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MIGRATION AND RURAL TRANSFORMATION IN INDIA

This final draft is submitted in the partial fulfilment of the course B.A. LL.B. (Hons.)

SUBMITTED TO: SUBMITTED BY:

Mr. Amit Jain Venkatesh Kumar (2779)

(ASSISTANT PROFESSOR Semester 1st
OF SOCIOLOGY) B.A. LL.B. (Hons.)

CHANAKYA NATIONAL LAW UNIVERSITY, PATNA

OCTOBER 1, 2022
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Contents

DECLARATION…………………………………………………………………………3

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT…………………………..……………………………………4

1. Introduction ………………………………………………………………………5
1.1 Research objectives…………………………………………………………………..………………….8
1.2 Research questions……………………………………………………………………………………….8
1.3 Mode of citation……………………………………………………………………….…………………..9
1.4 Scope and limitation……………………………………………………….…………………………….9

2. INTERNAL MIGRATION IN INDIA…………………………………………..10

3. DATA AND METHOD…………………………………………………………11
4. TYPES OF MIGRATION…………………………………………………….…12
5. MALE VS FEMALE………………………………………………………….…14
6. REASON FOR MIGRATION…………………………………………………...16
7. RURAL TRANSFORMATION IN INDIA…………………………….………..17
8. OBJECTIVE OF RURAL DEVELOPMENT…………………….…………..…18
9. PROBLEM IN RURAL DEVELOPMENT IN INDIA…………….…………....19
10. GLOBAL DRIVERS OF THE RURAL TRANSFORMATION.……………….20
11. UNEVEN RURAL DEVELOPMENTS……………………………...…….……21

CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………....…….23
BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………………….24
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DECLARATION

I hereby declare that the work reported in this project report entitled “MIGRATION AND
RURAL DEVELOPMENT IN INDIA” submitted at Chanakya national law university,
Patna is an outcome of my work carried out under the supervision of Mr. Amit Jain. I have
duly acknowledged all the sources from which the ideas and extract have been taken. To the
best of my understanding, the project is free of any plagiarism issue.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I would like to show my gratitude towards Mr. Amit Jain , assistant professor of sociology,
under whose guidance this project was prepared. I am also thankful to the librarians of the
CNLU for providing me with a space to sit and work on this topic. They helped me to get the
books and materials for reference of this project.

I express my gratitude to people who sit around me in the library for maintaining a peaceful
environment. Finally, thanks to my friends who were always besides me providing moral
support and left me to work in silence. I am thankful to all those unseen hands.
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INTRODUCTION

Migration is the term used to describe individuals moving away from their customary abode,
either inside a nation or across international borders. Some states, like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar,
Rajasthan, Delhi, Gujarat, and Haryana, are magnets for immigrants from other states.

Three out of every four homes in some parts of India contain migrants. The impacts of
migration on people, households, and regions together have a considerable impact on the
economic and society of the country. Despite the statistics, nothing is written on migration to
or from India, and its significant costs and benefits are still outside the purview of public policy.
This essay examines the major problems with both internal and foreign labor migration in
India. It covers current government and non-governmental policies and programs, analyses the
patterns, trends, and nature of labor migration, and briefly looks at the main policy choices.

Human history has frequently seen people moving from one place to another in quest of better
economic opportunities.
People migrate to access these new possibilities while certain locations and industries lag
behind in terms of their ability to support populations. Industrialization causes a movement in
the workforce toward industrializing areas by widening the gap between rural and urban
locations. There is much disagreement about what variables lead to population shifts, with
some placing greater emphasis on individual rationality and household behavior than others
(cf. de Haan and Rogaly, 2002). Numerous studies also demonstrate how social, cultural, and
economic variables affect the migration process, with potentially profoundly different results
for men and women, for different group and location.

TYPE OF MIGRATION
The two forms of migration are internal migration and external migration. Internal migration
refers to movement that occurs within a state or a nation. Immigration is the movement of
people into new nations. Emigration refers to the act of leaving a nation.

Internal Migration: Moving to a new home within a state, country, or continent.

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External Migration: Moving to a new home in a different state, country, or continent.
Emigration: Leaving one country to move to another (e.g., the Pilgrims emigrated from
England).
Immigration: Moving into a new country (e.g., the Pilgrims immigrated to America).
Return Migration: When groups of people move back to where they came from.
Seasonal Migration: When people move with each season (e.g., farm workers following crop
harvests or working in cities off-season).

RURAL TRANSFORMATION IN INDIA

The process by which rural societies diversify their economies and lessen their reliance on
agriculture, become reliant on far-off locations for trade and the acquisition of goods, services,
and ideas, transition from dispersed villages to towns and small and medium cities, and become
culturally more similar to large urban agglomerations is what we refer to as the rural
transformation. Despite these widespread tendencies, the effects of rural change on economic
development, social participation, and environmental sustainability vary among nations. Local
societies have varied potentials to do and observe things at any one time, which is to say that
they have varying levels of human agency, while global forces are what are driving this
transition, they are mediated by localized social structures and institutional frameworks.

The rural transition does not mean that rural societies are vanishing or changing. Instead of
being about an area that becomes empty as people and economic activity disperse, rural
transformation is the restructuring of society inside a particular location. The rural
transformation is a part of a larger structural change process that affects the entire nation. This
process includes rural to urban migration, a temporary period of rapid population growth, a
decline in the relative importance of agriculture in the overall economy, and an increase in
industry and services (Timer and Akkus 2008). Rural communities are not destroyed by this
process; rather, it alters them. In this chapter, we focus on the transformations that rural areas
go through when these larger structural changes take place.

Both the applied study of change in rural societies6 and the actual practice of altering such
communities are referred to as "rural development." In any meaning, the normative beliefs that
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often contain components of economic expansion, social inclusion, political democracy, and
environmental sustainability serve as the basis for the policy analyst's or practitioner's point of
view.

Our definition is based on how the meaning of "rural" changes as a result of continuing change.
When we use the term "rural," we refer to a society and the area it resides in where agriculture
and other primary activities account for a sizable portion (but not necessarily the majority) of
land use, employment, income, and economic output and where population densities are
noticeably lower than those of major cities in the same nation. This is a wide description that
encompasses "deep rural" areas with extremely low population densities that are far from major
cities and where practically every household has at least one member working in agriculture or
other primary activities. Additionally, it includes provincial towns and small to medium sized
urban centers that are functionally connected to a "deep rural" hinterland, where primary
activities such as agriculture and other still make up a large portion of employment, and where
many services and industries are also directly related to primary production.

According to this definition, there is a gradient from "purely rural" to "purely urban" in any
given region or nation, with a significant middle range of locations that are a mix of both.
This enables the definition of "rural" to change in line with how rural communities are
evolving. For instance, present rural regions in Europe are substantially different from those in
other parts of the world, such as Nepal, and from those in Europe a century ago. However, a
rural location is still clearly rural to a European person, even though it does not always entail,
in the modern era, that the majority of the population works in agriculture (in actuality,
beginning in the 1970s, manufacturing moved to rural areas in Europe [Keeble, Owens, and
Thompson 1983]), that the residents lack access to essential services, or that they are cut off
from the major events taking place in their respective countries.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

To study,
1. Migration in India
2. Internal migration in India
3. Data and method
4. Types of migration
5. Male vs female migration
6. Reason for migration
7. Rural transformation in India
8. Methods of analysis

RESEARCH QUESTION

1. What is migration?
2. Rank of India in terms of internal migration?
3. How many types of migration are there?
4. What is reason of migration, we experiencing in India?
5. What is objective of rural development in india?
6. What is the need of rural development in today’s society?
7. Problem we are during rural development?
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MODE OF CITATION

This author has followed BLUE BOOK CITATION (20th edition) in this project report

SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS

The topic can be researched thoroughly by studying various law related to this on
global panorama.

This project will have limited study on global scenario and focus more on India.
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INTERNAL MIGRATION IN INDIA

According to the current study, there is a considerable positive correlation between per capita
income, the proportion of the workforce, and the part of the state's gross domestic product that
is not in the agricultural sector. This indicates that both greater in-migration and higher out-
migration rates tend to be related with higher income and the sectoral change of the economy
from the agricultural to the non-agricultural sector. At the state level, poverty was not shown
to be significantly correlated with an increase in out-migration.

The liberalization of the Indian economy, often known as India's new economic strategy, began
in 1991. The core components of the new economic strategy included a decrease in government
spending to lower the budget deficit, opening up the economy to export-oriented development,
eliminating government control and licensing, and encouraging private involvement to increase
competitiveness and efficiency. Internal migration would grow as a result of economic reforms,
according to both proponents and opponents of the new economic strategy. The new initiative,
according to its proponents, would expand employment possibilities and the economy, creating
more pull factors that would encourage a faster migration from rural to urban areas. Contrarily,
the opponents of this programme believed that economic changes would have a negative
impact on the cottage and village industries, impoverish rural inhabitants, and accelerate
migration from rural to urban areas (Kundu, 1997). The impact of this increased growth on
internal migration in general and rural-to-urban migration in particular has not been evaluated,
despite the fact that economic growth was achieved with considerable success, increasing from
2 to 3 percent growth in gross domestic product in the pre-reform era to over 6 percent during
the period 1991-2001. According to Bhagat and Mohanty, the most recent census from 2001
yields a number of intriguing findings on internal migration, its geographical pattern, and how
rural-to-urban migration affects urban growth (2009). They contend that the push factor has
had little impact on internal migration. Therefore, it seems untrue to say that migrants from
less affluent backgrounds are outnumbering those from wealthier backgrounds.

Although migration is becoming more significant from an economic, political, and public
health perspective (Bhagat, 2008), Indian demographers have not given it much of a priority.
This is partially due to the fact that interest in study on migration, and internal migration in
particular, has significantly decreased since the early 1990s due to a paradigm change in
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demographic research that leaned toward concerns relating to reproductive health. This is also
evident in the fact that migration was not regarded as a significant variable that could affect
the population's health status, particularly its reproductive health status, in the new data sets,
the National Family Health Surveys, an Indian adaptation of the renowned Demographic and
Health Surveys. Furthermore, demographers, who frequently have their hands full gathering
data for projects financed by outside organizations, have grossly neglected the amount of
information on migration available from Indian censuses (Bose, 2003). Thus, there aren't many
contemporary demographic studies available on India's internal migration, its causes, or its
effects. Based on data from the census and the National Sample Survey Organization, this
analysis shows the trends and patterns of internal migration during the past three decades. It
contends that those in the lowest socioeconomic groups migrate less frequently than other
groups.

DATA AND METHOD

Indian censuses have been gathering information on migration based on place of birth since
the turn of the 20th century. But since 1971, migration data have also been gathered based on
the last place a person lived and the length of time they spent there when they were counted.
As a result, period migration after 1971 may be evaluated in comparison to lifetime migration
researched in preceding decades. The criteria for last residency offers details on migrants' most
recent move. Migration capture and return is also useful. The location of last residency criterion
for classifying migrants used in the Indian census is the foundation of this study.

The smallest units for establishing the location of last residence are the villages and towns.
Migration does not include moving from one village or administrative town or metropolis to
another. Data on migration were supplied for changes in residence both within the district
(intra-district), between districts within the same state (inter-district), and between states
(interstate). In this work, intrastate migration is modelled using data from both intra- and inter-
district mobility. According to data from the 2001 census, India is split administratively into
28 states, 7 union territories, and 585 districts. The lowest level for which migration data are
available is at the district level. In contrast to intrastate migration, which is short-distance,
interstate migration is often long-distance. Data on migration by last place of residence is also
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available for both rural and urban areas. Those that immigrate internationally are also
enumerated, but the present study is confined to internal migration only. Moreover, the Indian
census does not provide information on Indians migrating abroad(emigration). As a result, it is
impossible to investigate net migration using census data; nevertheless, net interstate
movement inside India is achievable. Additionally, since the 1981 census, the census
questionnaire has included questions on reasons for migration. A division of the Ministry of
Planning and Programme Implementation, the National Sample Survey Organization, also
included a question on migration based on place of last residence as part of its employment and
unemployment survey in addition to the census. A place (village or town) where the migrant
had lived continuously for a period of six months or more before migrating to the site of
enumeration was considered the migrant's place of last residence. Census data did not limit
population growth, in contrast to the statistics provided by the National Sample Survey
Organization the duration of residence in relation to the place of last residence.

TYPES OF MIGRATION

Both an ancient and modern human habit is migration. Migration is occurs everywhere and at
all times. However, there are huge differences in the scope, nature, and effects of movement
among migrants. India's contribution in terms of remittances According to the Reserve Bank
of India (RBI), in the fiscal year 2005–2006, Indians residing abroad sent $24.6 billion home.
In this way, India maintains its status as the world's top beneficiary of remittances. India is
ranked first in the World Bank's 2005 projections with $23.5 billion, closely followed by China
and Mexico with $22.4 billion and $21.7 billion, respectively. India's dominance in remittance
receipts, however, is a relatively recent development. For instance, the RBI noted that transfers
from For instance, the RBI claimed that remittances from Indians living abroad in 1990–1991
totaled a meagre $2.1 billion. They have increased gradually over the past 15 years, but more
rapidly during the past 10 years (see Figure1).
In 1996–1997, the statistics increased to $12.3 billion, and in 2003–2004, they nearly doubled
to $22 billion. Remittances nearly doubled between 2000–2001 and 2003–2004. The 2005-
2006 numbers that RBI published indicate that the trend is continuing despite a little decline in
2004-2005. both people and societies. Given the breadth of the nation and the stark variations
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in people's personalities and physical characteristics, India's migration pattern exhibits some
unique characteristics.
First, of the four forms of migration, namely migration from rural to urban, from urban to rural,
and from urban to urban, rural-to-rural migration has been dominant. In 2001,rural-to-rural
migration (during the last decade, i.e., based on migrants with duration of residence of 0-9
years at the place of enumeration) has accounted for 54.7 percent of total migration within
country
Second, within-state migration dominates when it comes to distance travelled (82.1 percent of
movement lasting 0 to 9 years). More over half of the movement occurred inside the district,
and as the distance gets greater, the likelihood of migration declines.
Third, the majority of intra-state migrants (60.5%) travelled from rural to rural locations (length
0–9 years), followed by 17.6% of rural to urban migrants, while the majority of inter-state
migrants (379. %) travelled from rural to urban locations. Rural-to-rural and urban-to-urban
migration rates in interstate migration are practically equal, with 26.6 percent and 26.7 percent,
respectively.
Fourth, women have predominated migratory streams in India. 66.5 percent of all migratory
flows were led by women (duration 0-9 years). In both intra-district and intra-state migration
patterns, women outnumbered males by 73.9 percent and 70.3 percent, respectively.
The percentage of male migrants exceeded that of female migrants in terms of interstate
movement and migration from other countries, contributing 50.6 percent and 75.3 percent,
respectively, to overall migration.
Therefore, the proportion of male migration increases as migration distance increases. More
than 60% of the overall female migration took place within the area. As a result, women
migrate more frequently across small distances. While movement within the area is relatively
common (43 percent) in the case of male migrants, the percentage of longer distance migration
is larger than that among female migrants.
Fifth, it is observed that if we look at the overall number of rural-to-urban migrations during
the past ten years, the proportion of male and female migrants was about equal. While there
are more women than males moving from rural to urban areas within one state, interstate rural-
urban migration tended to be far more male-dominated.
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MALE VS FEMALE MIGRATION

Women seemed to dominate the migration trend in both short-distance (intra- and inter-district)
and long-distance (inter-state) migration. All sorts of internal migration showed a fall in the
gender ratio (male/female) between 1971 and 1991, suggesting that women were becoming
more involved in this phenomena in India. This was also confirmed when gender ratios were
estimated using migratory streams. Contrary to South-East and East Asia, where female
migration often results from pull forces caused by labor-intensive industrialization and the
spread of urban-based services, women in India tend to relocate largely for marriage or to settle
down with the household's breadwinner (Skeldon, 1986). However, according to the gender
ratios determined from the 2001 census, the rising feminization of migratory patterns that were
visible up until 1991 have reversed. This is due to the fact that more and more guys have
recently joined the majority of migratory streams. It also has to do with the possibility that men
may have profited more than women in the recent past from the expanding wealth and work
prospects.
More than half of the interstate migratory labor is made up of women. Twenty percent of the
20 million domestic workers are women and children, making up around 92% of the workforce.
However, there is a gender gap in the labor pool. Men predominate in carpentry, masonry, and
other skilled occupations. Women deliver brick, sand, stone, cement, and water to the masons
in headloads. In comparison to males, they earn less money. Women perform unskilled work
above ground in the mining industry. Due to the widespread belief that "if women enter the
mine, it will collapse," they are not permitted to enter. They forfeit their pay and risk losing
their jobs if they take time off. The victims of sexual harassment. Only 15% of sexual assault
instances, according to conservative estimates, are recorded. Women are not given any
additional resources to care for their children while they are working. Despite this, the Agrarian
Crisis caused the highest level of female migration from 1991 to 2000. These migrant women
labourers are primarily from rural regions, at 73%.
However, using the aforementioned methodology, a macro-picture of the sectoral composition
of female labour movement in India may be reached. Such estimated numbers of labour
migrants are shown in Table 1 per broad industry classification. It demonstrates that in 2007–
08, 34.3% of the female migrant workers worked in agriculture, 30.8% in industry (such as
mining and quarrying, manufacturing, energy, and construction), and 34.8% in services (such
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as commerce, hotels, restaurants, and all other services). The pattern of female labour migration
differs from that of males, for whom services accounted for 43.6% of total migration, industry
for 40.8%, and agriculture for just 15.6%. The finding that India's labour migration is more
highly tilted toward males in the service and industrial sectors is also significant in services
and industry (In agriculture, less so). In other words, the predominant male bias in the labour
market for industry and services is actually made worse by the migratory trend. Such findings
must be viewed in the light of two very troubling facts: (1) a trend decline in women's labour
force participation, especially in rural areas, amid volatility and slow employment growth since
the 1990s; and (2) an absolute decline in the number of women in the labour force of over 21
million from 2004–05 to 2009–10. These developments cannot be separated from the
agricultural crisis that developed ten years after India's policy regime underwent a fundamental
change toward liberalization and the widening gap between GDP growth and employment that
has characterized the liberalization period.
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REASON FOR MIGRATION

Since the 1981 census, which offered a list of reasons from which respondents may select, it
has been feasible to see the broad causes of migration. The same list was used for both the 1991
and 2001 censuses, with the addition of "business" in 1991 and the removal of "natural
catastrophes" from the list used in 2001. In 2001, the explanation "moved after [having given
birth]" was included because it was believed that many mothers migrated in order to give birth,
either to their original domicile or to a location with a superior medical facility. Women are
not classified as migrants in these temporary residences, but children are when they go with
their parents to their permanent residences. Although properly speaking, this is migration. It
was considered advantageous to distinguish these movements from other categories because
the location of birth is distinct from the site of enumeration for the children born. explains in
depth the causes of migration. It should be highlighted that males and females had quite
different motivations for migrating. Male migration looked to be mostly motivated by work or
job (28.5%), but female migration tended to be primarily motivated by marriage (70.1 per cent).
About 5% of immigrants claimed to have "relocated after [having] given birth." When
compared to prior censuses, it is clear that both males and females are migrating for reasons
related to job or work. While the number of female migrants increased by 24%, the number of
male migrants with a length of residence at the site of enumeration of 0-9 years who reported
either employment or work as a cause to move increased by 49%.This demonstrates that the
rate of rise in female migration related to work was significantly lower than that of male
migration for the same purpose, which caused a reversal of the recently observed dropping
gender ratio of migrants, as stated in the preceding section.
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RURAL TRANSFORMATION IN INDIA

One of the most crucial elements for the expansion of the Indian economy is rural development.
India is mostly an agricultural nation. In India, the contribution of agriculture to GDP is over
one-fifth. The government of India has planned numerous projects related to rural development
in order to boost the growth of agriculture. India's top organization for developing policies,
rules, and laws relating to the development of the rural sector is the Ministry of Rural
Development. The main industries that contribute to the rural business and economy include
agriculture, handicrafts, fishery, poultry, and dairy.
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It would be ineffective to tackle rural development in one way. In actuality, rural development
is the result of interactions between several environmental, institutional, sociocultural,
technical, and economic elements.

OBJECTIVE OF RURAL DEVELOPMENT

By exploiting the readily accessible natural and human resources, the primary goal of rural
development is to raise the living standards of rural residents. The following are some
additional goals for rural development programmers:
1. The growth of related industries and agriculture.
2. The growth of cottage businesses and handicrafts in rural areas.
3. Creation of socioeconomic infrastructure, such as the establishment of rural banks,
cooperatives, and educational institutions.
4. Development of local amenities and services, such as clean water, power, rural roads, and
healthcare, etc.
5. Improvement of mobilization of human resources.

NEED AND IMPORTANCE OF RURAL DEVELOPMENT

India places a great deal of attention on rural development because of the following factors:
 To advance the culture, society, economics, technology, and health of rural areas as a
whole.
 The bulk of rural people denigrated the develop living.
 To empower women, children, and youth in rural areas.
 To improve the psychology, skill, knowledge, attitude, and other skills of the human
resource in rural areas.
 To build up the rural area's infrastructure.
 To offer the bare necessities to the rural population, including access to clean water,
education, transportation, power, and communication.
 To build panchayats, cooperatives, post offices, banks, and credit in rural areas.
 To give financial support for the improvement of small and large rural enterprises,
farmers, and agricultural unskilled labour their economy.
 Developing handicrafts, small-scale industries, village industries, rural crafts, cottage
industries, and other associated rural economic activities would help rural industries
grow.
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 To advance agriculture, zoos, and other agriculturally related fields.
 To reclaim uncultivated land, create irrigation systems, and encourage farmers to use
better seeds, fertilizers, a comprehensive agricultural production system, and soil
conservation techniques.
 To create leisure and entertainment options for rural residents.
 To improve rural areas' capacity for leadership.
 To upgrade the rural marketing infrastructure.
 decrease the disparity in facilities between urban and rural areas.
 To increase rural residents' involvement in the growth of the state and the country as a
whole.
 To increase rural residents' job opportunities and promote the rural economy's long-
term viability.

PROBLEMS IN RURAL DEVELOPMENT IN INDIA

Since the Vedic era, rural residents' conditions have been regarded as particularly precarious.
Even after we attained freedom, this situation has not improved; rural residents are still in the
same pre-independence state. Even though several programmes have been put into place, they
are still in the same place they were before.
Let's now examine the issue that rural residents are facing, as a result of which the development
of rural regions has steadied its growth and the programmes that have been put in place for the
rural development are ineffective. The following are the issues with rural development:
 The financial, human, and managerial resources allocated to the implementation of
rural development programmes are wholly insufficient.
 It is only possible to guarantee better programme execution for rural development if
individuals in charge of it are compensated fairly, given the right training, and driven
enough to do it.
 But nothing has happened as of yet.
 It has seen that certain programmes' aims contradict with those of other programmes,
and there is no institutional mechanism for resolving this conflict. As a result, several
programmes have completely failed to achieve their goals.
 The levels of many rural development tools are inconsistent with the goals they are
meant to attain and have not been adequately chosen. As a result, precious public
resources are wasted and the completion of the objectives is delayed needlessly.
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 Honesty, diligence, selflessness, generosity, and other values that indirectly benefit in
economic growth—aspects of development that have not received enough attention—
include helping others.
 One of the main things holding back India's rural growth is illiteracy.
 Political parties that are instrumental in the development of rural regions are more
driven by party interests than by national interest.
Therefore, removing all of these obstacles can hasten India's rural development. Governmental
and nonprofit groups have played a praiseworthy role in this respect. Together, if we put in the
necessary effort, we can succeed.

GLOBAL DRIVERS OF THE RURAL TRANSFORMATION

Despite significant local, national, and regional quirks, global forces are what are causing the
rural transition. Three of these elements, in our judgement, are particularly significant. The
economic foundation of the rural economy, the livelihood strategies of individuals and
households, as well as the circumstances in which they and rural organizations, communities,
and firms engage with the economic processes of their own country and beyond, are being
transformed by (1) the diversification of rural economies away from an almost complete
reliance on agriculture and (2) the progressive globalization of agrifood systems. (3) The
relative isolation that rural residents have long endured is diminished, and finally eliminated,
by the urbanization of rural areas. It enhances the range and frequency of interactions between
rural residents and outsiders as well as their access to public services, their exposure to fresh
perspectives, and the introduction of new social players, elites, and alliances. An additional
factor that is crucial to the other three is the development of roads and telecommunications
services. Without these, the economy cannot be diversified, agrifood markets cannot be
globalized, rural areas cannot be urbanized, and goods and services cannot be traded outside
of local communities. These global forces engage in interaction and mutual reinforcement. The
concentration of individuals, groups, and businesses in towns and cities fosters and supports
economic diversity, which in turn makes it easier to develop effective and stronger linkages
with global agrifood systems.
Despite the fact that at any one time different nations will be experiencing these pressures at
different strengths and in different ways, their breadth is global. In comparison to a nation in
the "transforming" or "urbanized" categories, the majority of rural regions of an agriculturally
 21
based economy will only show nascent economic diversification, globalization of agrifood
systems, urbanization, and access of rural people to roads and telecommunications.

UNEVEN RURAL DEVELOPMENT

Why are rural transformation processes so unequal if the global forces mentioned above
operate in all areas and nations and are homogenizing influences that lessen many important
disparities between rural and urban life? More specifically, how and why do various rural
transformation patterns result in unequal combinations of economic growth and social
inclusion (changes in poverty and other types of inequality)? 13 It is obvious that additional
factors must be at work in order for rural transformation to occur in the patterns and ways that
it does, as well as the ways that it is distributed spatially. Such unevenness is viewed as an
inevitable component of slow, long-term processes of market-driven convergence in neo-
classical economic geography. Regional development policy is portrayed in this narrative as
ineffective, detracting from the advantages of agglomeration economies, and only
recommended in the most extreme circumstances where cultural or ethnic differences prevent
people and capital from moving from economically underdeveloped areas to those where they
can reach their full potential (World Bank 2009).
However, for others, poverty and inequality traps account for a considerable portion of the
"unevenness" (Barca 2009). Despite the existence of the same global drivers, the notions of
poverty traps and inequality traps have arisen as an analytical framework that is particularly
helpful to understand the unevenness in the features and effects of the rural transformation.
Poverty traps describe circumstances in which persons at the low end of the income distribution
are trapped in poverty because they were already poor to begin with: a lack of resources leads
to additional restrictions. On the other hand, inequality traps are "circumstances when the
whole distribution remains stable because the many aspects of inequality (in money, power,
and social status) interact to protect the affluent from downward mobility and to prevent the
poor from upward mobility" (Rao 2006). Because inequality traps include persistence in a
ranking of various people or social groups rather than persistence in absolute degrees of
deprivation (Bebbington et al. 2008), they affect people or groups throughout the whole
distribution rather than simply the poor.
22
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CONCLUSION

Since the early sectoral concentration on agricultural societies and agricultural development up
to modern views that strongly emphasise "places" and "place-based" development, we have
studied the evolution of our collective knowledge of rural communities and how they evolve.
Rural transformation has always been understood throughout this progression as the outcome
of the interplay of international and local influences. For instance, the agricultural growth and
development theories that supported the Green Revolution policies in the 1960s and 1970s
quickly understood that they needed to account for regional peculiarities like farmer risk
aversion or the makeup of regional input markets.
The main factors influencing migration in India are social structures and the pace of
development. Since Independence, every administrations' development strategies have sped up
the migratory process. Migration is mostly brought on by uneven development. The differences
across different socioeconomic strata and across different regions are added to this. Rural
labour migration occurs for two main reasons: migration for survival and migration for
sustenance. The first illustrates the extreme social and economic disadvantages that rural
labourers experience, a circumstance that makes migration vital to survive. These groups are
mostly made up of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and other oppressed castes, and they
are typically landless and uneducated The need for additional money to bridge the gaps left by
seasonal employment is the second factor driving migration, which is likewise founded in
subsistence. Such groups often do not move far from their homes and frequently relocate for
shorter periods of time.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY

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