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Brown Westaway 2011 Agency Capacity and Resilience To Environmental Change Lessons From Human Development Well Being
Brown Westaway 2011 Agency Capacity and Resilience To Environmental Change Lessons From Human Development Well Being
ANNUAL
REVIEWS Further Agency, Capacity, and
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and Disasters
Katrina Brown and Elizabeth Westaway
School of International Development, University of East Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ,
United Kingdom; email: k.brown@uea.ac.uk
321
EG36CH13-Brown ARI 19 September 2011 8:5
argument for emphasizing agency is that it helps tween adaptive capacity and resilience are di-
to overcome the view of people as powerless versely interpreted, as summarized by Gallopı́n
victims of environmental change; it recognizes (7), and some authors equate adaptive capacity
Capabilities: the
that humans are never just passive in the face of with resilience and social resilience. Gunderson alternative
environmental threats (1). Fabricius et al. (2), (8) defines adaptive capacity as system robust- combinations of
for example, provide an analysis of communi- ness to changes in resilience, and Carpenter & functionings a person
ties in ecosystem management in the face of Gunderson (9) use adaptive capacity as a com- is feasibly able to
achieve. A capabilities
rapid change as “powerless spectators,” “cop- ponent of resilience that reflects the learning
approach emphasizes
ing actors,” or “adaptive comanagers” on the aspect of a system of behavior in response to dis- functional capabilities
basis of their adaptive capacity and governance turbance, each of these authors seeing adaptive and understands
capacity. Agency is clearly related to adaptive capacity as a system characteristic. However, poverty as capability
capacity, which is a central focus of literature Walker et al. (10) define adaptability as the col- deprivation
Annu. Rev. Environ. Resour. 2011.36:321-342. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
on environmental change. It is also a concept lective capacity of the human actors in a social- Human security: a
that links a number of different fields: social- ecological system to manage resilience, and state that is achieved
when individuals and
ecological systems, sustainability sciences, haz- Chapin et al. (11) view adaptive capacity as the
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Table 1 Building resilience and adaptive capacity in social-ecological in the face of a variegated and changing
systems (14, p. 355) environment . . . means more than passive
Learning to live with change and uncertainty adjustment; it also means that the system is
relatively autonomous vis-à-vis its environ-
Evoking disturbance
ment. It has the capacity to change aspects of
Learning from crises
the environment in accordance with needs of
Expecting the unexpected
the system, as well as to adapt to those aspects
Nurturing diversity for reorganization and renewal
that it cannot change. (17, pp. 271–72)
Nurturing ecological memory
Sustaining social memory
This definition is directly related to those from
Enhancing social-ecological memory
the environmental change literature outlined in
Combining different types of knowledge for learning
the paragraphs above. But there is no consen-
Combining experimental and experiential knowledge
Annu. Rev. Environ. Resour. 2011.36:321-342. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
Fostering complementarity of different knowledge systems developmental contexts (18–21). Some stud-
Creating opportunity for self-organization ies look at the absence of psychopathology,
Recognizing interplay between diversity and disturbance whereas others require more positive stage-
Dealing with cross-scale dynamics salient developmental tasks through the adap-
Matching scales of ecosystems and governance tive use of personal and contextual resources
Accounting for external drivers (20, 22). A “positive adaptation” is one that
is substantially better than what is expected
given exposure to the risk circumstances be-
defines adaptive capacity as a set of latent ing studied (23, p. 515). Hence, the definition
characteristics, or the potential, needed to should also reflect the seriousness of the risks
adapt to climate change and the ability to be under consideration (24–26). Nevertheless,
actively involved in processes of change (15). Masten (20) considers that, in the majority of
Adaptive capacity here is seen as an attribute cases, resilience results from ordinary adaptive
of people: individuals, households, and com- processes rather than extraordinary ones, which
munities. Adaptive capacity depends on both she refers to as “ordinary magic.”
tangible assets, such as financial and natural Depending on the context, these factors may
resources, and less tangible elements, such as be manifest and can potentially be assessed
skills and opportunities to implement changes through a range of indicators. This understand-
in livelihoods or lifestyles. Smit & Wandel’s ing of adaptive capacity leads to a set of ap-
review (16) suggests that the determinants plications, normative policy recommendations,
of adaptive capacity include assets—financial, and measures of adaptive capacity applied to
technological, and informational—and the different phenomena and at different scales.
context in which these are held, meaning the Systems—both ecological and social as well as
infrastructure and institutional environment, linked social-ecological—and individuals, com-
kinship, social networks, and political support. munities, and even nation states can thus be
Within human development literature, seen to have these characteristics, which make
adaptive capacity is defined in different ways. up their adaptive capacity.
In evolutionary theory, adaptive capacity is In summary, adaptive capacity will depend
on the following:
the ability of an organism or a social system 1. recognition of the need to adapt;
to cope with a wide range of environmental 2. a belief that adaptation is possible and
conditions, physical or social . . . it involves desirable;
the capacity of the system to attain its goals 3. the willingness to undertake adaptation;
4. the availability of resources necessary for others suggest that resources alone are of
implementation of adaptation measures; debatable importance (36, 37). Grothmann
5. the ability to deploy resources in an ap- & Patt (33, p. 206) state: “Assessments of
propriate way; and vulnerability to climate change—in most cases
6. external constraints, barriers and enablers conducted on the level of nations—very often
of implementation. take GDP as one or the only determinant of
Adaptive capacity has been examined at mul- adaptive capacity and adaptation.” However,
tiple scales, ranging from the individual to they consider that while GDP is less useful
community, institutional, national, and cross- for understanding the process of adaptation, it
national scales (6, 16, 27–31). Adaptive capac- may be useful to more effectively promote it.
ity is determined by complex interrelationships Structural aspects—factors such as social
of a range of factors at different scales, which class, religion, gender, ethnicity, and customs—
Annu. Rev. Environ. Resour. 2011.36:321-342. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
also interact across temporal and spatial scales, are also widely cited, and it is broadly accepted
including the “panarchy of cross-scale dynam- that good governance and institutional struc-
ics and interplay between a set of nested adap- tures are important for adaptive capacity (30).
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tive cycles” (6, p. 258). Adaptive capacity and Analysis has also highlighted the role of so-
social vulnerability have been shown to have cial capital and networks in supporting adap-
similar causes and consequences, i.e., a coun- tive capacity (34, 38). But increasingly schol-
try or household having low adaptive capacity ars emphasize the role played by one’s agency
is likely to have high vulnerability. Similarly, in adaptive capacity. Hence, agency refers to
households with a high degree of dependency the capacity of an individual to act indepen-
(i.e., through children, the elderly, or illness) dently and to make one’s own free choices.
are more likely to have less adaptive capacity One’s agency is one’s independent capability
(30). It is important to examine the context and or ability to act on one’s will. This ability is
the ways in which the driving forces of adap- affected by the cognitive belief structure that
tive capacity manifest themselves at different one has formed through one’s experiences, the
scales. For example, work on entitlements and perceptions held by the society and the indi-
food security (32) has demonstrated how the vidual, and the structures and circumstances of
adaptive capacity of individuals or households the environment one is in. Grothmann & Patt
is shaped and constrained by social, political, (33) claim there has been little analysis of these
and economic processes at higher scales. Most psychological dimensions of adaptation. They
indicators of adaptive capacity highlight only observe that “outside of climate change, a large
the potential for adaptation to occur: Whether literature dealing with human decision-making
or not adaptive capacity is drawn upon to bring and action suggests that motivation and per-
about adaptation depends on a further set of ceived abilities are important determinants of
uncertainties (30). human action” (33, p. 208). Hence, they argue
In general, in the environmental change that models of adaptation and adaptive capacity
literature, the multiple components of adaptive ought to include sociocognitive variables. Their
capacity can be seen to correspond to three suggestion of how these variables can be inte-
dimensions that are loosely aligned with re- grated into understanding adaptation and adap-
sources, structure, and agency. Most scholarly tive capacity is shown below in Figure 1. This is
work has identified resource constraints as the based on Protection Motivation Theory, which
most significant determinants of adaptation was originally developed to explain behavior in
(33). Adger (34) argues that the capacity of response to health threats.
individuals to adapt to climate change is a func- However, despite these attempts to better
tion of their access to resources. Some authors integrate social aspects, Grothmann & Patt
note that the influence of resources operates (33, p. 201) claim there is “a failure of commu-
through access to information (35); however, nication between different disciplines: those
biases perceptions of
adaptation efficacy,
self-efficacy, and
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adaptation costs
Figure 1
A model of private proactive adaptation to climate change. Notes: the gray boxes indicate where issues of
agency are especially important. Adapted with permission from Grothmann & Patt (33).
concerned with climate change adaptation, on literature on resilience, outlined in the follow-
the one hand, and those concerned with human ing section, can inform conceptualizations and
agency and social decision-making processes understandings of adaptive capacity and hence
on the other.” This omission of decision- human and societal responses to environmental
making at the public, private, and individual change.
levels has led to an emphasis on financial,
technical, and institutional constraints as the
primary determinants of adaptive capacity. RESILIENCE IN HUMAN
Although more recent analyses highlight the DEVELOPMENT
role of self-efficacy, articulated with respect to What then can we learn from our understand-
power/powerlessness and self-belief in one’s ings of resilience and adaptation in human
own capacity (39–42) or social identity (43) development to inform the role of agency
in adaptive capacity, agency remains a “black and psychosocial factors in adaptive capacity?
box” in much environmental change literature. The overarching theoretical framework for
Although it is hinted at and suggested that resilience research with children emerged from
issues such as self-efficacy, empowerment, developmental systems theory (44), develop-
optimism, self-esteem, innovative thinking, mental psychopathology (24), and ecological
decision-making, and perceptions may be of systems theory (45, 46). In human development
primary importance in determining which literature, individual resilience is defined as
Self-efficacy: the as well as how and whether people cope the “dynamic process wherein individuals
belief in one’s own
with shock, disturbances, and other types of display positive adaptation despite experiences
ability to perform a
task and to manage stressors or change, there is no systematic of significant adversity or trauma” (47, p. 858).
prospective situations interrogation or analysis of these dimensions. Resilience arises from interactive processes
This is precisely where the human development across multiple levels of functioning, including
Table 2 Attributes of individuals and their contexts associated with resilience (118, p. 13)
Individual differences
Cognitive abilities: IQ scores, attentional skills, executive functioning skills
Self-perceptions of competence, worth, confidence: self-efficacy, self-esteem
Temperament and personality: adaptability, sociability
Self-regulation skills: impulse control, affect and arousal regulation
Positive outlook on life: hopefulness, belief that life has meaning, faith
Relationships
Parenting quality: warmth, structure and monitoring, expectations
Close relationships with competent adults: parents, relatives, mentors
Connections to prosocial and rule-abiding peers (among older children)
Community resources and opportunities
Annu. Rev. Environ. Resour. 2011.36:321-342. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
Good schools
Connections to prosocial organizations (such as clubs or religious groups)
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social interactions with family, peers, school, accomplished this, to identify mechanisms or
and community systems (48). Risk or adversity processes that might underlie the associations
can comprise biological, psychological, genetic, found (24). Table 2 summarizes the key
environmental, or socioeconomic factors that attributes of individuals and their environment
are associated with an increased probability that have been found to be associated with
of maladjustment/negative outcome (49). Re- resilience.
silience has been used to refer to (a) positive out- As in environmental change and social-
come despite the experience of adversity (beat- ecological systems thinking, human devel-
ing the odds, better than predicted); (b) contin- opment literature portrays resilience as a
ued positive or effective functioning in adverse dynamic, multidimensional, and multiscale
circumstances (stress resistance, coping); and characteristic. Resilience research shows that
(c) recovery after a significant trauma (bounc- children have different vulnerabilities and
ing back, self-righting) or severe deprivation protective systems at different stages in their
(normalization) (50). Recently, the possibility development (49, 53). Protective factors are
of positive transformation following adversity characteristics of the individual, family, and
has been highlighted, which leads to positive community, referred to as the triarchic frame-
reorganization of systems, with adaptive func- work of resilience (18), that modify the effects
tioning being better than it was previously (48, of adversity on child outcomes in a positive
51). This “fourth phase” of resilience (51) con- direction (24, 25), which Werner (54, p. 82)
verges with current thinking in environmental notes “appear to transcend ethnic, social class,
change and social-ecological systems. and geographic boundaries.” This consistency
In human development, resilience is now in findings was first noted by Garmezy (55)
recognized as a dynamic process that results and suggests a common set of broad correlates
from ongoing transactions between a child of better adaptation among children at risk
or individual and the environment (23, 52). for a variety of reasons, which Masten (20)
The central objectives of resilience researchers referred to as “the short list.” These factors are
are to identify vulnerability and protective identified at individual, family, and community
factors that might modify the negative effects scales, reflecting the fundamental adaptive
of adverse life circumstances and, having systems supporting human development.
Findings in relation to individual protective which can affect the child directly (through
factors provide insights into the role of differ- their own experience) or indirectly (through
ent aspects of agency. In high-risk contexts, influences of parents and the family). Also, the
Locus of control: the
extent to which children with high IQs may possess effective effects of neighborhoods are considered to be
individuals believe that information processing and problem-solving particularly significant in inner-city settings
they can control events skills to contend with stresses and challenges characterized by poverty, crime, and violence
that affect them (24). Fullan & Loubser (17) argue that variation (58). Werner (54, p. 83) shows that there “are
in mental processes (e.g., cognitive capacities support systems in the community that rein-
for information retrieval and flexible thinking, force and reward the competencies of resilient
including both originality and range of ideas), children and provide them with positive role
openness to new experiences, and selective models: caring neighbors, teachers, elder men-
retention (i.e., ability to analyze and reason tors, youth workers and peers.” Characteristics
Annu. Rev. Environ. Resour. 2011.36:321-342. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
logically) are crucial aspects of adaptive capac- of the school environment also play a signif-
ity to develop individuals as flexible, positive, icant role in fostering adaptive development,
creative, and innovative thinkers. Locus of and positive community forces are important,
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control, appraisal, and coping skills have been such as emotional needs for closeness, “support
studied in older children with a range of positive and cohesion among neighbors and a sense of
outcomes. Feeling they have greater control, belonging to the community” (25, p. 14).
children respond less negatively to difficult Indeed, Schoon (25, p. 15) views individual,
situations and are better equipped to problem family, and community protective factors as
solve, such as reaching out for social support psychosocial resources that support or promote
(52). Because resilience is never an “across- adaptive development. Individuals who can
the-board” phenomenon, at-risk children can draw on many, or high levels of personal
display remarkable strengths in one domain but and social, resources are more effective in
at the same time show deficits in others (24). coping with adversity than individuals with
But beyond individual factors, family fewer (or lower-level) resources. However, in
protective factors include the presence of a acknowledging that resilience is a function of
caregiver to provide various resources, such as these protective systems, it is noted that more
nutrition, shelter, love, nurturance, and a sense sophisticated models are required to under-
of safety and security, as well as supervision (20, stand the complex processes involved (53).
56). A high-quality parent-child relationship, An ecological, transactional system approach
characterized by high levels of warmth and has a broader focus encompassing family and
openness and low levels of conflict, is associated community relational networks (51, 59), and
with positive outcomes across levels of risk in a recent review of resilience studies, Luthar
and stages of development (52) and in the (24, p. 780) concludes that “resilience rests,
social, emotional, and academic domains (25). fundamentally, on relationships.” An ecological
There is also a strong link between mother’s transactional system approach more adequately
educational attainment and children’s eventual reflects “individual differences in developmen-
educational attainment, with implications for tal pathways and contextual variation within
opportunity and well-being (57). families, communities, societies, cultures, and
Protective factors from the community have historical periods” (53, p. 26). A transactional
been less extensively studied; however, they model also provides an opportunity to focus on
are important for childhood outcomes, e.g., transitions and turning points in individuals’
neighborhood quality, neighborhood cohe- lives that can shape the nature and course of
sion, youth community organizations, quality future adaptation, such as entering school,
of school environment, and after-school envi- adolescence, or early adulthood (19, 25, 60).
ronment (52). Bronfenbrenner (46) has written However, “there are potentially damaging
on community-level or exosystem factors, consequences of viewing resilience as an
systems of influence.” They note that often multilevel person-context interactions. Schoon
the same forces that can constrain the child’s (25) suggests that the model also captures the
development—poverty, discrimination, inade- transactional nature of development over time,
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quate medical care, or exposure to community including the reciprocal interactions between
violence—also often impact and constrain the risk experiences and individual adjustment
entire family. Ungar (62, p. 446) reports that embedded in the wider sociohistorical context.
“resilience is as much dependent on the struc- The model shows transitions and turning
tural conditions, relationships and access to points, as well as the role of human agency and
social justice that children experience as it is any bounded agency. It thus has close parallels with
individual capacities.” This reflects an ongoing discussions of adaptation from the environ-
discussion of the influence of structure and mental change and social-ecological systems
agency, which we return to in sections below. literature, emphasizing multiscale and dynamic
So, resilience is not simply the sum of a set of processes, feedbacks, and possible transitions
characteristics; the literature reveals a complex and thresholds. It bears a remarkable resem-
set of linkages and relationships across scales blance to ideas of “panarchy” presented by
that have thresholds, cycles, and nonlinear Gunderson & Holling (66).
relationships—similar to the resilience story Other work also stresses these multiple-scale
told in social-ecological systems literature. interactions. Sheridan et al. (67), for example,
The movement away from individually explore family resilience, defined by Patterson
based conceptualizations of resilience toward a (68, p. 352) as “the processes by which families
contextually situated framework has been wel- are able to adapt and function competently
comed by cross-cultural researchers (cf. 21, 63– following exposure to significant adversity or
65). For various cultural/ethnic groups, there crisis.” McCubbin & McCubbin (69) have
can be a great deal of difference in the rela- developed a family resilience framework for the
tive importance placed on individualism, col- study of families of different ethnicities, cul-
lectivism, and familism, and these dimensions tures, and social contexts. The model explores
might mediate resilience in different ways for how ethnic identity and culture, independently
different groups (53). Similarly, how particular or in combination with other moderating or
cultural groups define and manage risk may vary mediating factors, have the greatest impact and
according to whether they attribute outcomes value in promoting recovery, family adaptation
to fate, supernatural forces, or human agency and transformation. Cook & du Toit (70) dis-
(64). Again, this is important for understanding cuss a developmental child rights framework,
adaptive capacity (reflected in the gray boxes in which combines socially grounded research
Figure 1) and the likely responses to different practice in child development, community
types of change, including environmental and empowerment, good governance, and human
climate change. rights with a culturally sensitive approach to
Sociohistorical context
Institutions
Neighborhoods
Family
Adjustment
Individual
Adjustment
Adjustment
Adjustment
Risk
Annu. Rev. Environ. Resour. 2011.36:321-342. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
Risk
Risk
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Risk
Birth Adulthood
Figure 2
A developmental-contextual model of resilience. Adapted with permission from Schoon (25).
working in the collective African context. This (material welfare and living standards), living
relates directly to the discussion of how well- a good life (values and ideals), and locating
being in different contexts is understood, and one’s life (experience and subjectivity), but
how ideas about agency, resilience, adaptation, researchers note that the terms life satisfaction,
capacity, and capabilities are applied within happiness, quality of life, and well-being are
the context of human, social, and international often used interchangeably (74, 75).
development. In the context of developing countries,
attempts to understand well-being across dif-
ferent languages, cultures, and socioeconomic
WELL-BEING AND contexts have highlighted the need for local un-
DEVELOPMENT derstandings of “the good life” (21, 63–65, 76).
As Camfield et al. (71, p. 398) note, “Well- Camfield et al. (77) claim that these concerns
being has become firmly embedded in academic are part of a paradigm shift within development
and policy discourse in recent years and is and child indicators research, similar to that
increasingly popular as an integrative concept traced in the previous section on human
in diverse fields of social policy, international development, from a deficit view that focuses
development and more recently child devel- on survival to one that acknowledges people’s
opment.” The concept of well-being has roots resources, agency, and pursuit of well-being.
in research on social indicators, quality of life, But Camfield & McGregor (78) found that the
and multidimensional conceptions of poverty concept of life satisfaction can be extremely
(72). However, well-being is a broad, contested culturally specific and has different relevance
concept, and its definitions are variable and in individualist or collectivist societies. Impor-
often confused. White (73) provides an over- tantly, agency is seen as determined not only
arching framework of well-being concepts, by the physical capacity of an individual but
distinguishing between having a good life also by the extent to which that is supported
by relationships with others and their own behind poverty and well-being and to iden-
perceptions of the extent to which they can tify local understandings of the concept by be-
exercise agency, in other words, self-efficacy. ing “experience-near” (77, p. 11). In addition,
Research highlights “the diversity of resources participatory methods can address psychoso-
that people use to maintain resilience and cial and subjective well-being. Hence, the act
the significance of nonmaterial resources in of participating in research enhances children’s
aversive environments” (78, p. 202). competencies, such as self-efficacy, which lead
Again, much of this work on well-being and to a greater sense of control over one’s life and
development has focused on children, linking a greater sense of well-being.
with concepts of resilience and risk exposure An early example of participatory research
reviewed in the previous section. In develop- is the study by Johnson et al. (83), with working
ing countries, children (defined as people un- children growing up in rural communities
Annu. Rev. Environ. Resour. 2011.36:321-342. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
der 18 years of age) represent a large propor- of Nepal, to understand children’s roles
tion of the population, and the majority lives within households in the context of changing
in poverty; hence, child well-being is an impor- environments around them. Other important
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tant research and policy concern. Furthermore, studies include Woodhead (84) on child labor,
childhood provides opportunities for disrupt- Boyden & de Berry (85) on child combatants,
ing intergenerational transfer of poverty (79), and Ennew & Plateau (86) on physical and
and this is reflected by the inclusion of early emotional punishment. Ungar (21) highlights
childhood health and education in the Millen- a number of participatory studies that look at
nium Development Goals. The “new sociol- child resilience. Cook & du Toit (70) focus
ogy of childhood” has influenced experiences of on a community capacity–building project that
children living in poverty, with agency playing adopts culturally sensitive action research as an
a key role in mitigating the intergenerational intervention supporting child and community
transfer of poverty (80). Ben-Arieh & George resilience within HIV- and AIDS-affected
(81) note the greater emphasis on wider dimen- communities in South Africa. Another par-
sions of well-being and a more positive view of ticipatory study focusing upon resilience is
children’s capacities and resilience, which ac- the International Resilience Project (87),
knowledges people’s resources and agency, and which explores how young people “grow up
how coping with adversity can enhance com- well” in 14 challenging environments, despite
petence and well-being (26, 78). Boyden et al. exposure to atypical levels of risk. The study
(82) propose nine principles of child well-being identifies 32 domains that children from
and development for use when undertaking re- different developed and developing countries
search on child well-being to ensure “best in- consider important for resilience at cultural,
terests.” They emphasize that children’s devel- community, relationship, and individual levels.
opment and well-being is mediated by personal In summary, well-being is a process as well
and environmental factors, such as relationships as an outcome: It is characterized as “a state
and individual capacities, as well as cultural val- of being with others, where human needs are
ues and expectations (82). met, where one can act meaningfully to pursue
Well-being has traditionally been measured one’s goals, and where one enjoys a satisfactory
using objective approaches, which are indica- quality of life” (88). Sumner (89, p. 1066)
tor based and include national and international considers that “well-being is 3-dimensional: it
surveys; however, the paradigm shift led to the takes account of material well-being, subjective
development of subjective approaches, using well-being and relational well-being and their
participatory methods, and, more recently, to dynamic and evolving interaction.” Although
the use of integrative approaches within lon- well-being approaches are often accused of
gitudinal research (71). Participatory methods neglecting political economy, Sumner argues
are used to illustrate the complex dynamics that a focus on the perceptual and relational is
community resilience are prevalent in these dis- and effective governance. A core notion in
cussions. Resilience, risk, and vulnerability are the vulnerability literature is that the capacity
the key terms used in interdisciplinary analysis to manage risk and to adapt to changes is
of hazards and disasters. Again we observe that unevenly distributed across nations, regions,
the literature has evolved from a perspective communities, and households. Furthermore,
centering on objective analysis of risk, hazards, the poor are especially vulnerable and liable to
and natural disasters to a more integrated become trapped in vicious cycles of decline as a
and holistic understanding of how subjective result of stressors; the poverty and vulnerability
understandings of risk, and the socially differ- trap means that recovery to predisaster levels
entiated experience of disasters, relate to social of well-being becomes increasingly difficult
vulnerability and to structure and agency (97, (98, 102).
98). Sarewitz et al. (99) discuss this in relation An important strand in the disasters litera-
Annu. Rev. Environ. Resour. 2011.36:321-342. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
to the distinction between risk reduction ture focuses on community resilience. Cutter
and vulnerability approaches in public policy et al.’s DROP (Disaster Resilience of Place)
responses to extreme events, arguing that the model (13), for example, emphasizes social re-
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two are quite distinct. A vulnerability approach silience as important for disaster preparedness,
provides an alternative perspective that widens response, and postevent learning. “Community
discussion of disasters to consider context, competence” is indicated by local understand-
human rights, and security more centrally. ings of risk, counseling services, absence of psy-
McLaughlin & Dietz (1) provide a synthesis of chopathologies (alcohol, drug, spousal abuse),
five different perspectives on human vulnera- health, wellness, and quality of life. Norris
bility to environmental change; this synthesis et al.’s (103) view of community resilience to
indicates the extent to which different perspec- disasters as a set of capacities is important here
tives relate to metatheoretical and ontological and is shown diagrammatically in Figure 4.
views of the relationship between nature and Their framework is closely allied to perspec-
society and, in turn, how these perspectives tives from public health encompassing two
see the roles of social structure, human agency, dimensions of capacity: The first includes the
and the environment. Their analysis clearly characteristics of communities that affect their
shows how conventional biophysical, human ability to identify, modify, and mobilize; and
ecology and political economy perspectives on the second is the cultivation and use of transfer-
understanding vulnerability underplay agency. able knowledge, skills, systems, and resources
A constructivist approach stresses agency and that affect community and individual changes
culture, for example, in shaping definitions (103). Thus, for Norris et al., capacities become
of an exposure to risk, but in most cases, this adaptive capacities when they are “robust, re-
approach fails to recognize the environment as dundant or rapidly accessible and thus able to
having any causal role. Berkes (100) suggests offset a new stressor, danger or surprise” (103,
that resilience thinking can help to provide a p. 136).
more integrated, dynamic systems approach to There is an increasing emphasis on re-
understanding hazards [see also the distinctions silience rather than vulnerability in the
made by Nelson et al. (3)]. However, Bahadur disasters and hazards literature (104). Manyena
et al.’s review (101) of 16 conceptualizations (105) notes that, in the past decade, work
of resilience, applied to understanding climate on disasters has increasingly focused on the
change and disasters, shows that there is capacity of affected communities to recover,
little consensus in relation to agency and with or without external assistance. However,
capacity. The social dimensions of resilience he cautions that disaster resilience could be
are generally poorly specified: They include viewed as a “new phrase describing the desired
social values and structures, learning, equity, outcome of a disaster risk reduction program;
community involvement, local knowledge, but it does not deal with the unique condition
Received competence
(extracted) Attachments to
social support place
Community Political
Perceived action partnerships
Sense of community
(expected) social
support Citizen participation, Collective
Social leadership, and
Critical reflective efficacy,
embeddedness rules (formal ties) and problem- empowerment
(informal ties) Organizational solving skills
linkages and
Flexibility and
cooperation creativity
Figure 4
Community resilience as networked set of capacities. The four circles represent different areas of capacity. Adapted with permission
from Norris et al. (103).
itself” (105, p. 436), concluding that resilience organizations—for example the Red Cross and
is too vague a concept to be useful in informing Red Crescent Movement, Christian Aid, and
the disaster risk reduction agenda. Conversely, Oxfam (107–109). The emphasis on commu-
Masten & Obradovic (48) use the findings from nity resilience is also a focus of disaster risk
research in human development to argue for reduction initiatives related to climate change,
a resilience framework for disaster planning. for example, the Community Resilience Ini-
Here, agency and self-efficacy are seen as tiative [see Community Regional Resilience
important attributes that enable individuals Institute (110)]. Much of this writing resonates
and communities to plan, persist, and adapt with earlier research on social capital (34, 38),
in the face of disasters and other events. assuming positive relationships between social
Almedom (106), from a health and social care capital and resilience. In a review by Rolfe
perspective, charts a progressive paradigm shift (111), community resilience is related to social
from the disease-driven inquiries on risk and cohesion, i.e., in terms of social and support
vulnerability to health-centered approaches to networks, social participation, and community
building disasters and preventing vulnerability engagement; social cohesion is thus a combi-
to disease, social dysfunction, and human and nation of social support and social capital.
environmental resource depletion (106). These This literature thus adds collective and
changes can also be observed in the operations community perspectives to understanding dif-
of major development and humanitarian ferentiated capacities to respond to shocks and
disturbances. Chaskin (112) analyzes com- recognition that dynamic systems approaches—
munity resilience in three different forms— including ecological or social-ecological in its
as regrouping, as redevelopment, and as broadest sense—and cross-scale perspectives
resistance—and relates this to community are necessary. This is exemplified by Schoon’s
capacity that manifests as the interaction multidimensional dynamic model of resilience
of human capital, organizational resources, presented in Figure 3 but also in the social-
and social capital, which can be leveraged to ecological systems concept of panarchy put for-
improve or maintain the well-being of a given ward by Gunderson & Holling (66). Third, in
community. the human development, well-being, and dis-
asters fields, there is a move away from deficit
models to ideas about assets and capacities (e.g.,
CONCLUSION: AGENCY AND 22, 113).
CAPACITY AND THE CASE
Annu. Rev. Environ. Resour. 2011.36:321-342. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
being, and disasters brings valuable insights in knowledge or contradictions in literature are
into understanding responses to environmen- apparent. There are questions raised about the
tal change. It elucidates issues concerning relationship between resilience and resistance
individual and collective resilience, as well as and how this might reflect the emphasis
the interplay between agency and structure between structure and agency (114). There are
in determining how people might undertake also gaps in understanding how cross-scale dy-
adaptation and other actions. Synthesis of namics between the individual and community
these literatures strengthens and broadens or other groups operate and affect responses to
understanding of linkages between poverty change in different ways and in different con-
and well-being, and also how they relate to texts, as well as in the role of agency in collective
response capacity in different cultural contexts; action (115). These issues have important im-
it highlights the importance of perceived plications for interventions, for example in
adaptive capacity and possible maladaptations, climate change adaptation. Chaskin (112)
questions whose capacity and who is responsi- discusses these issues in relation to community
ble for initiating change, and thus contributes development and capacity building, whether
to defining and shaping governance and pos- efforts are targeted toward people or places,
sibilities for transformation. This knowledge and the dilemmas this raises. Furthermore, if
can help in developing a more human-centered indeed we see agency as important and if we
and integrated analysis of the meanings of, and accept, in contrast to conventional vulnerability
possible actions in response to, environmental and political economy perspectives, that poor
change and how this links to longer-term people are actually resilient and that they have
well-being and poverty alleviation. well-being, then why do anything? Do we need
Three significant parallel movements, or to change structures? In the climate change
evolution, in these diverse fields of knowledge and development arenas, Brown (116) shows
in the social and natural sciences are revealed that resilience is often used to bolster policies
by the review. First, there has been a shift away promoting a business-as-usual approach rather
from the notion that the central concepts— than to challenge existing structures and bring
adaptive capacity, resilience, and well-being— about fundamental changes to systems.
can be objectively measured by a set of quan- Thus, the findings from this review across
tifiable indicators to a much more complex, knowledge domains have implications for
nuanced view that understands them as com- assigning responsibility for managing change
prising subjective, relational as well as objec- to individuals, communities, governments,
tive aspects. Second, in each field, there is or other sets of social actors. This directly
SUMMARY POINTS
1. Environmental change analysis, although recognizing the significance of human agency,
tends to aggregate psychosocial factors and rarely unpacks the multiple and diverse di-
mensions of agency and capacity.
2. Knowledge domains across social and natural sciences, including human development
sciences, well-being and development, and disasters and natural hazards, can theoreti-
cally, conceptually, and empirically enrich understandings of the human dimensions of
environmental change.
3. Adaptive capacity can be seen as a meeting point between these knowledge domains, with
related concepts of resilience, well-being, capacity, and capabilities informing a dynamic
Annu. Rev. Environ. Resour. 2011.36:321-342. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
FUTURE ISSUES
1. How is transformative capacity distinguished from adaptive capacity and coping with
regard to agency?
2. How is resilience defined across different cultures? What is the emphasis given, for
example, to individual and collective responsibility and to agency?
3. How do ideas of resilience relate to the multidimensional concepts of well-being, perhaps
with regard to emerging field of positive psychology?
4. How does social identity affect adaptive capacity and possible transformation?
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The authors are not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that
might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This research was partly funded by Katrina Brown’s Economic and Social Research Council
Professorial Fellowship “Resilient Development in Social-Ecological Systems.” All views and
errors remain the responsibility of the authors. The authors wish to thank Charlotte Morgan for
her assistance in drawing diagrams and compiling references.
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Preface p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p pv
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viii
EG36-FrontMatter ARI 7 September 2011 14:34
Indexes
Errata
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Contents ix