Indian Ocean

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How Indian-ocean enhance Pakistan’s strategic location?

Importance of IO:
The Indian Ocean is among the world’s largest oceans comprising
nearly one‐fifth of the waters of the world

Indian Ocean is the third largest ocean in the world spanning over an area of 73,556,000 square
kilometers that covers three continents. It is bounded by Asia on the north, Africa on west and
Australia on the east. The ocean serves as a connecting route between the Pacific and Atlantic
Oceans. Important international choke points like the Strait of Hormuz, Bab el Mandeb, Horn of
Africa, Suez Canal via Red Sea and Strait of Malacca add to the geopolitical significance of Indian
Ocean. With known reserves of over 65% of world oil and 35% of the world gas in the littoral states,
Indian Ocean is the epicenter of maritime economy and military presence of the world. The
American, British, Russian, Chinese, Indian and Pakistani navies maintain a strong military presence
which highlights the importance of the Indian Ocean rim.

Significance for Pakistan:


Pakistan, located at the center of Indian Ocean is an important littoral state which carries out more
than 95% of its trade through the sea via its ports at Karachi, Qasim and Gwadar. The
commercial opportunities, connectivity and the resources prompt Pakistan to
secure its economic interests in the Indian Ocean. Pakistan also utilizes its 290,000 sq
km of Exclusive Economic Zone and Continental Shelf for numerous purposes including, fishing,
mining, exploration and marine research. Over 15 million barrels of crude oil is shipped right across
the Pakistani coast from the Gulf States daily through the Persian Gulf. Pakistan also provides the
shortest sea access to Afghanistan, Central Asian States and China. This adds not only to the
importance of Maritime Economy potential of Pakistan, but also highlights its geo-strategic and geo-
military significance.

Furthermore, the limited lines of land communication in the eastern hemisphere


have increased the importance of the areas attached to the ocean. Trade and
commerce are the most significant variables, especially to the strategic choke
points where the Indian Ocean is contiguous to other large bodies of water.
Among the important choke points of the Indian Ocean, the Strait of Hormuz
and the Mallaca are crucial for a plethora of Asian nations.

Pakistan shares a 990km long coastline located at the heart of the Arabian Sea
and is among the major littoral states of Indian Ocean region. It has a bulk of
marine economic resources in its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). Its Western
coast adjacent to the Gulf makes it strategically important by providing shortest
sea route to the landlocked Central Asian Nations, Afghanistan and
Western Province of China. Due to China’s One Belt One Road (OBOR)
initiative and China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC Project), the Indian
Ocean assumes even more significance for Pakistan.

Defending its economic interests in the IOR is important for Pakistan as almost
97% of Pakistan’s trade is carried out through the port of Karachi,
Muhammad Bin Qasim, Gawadar, Pasni, Jiwani, Gadani and
Ormara. Extended coastline and strategically located harbours present Pakistan
with a location that is perfect for trade. Pakistan‘s role in global navigation, the
EEZ and Gwadar port are

extremely important for the country‘s economic development.

In the current power dynamic, China’s OBOR initiative and CPEC Project give
momentum to the Indian naval forces to cripple Pakistan’s interests. CPEC and
Gwadar port has the potential to make Pakistan into an economic hub of trade
and development which hurts the Indian interest. Consequently, this situation
has also catalyzed India’s intention to harm Pakistan’s economy, and acquiring
the nuclear triad will provide Pakistan with a second strike capability and it
will reduce the chances of a war.

Pakistan has always been following a defensive strategy and a strong Naval
force with powerful second strike capability will deter any threats that Pakistan
might encounter. Furthermore, it will prove a more secure and safe
environment for the foreign investors as Gwadar bridges the east to the
west. The economic progress of Pakistan through CPEC Project presents
an opportunity to considerably improve the trade between Eastern, West Asian,
African, Middle Eastern and European Nations with Pakistan. Hence, it has
become utmost vital for Pakistan to protect the Indian Ocean.

A WAY FORWARD

The new decade opened with a joint drill between the navies of Pakistan and China.
The drill between the “iron brothers” was cause of concern and speculation for India
since it was conducted in the Arabian Sea near India’s western coast, which hosts its
major ports. Called “Sea Guardians 2020,” the exercise signified Pakistan’s posture in
finally developing a concrete Indian Ocean policy.

Despite media attention to the region in an era of increasing competition, a major


lacuna is that there is very little mention of the Indian Ocean Region, colloquially
known as the IOR.
Pakistan is located at the cusp of the Arabian Sea, close to the Strait of Hormuz.
Despite its fortunate geographic position, Pakistan’s Indian Ocean policy is still
lacking. Pakistan touts the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) project
connecting China’s western Xinjiang with Pakistan’s southern belt, but China’s Belt
and Road Initiative (BRI) has both land and maritime elements, of which Pakistan is
only involved in the former. The CPEC is important for Pakistan due to its weak
economy and isolation in the international arena, but Pakistan needs to create a
holistic foreign policy that includes the CPEC, as well as a deeper strategic
consideration of the IOR and the Gwadar Port.

Pakistan’s isolation vis-à-vis its energy-rich Central Asian neighbors and other Indian
Ocean littoral states is a sign of the neglect of a cohesive Indian Ocean policy. Almost
ninety-five percent of Pakistan’s trade comes through Karachi Port and Port Qasim,
both in the Arabian Sea. Even though Pakistan is a primary littoral state in the IOR, it
is not a member of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) or the Bay of Bengal
Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC). Many of the
regional symposiums and forums take place without Pakistan’s involvement.

In his 1945 essays titled, “India and the Indian Ocean,” Indian statesman and sub-
continental strategist K. M. Pannikar presents an account of the Indian Ocean that
underlines its strategic importance.

Written at a time before the fateful partition, Panikkar describes in detail the Indian
Ocean’s significance for sub-continental India from a geopolitical perspective. Today,
Delhi derives most of its strategic thinking from him: the Indian government’s
Maritime Security Strategy has highlighted essential choke points and the necessity
for the Indian Navy to have a militarized footprint in the Indian Ocean. Yet, it should
be noted that Panikkar’s essays hold as much significance for Pakistan as they do for
India.

Today, India and Pakistan remain fixated on unfinished agenda(s) of partition.


Although they have a shared history, it remains strictly limited to dividing the
intellectuals, poets, and historical figures of the subcontinent. Pakistan, in an attempt
to forge a new Muslim identity different from that of India, has disowned strategic
sub-continental thinking. Therefore, Pakistan does not have a framework to pursue the
trends of the Indian Ocean, at a time when the rift between the U.S. and China has
shifted to the region.

In September 1973, Pakistan offered the U.S. the opportunity to develop the Gwadar
Port, a project that did not materialize. This opportunity has now been taken up by
China, which has strategic repercussions for the whole of South Asia. The start of a
“new Great Game” in the Indian Ocean revolves around the BRI, and involves
regional powers Pakistan and India, which are allies of China and the U.S.,
respectively.

Through India, the United States has been implementing an off-shore balancing
strategy against China. Meanwhile, India’s self-proclaimed status as Net Security
Provider has led to a strengthened presence in the Indian Ocean. It now wants to
expand its navy through military assistance, diplomacy, military deployment and
capacity-building. Furthermore, India’s aims of having a blue economy and a 200-
ship fleet, as well as completing its nuclear triad after the successful deterrent patrol
of SSBN Arihant, all point to the ratio of interests that can outplay the need of having
a common ground for regional growth.

As mentioned earlier, regional initiatives like IORA, BIMSTEC, and SAGAR are
primarily India-centric. Since Pakistan is a major state littoral state in the Indian
Ocean, its inclusion in forums like these is even more important for a South Asia
without India-Pakistan confrontation.

Prime Minister Khan’s recent visit to China, following President Xi’s visit to India
highlights the fact that despite political differences, states can find ways in which
competition and trade can coexist. Pakistan is exclusively trying to ally with just one
country in the region. India and China, on the other hand, confront each other but
maintain their trade relations, too.

India’s approach to the Indian Ocean in terms of its “Act East, Think West” policy is
purely Panikkarian, and is a saffron variant of the Monroe Doctrine. Meanwhile,
Pakistan is devoid of any policy that would cater to its relations with East Africa,
Mauritius, and Southeast Asian states—any policy that looks south toward developing
a coherent, cohesive Indian Ocean policy. Pakistan needs to refocus its lens on what
Panikkar has taught in his essays on the Indian Ocean and remember its vital
importance for both India and Pakistan.

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