Test Bank for Understanding Normal and Clinical Nutrition, 9th Edition: Sharon Rady Rolfes

456

Test Bank for Understanding Normal and Clinical

Nutrition, 9th Edition: Sharon Rady Rolfes
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Chapter 1 – An Overview of Nutrition

An. Page(s)/difficulty K = knowledge-level, A = application level

Multiple Choice

Questions for Section 1.0 Introduction

c 3(K) 01. Features of a chronic disease include all of the following except
a. it develops slowly.
b. it lasts a long time.
c. it produces sharp pains.
d. it progresses gradually.

b 3(K) 02. Characteristics of an acute disease include all of the following except
a. it develops quickly.
b. it progresses slowly.
c. it runs a short course.
d. it causes sharp symptoms.

Questions for Section 1.1 Food Choices

b 3(K) 03. What is the chief reason people choose the foods they eat?
a. Cost
b. Taste
c. Convenience
d. Nutritional value

d 3-5(A) 04. All of the following are results of making poor food choices except
a. over the long term, they will reduce lifespan in some people.
b. they can promote heart disease and cancer over the long term.
c. over the long term, they will not affect lifespan in some people.
d. when made over just a single day, they exert great harm to your health.

d 4(A) 05. A child who developed a strong dislike of noodle soup after consuming some when she
was sick with flu is an example of a food-related
a. habit.
b. social interaction.
c. emotional turmoil.
d. negative association.

c 4(A) 06. A parent who offers a child a favorite snack as a reward for good behavior is displaying a
food behavior known as
a. social interaction.
b. reverse psychology.
c. positive association.

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 457
d. habitual reinforcement.

a 4(A) 07. A person who eats a bowl of oatmeal for breakfast every day would be displaying a food
choice most likely based on
a. habit.
b. availability.
c. body image.
d. environmental concerns.

d 4(A) 08. Which of the following represents a food choice based on negative association?
a. A tourist from China who rejects a hamburger due to unfamiliarity
b. A child who spits out his mashed potatoes because they taste too salty
c. A teenager who grudgingly accepts an offer for an ice cream cone to avoid offending
a close friend
d. An elderly gentleman who refuses a peanut butter and jelly sandwich because he
deems it a child’s food

a 4(A) 09. The motive for a person who alters his diet due to religious convictions is most likely his
a. values.
b. body image.
c. ethnic heritage.
d. functional association.

c 4(A) 10. A person viewing an exciting sports match of her favorite team and eating because of
nervousness would be displaying a food choice behavior most likely based on
a. habit.
b. availability.
c. emotional comfort.
d. positive association.

d 4(K) 11. Excluding fast-food establishments, approximately what percentage of restaurants in the
United States show an ethnic emphasis?
a. 15
b. 30
c. 45
d. 60

d 5(K) 12. Terms that describe a food that provides health benefits beyond its nutrient contribution
include all of the following except
a. neutraceutical.
b. designer food.
c. functional food.
d. phytonutritional food.

c 5(K) 13. What is the term that defines foods that contain nonnutrient substances whose known
action in the body is to promote well-being to a greater extent than that contributed by the
food’s nutrients?
a. Fortified foods
b. Enriched foods
c. Functional foods
d. Health enhancing foods

c 5(K) 14. Nonnutrient substances found in plant foods that show biological activity in the body are
commonly known as
a. folionutrients.
b. inorganic fibers.

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458
c. phytochemicals.
d. phyllochemicals.

Questions for Section 1.2 The Nutrients

a 6(A) 15. The complete lining of a person's digestive tract is renewed approximately every
a. 3-5 days.
b. 3 weeks.
c. 1-2 months.
d. 6-12 months.

b 6(K) 16. By chemical analysis, what nutrient is present in the highest amounts in most foods?
a. Fats
b. Water
c. Proteins
d. Carbohydrates

d 7(A) 17. Approximately how much water (lbs) would be found in a 120-lb person?
a. 12
b. 24
c. 36
d. 72

a 7(K) 18. Which of the following is not one of the six classes of nutrients?
a. Fiber
b. Protein
c. Minerals
d. Vitamins

d 7(A) 19. A nutrient needed by the body and that must be supplied by foods is termed a(n)
a. neutraceutical.
b. metabolic unit.
c. organic nutrient.
d. essential nutrient.

c 7(A) 20. All of the following are classified as macronutrients except

a. fat.
b. protein.
c. calcium.
d. carbohydrate.

a 7(A) 21. Which of the following is an example of a macronutrient?

a. Protein
b. Calcium
c. Vitamin C
d. Vitamin D

a 7(A) 22. Which of the following is classified as a micronutrient?

a. Iron
b. Protein
c. Alcohol
d. Carbohydrate

d 7(A) 23. Which of the following is an organic compound?

a. Salt
b. Water

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 importation of foreign commodities, and now having actual
operation and effect within the United States, and, more
especially, an act entitled 'An act in alteration of the
several acts imposing duties on imports,' approved on the
nineteenth day of May, one thousand eight hundred and
twenty-eight, and also an act entitled 'An act to alter and
amend the several acts imposing duties on imports,' approved
on the fourteenth day of July, one thousand eight hundred and
thirty-two, are unauthorized by the constitution of the United
States, and violate the true meaning and intent thereof and
are null, void, and no law, nor binding upon this State, its
officers or citizens; and all promises, contracts, and
obligations, made or entered into, or to be made or entered
into, with purpose to secure the duties imposed by said acts,
and all judicial proceedings which shall be hereafter had in
affirmance thereof, are and shall be held utterly null and
void. And it is further ordained, that it shall not be lawful
for any of the constituted authorities, whether of this State
or of the United States, to enforce the payment of duties
imposed by the said acts within the limits of this State; but
it shall be the duty of the legislature to adopt such measures
and pass such acts as may be necessary to give full effect to
this ordinance, and to prevent the enforcement and arrest the
operation of the said acts and parts of acts of the Congress
of the United States within the limits of this State, from and
after the 1st day of February next, and the duty of all other
constituted authorities, and of all persons residing or being
within the limits of this State, and they are hereby required
and enjoined to obey and give effect to this ordinance, and
such acts and measures of the legislature as may be passed or
adopted in obedience thereto.
{3369}
And it is further ordained, that in no case of law or equity,
decided in the courts of this State, wherein shall be drawn in
question the authority of this ordinance, or the validity of
such act or acts of the legislature as may be passed for the
purpose of giving effect thereto, or the validity of the
aforesaid acts of Congress, imposing duties, shall any appeal
be taken or allowed to the Supreme Court of the United States,
nor shall any copy of the record be permitted or allowed for
that purpose; and if any such appeal shall be attempted to be
taken, the courts of this State shall proceed to execute and
enforce their judgments according to the laws and usages of
the State, without reference to such attempted appeal, and the
person or persons attempting to take such appeal may be dealt
with as for a contempt of the court. And it is further
ordained, that all persons now holding any office of honor,
profit, or trust, civil or military, under this State (members
of the legislature excepted), shall, within such time, and in
such manner as the legislature shall prescribe, take an oath
well and truly to obey, execute, and enforce this ordinance,
and such act or acts of the legislature as may be passed in
pursuance thereof, according to the true intent and meaning of
the same; and on the neglect or omission of any such person or
persons so to do, his or their office or offices shall be
forthwith vacated, and shall be filled up as if such person or
persons were dead or had resigned; and no person hereafter
elected to any office of honor, profit, or trust, civil or
military (members of the legislature excepted), shall, until
the legislature shall otherwise provide and direct, enter on
the execution of his office, or be in any respect competent to
discharge the duties thereof until he shall, in like manner,
have taken a similar oath; and no juror shall be empanelled in
any of the courts of this State, in any cause in which shall
be in question this ordinance, or any act of the legislature
passed in pursuance thereof, unless he shall first, in
addition to the usual oath, have taken an oath that he will
well and truly obey, execute, and enforce this ordinance, and
such act or acts of the legislature as may be passed to carry
the same into operation and effect, according to the true
intent and meaning thereof. And we, the people of South
Carolina, to the end that it may be fully understood by the
government of the United States, and the people of the
co-States, that we are determined to maintain this our
 ordinance and declaration, at every hazard, do further declare
that we will not submit to the application of force on the
part of the federal government, to reduce this State to
obedience; but that we will consider the passage, by Congress,
of any act authorizing the employment of a military or naval
force against the State of South Carolina, her constitutional
authorities or citizens; or any act abolishing or closing the
ports of this State, or any of them, or otherwise obstructing
the free ingress and egress of vessels to and from the said
ports, or any other act on the part of the federal government,
to coerce the State, shut up her ports, destroy or harass her
commerce, or to enforce the acts hereby declared to be null
and void, otherwise than through the civil tribunals of the
country, as inconsistent with the longer continuance of South
Carolina in the Union; and that the people of this State will
henceforth hold themselves absolved from all further
obligation to maintain or preserve their political connection
with the people of the other States; and will forthwith
proceed to organize a separate government, and do all other
acts and things which sovereign and independent States may of
right do. Done in convention at Columbia, the twenty-fourth
day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and thirty-two, and in the fifty-seventh year of the
declaration of the independence of the United States of
America."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1829.

Introduction of the "Spoils System."

See CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1829.

The Kitchen Cabinet of President Jackson.

Major Lewis, one of the Tennessee friends of General Jackson,

who accompanied him to Washington and was persuaded to remain,
with his residence at the White House; General Duff Green,
 editor of the "United States Telegraph"; Isaac Hill, editor of
the "New Hampshire Patriot," and Amos Kendall, late the editor
of a Jackson paper in Kentucky, but a native of
Massachusetts:—"these were the gentlemen … who, at the
beginning of the new administration, were supposed to have
most of the President's ear and confidence, and were
stigmatized by the opposition as the Kitchen Cabinet."

J. Parton,
Life of Andrew Jackson,
volume 3, chapter 16.

After the breach between Jackson and Calhoun, Duff Green

adhered to the latter. The "Globe" newspaper was then founded,
to be the organ of the administration, and Francis P. Blair,
called from Kentucky to undertake the editorship, acquired at
the same time Duff Green's vacated seat in the Kitchen
Cabinet.

J. Schouler,
History of the United States,
volume 3, page 501.

"The establishment of the 'Globe,' the rupture with Calhoun,

and the breaking up of the first cabinet had inaugurated a
bitter war between the two rival papers, though really between
the President and Mr. Calhoun, in consequence of which there
were rich revelations made to the public."

N. Sargent,
Public Men and Events, 1817-1853,
volume 1, page 186.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1829-1832.

Rise of the Abolitionists.

"Between the years 1829 and 1832 took place a remarkable

 series of debates in Virginia on the subject of slavery,
brought about by dissatisfaction with the State constitution
and by the Nat Turner massacre, in which a number of slaves
had risen against their masters. In these debates the evils of
slavery were exposed as clearly as they were afterwards by the
Abolitionists, and with an outspoken freedom which, when
indulged in by Northern men, was soon to be denounced as
treasonable and incendiary. These Southern speakers were
silenced by the Slave Power. But there were men in the North
who thought the same and who would not be silenced. Chief
among these was William Lloyd Garrison. He had begun his
memorable career by circulating petitions in Vermont in 1828
in favor of emancipation in the District of Columbia. Having
joined Lundy in Baltimore in editing the 'Genius of Universal
Emancipation,' he had suffered ignominy in the cause, in a
Southern jail; drawing from persecution and hardship only new
inspiration, he began the publication of the 'Liberator', at
Boston in January, 1831.
{3370}
In the following year, under his leadership, was formed the
New England Anti-Slavery Society, which placed itself on the
new ground that immediate, unconditional emancipation, without
expatriation, was the right of every slave and could not be
withheld by his master an hour without sin. In March, 1833,
the 'Weekly Emancipator' was established in New York, with the
assistance of Arthur and Lewis Tappan, and under the
editorship of William Goodell. In the same year appeared at
Haverhill, Massachusetts, a vigorous pamphlet by John G.
Whittier, entitled 'Justice and Expediency, or Slavery
considered with a View to its Rightful and Effectual Remedy,
Abolition.' Nearly simultaneously were published Mrs. Lydia
Maria Child's 'Appeal in Behalf of that Class of Americans
called Africans,' and a pamphlet by Elizur Wright, Jr., a
professor in the Western Reserve College, on 'The Sin of
Slavery and its Remedy.' These publications and the doctrines
of the 'Liberator' produced great excitement throughout the
country."
 B. Tuckerman,
William Jay and the Constitutional Movement for the
Abolition of Slavery,
chapter 3.

The "Liberator" "was a weekly journal, bearing the names of

William Lloyd Garrison and Isaac Knapp as publishers. Its
motto was, 'Our Country is the World, Our Countrymen are
Mankind,' a direct challenge to those whose motto was the
Jingo cry of those days, 'Our Country, right or wrong!' It was
a modest folio, with a page of four columns, measuring
fourteen inches by nine and a quarter. … The paper had not a
dollar of capital. It was printed at first with borrowed type.
Garrison and Knapp did all the work of every kind between
them, Garrison of course doing the editorials. That he wrote
them can hardly be said: his habit was often to set up without
manuscript. … The publishers announced in their first issue
their determination to go on as long as they had bread and
water to live on. In fact, they lived on bread and milk, with
a little fruit and a few cakes, which they bought in small
shops below. Garrison apologizes for the meagreness of the
editorials, which, he says, he has but six hours, and those at
midnight, to compose, all the rest of his time and the whole
of that of his companion being taken up by the mechanical
work. … It was against nothing less than the world, or at
least the world in which he lived, that this youth of
twenty-six, with his humble partner, took up arms. Slavery was
at the height of its power. … The salutatory of the
'Liberator' avowed that its editor meant to speak out without
restraint. 'I will be as harsh as truth and as uncompromising
as justice. On this subject I do not wish to think or speak or
write with moderation. No! No! Tell a man whose house is on
fire to give a moderate alarm; tell him to moderately rescue
his wife from the hands of the ravisher; tell the mother to
gradually extricate her babe from the fire into which it has
fallen—but urge me not to use moderation in a cause like the
present. I am in earnest—I will not equivocate—I will not
excuse—I will not retreat a single inch—and I will be heard.'
This promise was amply kept. … In private and in his family he
was all gentleness and affection. Let it be said, too, that he
set a noble example to controversial editors in his fair
treatment of his opponents. Not only did he always give
insertion to their replies, but he copied their criticisms
from other journals into his own. Fighting for freedom of
discussion, he was ever loyal to his own principle. What is
certain is that the 'Liberator,' in spite of the smallness of
its circulation, which was hardly enough to keep it alive,
soon told. The South was moved to its centre. The editorials
probably would not have caused much alarm, as the slaves could
not read. What was likely to cause more alarm was the
frontispiece, which spoke plainly enough to the slave's eye.
It represented an auction at which 'slaves, horses and other
cattle' were being offered for sale, and a whipping-post at
which a slave was being flogged. In the background was the
Capitol at Washington, with a flag inscribed 'Liberty'
floating over the dome. … On seeing the 'Liberator' the realm
of slavery bestirred itself. A Vigilance Association took the
matter in hand. First came fiery and bloodthirsty editorials;
then anonymous threats; then attempts by legal enactment to
prevent the circulation of the 'Liberator' at the South. The
Grand Jury of North Carolina found a true bill against
Garrison for the circulation of a paper of seditious tendency,
the penalty for which was whipping and imprisonment for the
first offence, and death without benefit of clergy for the
second. The General Assembly of Georgia offered a reward of
five thousand dollars to anyone who, under the laws of that
State, should arrest the editor of the 'Liberator', bring him
to trial, and prosecute him to conviction. The South
reproached Boston with allowing a battery to be planted on her
soil against the ramparts of Southern institutions. Boston
felt the reproach, and showed that she would gladly have
suppressed the incendiary print and perhaps have delivered up
its editor; but the law was against her, and the mass of the
people, though wavering in their allegiance to morality on the
question of slavery, were still loyal to freedom of opinion. …
It was just at this time that the South and its clientage at
the North were thrown into a paroxysm of excitement by the
Bloody Monday, as Nat Turner's rising at Southampton was
called. The rising was easily suppressed, and Virginia saw, as
Jamaica has since seen, how cruel is the panic of a dominant
race. Not the slightest connection of the outbreak with
Northern abolitionism was traced. That Garrison or anyone
connected with him ever incited the slaves to revolt, or said
a word intentionally which could lead to servile war, seems to
be utterly untrue. His preaching to the slaves, on the
contrary, was always patience, submission, abstinence from
violence, while in his own moral code he carried
non-resistance to an extreme. Moreover, his championship held
out hope, and what goads to insurrection is despair."

Goldwin Smith,
William Lloyd Garrison,
pages 60-65.

"Mr. Emerson once said, 'Eloquence is dog-cheap in

anti-slavery meetings.' … On the platform you would always see
Garrison; with him was … Sam May. Stephen S. Foster was always
there. … Parker Pilsbury, James Buffum, Arnold Buffum, Elizur
Wright, Henry C. Wright, Abigail Kelley, Lucy Stone, Theo. D.
Weld, the sisters Grimké, from South Carolina; John T.
Sargent, Mrs. Chapman, Mrs. Lydia M. Child, Fred Douglas, Wm.
W. Brown and Francis Jackson. The last was a stern Puritan,
conscientious, upright, clear-minded, universally respected.
Edmund Quincy also was there, and he never spoke without
saying something that had a touch of wit as well as of logic.
Oliver Johnson … was one of the very first members of the
Society. Theodore Parker, Samuel J. May, John Pierpont,
Charles L. Stearns, Charles L. Redwood, George Thompson
(another wonderfully eloquent man), and, above all, Wendell
Phillips."
 J. F. Clarke,
Anti-Slavery Days,
chapter 3.

See, also, SLAVERY, NEGRO: A. D. 1828-1832.

{3371}

A. D. 1830.
The Fifth Census.

Total population, 12,866,020 (being about 33½ per cent. more

than in 1820), classed and distributed as follows:

North.

White. Free black.

Slave.
Connecticut. 289,603 8,047
25
Illinois. 155,061 1,637
747
Indiana. 339,399 3,629
3
Maine 398,263 1,190
2
Massachusetts. 603,359 7,048
1
Michigan. 31,346 261
32
New Hampshire. 268,721 604
3
New Jersey. 300,266 18,303
2,254
New York. 1,873,663 44,870
75
Ohio. 928,329 9,568
6
Pennsylvania. 1,309,900 37,930
403
Rhode Island. 93,621 3,561
17
Vermont. 279,771 881
0

Total 6,871,302 137,529

3,568

South.
White. Free black.
Slave.
Alabama. 190,406 1,572
117,549
Arkansas. 25,671 141
4,576
Delaware. 57,601 15,855
3,292
District of Columbia. 27,563 6,152
6,119
Florida. 18,385 844
15,501
Georgia. 296,806 2,486
217,531
Kentucky. 517,787 4,917
165,213
Louisiana. 89,441 16,710
109,588
Maryland. 291,108 52,938
102,994
Mississippi 70,443 519
65,659
Missouri. 114,795 569
25,091
North Carolina. 472,843 19,543
245,601
South Carolina. 257,863 7,921
315,401
Tennessee. 535,746 4,555
141,603
Virginia. 694,300 47,348
469,757

Total 3,660,758 182,070

2,005,475

In the decade between 1820 and 1830 the immigrant arrivals in

the United States, as officially recorded, numbered 143,439,
of which 75,803 were from the British Islands. Prior to 1821,
there is no official record of immigration.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1830-1831.

The first railroads.

See STEAM LOCOMOTION ON LAND.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1832.

The Black Hawk War.
 See ILLINOIS: A. D. 1832.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1832.

The prospective surplus and necessary tariff reduction.
Clay's delusive measure.

See TARIFF LEGISLATION (UNITED STATES): A. D. 1832.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1832.

Twelfth Presidential Election.
Re-election of General Jackson.

General Jackson, renominated by his party almost without

question, was re-elected over three competitors, the popular
vote being as follows: Andrew Jackson, Democrat, 687,502;
Henry Clay, National Republican, 530,189; William Wirt,
Anti-Masonic, 33,108; John Floyd (voted for only in South
Carolina, where electors were chosen by the legislature). The
vote in the electoral college stood: Jackson 219, Clay 49,
Floyd 11, Wirt 7. Martin Van Buren was elected Vice President.

"This election is notable for several reasons. It marks the

beginning of the system of national nominating conventions; it
gave Jackson a second term of office, in which he was to
display his peculiar qualities more conspicuously than ever;
it compacted and gave distinct character to the new Democratic
party; and it practically settled directly the fate of the
Bank of the United States, and indirectly the question of
nullification. Jackson was easily re-elected, for he had
established a great popularity, and the opposition was
divided. A new party came into the field, and marked its
advent by originating the national nominating convention. This
was the Anti-Masonic party".

See NEW YORK: A. D.1826-1832.

 Both the Democratic and the National Republican parties
adopted the invention of the Anti-Masons, and made their
nominations for the first time by the agency of great national
conventions.

W. Wilson,
Division and Reunion, 1829-1889,
page 62.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1833-1836.

President Jackson's overthrow of the United States Bank.
The removal of the Deposits.

"The torrents of paper-money issued during the revolutionary

war, which sunk in value to nothing, converted the old
prejudice against paper promises-to-pay into an aversion that
had the force of an instinct. To this instinctive aversion, as
much as to the constitutional objections urged by Mr.
Jefferson and his disciples, was owing the difficulty
experienced by Alexander Hamilton in getting his first United
States bank chartered. Hence, also, the refusal of Congress to
recharter that bank in 1811. Hence the unwillingness of Mr.
Madison to sanction the charter of the second bank of the
United States in 1816. But the bank was chartered in 1816, and
went into existence with the approval of all the great
republican leaders, opposed only by the extreme Jeffersonians
and by the few federalists who were in public life. … But,
long before General Jackson came into power, the bank appeared
to have lived down all opposition. In the presidential
campaign of 1824 it was not so much as mentioned, nor was it
mentioned in that of 1828. … At the beginning of the
administration of General Jackson, the Bank of the United
States was a truly imposing institution. Its capital was
thirty-five millions. The public money deposited in its vaults
averaged six or seven millions; its private deposits, six
millions more; its circulation, twelve millions; its
discounts, more than forty millions a year; its annual
 profits, more than three millions. Besides the parent bank at
Philadelphia, with its marble palace and hundred clerks, there
were 25 branches in the towns and cities of the Union. … Its
bank-notes were as good as gold in every part of the country.
… The bank and its branches received and disbursed the entire
revenue of the nation. … There is a tradition in Washington to
this day, that General Jackson came up from Tennessee to
Washington, in 1829, resolved on the destruction of the Bank
of the United States, and that he was only dissuaded from
aiming a paragraph at it in his inaugural address by the
prudence of Mr. Van Buren. … General Jackson had no thought of
the bank until he had been President two months. He came to
Washington expecting to serve but a single term, during which
the question of re-chartering the bank was not expected to
come up.
{3372}
The bank was chartered in 1816 for twenty years, which would
not expire until 1836." But, in 1829, the influence of Isaac
Hill, one of the so-called "Kitchen Cabinet" at Washington,
involved the irascible President in an endeavor to bring about
the removal of Jeremiah Mason, a political opponent, who had
been appointed to the presidency of the branch of the United
States Bank at Portsmouth, New Hampshire. "The correspondence
began in June and ended in October. I believe myself warranted
in the positive assertion, that this correspondence relating
to the desired removal of Jeremiah Mason was the direct and
real cause of the destruction of the bank."

J. Parton,
Life of Andrew Jackson,
volume 3, chapter 20.

"As soon as the issue between him and the Bank of the United
States was declared, Jackson resolved that the bank must be
utterly destroyed. The method was suggested by Kendall and
Blair, of the Kitchen Cabinet. It was to cripple the available
means of the bank by withdrawing from it and its branches the
deposits of public funds. In the message of December, 1832,
Jackson had expressed his doubt as to the safety of the
government deposits in the bank, and recommended an
investigation. The House, after inquiry, resolved on March 2,
by 109 to 46 votes, that the deposits were safe. The bank was
at that period undoubtedly solvent, and there seemed to be no
reason to fear for the safety of the public money in its
custody. But Jackson had made up his mind that the bank was
financially rotten; that it had been employing its means to
defeat his reëlection; that it was using the public funds in
buying up members of Congress for the purposes of securing a
renewal of its charter, and of breaking down the
administration; and that thus it had become a dangerous agency
of corruption and a public enemy. Therefore the public funds
must be withdrawn, without regard to consequences. But the law
provided that the public funds should be deposited in the Bank
of the United States or its branches, unless the Secretary of
the Treasury should otherwise 'order and direct,' and in that
case the Secretary should report his reasons for such
direction to Congress. A willing Secretary of the Treasury was
therefore needed. In May, 1833, Jackson reconstructed his
Cabinet for the second time. … For the Treasury Department
Jackson selected William J. Duane of Philadelphia, who was
known as an opponent of the bank. Jackson, no doubt, expected
him to be ready for any measure necessary to destroy it. In
this he was mistaken. Duane earnestly disapproved of the
removal of the deposits as unnecessary, and highly dangerous
to the business interests of the country. … A majority of the
members of the Cabinet thought the removal of the deposits
unwise. … In the business community there seemed to be but one
voice about it. The mere rumor that the removal of the
deposits was in contemplation greatly disturbed the money
market. But all this failed to stagger Jackson's resolution. …
The Cabinet, with the exception of the Secretary of the
Treasury, bowed to Jackson's will. But Duane would not shelter
himself behind the President's assumed responsibility to do an
act which, under the law, was to be his act. He also refused
to resign. If he had to obey or go, he insisted upon being
removed. Jackson then formally dismissed him, and transferred
Roger B. Taney from the attorney generalship to the treasury.
Benjamin F. Butler of New York, a friend of Van Buren, was
made Attorney General. Taney forthwith ordered the removal of
the deposits from the Bank of the United States; that is to
say, the public funds then in the bank were to be drawn out as
the government required them, and no new deposits to be made
in that institution. The new deposits were to be distributed
among a certain number of selected state banks, which became
known as the 'pet banks.' … The money market became stringent.
Many failures occurred. The general feeling in business
circles approached a panic." But the very disturbance was
charged upon the Bank, itself; the people rallied to the
support of their favorite, "Old Hickory," and when the
national charter of the Bank expired, in March, 1836, there
was no hope of its renewal. It obtained a charter from the
State of Pennsylvania, and continued business as a State
institution until it went to pieces in the general commercial
shipwreck of 1837-41.

C. Schurz,
Life of Henry Clay,
chapter 15 (volume 2).

ALSO IN:
W. G. Sumner,
Andrew Jackson as a Public Man,
chapters 11-14.

T. H. Benton,
Thirty Years' View,
volume 1, chapters 49, 56, 64-67, 77, and 92-111.

M. St. C. Clarke and D. A. Hall,

History of the Bank of the United States.
 See, also, MONEY AND BANKING: A. D. 1817-1833.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1834.

Organization of the Whig Party.

The largest section of the opposition to the Jacksonian

Democracy "was organized in 1834 as the Whig party. According
to the 'Whig Almanac' for 1838, the party as then constituted
comprised: '(1) Most of those who, under the name of National
Republicans, had previously been known as supporters of Adams
and Clay, and advocates of the American system [of
tariff-protection]; (2) Most of those who, acting in defence
of what they deemed the assailed or threatened rights of the
States, had been stigmatized as Nullifiers, or the less
virulent State Rights' men, who were thrown into a position of
armed neutrality towards the administration by the doctrines
of the proclamation of 1832 against South Carolina; (3) A
majority of those before known as Anti-Masons; (4) Many who
had up to that time been known as Jackson men, but who united
in condemning the high-handed conduct of the Executive, the
immolation of Duane, and the subserviency of Taney; (5)
Numbers who had not before taken any part in politics, but who
were now awakened from their apathy by the palpable
usurpations of the Executive and the imminent peril of our
whole fabric of constitutional liberty and national
prosperity.' It was not to be expected that a party composed
of such various elements would be able to unite on one
candidate with heartiness; and, as the event proved, it was
necessary that some time should elapse before anything like
homogeneity could be given to the organization. Nullification
was not popular among the Whigs of the North, nor did the
State Rights' people of South Carolina and other States care
about the war on the bank and the removal of the deposits."

E. Stanwood,
History of Presidential Elections,
chapter 14.
{3373}

"It was now felt instinctively that, in the existing struggle

between the parties actually arrayed against each other, and
in the principles and doctrines of those who were in power,
there was a peculiar fitness in the revival of a term which,
on both sides of the Atlantic, had been historically
associated with the side of liberty against the side of power.
The revival of the name of Whigs was sudden, and it was a
spontaneous popular movement. In progress of time, it enabled
the public men who were leading the opposition to the party of
the Administration to consolidate an organization of distinct
political principles, and to strengthen it by accessions from
those who had found reason to be dissatisfied with the
opinions prevailing among the friends of the President."

G. T. Curtis,
Life of Daniel Webster,
volume 1, page 499.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1835.

First Petitions for the Abolition of Slavery
in the District of Columbia.
Exclusion of Antislavery literature from the Mails.

"It was during the Twenty-third Congress, 1835, that the

abolition of slavery, especially in the District of Columbia,
may be said to have begun to move the public mind at the
North. The first petitions presented to Congress for the
abolition of slavery, at least the first to attract attention,
were presented by Mr. Dickson, from the Canandaigua district,
New York, who addressed the House in support of the prayer of
the petitioners. Perhaps his speech, more than the petition he
presented, served to stir up a feeling on the part of Southern
men, and to cause other and numerous similar petitions to be
gotten up at the North and sent to Congress. … The labors of
 the enemies of slavery, or 'Abolitionists,' had commenced, and
by indefatigable men who believed they were serving God and
the cause of humanity, and consequently it was with them a
labor of conscience and duty, with which nothing should be
allowed to interfere. Instead of petitions to Congress, they
now sent large boxes of tracts, pamphlets, and various
publications which the Southern people denominated
'incendiary,' to the post-office at Charleston, South
Carolina, and other cities, to be distributed, as directed, to
various persons. This increased the complaints and
inflammatory articles in the Southern papers. The publications
thus sent were stopped in the post-office, and the postmasters
addressed the head of the department, Amos Kendall, on the
subject, who replied that though the law authorized the
transmission of newspapers and pamphlets through the mail, yet
the law was intended to promote the general good of the
public, and not to injure any section; and intimated that,
such being the effect of these publications at the South,
postmasters would be justified in withholding them."

N. Sargent,
Public Men and Events, 1817-1853,
volume 1, page 294-295.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1835-1837.

The inflation of credits, and Speculation.
The great collapse.

"When the United States Bank lost the government deposits,

late in 1833, they amounted to a little less than $10,000,000.
On January 1, 1835, more than a year after the state banks
took the deposits, they had increased to a little more than
$10,000,000. But the public debt being then paid and the outgo
of money thus checked, the deposits had by January 1, 1836,
reached $25,000,000, and by June 1, 1836, $41,500,000. This
enormous advance represented the sudden increase in the sales
of public lands, which were paid for in bank paper, which in
turn formed the bulk of the government deposits. … The
increase in the sales of public lands was the result of all
the organic causes and of all the long train of events which
had seated the fever of speculation so profoundly in the
American character of the day. … The increase of government
deposits was only fuel added to the flames. The craze for
banks and credits was unbounded before the removal of the
deposits had taken place, and before their great increase
could have had serious effect. … The insanity of speculation
was in ample though unobserved control of the country while
Nicholas Biddle [President of the United States Bank] still
controlled the deposits, and was certain to reach a climax
whether they stayed with him or went elsewhere. … The
distribution of the surplus among the states by the law of
1836 was the last and in some respects the worst of the
measures which aided and exaggerated the tendency to
speculation. By this bill, all the money above $5,000.000 in
the treasury on January 1, 1837, was to be 'deposited' with
the states in four quarterly installments commencing on that
day. … From the passage of the deposit bill in June, 1836,
until the crash in 1837, this superb donation of thirty-seven
millions was before the enraptured and deluded vision of the
country. Over nine millions and a quarter to be poured into
'improvements' or loaned to the needy,—what a luscious
prospect! The lesson is striking and wholesome, and ought not
to be forgotten, that, when the land was in the very midst of
these largesses, the universal bankruptcy set in. During 1835
and 1836 there were omens of the coming storm. Some perceived
the rabid character of the speculative fever. William L.
Marcy, governor of New York, in his message of January, 1836,
answering the dipsomaniac cry for more banks, declared that an
unregulated spirit of speculation had taken capital out of the
state; but that the amount so transferred bore no comparison
to the enormous speculations in stocks and in real property
within the state. … The warning was treated contemptuously;
but before the year was out the federal administration also
became anxious, and the increase in land sales no longer