions occur at moderate rates
C. most chemical reactions occur very rapidly
D. chemical reactions have a wide range of rates, from extremely fast to extremely slow

2. Which of the following is the study of the rates of chemical reactions?

A. kinetics
B. stoichiometry
C. thermodynamics
D. none of these

3. Which of the following units can used to describe the rate of a chemical reaction?
A. (moles·liter)/minute
B. (moles/L)/minute
C. 1/(moles·liter·minute)
D. none of these

4. For the reaction A + B ® 2 C, which of the following best describes how we can measure the reaction rate?
A. The rate can be measured by measuring how fast A is consumed.
B. The rate can be measured by measuring how fast C is produced.
C. either of the above procedures can be used
D. neither of the above procedures can be used

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5. For the reaction A + B ® 2 C, which of the following statements is true?
A. B is consumed at the same rate that A is consumed
B. C is produced at the same rate A is consumed
C. both a. and b.
D. Neither a. nor b.

6. For the reaction A + B ® 2 C, which of the following statements is true?

A. B is consumed at the same rate that A is consumed
B. C is produced at twice the rate A is consumed
C. both a. and b.
D. Neither a. nor b.

7. For the reaction 2C ® A + B, 0.01 mole of A is formed during the first 15 seconds of the reaction. Assuming
that the rate of reaction remains constant for two minutes, which of the following statements is true?
A. after 2 minutes 0.08 moles of B were produced
B. after 2 minutes 0.08 moles of C were consumed
C. both a. and b.
D. Neither a. nor b.

8. For the reaction 2C ® A + B, 0.01 mole of A is formed during the first 15 seconds of the reaction. Assuming
that the rate of reaction remains constant for two minutes, which of the following statements is true?
A. after 2 minutes 0.08 moles of B were produced
B. after 2 minutes 0.16 moles of C were consumed
C. both a. and b.
D. Neither a. nor b.

9. Which of the following is true of the rates of most chemical reactions?

A. the initial rate is cannot be measured
B. the initial rate is faster than the rate later in time
C. the initial rate is the same as the rate later in time
D. the initial rate is slower than the rate later in time

10. In the reaction 2HgO(s) ® 2Hg(l) + O2(g) we measure the evolution of gas to determine the rate of
reaction. At the beginning of the reaction (at 0 minutes), 0.020 L of O2 is present. After 15 minutes the
volume of O2 is 0.35 L. What is the rate of reaction?
A. 0.022 L/min
B. 0.023 L/min
C. 0.23 L/min
D. 0.33 L/min
11. Which of the following is true of effective collisions?
A. the number of effective collisions decreases as the temperature is increased
B. the number of effective collisions determines the reaction rate
C. both a. and b.
D. Neither a. nor b.

12. Which of the following is true of effective collisions?

A. the number of effective collisions determines the reaction rate
B. the number of effective collisions increases as the temperature is increased
C. both a. and b.
D. Neither a. nor b.

13. Many molecular collisions do not result in chemical reaction. Why is this?
A. the colliding molecules are not the correct chemicals
B. the colliding molecules do not have sufficient energy
C. the colliding molecules do not have the correct orientations
D. all of the above

14. Why will increasing the temperature of a reaction speed up the reaction?
A. the activation energy for the reaction is lowered
B. the heat of reaction is increased
C. there are more effective collisions between molecules
D. none of these

15. For which of the following reactions is it important that the species collide with the correct orientation?
A. 2 NO(g) + O2(g) ® 2 NO2(g)
B. HCl(g) + H2O(l) ® H3O+(aq) + Cl-(aq)
C. both of them
D. neither of them

16. For which of the following reactions is it important that the species collide with the correct orientation?
A. HCl(g) + H2O(l) ® H2O+(aq) + Cl-(aq)
B. Ag+(aq) + Cl--(aq) ® AgCl(s)
C. both of them
D. neither of them
 Another random document
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 ALSO IN:
R. Frothingham,
The Rise of the Republic,
chapter 10.

H. von Holst,
Constitutional and Political History of the United States,
volume 1, chapter 1.

P. Force,
American Archives,
volume 2.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1775 (June).

End of Royal Government in New Hampshire.

See NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1775-1776.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1775 (June).

The end of Royal Government In Virginia.

See VIRGINIA: A. D. 1775.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1775 (June).

The Battle of Bunker Hill.

"British reinforcements, under three generals, Howe, Clinton,

and Burgoyne, arrived at Boston soon after the fight at
Lexington. Gage had now about 10,000 men. These occupied the
town of Boston, which lay on a peninsula covering the middle
of the harbor. Around them, on the hills of the mainland,
there were about twice their number of undisciplined and
poorly-armed Americans, without cannon and almost without
food. Just north of Boston, another peninsula ran out into the
harbor. On it there were several hills, and the Americans
determined to seize and fortify one of them, called Bunker
Hill. About 1,000 men, under Colonel Prescott, were sent into
the peninsula for this on a suitable night. For some reason,
they passed beyond Bunker Hill, and seized Breed's Hill, much
closer to Boston. Breed's Hill is now usually called Bunker
Hm, and the Bunker Hill monument is erected upon it. The
American fortification was continued silently and swiftly
through the night. In the morning of June 17, 1775, the
British in Boston woke to see a long line of intrenchments
running across the hill above them, and an American
working-party busily strengthening it. For a time, the British
frigates in the harbor kept up a slow and distant fire, to
which the working-party paid no attention; but at noon the
work was stopped, for the British troops were coming across
the harbor in boats. Three thousand well armed, uniformed, and
drilled soldiers, who had never known defeat in equal fight,
landed near Charlestown, under General Howe. Here they formed
at the water-side, and in a long, steady line began to move
upward to scatter the 1,500 farmers who were watching them
from the top of the hill. From the roofs of the houses in
Boston, the rest of the British army and the townspeople were
watching, anxious to see 'whether the Yankees would fight.'
Most of the watchers expected to see the untrained soldiers in
the fort fire a few hasty shots at a safe distance, and run.
The fort held a threatening silence until the attacking column
was within 150 feet. Then, at the word, came a sheet of fire
from the marksmen within; and, when the smoke lifted, part of
the British line was lying dead or wounded, and the rest were
retreating hastily down the hill. The British were not
cowards: the officers re-formed the line at the bottom of the
hill, and, after setting fire to Charlestown, again advanced
to the attack. Again there was a steady silence in the fort, a
close and deadly fire, and the British line was driven down
the hill again. The British then moved up the hill for the
third time. The powder in the fort was now gone, and the
garrison fought for a few minutes with gun stocks and stones
against the British bayonets. But such a struggle was
hopeless, and the British gained the fort. They were too tired
to pursue the garrison, who escaped to the mainland."

A. Johnston,
History of the United States for schools,
sections 195-197.

"As soon as Prescott saw the defence was hopeless, he ordered

a retreat, and friend and foe mingled together as they surged
out of the sally-port amid the clouds of dust which the
trampling raised, for a scorching sun had baked the new-turned
soil. It was now, while the confused mass of beings rocked
along down the rear slope of the hill, that Warren [who had
joined the defending force that morning as a volunteer] fell,
shot through the head. No one among the Americans knew
certainly that he was dead, as they left him. … Prescott did
not conceal his indignation at not having been better
supported, when he made his report at Ward's headquarters. He
knew he had fought well; but neither he nor his contemporaries
understood at the time how a physical defeat might be a moral
victory. Not knowing this, there was little else than
mortification over the result,—indeed, on both sides. … The
general opinion seems to be that the Americans had about 1,500
men engaged at one time, and that from 3,000 to 4,000 at
different times took some part in it. The British had probably
about the same numbers in all, but were in excess of the
Americans at all times while engaged. The conflict with small
arms lasted about ninety minutes."

J. Winsor,
The Conflict Precipitated
(Narrative and Critical History of America,
volume 6, chapter 2).

"How can we exaggerate the relative importance of this day's

action? Did it not, in fact, not only open, but make the
contest, dividing into two parties not only those determined
for the ministry or for enfranchisement, but also all timid,
 hesitating, reluctant neutrals? It was impossible after this
to avoid taking a side. It rendered all reconciliation
impossible, till it should offer itself in the shape of
independence.
{3228}
It echoed the gathering cry that brought together our people
from their farms and workshops, to learn the terrible art
which grows more merciful only as it is more ferociously, that
is, skilfully, pursued. The day needs no rhetoric to magnify
it in our revolutionary annals. When its sun went down, the
provincials had parted with all fear, hesitation, and
reluctance. They found that it was easy to fight. … General
Gage's account of the battle, acknowledging the loss of 226
killed and 828 wounded, was received in London, July 25th.
While the ministry received with dismay this official
intelligence, and kept it back from publication, many private
letters accompanying it in its transit anticipated with
exaggerations its humiliating details."

G. E. Ellis,
History of the Battle of Bunker's Hill,
pages 102-105.

ALSO IN:
R. Frothingham,
History of the Siege of Boston,
chapters 4-7.

R. Frothingham,
Life and Times of Joseph Warren,
chapter 16.

I. N. Tarbox,
Life of Israel Putnam,
chapters 7-11.

H. B. Dawson,
 Bunker Hill
(Historical Magazine, June, 1868).

S. A. Drake,
Historic Fields and Mansions of Middlesex,
chapter 3.

P. Force, editor,
American Archives,
series 4, volume 2.

F. Moore, editor,
Diary of the American Revolution,
volume 1, pages 97-103.

B. J. Lossing,
Field Book of the American Revolution,
volume 1.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1775 (August-December).

Unsuccessful expedition to Canada.

"The exploits of Allen and Arnold at Ticonderoga … had invited

further conquests; but the Continental Congress hesitated to
take any steps which might seem to carry war across the line
till the Canadians had the opportunity of casting in their lot
with their neighbors. On the 1st of June, 1775, Congress had
distinctly avowed this purpose of restraint; and they well
needed to be cautious, for the Canadian French had not
forgotten the bitter aspersions on their religion which
Congress had, with little compunction, launched upon its
professors, under the irritation of the Quebec Act. Still
their rulers were aliens, and the traditional hatred of
centuries between races is not easily kept in abeyance. Ethan
Allen was more eager to avail himself of this than Congress
was to have him; but the march of events converted the
legislators, and the opportunity which Allen grieved to see
lost was not so easily regained when Congress at last
authorized the northern invasion. Arnold and Allen had each
aimed to secure the command of such an expedition, the one by
appealing to the Continental Congress, the other by
representations to that of New York. Allen had also gone in
person to Philadelphia, and he and his Green Mountain Boys
were not without influence upon Congress, in their quaint and
somewhat rough ways, as their exuberant patriotism later made
the New York authorities forget their riotous opposition to
the policy which that province had been endeavoring to enforce
in the New Hampshire Grants. Connecticut had already sent
forward troops to Ticonderoga to hold that post till Congress
should decide upon some definite action; and at the end of
June, 1775, orders reached Schuyler which he might readily
interpret as authorizing him, if the Canadians did not object,
to advance upon Canada. He soon started to assume command, but
speedily found matters unpromising. The Johnsons were arming
the Indians up the Mohawk and beyond in a way that boded no
good, and they had entered into compacts with the British
commanders in Canada. Arnold had been at Ticonderoga, and had
quarrelled with Hinman, the commander of the Connecticut
troops. Schuyler heard much of the Green Mountain Boys, but he
only knew them as the lawless people of the Grants, and soon
learned that Allen and Warner had themselves set to
quarrelling. … In August the news from Canada began to be
alarming. Richard Montgomery, an Irish officer who had some
years before left the army to settle on the Hudson and marry,
was now one of the new brigadiers. He urged Schuyler to
advance and anticipate the movement now said to be intended by
Carleton, the English general commanding in Canada. At this
juncture Schuyler got word from Washington that a coöperating
expedition would be dispatched by way of the Kennebec, which,
if everything went well, might unite with Schuyler's before
Quebec."

J. Winsor,
The Conflict Precipitated
 (Narrative and Critical History of America, volume 6).

The two movements were made, from Ticonderoga and from the
Kennebec, with results which will be found related under
CANADA: A. D. 1775-1776. "No expedition during the American
Revolution had less elements of permanent value than those
which were undertaken against Canada during the year 1775.
Great results were anticipated, but none were realized. The
obstacles were too substantial, and failure was inevitable.
Wonderful endurance and great physical courage were
manifested, and these were accompanied by a prodigious amount
of faith, but there was neither ability nor opportunity for
works commensurate with the faith. Certain Acts of Parliament,
known as the Canadian Acts, were as offensive to Canadians as
other legislation was to Americans; but the former were not
pressed to the extremity of armed resistance. The people
themselves having no harmony of religious or political views,
were equally divided in language and race. Neither did the
Canadians invite the aid of the colonies. The hypothesis that
Canada would blend her destiny with that of New England, and
would unite in resistance to the crown, certainly involved
some identity of interest as well as of action. But the
characters of the two people were too unlike to be unified by
simple opposition to English legislation, and Canadians had no
antecedents such as would prompt a hearty sympathy with New
England and its controlling moral sentiment. Neither was there
such a neighborly relation as admitted of prompt and adequate
aid from one to the other, in emergencies calling for a
combined effort. As a base of operations for a British army
moving upon the colonies, Canada had the single advantage of
being less distant from England than an Atlantic base, and
many supplies could be procured without the expense and delay
of their transportation across the Atlantic; but between
Canada and the American colonies there was an actual
wilderness. Hence a British offensive movement from Canada
involved constant waste of men and materials, a deep line
through an uninhabited or hostile region, and such a constant
 backing, as was both inconsistent with the resources of the
base, and with a corresponding support of armies resting upon
the sea coast. The British government was not ready for
operations so extensive and so exhaustive of men and treasure;
neither did it realize the necessity for that expenditure.
{3229}
There were two alternatives, one illustrated by General
Carleton's plan, viz., to hold the forts of Lake Champlain, as
advanced, defensive positions; and the other, that of
Burgoyne, to strike through the country and depend upon
support from the opposite base. The true defense of the
colonies from such expeditions depended upon the prompt
seizure and occupation of the frontier posts. An American
advance upon Canada was not only through a country
strategically bad, but the diversion of forces for that
purpose endangered the general issue, and entrusted its
interests to the guardianship of an army already insufficient
to meet the pressing demands of the crisis. The occupation of
New York in 1775, by an adequate British force, would have
infinitely outweighed all possible benefit from the complete
conquest of Canada. At the very time when Washington could
hardly hold the British garrison of Boston in check,—when he
had an average of but nine rounds of ammunition per man, he
was required to spare companies, ammunition, and supplies for
a venture, profitless at best,—with the certainty that
reinforcements could not be supplied as fast as the enemy
could draw veteran regiments from Great Britain and Ireland,
to defend or recover Canadian soil. In giving a rapid outline
of this first attempt of the colonies to enlarge the theatre
of active operations, it should be noticed that the initiative
had been taken before General Washington had been elected
commander-in-chief, and that Congress itself precipitated the
final movement."

H. B. Carrington,
Battles of the American Revolution,
chapter 19.
 ALSO IN:
B. J. Lossing,
Life and Times of Philip Schuyler,
volume 1, chapters 19-29,
and volume 2, chapters 1-4.

J. Armstrong,
Life of Richard Montgomery
(Library of American Biographies, volume 1).

J. Henry,
Account of Arnold's Campaign against Quebec,
by one of the Survivors.

I. N. Arnold,
Life of Benedict .Arnold,
chapters 3-5.

W. Irving,
Life of Washington.
volume 2, chapters 4-5, 8-9, 12, 15-16, 19-20.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1775 (September).

Flight of Govern or Tryon from New York.

See NEW YORK: A. D. 1775 (APRIL-SEPTEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1775-1776.

Washington in command at Cambridge.
The British forced out of Boston.

Washington "arrived in Cambridge, Massachusetts, on the 2d of

July [1775], and on the following day presented himself at the
head of the army. His head-quarters remained at Cambridge,
till the evacuation of Boston by the royal forces on the 17th
of March, 1776. The position of affairs was one of vast
responsibility and peril. The country at large was highly
excited, and expected that a bold stroke would be struck and
decisive successes obtained. But the army was without
organization and discipline; the troops unused to obey, the
officers for the most part unaccustomed, some of them
incompetent, to command. A few of them only had had a limited
experience in the Seven Years' War. Most of the men had rushed
to the field on the first alarm of hostilities, without any
enlistment; and when they were enlisted, it was only till the
end of the year. There was no military chest; scarce anything
that could be called a commissariat. The artillery consisted
of a few old field-pieces of various sizes, served with a very
few exceptions by persons wholly untrained in gunnery. There
was no siege train, and an almost total want of every
description of ordnance stores. Barrels of sand, represented
as powder, were from time to time brought into the camp, to
prevent the American army itself from being aware of its
deficiency in that respect. In the autumn of 1775, an alarm of
small-pox was brought from Boston, and the troops were
subjected to inoculation: There was no efficient power, either
in the Provincial Assembly or the Congress at Philadelphia, by
which these wants could be supplied and these evils remedied.
Such were the circumstances under which General Washington
took the field, at the head of a force greatly superior in
numbers to the royal army, but in all other respects a very
unequal match. Meantime the British were undisputed masters of
the approaches to Boston by water. Washington's letters
disclose extreme impatience under the inaction to which he was
condemned; but the gravest difficulties attended the expulsion
of the royal forces from Boston. It could only be effected by
the bombardment and assault of that place; an attempt which
must in any event have been destructive to the large
non-combatant population, that had been unable to remove into
the country, and which would have been of doubtful success,
for the want of a siege train, and with troops wholly unused
to such an undertaking. Having in the course of the year
received some captured ordnance from Canada [from Fort
Ticonderoga], and a supply of ammunition taken by privateers
at sea, Washington was strongly disposed to assault the town,
as soon as the freezing of the bay on the western side of the
peninsula would allow the troops to pass on the ice. The
winter, however, remained open longer than usual, and a
council of war dissuaded this attempt. He then determined to
occupy Nook's Hill (an eminence at the extremity of Dorchester
'Neck,' as it was called, separated from Boston by a narrow
arm of the harbor), and Dorchester Heights, which commanded
Nook's Hill and the town itself. In this way the royal forces
would be compelled to take the risk of a general action, for
the purpose of dislodging the Americans, or else to evacuate
the town. The requisite preparations having been made with
secrecy, energy, and despatch, the heights were covered with
breastworks on the night of the 4th of March, 1776, as 'by
enchantment.' A partial movement, undertaken by the royal army
to dislodge the Americans, was frustrated by stress of
weather; and on the 17th of March, in virtue of an agreement
to that effect with the municipal government, the town and
harbor of Boston were evacuated by the British army and army
without firing a gun. Thus, without a battle and without the
destruction of a building in Boston, the first year of the war
was brought to a successful and an auspicious close."

E. Everett,
Life of Washington,
chapter 5.

ALSO IN:
G. Washington,
Writings; edited. by Ford,
volume 3.

R. Frothingham,
History of the Siege of Boston,
chapters 8-13.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1775-1776.
The beginning of the American Navy,
and the early fitting out of Privateers.

"Before the end of 1775 the Continental Congress ordered that

five ships of 32 guns should be built, five of 28, and three
of 24. This order was carried out, and these vessels are the
proper beginning of the navy of the United States. Almost
everyone of them, before the war was over, had been captured,
or burned to avoid capture.
{3230}
But the names of the little fleet will always be of interest
to Americans, and some of those names have always been
preserved on the calendar of the navy. They are the
'Washington,' 'Raleigh,' 'Hancock,' 'Randolph,' 'Warren,'
'Virginia,' 'Trumbull,' 'Effingham,' 'Congress,' 'Providence,'
'Boston,' 'Delaware,' 'Montgomery.' The State of Rhode Island,
at the very outbreak of hostilities, commissioned Abraham
Whipple, who went with his little vessel as far as Bermuda,
and, from his experience in naval warfare earned in the French
War, he was recognized as commodore of the little fleet of
American cruisers. … Meanwhile, every maritime State issued
commissions to privateers, and established admiralty or prize
courts, with power to condemn prizes when brought in.
Legitimate commerce had been largely checked, and … the seamen
of the country, who had formerly been employed in the
fisheries, or in our large foreign trade with the West India
Islands and with Europe, gladly volunteered in the private
service. Till the end of the war the seamen preferred the
privateer service to that of the government. … The larger
maritime States had in commission one or more vessels from the
beginning, but they found the same difficulty which the
Congress found in enlisting seamen, when any bold privateer
captain came into rivalry with them. … As early as the 22d of
December, in 1775, Congress had appointed Esek Hopkins, of
Rhode Island, commander-in-chief of its navy, and had named
four captains besides, with several lieutenants, the first of
 whom was John Paul Jones. … On the 10th of October [1776] a
resolution of Congress fixed the rank of captains in the navy,
… Paul Jones eighteenth on a list of twenty-four. Jones was
not pleased that his rank was not higher, but eventually his
achievements were such that his reputation probably now stands
higher as a successful officer than that of any of the
number."

E. E. Hale,
Naval History of the American Revolution
(Narrative and Critical History of America,
volume 6, chapter 7).

ALSO IN:
J. F. Cooper,
Naval History of the United States,
volume 1, chapters 4-6.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1776 (January).

Adoption of a Constitution in New Hampshire.

See NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1775-1776.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1776 (January-June).

King George's war measures and Paine's "Common Sense."
The setting of the tide of opinion toward national independence.

"Disastrous news arrived from England before the close of the

winter of 1775-6. The King had opened Parliament with a speech
in which he had denounced the Colonists as rebels, seeking,
with deceitful pretences, to establish an independent empire;
and his Majesty recommended decisive, coercive measures
against them. … The answer to the Royal Address (adopted by a
vote of seventy-six to thirty-three in the Lords, and two
hundred and seventy-eight to one hundred and eight in the
Commons) gave assurances of the firm support of Parliament to
the proposed measures. The very moderately conciliatory
propositions made by the Duke of Richmond, Mr. Burke, and the
Duke of Grafton, were summarily voted down, and not far from
the middle of December the atrocious' Prohibitory Act,' as it
was generally designated, passed. It was, in effect, a
declaration of war, and a war unrestrained by the customs, and
unmitigated by the decencies of civilization. It authorized
the confiscation of American vessels and cargoes, and those of
all nations found trading in American ports. It authorized
British commanders to impress American crews into the British
Navy, and to place them on the same footing with voluntarily
enlisted seamen; that is, to give them a choice between
parricide and being hung at a yardarm! Finally, it referred
all future negotiations to two Commissioners, to be sent out
along with a conquering armament, who were allowed to grant
pardons to individuals and Colonies, on submission, thus
leaving no future alternative opposed to the latter but the
sword, and indicating that henceforth all appeals to King or
Parliament were cut off. … Concurrently with these legislative
steps, the practical ones for carrying on the war, with a
large army, were entered upon. Finding it difficult or
impossible to obtain the necessary recruits at home, and that
the existing English and Irish regiments embarked with such
reluctance that it was necessary to keep a guard upon the
transports 'to keep them from deserting by wholesale,' the
Ministry successively applied to Russia, the States-General,
and finally, several of the German States for mercenaries. …
The infamy of filling up the British armament was reserved for
the Princes of three or four petty German States. … As the
news of these events successively reached the American
Congress and people, in the winter and spring of 1775-6, the
contest took a new coloring. Not only the bold, but the
moderate began now to see the real alternative before them.
And at a critical moment the remedy, and the path to it, were
pointed out by a master hand. 'Common Sense' was published by
Thomas Paine, and a more effective popular appeal never went
to the bosoms of a nation. Its tone, its manner, its biblical
illusions, its avoidance of all openly impassioned appeals to
 feeling, and its unanswerable common sense were exquisitely
adapted to the great audience to which it was addressed; and
calm investigation will satisfy the historical student that
its effect in preparing the popular mind for the Declaration
of Independence, exceeded that of any other paper, speech, or
document made to favor it, and it would scarcely be
exaggeration to add, than all other such means put together.
John Adams, with a childish perpetuance, and with a rancor so
vehement that it appears ridiculous, spares no occasion to
underrate Paine's services, and to assault his opinions and
character. … His transparent motive seems to be to decry the
author of a paper which had too much the credit of preparing
the public mind for the Declaration of Independence, a credit
which Mr. Adams was more than anxious to monopolize. Let us be
just. Paine's services in paving the way to the Declaration
are not to be mentioned on the same page with John Adams's.
Moreover, Independence would have been declared, and, perhaps,
nearly as early, had Paine never written. But he did, at a
propitious moment, and with consummate adaptation, write a
paper which went like the arrow which pierces the centre of
the target. Its effect was instantaneous and tremendous. … The
work ran through innumerable editions in America and France.
The world rung with it. … It admits of no doubt that pretty
early in 1776, all the true Whigs in Congress, moderates as
well as ultras, became satisfied of the necessity and
expediency of separation, and that henceforth it was only a
question of time with them.
{3231}
Enactments placing the struggle on the footing of open war,
instead of mere insurrection—issuing letters of marque and
reprisal against the enemies of our commerce—advising the
local authorities to disarm the disaffected—opening the ports
of the country to all nations but Great Britain—directing
negotiations for foreign alliances to be undertaken—were
successively made. Finally, on the 10th of May, a resolution,
prepared by John Adams and R. H. Lee, passed the House,
advising all the Colonies to form governments for themselves;
and in this, unlike preceding instances of giving advice on
the same subject, no limitation of the duration of the
governments to be formed 'to the continuance of the present
dispute' was inserted. This, with a befitting preamble,
written by John Adams, was adopted on the 15th, … and was,
obviously, a long and bold stride in the direction of
independence, and must have been understood by all as its
signal and precursor. … Congress cheered on those whom
peculiar circumstances had rendered more backward, and it
tarried for them a little by the way; on the other hand, it
prudently waited for the prompting of the more forward. Thus
it avoided the appearance of dominating over public
opinion—thus it 'kept front and rear together.' Early in April
(12th), North Carolina 'empowered' her delegates 'to concur
with the delegates of other Colonies in declaring
independency.' At its 'May session' (the day of the month not
appearing in the record under our eye), the General Assembly
of Rhode Island abolished its act of allegiance, and directed
all commissions and legal processes henceforth to issue in the
name and under the authority of the 'Governor and Company.'
The Connecticut General Assembly, which met on the 9th of May,
before its adjournment (date not before us), repealed its act
against high treason, and made the same order with Rhode
Island in regard to legal processes. On the 15th of May,
Virginia took a still more decisive step, by instructing its
delegates in Congress to move for a Declaration of
Independence. … The Virginia delegates in Congress made choice
of Richard H. Lee to move the resolutions contained in their
instructions of May 15th; and he did so on Friday, the 7th day
of June, John Adams seconding them. Their consideration was
postponed until the next day, when they were referred to a
committee of the whole, and debated throughout Saturday and
the succeeding Monday. On the latter day (10th) Congress
resolved: 'That the consideration of the first resolution be
postponed to Monday, the first day of July next; and in the
meanwhile, that no time be lost, in case the Congress agree
thereto, that a committee be appointed to prepare a
declaration to the effect of the said first resolution, which
is in these words: That these Colonies are, and of right ought
to be, free and independent States; that they are absolved
from all allegiance to the British Crown; and that all
Political connection between them and the State of Great
Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.'"

H. S. Randall,
Life of Jefferson,
volume 1, chapter 4.

ALSO IN:
G. Bancroft,
History of United States
(Author's last revision),
volume 4, chapters 24-28.

R. Frothingham,
Rise of the Republic,
chapter 11.

W. C. Rives,
Life and Times of Madison,
volume 1, chapters 4-5.

American Archives,
series 4, volume 6.

E. G. Scott,
The Development of Constitutional Liberty in the
English Colonies,
chapter 11.

C. J. Stille,
Life and Times of John Dickinson,
chapter 5.
 See, also, NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1775-1776;
and VIRGINIA: A. D. 1776.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1776 (January-June).

Engagement of hireling Hessians
to reinforce the British arms.

"The [British] Cabinet had entertained some hopes of Russian

auxiliaries [application for 20,000 of whom had been made to
the Empress Catherine, who refused them with hardly concealed
scorn], but the negotiation for that object could not be
matured. Early in the year treaties were signed with the
Landgrave of Hesse for taking into British pay 12,000 of his
men; with the Duke of Brunswick and other petty potentates of
Germany for 5,000 more. These little princes, seeing the need
of England, which did not choose to lean, as she might and
should have done, on her own right arm, insisted on obtaining,
and did obtain, most usurious terms. Under the name of
levy-money, there was to be paid to them the price of 30
crowns for every foot-soldier. Under the name of subsidy, each
of their Serene Highnesses was moreover to be indulged with a
yearly sum, irrespective of the pay and subsistence of the
troops; and on the plea that in this case no certain number of
years was stipulated as the term of service, the Landgrave of
Hesse claimed and was promised a double subsidy, namely
450,000 crowns a year. The men were to enter into pay before
they began to march! The subsidies were to be continued for
one full year at least after the war was over and the troops
had returned to their respective homes. Never yet, in short,
was the blood of brave men sold on harder terms. The disgrace
of this transaction to the German Princes who engaged in it
requires little comment. … The ablest by far of the German
Princes at that time, Frederick of Prussia, was not in general
a man of compassionate feelings. He had no especial love or
care for the North American cause. … Yet even Frederick
expressed in strong terms his contempt for the scandalous
man-traffic of his neighbours. It is said that whenever any of
 the newly hired Brunswickers or Hessians had to pass through
any portion of his territory he claimed to levy on them the
usual toll as for so many head of cattle, since he said they
had been sold as such! Nor can the British ministry in this
transaction be considered free from blame. … Certain it is
that among the various causes which at this period wrought
upon our trans-Atlantic brethren to renounce their connection
with us, there was none more cogent in their minds than the
news that German mercenaries had been hired and were coming to
fight against them."

Lord Mahon (Earl Stanhope),

History of England, 1713-1783,
chapter 53 (volume 6).

"The first German troops to start for America were the

Brunswickers. These marched from Brunswick on February 22d,
1776, 2,282 strong, and were embarked at Stade, near the mouth
of the Elbe. The second division of Brunswickers embarked at
the end of May—about 2,000 men. The first Hessians set out
from Cassel early in March, and were shipped at Bremerlehe,
near the mouth of the Weser. The second division was embarked
in June. Together they numbered between 12,000 and 13,000 men.
{3232}
They were for the most part excellent troops and well
equipped, for the Landgrave's little army was one of the best
in Germany. … The Prince of Waldeck sent his regiment through
Cassel without trouble. The Prince of Hesse-Hanau, the
Margrave of Anspach-Bayreuth, and the Prince of Anhalt-Zerbst
had a longer road."

E. J. Lowell,
The Hessians in the Revolutionary War,
chapter 5.

ALSO IN:
M. von Eelking,
 Memoirs of General Riedesel,
volume 1, pages 18-88, and appendix.

G. Bancroft,
History of the United States
(Author's last revision),
volume 4, chapter 22.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1776 (February).

Flight of the Royal Governor from Georgia.

See GEORGIA: A. D. 1775-1777.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1776 (March).

State government organized and a Constitution adopted in
South Carolina.

See SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1776 (FEBRUARY-APRIL).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1776 (April).

North Carolina the first colony to declare for independence.

See NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1775-1776.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1776 (May).

Rhode Island renounces allegiance to the King.

See RHODE ISLAND: A. D. 1776.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1776 (May).

Popular vote for independence in Massachusetts.

See MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1776 (APRIL-MAY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1776 (May).

Arnold's retreat from Canada.