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Vaillant 2007
Vaillant 2007
To cite this article: Yancy Vaillant & Esteban Lafuente (2007) Do different institutional frameworks
condition the influence of local fear of failure and entrepreneurial examples over entrepreneurial
activity?, Entrepreneurship & Regional Development: An International Journal, 19:4, 313-337, DOI:
10.1080/08985620701440007
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ENTREPRENEURSHIP & REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT, 19, JULY (2007), 313–337
This paper analyses how different institutional frameworks condition the influence of selected
social traits: the social stigma to entrepreneurial failure and the presence of entrepreneurial role
models, over entrepreneurial activity levels in a rural area with strong industrial and
entrepreneurial history versus those that are not necessarily characterized by such a tradition.
To attain this objective we undertake a rare events logit model using a robust Spanish dataset
from 2003. The main contribution of the study indicates that there is a significant difference
between entrepreneurial activity levels in rural Catalonia as compared to rural areas in the rest
of Spain. This difference is in large part explained by the distinct impact of the observed social
traits, where the presence of entrepreneurial role models is a prominent explanatory factor
favouring entrepreneurial activity in rural (Catalonia) areas with strong industrial tradition.
The findings of the paper back the growing call for territorial specificity in the formulation and
application of entrepreneurship support measures, distinguishing between rural and urban
areas. Hence, and in accordance with the new rural paradigm, entrepreneurship promotion
should take a more holistic character and become an integral part of any rural development
plan. The paper’s results imply that fostering business creation in rural areas is more often than
not a generational process, where the search for short-term benefits can result in the mistaken
impression that in rural areas entrepreneurship support policy does not work.
1. Problem statement
The growing awareness over the last decades of the importance of new businesses and
small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs) within economic development has led
many public administrations from all political ideologies and of all administrative
levels to develop policy favouring and stimulating the creation of new enterprises
(Rural Policy Research Institute [RUPRI] 2006).
Entrepreneurship has also become a tool for economic development in rural areas.
The EU and many Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
(OECD) countries have introduced over the last decade policies that uses
entrepreneurship as an essential tool for rural development.1 In Europe, the
diversification of the productive base of rural areas has become an objective of rural
development policy (European Commission 1997a). Likewise, there is increasing
demand and interest in placing new business formation as a key element within the
Entrepreneurship and Regional Development ISSN 0898–5626 print/ISSN 1464–5114 online ß 2007 Taylor & Francis
http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
DOI: 10.1080/08985620701440007
314 YANCY VAILLANT AND ESTEBAN LAFUENTE
entrepreneurs has been widely analysed (Keeble and Tyler 1995, Anderson 2000,
North et al. 2001, Macke 2002, Urbano et al. 2002, Vaillant et al. 2004, Viladomiu et al.
2004), this has rarely translated into specific rural entrepreneurship policy. Where it
does exist, too often it is simply a replication of measures found in urban areas
(Smallbone et al. 2002). A common conclusion of studies into rural entrepreneurship is
that, because of its distinctiveness, entrepreneurial activity in rural areas is possibly
disfavoured by common national support frameworks (Bryden and Hart 2005).
Further knowledge of the distinctive factors affecting entrepreneurial activity in rural
areas is essential to help improve the effectiveness of the growing number of
endogenous rural development efforts linked to better infrastructures (Jacobs 1969),
and greater volumes of demand (Krugman 1981, 1991).
Nevertheless, improvements in transport infrastructure, communication, and
information technologies have brought about an important reduction in the physical
and psychic distance separating rural and urban areas. Although much of the formal
institutional and infrastructural disadvantages in Europe and many OECD countries
have been alleviated, most rural areas have not experienced the appropriate and
consequent convergence towards the entrepreneurial activity levels found in urban
areas. Evidence is beginning to mount which would indicate that many rural areas are
‘entrepreneurial laggards’ not just because of their physical disadvantages, but also
because of the inappropriate socio-cultural traits of their informal institutional
framework making them non-conducive for effective entrepreneurial activity
(Fornahl 2003).
A recent study (OECD 2003) of the influence of entrepreneurship over local
economic development conducted by Alister Nolan for the OECD involving
thirty OECD countries concluded that stimulating entrepreneurship can provide
a cost-effective alternative to paying unemployment insurance in rural areas, but that
the direct growth effects in these areas are modest. According to the study, there are
many obstacles that hinder entrepreneurship in rural areas, influencing both the
extent and form of entrepreneurial activity and its prospects for survival. The study
concludes that social traits, such as cultural barriers, the lack of positive
entrepreneurial examples (role models), and limited networks are some of the most
important barriers that restrain rural entrepreneurship (OECD 2003). According to
the configuration of these social cultural traits, economic agents are more or less
propelled to become entrepreneurially active.
Consequently, there is a view that places doubt on the effectiveness of entrepreneur-
ship as a tool for economic development in rural areas (Neck et al. 2003, OECD 2003).
Nevertheless, this view does not appear to be consistent with the experience of rural
INFLUENCE OF SELECTED SOCIAL TRAITS 315
Catalonia. Contrary to the configurations found in the rest of Spain and most of Europe
(Regidor 2000, Tödtling and Wanzenböck 2003, Wagner and Sternberg 2004), many
parts of rural Catalonia benefit from better economic results than do urban areas of
Catalonia. The average per capita income in most of rural Catalonia is higher than that
found in urban areas. More importantly, according to the results of the Global
Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) (Veciana et al. 2004), the proportion of the adult
population of rural Catalonia involved in entrepreneurial activities in 2003 stood at
11.44%, more than three times greater than the proportion found in rural areas of the
rest of Spain (3.43%). Whereas rural Catalonia is more entrepreneurial than its urban
counterpart (4.28% of the adult population of urban Catalonia), rural areas in the rest
of Spain have an entrepreneurial activity level (3.43%) that is inferior to that registered
for urban areas (4.29%).
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2. Theoretical framework
which encloses most of the specificities of the other theories falling under the same
approach. Together with the theoretical amplitude that the institutional economic
theory offers, the historical perspective and institutional embeddedness argument
which it offers are especially ideal for the objective laid out for this study, and was
therefore used as the theoretical backbone guiding our research.
However, with the exceptions of ‘Institutional Economists’ such and Veblen (1898,
1904), Commons (1934) and Mitchell (1952), institutions were largely taken for
granted by modern economists (Bryden and Hart 2005). The ‘Italian School’ on
industrial districts reintroduced the role of institutions within regional development
(Zacchia 1986, Pyke et al. 1990). They attempt to explain the rise of industrial clusters
in formerly rural or run-down industrial areas by focusing on cultural and
organizational explanations behind successful examples of regional development.
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Later work by Maillat (1995), Cooke and Morgan (1998) and Storper (1998) took the
argument further by looking at the relationship between cultural traits specific to the
regional context and entrepreneurship. These new regionalists confirmed the
importance that socio-cultural factors have on regional development.
Dawe and Bryden (1999) argue that rural development depends to a large extent
on the structural and cultural make-up of the community, its history and local
leadership. They reaffirm the importance of local community as a key stimulus for
development. Similarly, Friedman (2000) defends that understanding that rural
culture is embedded in its own institutional framework of social organizations is key to
appropriate rural development strategy formulation. This institutional embeddedness
is found by Johannisson et al. (2002) to condition rural entrepreneurship through
its impact over local inter-firm networks. According to Bryden and Hart (2005),
a common thread within the regionalist literature is the importance of informal and
historical factors as key ingredients to development.
North (1981, 1990, 2005) explains using an institutional approach how there can
exist ‘radically differential’ performance of economies over long periods of time.
He follows-up his path dependency argument by describing the embedded character
of informal institutions as a result of their cultural content.
Institutional evolution is especially important for the purpose of this study since
one of the main distinctions between rural Catalonia and the rest of Spain lies in the
industrial history and entrepreneurial tradition of rural Catalonia, shared by very few
other rural areas of Spain. In his book, Understanding the Process of Economic Change,
North (2005) himself defends the institutional distinctiveness of Catalonia in his
analysis of the Kingdom of Aragon (Paı́ses Catalanes) and the Kingdom of Castilla
that joined under Ferdinand and Isabel to form the basis for the new Kingdom
of Spain. He described the institutions of the Kingdom of Aragon as
liberal, decentralized and commerce-oriented, whereas Castilla had a centralized,
bureaucratic and permanently belligerent governance system. He suggests that the
economic history of Spain would have been crucially different had its institutional
evolution been determined by Aragon instead of Castilla (North 2005).
This argument is similar to that found in Davidsson (1995) and more recently
reinforced by Pilon and De Bresson (2003) who identify local cultural ‘anchoring’
based on cultural similarities, cultural cohesiveness, and historical particularism and
heritage making certain geographical areas more conducive to entrepreneurial
activity.
Exhaustive literature reviews on the topic of institutional factors that condition
new business formation can be found in Rutherford (2001), Hodgson (2004) as well as
INFLUENCE OF SELECTED SOCIAL TRAITS 317
in Wood and Valler (2004). In addition, studies researching rural entrepreneurship
have included variables that can be considered institutional factors in their
framework. On the one hand, studies developed by Chrisman et al. (1987),
Anderson (2000), De (2001), Lerner and Haber (2001), and North et al. (2001)
have considered, following different methodologies, institutional variables in order to
analyse public sector support to entrepreneurship. As a general conclusion, these
studies highlight that public sector assistance, such as incubators and other
entrepreneurship support measures, have a positive impact over small business
creation, integration and survival. On the other hand, Birley (1985) reports a positive
relationship between social networks and business creation. To the contrary,
Johannisson (2000) states that it is very difficult to demonstrate the existence of
a relationship between business networking and entrepreneurial performance.
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The decision to concentrate our analysis and contrast the rural areas of the Spanish
autonomous community of Catalonia against rural areas in the rest of Spain has been
based on several indications that rural Catalonia has a particular institutional
framework, different from those found elsewhere in Spain. First, Catalonia has been
historically the focus of industrialization in Spain because of its diversified and strongly
open industry (Costa-i-Font and Tremosa-i-Balcells 2003). Second, Catalonia has
a distinct history that has placed it upon a different institutional evolutionary path
than the rest of Spain. This distinctiveness is commonly recognized and was
institutionalized within the Catalan Statutes of Autonomy (Spanish Code of
International Law 1979).
This has been recently reinforced within the reforms to the Catalan Statutes
of Autonomy. In fact, the first article of Catalonia’s proposed Statute of Autonomy,
which was backed by 90% of the Catalan parliament, states that ‘Catalonia is a nation
exercising self-government through its own institutions’ (Parlament De Catalunya
2005). The preamble to the mentioned document highlights the specificity of
Catalonia’s socio-institutional history. Furthermore, Ahedo (2006) and Buesa et al.
(2006) consider the Catalan distinctiveness within their evaluation of the industrial
development and innovation capacity in Spain. These authors report that Catalonia
exhibits a highly industrialized economic structure which contributes 19% of
Spain’s GDP but as much as 27% of Spain’s industrial GDP (Ahedo 2006),
being a result of the better regional and productive environment as described by
Buesa et al. (2006).
318 YANCY VAILLANT AND ESTEBAN LAFUENTE
North and Thomas (1973) recognized that ‘history matters’ in economic growth,
mainly because of the path dependence of institutions. The distinctive history of
Catalonia, as compared to the rest of Spain, has set it upon its own particular
socio-institutional evolution, which may influence the propensity of Catalans towards
entrepreneurial activity in different ways to what can be found in the rest of Spain.
Consequently, Catalonia’s particular historical evolution is Catalonia’s proper
cultural specificity. Apart from the clear cultural difference of Catalonia coming from
the distinct Catalan language, commonly used by over 50% of the Catalan
population, spoken by some 74% and understood by over 95% of Catalans,
Catalonia is characterized by differential cultural traits (Busquets-i-Duran 2001).
This author reports that Catalans consider independence as the most important value
to instil in children, whereas it is obedience in the rest of Spain. Other important
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values for Catalans are predisposition toward working hard, and a sense of economics
and saving, which is not the case in the rest of Spain. Contrary to in Catalonia,
religious values and faith stand out as important in the rest of Spain. The same study
also reported differences in the religious, leisure and social practices of Catalans as
compared to other Spaniards.
The distinctive cultural heritage of Catalonia, as compared to the rest of Spain,
translates to a different institutional construct, which may influence the propensity
of Catalans towards entrepreneurial activity in different ways to what can be found in
the rest of Spain. Costa-i-Font and Tremosa-i-Balcells (2003) highlight the regional
heterogeneity of the Spanish territory and set Catalonia and Madrid as the
two economic front-runners of the country, where Catalonia is identified as being
open and industrialized and Madrid as a mainly administrative centre.
They concluded that the Catalan economic cycle is much more closely linked to the
European cycle than what is experienced in the rest of Spain (Costa-i-Font and
Tremosa-i-Balcells 2003).
Historically, an important proportion of Catalonia’s industrial infrastructure was
located in rural areas, affecting its institutional framework. In fact, business creation
in rural Catalonia is currently more dynamic than its urban counterpart. An analysis
of the most recent census results (2001) show that whereas the proportion of the
Catalan population living in rural municipalities is 11.9%, these same rural areas
account for 12.9% of Catalan enterprises. As a result, we find that enterprise density is
greater in rural areas than it is in urban areas of Catalonia (7.5 as compared to
6.7 enterprises per 100 inhabitants, respectively). More importantly, the growth in the
number of enterprises over the 5-year period from 1996 to 2001 has been far greater in
rural Catalonia (25.7%) than it has in urban areas of Catalonia (10.4%)
(IDESCAT). Moreover, as previously mentioned, the entrepreneurial activity levels
of rural Catalonia far surpass those of both rural and urban areas of Spain.
Rural Catalonia exhibits entrepreneurial characteristics that are compatible with
the endogenous growth paradigm that calls for the development of rural areas based
on its own internal resources, both material and human, including local
entrepreneurial capabilities (Drabenstott et al. 2003, Kellogg Foundation, 2003).
According to the findings of different studies carried out in rural Catalonia
(Rosell and Viladomiu 2002, Viladomiu et al. 2004, Rosell et al. 2006), a very large
majority of the entrepreneurs in rural Catalonia were born and raised in the same
rural localities where they are currently operating their own businesses. However,
Viladomiu et al. (2004) found that over half of the observed rural Catalan
entrepreneurs worked or studied in urban areas prior to becoming entrepreneurs.
INFLUENCE OF SELECTED SOCIAL TRAITS 319
These authors conclude that many rural entrepreneurs in Catalonia use business
creation as a way to return or remain in their rural localities, indicating a
predominant ‘lifestyle’ motivation behind Catalonia’s high entrepreneurial rates.
Accordingly, the distinct institutional framework of rural Catalonia is expected to
condition the social traits’ influence over entrepreneurial activity.
The model developed in this paper will examine whether or not the influence of
social-cultural traits upon entrepreneurial activity differs across territories with
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The data used to carry out this study comes from the Spanish Global
Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) for the year 2003. Today, more than 40 different
countries have taken part in the research initiative, making it a world reference for
research into the entrepreneurship phenomenon and a highly valued source of
information for professionals and policy-makers in each of the participating countries.
INFLUENCE OF SELECTED SOCIAL TRAITS 321
A recent paper by Reynolds et al. (2005) offers a comprehensive description of the
GEM project and its methodology.
The sample used for this study was based on a multiple stage sampling method.
First, a random selection of municipalities was collected according to population
quotas. In a second stage, telephone numbers corresponding to the different
municipalities were randomly obtained. Finally, persons between the ages of 18 and
65 years inclusively were selected.
The original database used in this research contained 7000 observations from
Spanish individuals, including 1243 (17.76%) and 5757 (82.24%) from the rural and
urban areas, respectively. In the case of the rural sub-sample, 292 (23.49%)
Catalonian observations and 951 (76.51%) from the rest of Spain were collected.
However, in the interest of following a rigorous methodology, only individuals for
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To distinguish between rural and urban areas this study has adopted the Kayser
(1990) criterion, which is commonly found in the related literature and is the criterion
currently being considered within Catalonia’s Rural Development Plan for the period
2007–2013. The Kayser criterion is the one used by the GEM within its research
methodology. This criterion is based on demographic figures and considers as rural
those municipalities (NUTS IV, Nomenclatura de Unidades Territoriales
Estadı́sticas) that have a population of less than 5000 inhabitants. Municipalities
with populations greater than 5000 inhabitants are considered as urban areas.
Garcia Coll and Sanchez Aguilera (2004), in a recent study of the demographic
distribution of rural Catalonia, adopted a more restrictive criterion to determine
rurality in Catalonia by identifying rural areas as those municipalities with less than
2000 inhabitants. They added a third, intermediary category for municipalities with
populations of between 2001 and 10 000 inhabitants. Urban areas, in the mentioned
study, were municipalities with populations surpassing 10 000 inhabitants.
Together with population figures in absolute terms, population density is also
a common criterion used to determine the border between rural and urban areas, and
is one commonly used by policy-makers and academics (North et al. 2001, Rosell and
Viladomiu 2002, Smallbone et al. 2002). The OECD has come to use population
density as a measure of rurality, where areas of less than 150 inhabitants per km2 are
considered as being rural (OECD 1996). In regional terms, the OECD considers rural
those areas of level 3 NUTS (equivalent to the Catalan provinces) with over 50% of its
population living in rural municipalities. In Catalonia, this would be the case for the
province of Lleida.
The European Commission also uses population density to measure rurality. In the
European Commission publication, Rural Development. CAP 2000 Working
Document (European Commission 1997a: DG V1), the Commission qualifies as
rural those areas with a population density below 100 inhabitants per km2. This is the
criterion which has been applied in previous research on rurality and
322 YANCY VAILLANT AND ESTEBAN LAFUENTE
On the other hand, municipalities also offer contradictions when used as the
territorial unit of analysis in the investigation of rurality. Often, sub-urban
municipalities, even though they are immediately adjacent to important metropolitan
areas, may end up within the rural classification because of their demographic
distribution. For example, this is the case of the rural Catalan municipalities of
el Papiol, Vacarisses, Sant Climent de Llobregat, la Palma de Cervelló, and Torralles
de Llobregat that have less than 5000 inhabitants, and therefore classify as rural
according to the Kayser criterion, but are situated within the metropolitan sphere of
influence of the city of Barcelona (Vaillant 2006).
Entrepreneurial activity 0.1144*** (0.3191) 0.0343 (0.1821) 0.0534 (0.2249) 0.0429 (0.2026) 0.0447 (0.2067)
Gender (1 for man, 0 otherwise) 0.8905*** (0.3130) 0.4595 (0.4987) 0.5623*** (0.4964) 0.4831 (0.4998) 0.4968 (0.5000)
INFLUENCE OF SELECTED SOCIAL TRAITS
Age (years) 42.2935 (12.9745) 41.7570 (12.6952) 41.8849 (12.7566) 41.2018 (12.9614) 41.3199 (12.9276)
Secondary, not finished 0.3980 (0.4907) 0.3988 (0.4900) 0.3986*** (0.4899) 0.3287 (0.4698) 0.3408 (0.4740)
Secondary, finished 0.3831 (0.4874) 0.3769 (0.4850) 0.3784** (0.4853) 0.4207 (0.4937) 0.4134 (0.4925)
University studies 0.1990 (0.4002) 0.1636 (0.3702) 0.1720* (0.3776) 0.2124 (0.4091) 0.2055 (0.4041)
Self-confidence in entrepreneurial skills 0.5473*** (0.4990) 0.3972 (0.4897) 0.4330 (0.4958) 0.4237 (0.4942) 0.4253 (0.4944)
Social fear of entrepreneurial failure 0.3483 (0.4776) 0.3988 (0.4900) 0.3867 (0.4873) 0.3756 (0.4843) 0.3775 (0.4848)
Personal knowledge of recent entrepreneur 0.3682** (0.4835) 0.2944 (0.4561) 0.3120 (0.4636) 0.2970 (0.4570) 0.2996 (0.4581)
Number of observations 201 642 843 4034 4877
Notes: In the rural sub-sample we compare the results for rural Catalonia versus those reported for rural areas in the rest of Spain. In the case of the full sample the
comparison is carried out between rural and urban areas. Values in brackets represent the standard deviation. *p ¼ 0.10; **p ¼ 0.05; ***p ¼ 0.01 (Kruskal–Wallis test).
323
324 YANCY VAILLANT AND ESTEBAN LAFUENTE
women’s entrepreneurship has been recognized during the last decade as an important
untapped source of economic growth (OECD 2004).
Thus, in our models we introduce a dummy variable for gender, taking a value
of one if the individual is a man, and zero otherwise. Table 1 shows that the
proportion of men in rural areas is significantly greater than what can be seen in urban
areas of Spain.
The second factor considered is the individual’s age, expressed in years. According
to Singh and Verma (2001) the decision to become an entrepreneur is
affected by different factors along an individual’s life cycle. Labour economists,
using income-leisure choice models, have usually attributed the choice of leisure to
older workers (Singh and Denoble 2003). This would indicate a gradual decline in the
propensity of individuals towards entrepreneurial activity as they become older.
This decline usually starts past a climax point around the late thirties, at which point
most entrepreneurs enter into entrepreneurship following a period of labour activity
(Katz 1994). The link between age and entrepreneurial activity is double sided,
whereas older individuals usually have greater tangible and intangible resources
essential for successful business creation, younger individuals often have greater drive
and ambition needed to persevere through the entrepreneurial process.
Third, it is widely recognized that education influences people’s attitudes towards
starting their own business (Donkels 1991, Krueger and Brazeal 1994). Individuals
with lower education levels may see in entrepreneurship an opportunity to advance,
economically and socially, beyond the constraints imposed by their formal education
(Donkels 1991). However, individuals with lower formal education may have
a narrower scope of entrepreneurial opportunities available to them (Krueger
1993). As for individuals with higher educational attainments, on the one hand, they
tend to have greater technical and managerial skills that open up a larger array of
possible entrepreneurial opportunities (Krueger 1993). On the other hand, greater
formal education levels have also been associated with greater employment
opportunities, leading to a higher opportunity cost of entrepreneurial activity
( Johansson 2000). Formal education is considered using dummy variables distin-
guishing people who finish secondary education and those who did not, as well as
people with a university education. In the Spanish sample, rural areas show a
significantly greater proportion of individuals with basic educational achievements,
whereas urban areas demonstrate significantly higher proportions of respondents
having completed secondary and university education (table 1).
Furthermore, we consider the self-confidence in one’s own entrepreneurial skills as
a dummy variable, assuming a value of one if the person makes a positive assessment of
INFLUENCE OF SELECTED SOCIAL TRAITS 325
his/her entrepreneurial skills, and zero otherwise. Several studies have recently used
this variable in substitution, or together with, formal business training. These studies
have found that entrepreneurial self-confidence explains an important part of the
decision to become an entrepreneur (Krueger and Brazeal 1994, Arenius and Minniti
2004, Köllinger et al. 2004, Lee et al. 2004). From table 1 we observe that there is no
statistically significant difference in what refers to self-confidence in entrepreneurial
skills. However, in the rural sub-sample, individuals from Catalonia have statistically
significant higher levels of self-confidence in their entrepreneurial skills, as compared
to the level shown by respondents from the rest of Spain (table 1).
A second set of dummy variables are included to represent the socio-cultural traits
upon which the study bases its research framework. These variables have been
identified by the OECD (2003), the European Commission (2003), Wagner (2004)
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and Lafuente et al. (2007) as some of the most important factors influencing
entrepreneurship. The variables used are: (1) the fear of entrepreneurial failure
as an obstacle to business creation; and (2) the presence of an entrepreneurial role
model, who has created a new business over the past two years within one’s personal
social circle.
3.4 Method
To test whether the presence of the chosen socio-cultural variables (social fear of
entrepreneurial failure and the presence of entrepreneurial role models), have an
influence upon entrepreneurial activity we carry out two applications of the same
model. The first application, presented in Equation 1, will take into consideration the
entire sample of Spanish observations and includes an interaction term to detect the
differentiated effect of rurality over the selected social traits.
where
0 ¼ constant term
n ¼ vector of parameters to be estimated for the nth independent
variables.
"i ¼ logistic distributed error term for the ith cases.
In terms of our hypotheses, we expect that 240 and 250, meaning that the
social stigma to business failure exerts a stronger effect in rural areas (Hypothesis 1a).
Similarly, we expect that 4 þ 545 or 440, indicating that the presence of
entrepreneurial examples has a positive impact upon entrepreneurial activity in urban
areas (Hypothesis 2a).
The second application, Equation 2, will only deal with a sub-sample made up
of the respondents from our original sample living in rural areas. This second
application will consider an interaction term to detect the differentiated effect of living
in rural Catalonia over the selected social traits. The formulation of the second
application to our model follows:
4. Empirical findings
The results of the different applications of the rare events logit model of the binary
decision to become entrepreneurially active are presented in this section. Tables 2 and 3
show the first application of our model which applies to the entire Spanish sample using
an interaction term for residents of rural areas (equation 1). The first specification found
in column 1 of these tables shows the results from our basic model including an
independent variable that captures the influence of rurality over entrepreneurial
activity. The second and third columns include the interaction terms which capture the
influence of rurality over the independent impact of our considered socio-cultural
factors on entrepreneurial activity. Finally, the fourth specification in column 4 presents
the results for the full model, where all the interaction terms are considered.
As can be seen in column 1 of table 2, the fact that a respondent lives in a rural
area of Spain has no significant influence over the probability of becoming
entrepreneurially active. To the contrary, we find a consistent significant influence
of being a man over entrepreneurial activity throughout all the specifications applied
to the Spanish sample. Thus, from specification 4 in table 3 we observe that, holding
the rest of the variables constant, the probability of becoming entrepreneurially active
increases by 1.46% for males. This finding is in line with that reported in Blanchflower
and Meyer (1994) and Johansson (2000).
Individuals with higher levels of education are found to be more likely to be
entrepreneurially active. The individual’s educational variables included in the
specifications of our model have a negative impact on the decision to become
entrepreneurially active. This effect is statistically significant in the case of secondary
studies. However, because the omitted variable is university studies, we can conclude for
the Spanish sample that individuals with higher levels of education are more likely to be
entrepreneurially active. This finding is similar to that reported by Krueger (1993).
We can also observe that a positive valuation of self-confidence in entrepreneurial
skills increases the probability of becoming entrepreneurially active. This is consistent
with previous studies having used similar variables (Arenius and Minniti 2004,
Köllinger et al. 2004, Lee et al. 2004). Results for the first differences presented in
specification 4 in table 3 indicate that, holding other variables constant at their means,
the positive perception of one’s own entrepreneurial skills increases the probability of
entrepreneurial activity by 7.398%.
The variable representing the social stigma towards business failure has
a statistically significant negative effect upon entrepreneurial activity in Spain.
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328
Note: The first difference represents the change in the probability as a result of a discrete change from
zero to one in the independent variable, i.e. x ¼ Pr(Y ¼ 1|X ¼ 1)Pr(Y ¼ 1|X ¼ 0). Rural sample size ¼ 843.
Urban sample size ¼ 4034.
330
Notes: Robust standard errors are presented in brackets. Dependent variable: One if the person is identified as being involved in entrepreneurial activity. Catalonian sample
size ¼ 201. Rest of Spain sample size ¼ 642.*p ¼ 0.1; **p ¼ 0.05; ***p ¼ 0.01 (two tailed).
YANCY VAILLANT AND ESTEBAN LAFUENTE
INFLUENCE OF SELECTED SOCIAL TRAITS 331
Table 5. Rare events logit model: First differences in the probability to be involved
in entrepreneurial activities in rural Spain.
Independent variables 1 2 3 4
Notes: The first difference represents the change in the probability as a result of a discrete change from
zero to one in the independent variable, i.e. x ¼ Pr(Y ¼ 1|X ¼ 1)Pr(Y ¼ 1|X ¼ 0). Catalonian sample
size ¼ 201. Rest of Spain sample size ¼ 642.
As can be seen in the first column of table 4, the fact that a respondent lives in
a rural area of Catalonia has a significant influence over his/her probability of
becoming entrepreneurially active (g ¼ 2.76%). Contrary to the first application using
the sample for all of Spain, we do not find a significant influence of being a man over
entrepreneurial activity within the sub-sample of rural residents. Nor do we find any
significant influence of educational achievements over entrepreneurial activity. We do,
however, observe that the self-confidence of the respondents in their entrepreneurial
skills increases their probability of becoming entrepreneurially active. In this case,
we observe from specification 4 in table 5 that, holding other variables constant at
their means, the positive perception about entrepreneurial skills increases the
probability of entrepreneurial activity by 9.552%.
If we observe the influence of the selected social traits, we see that contrary to the
findings of Landier (2004) the social fear of entrepreneurial failure shows no significant
influence upon entrepreneurial activity: i.e. the stigma to business failure does not
appear as a significant constraining factor to entrepreneurial activity in rural areas.
This lack of influence is as much the case for the entire sub-sample of rural residents as
for the interaction term representing the specific influence of rural residents living
in Catalonia, as seen in column 2 of table 4. Considering that the negative relationship
between social fear to failure and entrepreneurial activity is not weaker in
rural Catalonia than in rural areas of the rest of Spain, we therefore reject
Hypothesis 1b.
Again, an interesting result emerges when the variable capturing the influence
of role models over entrepreneur activity is analysed. Whereas entrepreneurial role
models appear to have only a weak influence over entrepreneurial activity in rural
areas, as seen in the second specification (column 2), the interaction term found in
column 3 clearly indicates a different scenario. The positive influence of
entrepreneurial role models over entrepreneurial activity is highly significant in
rural areas of Catalonia. This variable is not found to be significant for our sub-sample
of rural residents if we exclude rural Catalonia. For this variable, we can see from
specification 4 how the interaction of residing in a rural area of Catalonia and the
personal knowledge of a recent entrepreneur increases the probability of entrepre-
neurial activity by 7.961%. The positive relationship between entrepreneurial role
332 YANCY VAILLANT AND ESTEBAN LAFUENTE
5. Concluding remarks
The growing attention that business creation and entrepreneurial activity is receiving
as a complementary rural development tool within an endogenous development
strategy in-line with the New Rural Paradigm proposed by the OECD (2006),
has made it important to identify the distinctive factors influencing rural
entrepreneurial activity.
In a context where institutionalism and the external environment are being
Downloaded by [Thammasat University Libraries] at 19:10 04 October 2014
desired impact.
This paper opens up lines for future research, where new studies could attempt
to overcome one of our main limitations by introducing a greater number of
socio-cultural variables into the analysis. Further studies could also take into
consideration a longitudinal approach. Future research can correct for the lack of
territorial differentiation of Spanish areas outside Catalonia, as well as include
comparisons with other European rural areas.
Note
1. Measures addressing new business formation assistance in rural areas are found in the European
Commission document (1997b) under article 33 of ‘Agenda 2000’ within the menu, ‘Promoting the
adaptation and development of Rural Areas’; Ch. IX.
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