THE LOSS AND REDISCOVERY OF THE VIZIER IUU AT ABYDOS:
MAGNETIC SURVEY IN THE MIDDLE CEMETERY
Tomasz Herbich and Janet Richards
In his groundbreaking work at Tel el-Dabca, Manfred
Bietak has provided a prominent example both of
the importance of considering whole archaeological
landscapes in the reconstruction of pivotal periods of
ancient Egyptian history, and indeed of integrating
the full scope of archaeological, textual and pictorial
data in discussions of historical events and historical
process. His research questions and excavation
methodologies, therefore, stand in sharp contrast to
the very different goals and techniques prevailing in
the 19th century during the formative years of Egyp-
tology as a discipline; and the kind of history that he
now writes for the Hyksos period and its broader
chronological context is almost immeasurably richer
than early scholarly reactions to this phenomenon.
With the incorporation of recently developed and
powerful techniques of geophysical prospection such
as magnetic survey, the ability to build a comprehen-
sive understanding of the spatial dimensions of the
Tell el Dabca landscape has increased exponentially.
Fig. 1 General map of Abydos. T. Herbich, after B. KEMP 1975, fig. 1
In celebration of the contributions Manfred
Bietak has made and continues to make to the
understanding of ancient Egyptian landscapes and
their relationship to the writing of history, there-
fore, we offer in this essay an example of how the
changing research questions and methodologies of
the late 20th and early 21st centuries can help to
illuminate more clearly historical problems and
individuals originally identified in the often haphaz-
ard atmosphere of 19th century archaeology in
Egypt. In particular, we shall focus on the problem
of the Middle Cemetery at the site of Abydos in
southern Egypt (Fig. 1), where the goals and exca-
vation techniques of its earliest excavators shaped
the writing of late Old Kingdom ‘history’. The con-
ditions these antiquarians and scholars created on
the ground continue to pose challenges to modern
excavators seeking to piece together a comprehen-
sive view of the cemetery landscape and the impli-
cations of that provincial necropolis within the later
142 Tomasz Herbich and Janet Richards
Old Kingdom, including the role and context of
ancient individuals whose graves were found and
then “lost” during those early campaigns.
THE VIZIER IUU AND EARLY CAMPAIGNS
IN THEMIDDLE CEMETERY
In his detailed survey of the known inscriptions of
the late Old Kingdom from Abydos, Brovarski dis-
cussed the problem of a vizier Iuu, whose tomb was
“probably located in the Middle Cemetery at Abydos
… found by Lepsius … in the course of the Prussian
Expedition to Egypt and Nubia in 1842–1845”
(BROVARSKI 1994b: 24). Because of the paucity of
contextual information provided by LEPSIUS apart
from a sketch plan and section of Iuu’s shaft and
burial chamber (“a square shaft and subterranean
brickwork burial chamber roofed over with a barrel
vault of six courses of mudbrick” [BROVARSKI 1994b:
24]), Brovarski concluded that “(e)vidently, no trace
of a superstructure was found” (BROVARSKI 1994b:
25). Other than the fact that this Iuu seems to have
been the grandfather of a woman Mezenet, whose
stela was found by Mariette more than twenty years
after Lepsius’ visit to the site (MARIETTE 1880b: 94),
little more could be said about his place in the social
history of the 5th and 6th dynasties. The dates pro-
posed for his vizierate by various scholars have
ranged from the 5th dynasty to the end of the 6th
dynasty, based on his title sequences, the occurrence
of a similar shaft and chamber type of grave at
Saqqara, and the deliberate mutilation of certain
hieroglyphic signs in Iuu’s burial chamber (BROVARS-
KI 1994b: 24, 26–32). Brovarski’s evaluation of these
various lines of evidence led him to summarize that
Iuu “may have held the vizierate at the end of Pepy
I’s reign but may also have served Merenre as vizier.”
Brovarski concluded, however, that this designation
could remain tentative only (1994b: 33).
The decontextualization of an individual’s
inscription, the “loss” of his tomb, and thus our abil-
ity to situate that particular individual productively
within a broader social and political landscape, was a
not uncommon by-product of early work in the Aby-
dos Middle Cemetery. Entering Abydos in 1799,
Napoleon’s savants described a vast cemetery land-
scape filled with a multitude of ruined brick con-
structions (Antiquités descriptionnés XI: 8–9), an
impression reflected in the map ultimately published
in la Description de l’Egypte (I: 35). By the time of
Lepsius’ visit to Abydos nearly 40 years later, howev-
er, this ‘built’ landscape had already altered consid-
erably due to the more or less systematic plundering
of the cemetery landscape that resulted in the great
European auctions of Abydos stelae of the late 1820s
and 1830s (SIMPSON 1974: 5–6). LEPSIUS himself was
interested not in archaeology but in inscriptions and
‘significant’ monuments; his failure to describe Iuu’s
or any other tomb structures in the Middle Cemetery
may well have reflected a disdainful attitude regard-
ing mud brick architecture, and also the possibility
that most of the Old Kingdom remains still lay
meters below the surface. His description and associ-
ated map of Abydos site map conveyed a sense of a
vast and jumbled landscape of bricks and mummy
pieces and With the work of Mariette from
1858–1876, the ‘face’ of the Middle Cemetery was
irrevocably altered. Employing hundreds of work-
men, Mariette and his deputies initiated a system of
deep trenching wherever significant architectural fea-
tures could be discerned, in search of museum-wor-
thy objects and inscriptions. This methodology left in
its wake massive spoil heaps, one of which apparent-
ly covered completely the tomb of Iuu. From work in
‘la necropole du centre,’ which Mariette characterized
as a “high hill,” there emerged a series of inscriptions
for important central government officials of the 5th
and 6th dynasties (MARIETTE 1880b: 33, 83–95,
507–11; KEMP 1975: 28–41; BROVARSKI 1994a,b),
including the lengthy biography of the 6th dynasty
Governor of Upper Egypt Weni the Elder. Mariette’s
lack of interest in context resulted in a merely curso-
ry description of the tomb in which Weni’s biogra-
phy was originally placed (MARIETTE 1880b: 84), and
an even less informative description of the character
of the cemetery as a whole (MARIETTE 1880a: 40–41).
Thus Weni’s inscription, along with others recovered
by Mariette, also entered into the writing of Egypt-
ian history stripped of the implications of their orig-
inal physical emplacements.
Such was the havoc wrought in the Middle Ceme-
tery by Mariette’s careless methodology that in near-
ly fifty years of further work in North Abydos by a
variety of British missions, none of these later exca-
vators (with the possible exception of Henri Frank-
fort [FRANKFORT 1930]) attempted to excavate the
part of the Middle Cemetery which had been the
focus of his work, describing it as having been rav-
aged by Mariette’s men (PEET 1914: xiii). They tar-
geted instead the northeastern ridge, a now disap-
peared prominence of the Middle Cemetery plateau.
Apparently ignored by Mariette because this ridge
contained no superstructures (and was therefore
probably thought unlikely to yield inscriptions), it
proved to be the location of thousands of simple
graves of the later Old Kingdom (GARSTANG 1909;
PEET and LOAT 1913; LOAT 1923). Working also
 The Loss and Rediscovery of the Vizier Iuu at Abydos: Magnetic Survey in the Middle Cemetery 143

Fig. 2 Abydos, the Middle Cemetery. Mastabas in the “high hill” area, excavated in 1999 and 2001. The cross indicates the find spot
of the Iuu door jamb; the number 1 indicates the paving slabs outside the local north wall of the Idi/Nekhty enclosure; the number
2 indicates the possible original emplacement of Mezenet stela (CGC 1567). Map: G. Compton, Abydos Middle Cemetery Project

beyond Mariette’s “high hill” further west on the
level portion of the Middle Cemetery plateau, the
excavators discovered hundreds more of these simple
graves of the period in an area they called Cemetery
E (NAVILLE 1914: 1–11; PEET 1914: 17–29).
FROM 1995: ‘LOST’ TOMBS ARE ‘FOUND ’
Thus, between 1876 and 1995, when the University of
Michigan initiated a field project in the Middle Ceme-
tery, there had been no systematic investigation of
the seemingly largely destroyed “high hill” of Mari-
ette. Returning to the site in 1995 with very different
goals and methodologies, we sought to understand the
character of the late Old Kingdom cemetery as a
whole, and the place of the ‘lost’ individuals of 19th
century campaigns within it. The results of a pro-
gram of surface survey of topography, architecture,
and ceramic material in the mid 1990s seemed to sug-
gest that much remained to be found in Mariette’s
area, and that this core area of Old Kingdom elite
graves remained intriguingly sacrosanct for several
hundred years after its inception. Excavations there
in 1999 and 2001 confirmed these suspicions, relocat-
ed the ‘lost’ and massive mastaba, shaft and burial
chamber of Weni the Elder (RICHARDS 2001, 2002 a,
b, c; 2003), other late Old Kingdom elite complexes,
three examples of what was clearly a series of sub-
sidiary mastabas laid out in carefully planned rows
south of Weni’s tomb, and numerous simple surface
burials carefully situated in proximity to these more
substantial structures (Fig. 2). It became clear that
this “high hill” was the central part of a complex
planned cemetery, established here on previously
restricted ground by officials of the central govern-
ment, while the majority of the local population were
buried off the plateau on the northeastern ridge and
later, on the level plateau local west of the hill. Such a
deliberate partitioning in the use of mortuary space
indicated an idealized, two tiered view of provincial
society, with literate officials perched for eternity high
above the majority of the population, whose simple
graves contained no inscriptions (RICHARDS 2002c).
144 Tomasz Herbich and Janet Richards
Fig. 3 Abydos, the Middle Cemetery. The Iuu door jamb: por-
tion showing Weni the Elder offering to his father. Photogra-
phy: K. D. Turner, Abydos Middle Cemetery Project
But where – and when – did the vizier Iuu fit into
this picture? In 1837, his tomb must have been a sig-
nificant feature of the landscape seen by Lepsius,
while Weni’s tomb with its lengthy biographical and
numerous other surface and subterranean inscrip-
tions must not have been visible. In the wake of Mari-
ette’s extensive operations from 1858 onwards, how-
ever, it seemed clear that the spoil heaps of this later
campaign must have thoroughly concealed in their
turn Iuu’s grave.
With the discovery in 1999 of a doorjamb in sur-
face fill east of Weni’s mastaba, the University of
Michigan excavations provided a new piece of evi-
dence for the vizier Iuu and simultaneously exploded
the myth of Weni as a ‘self-made man,’ propagated
throughout his biography and discussed in the Egyp-
tological literature (KANAWATI 1981; PIACENTINI 1990;
EYRE 1994). Lying east of the north corner of Weni’s
mastaba was a massive doorjamb (see Fig. 2), inscribed
for the same Vizier Iuu recorded by Lepsius and iden-
tifying Weni the Elder as his eldest son (Fig. 3). Also
identified in the inscription was another Weni,
undoubtedly Iuu’s grandson (RICHARDS 2002b).
These details resolved the chronological placement of
Iuu: his vizierate probably spanned the end of the 5th
and the beginning of the 6th dynasties, given the
known career of Weni from the last years of Teti
through the early years of Merenre.
Iuu’s inscribed doorjamb was removed from its
original context (probably by Mariette’s men) and
left lying with no particular spatial referent, beyond
its proximity to Weni’s mastaba and the good possi-
bility that Iuu’s grave lay therefore east of his son’s.
Yet we could push already the boundaries of a poten-
tial family plot beyond Weni’s grave, with the sug-
gested identification of the original emplacement of
the Egyptian Museum stela of a woman named
Mezenet (CGC 1576), the granddaughter of this same
Vizier Iuu, with a courtyard niche of an elite complex
belonging originally to an official Idi (RICHARDS
2002c), lying south of Weni’s grave. Limestone
paving slabs laid carefully outside the enclosure wall
of Idi’s complex (see Fig. 2) suggest that it inter-
locked symbolically with yet another structure to its
east; and the combination of all these factors led to a
suspicion that the core area of this exclusive high
cemetery hill was dominated by Iuu’s family, in-laws,
and descendants.
A recent and startlingly successful season of geo-
physical prospection in the Middle Cemetery has now
provided very strong indications not only of the loca-
tion of Iuu’s tomb, but also of the vast extent of the
planned setting of which his tomb was a cornerstone,
broadening dramatically what we are able to say
about the nature and implications of spatial pattern-
ing in this cemetery.
2002: THE CONTRIBUTIONS OF MAGNETIC SURVEY
Magnetometry was the chosen geophysical method for
prospecting the Middle Cemetery. One of the most
commonly applied prospection methods on archaeo-
logical sites in the Nile Valley, its effectiveness is based
on the magnetic properties of Nile silt, which was the
principal building material in ancient settlements as
well as cemetery sites. These properties found practi-
cal application for the first time in A. Hesse’s study of
the internal planning of the Mirgissa fortress in
1965–66 (HESSE 1970:71–96). The limitations of the
method in terms of data processing, that is, manual
recording of the measurements and rendering of
magnetic maps, caused less than sporadic application
in subsequent years, e.g., prospecting by I. MATH-
IESON, and T. HERBICH’s work in Saqqara (MATH-
IESON 1993, MYÐLIWIEC, HERBICH and NIWI¼SKI
 The Loss and Rediscovery of the Vizier Iuu at Abydos: Magnetic Survey in the Middle Cemetery
Fig. 4 Abydos, the Middle Cemetery. Limits of the 2002 mag-
netic survey. Contour lines are at one meter intervals. Map:
G. Compton, D. Anderson, and J. J. Shirley, Abydos Middle
Cemetery Project
1995). A breakthrough came with the magnetic sur-
veys conducted in the Eastern Delta of the Nile in the
mid-1990s at Qantir (PUSCH, BECKER and FASSBINDER
2000) and at Tell el-Dabca (BIETAK, DORNER and
JÁNOSI 2001). New research horizons were set, demon-
strating the usefulness of the method in recording set-
tlement traces over large areas comprising dozens of
hectares. At the root of this new-found effectiveness
was the progress made in both hardware (high-sensi-
tivity apparatus, memory capacity) and software
(methods of data processing and map rendering soft-
ware) (GAFFNEY and GATER 2003).
The team undertaking the Middle Cemetery pro-
ject in 2002 could draw on the experience of similar
prospecting in the nearby North Cemetery, where
dozens of tombs and funerary chapels, as well as two
previously unknown Early Dynastic funerary enclo-
sures have been recorded (HERBICH, ADAMS and
O’CONNOR 2003). The survey was concluded using
Geoscan Research FM 36 gradiometers, applied to a
145
grid of 0.50 m by 0.25 m (8 measurement points per
square meter). The prospected area (6 hectares in all;
see Fig. 4) included Mariette’s „high hill” for officials,
as well the area of lower-class burials provisionally
investigated by Peet (NAVILLE 1914; PEET 1914).
The conditions in which the survey was carried
out were very difficult. The difference in levels in a
given 20 by 10 grid in the hill area being as much as
3–4 m, owing to the earlier excavation work (Fig. 5).
Nonetheless, the results of the survey revealed ele-
ments of cemetery architecture.
The most distinctive of these elements observed
on the magnetic map was a square-shaped anomaly,
the sides about 30 m in length, the thickness of the
walls reaching up to 5 m (marked as A in Fig. 6) with
traces of a structure adjoining the northeastern side.
In the center of this anomaly there is yet another
anomaly, also square in plan, measuring 5 m to the
side. This arrangement clearly echoes the plan of
Weni’s tomb, the anomaly in the middle correspond-
ing to the shaft leading to the burial chamber and the
structure adjoining one of the sides being a funerary
chapel (see three-dimensional reconstruction of
Weni’s tomb in Fig. 7). The complex marked as B on
the map is a subsurface reflection of Idi’s tomb. The
plans of these two structures are known from the
excavations of the University of Michigan team
(RICHARDS 2002b, 2003).
The massive structure detected lying north and
slightly east of Weni’s tomb – marked as C on Fig. 6
and revealing a plan analogous to that of Weni’s tomb
– is almost certainly the ‘lost’ tomb of the vizier Iuu.
It is only slightly smaller than Weni’s tomb and its lay-
out and construction techniques are nearly identical to
those employed by Weni’s architects. It is a great
square enclosing a grave shaft, with the shadow of a
chapel visible on its northeast face. The find spot of the
doorjamb discovered in 1999 and inscribed for Iuu
(Fig. 2), between the north corner of Weni’s mastaba
and the south corner of this newly identified structure,
reinforces this identification, and further suggests the
existence of some kind of architectural linkage
between these two monumental tombs. A second large
complex detected during the magnetic survey south-
east of Iuu and northeast of Idi, was similar in form to
that of Idi. While far less distinctly visible than Iuu’s
mastaba, it nonetheless evoked elements of Idi’s com-
plex: a solid mastaba enclosed by a perimeter wall
(marked as D on Fig. 6). Unlike Idi’s mastaba which
was largely destroyed by Mariette’s men, the unknown
mastaba retains its solid rectangular shape.The lime-
stone slabs noted earlier lying outside Idi’s complex
might be all that remains of a vast pavement original-
146 Tomasz Herbich and Janet Richards

Fig. 5 Abydos, the Middle Cemetery. Topographic conditions in the “high hill” area. Photography: T. HERBICH, Institute
of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Sciences, for the Abydos Middle Cemetery Project

ly stretching between these four structures, setting out
the cornerstones of the burial ground of two promi-
nent families possessing both material and spiritual
power. The identity of this complex’s owner remains
an open question; but it is quite likely that he was
related by blood or by marriage to Iuu’s line. Also doc-
umented in alignment with these monumental com-
pounds were several rows of subsidiary mastabas, with
groups ranged to the south of Iuu and Weni respec-
tively, the graves of individuals related to their family
network either by kin ties or by professional affiliation.
Perhaps more compelling was the evidence
revealed by the survey for thousands of shaft and
surface graves, both with and without associated sur-
face chapel architecture, spreading outward from this
central core. This phenomenally vast continuation of
the lower order cemetery, of which Peet discovered
only a very small part in his Cemetery E, was the
very social fabric of Iuu and Weni’s life and times,
reflecting the whole regional population of which
they were a part. The magnetometry map reflects
even more vividly than do previously known data the
sharp increase in local population at Abydos begin-
ning in the later Old Kingdom. It also materializes
the early stage of a trend towards funerary democra-
tization that would culminate during the Middle
Kingdom hundreds of years later, visible here in the
encroachment of simpler graves over several genera-
tions into previously rigorously controlled sacred
space. This sprawling pattern yields a foreshadowing
of the far less partitioned character of the North
Cemetery at Abydos, which became the primary bur-
ial ground from the 11th dynasty onward, and in
which access to funerary inscriptions spread far
beyond the rarefied reaches of ancient high society.
The blueprint for future research provided by the
compelling marriage of new research questions and
exciting new methodologies such as magnetometry
allows us to track the activities not only of previous-
ly ‘lost’ officials such as Iuu and the prominent fam-
ilies to whom his own was linked, but that of the mid-
dle and lower class individuals who shared with them
a total social and political landscape.
Yet another aspect of magnetic research worthy of
note is the assistance the method provides in re-local-
izing excavation trenches from a hundred years ago
and in verifying and revising errors and omissions in
the documentation made at the time. There is every
reason, for instance, to believe that further magnetic
prospection in a southerly direction will allow us to
 The Loss and Rediscovery of the Vizier Iuu at Abydos: Magnetic Survey in the Middle Cemetery 147

Fig. 6 Abydos, the Middle Cemetery. Magnetic map. A – Weni complex; B – Idi/ Nekhty complex; C – the structure that is most
likely the tomb of Iuu; D – the possible remains of a previously unknown Old Kingdom mastaba complex; E – graves appearing
in semicircular arrangement, reminiscent of PEET’s “Cemetery E” map. Map: T. HERBICH, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnol-
ogy, Polish Academy of Sciences, for the Abydos Middle Cemetery Project

pinpoint the exact location of Peet’s Cemetery E
excavations: the graves appearing in semicircular
arrangement at the southwestern edge of the mag-
netic map, marked as E on Fig. 6, are reminiscent of
Peet’s “Cemetery E” map (PEET 1914: 17)). In anoth-
er part of Abydos, that is, in Abydos South, magnet-
ic survey results have already helped to establish the
actual size of the temenos of Senwosret III in relation
to the neighboring Middle Kingdom mastabas (see
HERBICH and WEGNER 2003).
CONCLUSION
In the past few years geophysical research – a rela-
tively new tool in the instrumentarium of Egyptolo-
gists – has assisted in building a better understand-
ing of the ancient Egyptian landscape during the
later Old Kingdom. Beyond the provincial phenom-
enon of the Abydos Middle Cemetery, magnetome-
try has facilitated the discovery (or re-discovery) of
the tombs of the highest officials from the Fifth and
Sixth Dynasties at Saqqara West, for instance. Geo-
physical prospection provided the basis for situating
excavation trenches and for locating structures
(MYÐLIWIEC, HERBICH and NIWI¼SKI 1995, HERBICH
2003). Excavating theses structures led to the dis-
covery of the tomb of Meref-nebef, an unknown
vizier of the same epoch (MYÐLIWIEC 1998).
Undoubtedly, many monuments from this same
period of the Old Kingdom are to be found amidst
the dozens of tombs and mastabas discovered in the
148 Tomasz Herbich and Janet Richards

Fig. 7 Abydos, the Middle Cemetery. Reconstruction of the components of Weni the Elder’s tomb showing surface
enclosure and chapel, and subterranean shaft and chamber. Reconstruction: G. Compton, Abydos Middle Cemetery Project

course of magnetic prospecting in other regions of
Saqqara and Abusir South (MATHIESON et al. 2002,
KÌIVÁNEK and BÁRTA 2003).
The ensemble of these recent discoveries suggests
that there is still much to discover about the archae-
ology of political and social processes during the late
Old Kingdom, and that new research questions and
new techniques of prospection including magnetom-
etry will help us to decipher this historical puzzle
more completely.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank Dr. Zahi Hawass,
Secretary General, Supreme Council of Antiquities,
and members of the Permanent Committee of the
SCA for their gracious permission to conduct this
work. In Cairo we would also like to thank Mme.
Amira Khattab and the staff of the American
Research Center in Egypt. In Sohag we are grateful
to Mr. Zein El Abdin Zaki, General Director, Sohag
Governorate; Mr. Mohammed Abdel Aziz, then Chief
Inspector, El-Balyana, and Mr. Ashraf Abdel Aall
Okasha, Inspector of Sohag, who acted as Inspector
for the Project. Crew members Krzystztof Stawarz
and Geoffrey Compton contributed greatly to the
success of the season; and as always Ahmet Rageb
and the staff of the Pennsylvania-Yale-Institute of
Fine Arts dig house ensured a comfortable living
environment.
One of the FM instruments used for the magnet-
ic survey was provided by the Programa de Estudios
de Egiptologia (Consejo Nacional de Investigaciónes
Cientíicas y Técnicas) in Buenos Aires on the
grounds of a cooperation agreement with the Polish
Center of Mediterranean Archaeology of Warsaw
University in Cairo.
 The Loss and Rediscovery of the Vizier Iuu at Abydos: Magnetic Survey in the Middle Cemetery 149

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