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Chapter 6
Chapter 6
Chapter 6
Abstract
This chapter applies the five drivers of productivity framework to regional
microdata for Egypt and extends it by introducing an index of industrial
clusters as an explanatory factor of the productivity performance of local
private sector firms. Applying structural equation models, the geographic
concentration of sectoral economic activity is found to have a positive and
statistically significant effect on labor productivity. The transmission
mechanism is conjectured to be the positive spillovers that are created, which
local firms can tap into. In contrast, a higher concentration of skilled
workers in an industrial sector in a region is associated with lower levels of
labor productivity – a finding that suggests there may be structural defi-
ciencies in the allocation of skilled workers. Regional policy should focus on
net investments in gross capital formation throughout the country, for which
the national and regional governments should improve how public invest-
ments are managed and the institutional framework – including the rule of
law, bureaucracy and red tape, conflict of interest, transparency, and
governance – so that private investment (both local and foreign) may sub-
stantially increase.
Introduction
On the surface, the recent performance of the Egyptian economy can be termed a
modest success: employment has grown by 5.7% between 2015 and 2020, which
with a slight reduction in the working-age population has led to an increase in the
employment-to-population ratio to 40.8% and in the overall employment rate to
over 92%. However, as the World Bank has pointed out, most of these jobs were
created in relatively low productivity sectors (World Bank, 2020). Labor pro-
ductivity is one of the key indicators of economic performance and one of the
main variables fostering sustainable economic growth.
It should come as no surprise that, as a result, many theoretical approaches
have been developed to study its underlying processes. Among these, the “five
drivers” framework – introduced by the UK government in 2000 – is a
policy-focused framework that has been extensively used to guide regional growth
policy and industrial strategy in other countries such as Malaysia, India, or New
Zealand. Moreover, the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank have
applied it to assess productivity performance across its member countries (ADB,
2021; Kim, Loayza, & Meza-Cuadra, 2016; Kim & Loayza, 2019).
This framework identifies five “structural influences on industrial perform-
ance” (UNIDO, 2002, p. 34) or priority areas for policy action to promote pro-
ductivity levels and growth, which are usually defined as investment, skills,
innovation, entrepreneurship, and competition (Some authors use slightly different
terminology to refer to some of the drivers as, for example, “market efficiency”
instead of competition). These drivers would conform the conditions that prevail
in the environment or the immediate proximity of productive establishments
(Maskell, Eskelinen, Hannibalsson, Malmberg, & Vatne, 2002). One key
contributing factor to regional productivity that is left out of the framework is the
existence of industrial clusters. Theoretical developments suggest, and empirical
findings have largely confirmed, how important the agglomeration of firms within
industries is for the development of regions (Cohen, Coughlin, & Paul, 2019;
Combes, Duranton, Gobillon, Puga, & Roux, 2012; Dogaru, Van Oort, &
Thissen, 2011; Rosenthal & Strange, 2004).
Given the importance of industrial agglomeration for regional economic
growth and the strong relationship between labor productivity and economic
growth, this chapter extends the theoretical framework with the addition of
indicators of industrial clustering to the five drivers of productivity at one regional
level: the 27 governorates of Egypt. The objective is to address the following
research question: Do levels of industrial agglomeration at regional level influence
labor productivity in the region once the five drivers are taken into account? We
do not intend here to expand the framework to include a “sixth” driver, as this
would require a theoretical development that exceeds the objective of this chapter,
but to suggest that industrial clusters should be taken into consideration when
designing regional and industrial policies and thus setting a point in the future
research agenda on regional development.
To achieve this objective, regional location quotients were calculated based on
firm and sectoral levels of workers, establishments, investment, and output. The
industrial clusters resulted from proximity matrices obtained following the
Hausmann–Klinger (Hausmann & Klinger, 2007) technique. The data analysis
resorted to structural equation modeling (SEM), as the five drivers framework
proposes the interrelationship between its components, and consequently, to take
Drivers of Regional Productivity 159
attract relatively higher skilled workers toward more productive regions, thus
perpetuating spatial productivity differentials. The new economic geography
models (Fujita, Krugman, & Venables, 2001; Fujita & Thisse, 2002) place their
focus on the role of externalities and increasing returns on knowledge and
innovation on productivity levels. The more likely long-term outcome, according
to these models, is the consolidation of areas within countries with relatively high
productivity (the “core”) alongside areas exhibiting lower productivity levels (the
“periphery”).
Despite their differences, these theories agree on the importance of the five
drivers for regional productivity. Closely related to the five drivers framework, the
“pyramid” model of regional competitiveness identifies the following sources of
labor productivity: research and development (R&D); the development of small
and medium enterprises; foreign direct investments; infrastructure and human
capital; and institutions and social capital (Gardiner, Martin, & Tyler, 2006;
Lengyel, 2004). We can see the commonality between these sources and the five
drivers of productivity: investment, skills, innovation, and entrepreneurship are
included in both approaches. In turn, while the five drivers framework adds
competition, the pyramid model points to institutions and social capital.
Inter- and intraregional technological dependence has also been identified as a
source of regional disparities in productivity (Behrens & Thisse, 2007; Ertur &
Koch, 2007; Howitt, 2000). Most models in this line of research propose that
technological interdependence depends on the level of accumulated skills in the
workforce and on the density of technology within a region compared to other
(usually, neighboring) regions. A related literature introduces the notion of the
technological frontier, that is, the average regional knowledge level. Whether all
regions share one same national or global frontier, or whether there are regional
frontiers specific to each region, R&D efforts and human capital investments
would constitute the key elements behind the level of proximity to the frontier that
each region would exhibit. Again, we can see the preeminence given by these
theories to two of the five drivers of regional productivity: skills and innovation.
The remainder of this section briefly surveys the theoretical and empirical
tenets behind the selection of each driver to assess the rationale for their inclusion
in the framework.
Investment
Investment in physical capital (i.e., in tangible assets such as public infrastructure,
consumers’ and government durables, land, machinery, and equipment) is a key
factor of economic growth. Apart from its direct effects on productive capacity,
investment can also foster productivity through raises in the marginal product of
the capital stock. Jorgenson (2005) found that capital accumulation explains over
50% of total economic growth in the United States between 1948 and 2002 and
over 57% of all GDP growth between 1995 and 2001 in Canada, the United
Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, and Japan. Bassanetti, Döpke, Torrini, and
Zizza (2006) estimated that capital deepening had decreased in France, Italy, and
Drivers of Regional Productivity 161
Germany between the mid-1990s and the mid-2000s; however, it had contributed
by about 40% to labor productivity growth over the same period.
In a study of developed countries over a period of 100 years, Bradford DeLong
and Summers (1991) found that increasing investment in machinery and equip-
ment by 1% increased GDP per capita by 0.7%. Similarly, Abdi (2008) analyzed
data for 20 industries in Canada between 1961 and 2000 and obtained an elas-
ticity coefficient of output to machinery and equipment investment of 0.67. More
recently, Forgione and Migliardo (2022) found diverging gaps in labor produc-
tivity among firms that adopt advanced technologies compared to those that do
not across Italy.
Carroll and Weil (1994) and Blomström, Lipsey, and Zejan (1996) contended
the direction of the reported positive association between investment in physical
capital and economic growth: causal mechanisms would operate from growth to
investment. In turn, Mankiw, Romer, and Weil (1992) claimed that investment
has no long-run impact on economic growth. Furthermore, Podrecca and Car-
meci (2001) reported a negative causal relationship between investment and
economic growth – a result in line with the neoclassical growth model (Solow,
1956).
Studies on the relationship between the formation of capital stock and regional
labor productivity must distinguish between investments by private firms and
public investment in infrastructure – a distinction that scholars using aggregate
macroeconomic indicators such as the investment ratio fail to make. This chapter
focuses on the former, benefitting from microdata at establishment level.
Mounting evidence indicates that it is intrafirm productivity growth rather than
public investment, which drives most of regional growth (Le Gallo & Kamar-
ianakis, 2011; Villaverde & Maza, 2008).
Claims of a positive relationship between investment in physical capital by
private firms and productivity rest on the embodiment hypothesis: innovations are
incorporated into the production process only as part of material, tangible capital
goods; successive vintages of capital would also embody technological progress.
Work that focuses on regional and industrial policy levers, such as investment
subsidies, reports positive and significant effects of these fiscal tools on regional
productivity (Korzhenevych & Bröcker, 2020; Mitze, 2012).
Skills
Investing in human capital may positively contribute to productivity since a more
skilled workforce is likely to be more productive. The two main strands of
thought about the relationship between human capital and economic growth and
productivity are that (1) growth and productivity depend on the rate of accu-
mulation of human capital (Lucas, 1988) and that (2) growth and productivity
depend on the stock of human capital (Nelson & Phelps, 1966).
The association between human capital and regional productivity is also
proposed by the labor pooling hypothesis: denser labor markets, where firms are
more able to employ and better match workers with industry-specific skills to their
162 Enas Moustafa Mohamed Abousafi et al.
needs from the existing regional pool of labor supply, would positively contribute
to the productivity levels in the region (Krugman, 1991). Labor pooling would
also be one of the processes leading to the formation of regional industrial
agglomeration, as firms would seek to reduce and better adapt to idiosyncratic
shocks (Overman & Puga, 2010).
Finally, studies that look into regional skill shortages report a negative asso-
ciation between skills gaps and regional productivity (Horbach & Rammer, 2021;
Morris, Vanino, & Corradini, 2020).
Innovation
Recent years have seen a growing number of studies examining the impacts of
innovation on productivity. Several of these studies examined the impact of process
or product improvements on performance outcomes and productivity (Fu, Mohnen,
& Zanello, 2018). Fagerberg, Srholec, and Verspagen (2010) examine the literature
and show that nations that innovate more are more productive and wealthier than
those that lack innovation. Developing countries, where infrastructure is insufficient,
markets are immature, and customers have a limited amount of discretionary cash,
are particularly susceptible to this challenge. Because they have limited absorption
capacity and limited access to financial and expertise resources, micro-, small-, and
medium-sized enterprises – many of them in the informal sector – are particularly
vulnerable in such an environment. Innovative enterprises that are able to effectively
utilize the available resources will have the best chance at surviving and dominating
the market (Fu et al., 2018).
Using case studies of small- and medium-sized enterprise (SMEs) in Tanzania,
Mahemba and Bruijn (2003) found that innovation and growth are linked in small
manufacturing companies. In their research on the importance of innovation in
Ethiopian SMEs, Bigsten and Gebreeyesus (2009) found that innovators create
employment faster than noninnovators. The study by De Mel, McKenzie, and
Woodruff (2009) uses a large dataset of SMEs in Sri Lanka to find a connection
between innovation and productivity. Therefore, literature has shown that innovation
is one of the most important factors of performance effectiveness and productivity.
In the latest (fourth) edition of the Oslo Manual published by the Organisation
for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and Eurostat (OECD,
2018), the term “innovation” is used to refer to both activity outcomes and the
activities themselves. It is defined as follows:
Entrepreneurship
Firms are traditionally included as the fourth factor of production, alongside
natural resources, capital, and labor. Audretsch and Keilbach (2006, p. 60) define
“entrepreneurship capital” as “the capacity for economic agents to generate new
business startups.” The importance of enterprises for production activity is that
they organize the other factors. Van Stel, Carree, and Thurik (2005) identify three
entrepreneurial roles: the innovator, the opportunity seeker, and the risk-taker.
The innovator role is usually ascribed to Schumpeter (1911): the creative
destruction process by which new inventions turn existing technologies obsolete
(the so-called Schumpeter Mark I regime) and the positive feedback loop between
innovation and R&D that makes larger firms outperform their smaller counter-
parts (i.e., the Schumpeter Mark II regime). The opportunity-seeking entrepre-
neur was emphasized by Kirzner, who defined as the main feature of
entrepreneurial behavior the “alertness to possibly newly worthwhile goals and to
possibly newly available resources” (Kirzner, 1973, p. 35). Finally, the risk-taking
entrepreneur is associated with Knight, for whom apart from workers on routine
and mental operations and managers, the organization of economic activity
depends upon those who have “. . . confidence in their judgment and powers and
in disposition to act on their opinions, to ‘venture’. This fact is responsible for the
most fundamental change of all in the form of organization, the system under
which the confident and venturesome ‘assume the risk’ or ‘insure’ the doubtful
and timid by guaranteeing to the latter a specified income in return for an
assignment of the actual results” (Knight, 1921, III.IX.10).
Combining these three approaches, the OECD defines entrepreneurs as
“agents of change and growth in a market economy and they can act to accelerate
the generation, dissemination, and application of innovative ideas. . . Entrepre-
neurs not only seek out and identify potentially profitable economic opportunities
but are also willing to take risks to see if their hunches are right” (OECD, 1998, p.
11).
Feldman (2001) is credited to place entrepreneurship activity – what Shapero
(1984) termed the “entrepreneurship event,” namely the decision to engage in the
formation of a company (Feldman, 2001, p. 862) – within a regional context (see
also Feldman, Francis, & Bercovitz, 2005). Audretsch and Keilbach (2004)
looked on the importance of entrepreneurship to explain output across 327
regions in Germany and found a positive and statistically significant relation.
Furthermore, Van Stel et al. (2005) studied whether total entrepreneurial activity
influenced GDP growth between 1999 and 2003 in a sample of 36 countries and
found that the relationship is not linear: it is negative for poorer countries and
positive for relatively rich ones. These findings support the view that larger firms
Drivers of Regional Productivity 165
dominate R&D and innovative activities (Mark II regime) and that, therefore,
regions or countries with a dearth of large companies fail to exploit economies of
scale and scope even in the presence of relative high levels of entrepreneurial
activity. A burgeoning literature has focused on the notion of regional
“entrepreneurial ecosystems” and their moderating role in regional productivity
and performance (Cohen, 2006; Stam & van de Ven, 2021; Szerb, Lafuente,
Horváth, & Páger, 2019), which has been defined as “a network of interconnected
organizations that are likely to operate around a focal firm or platform” (Cavallo,
Ghezzi, & Balocco, 2019, p. 1295).
A novel line of research has developed the concept of “smart specialization” –
“a place-based approach to regional innovation policy where priorities for public
investment are ‘discovered’ through analysis and dialogue with the innovation
and entrepreneurial communities” (Marques Santos, Edwards, & Neto, 2021, p.
5) – and is focusing on regional strategies to increase productivity growth through
R&D subsidiarization and competitiveness (Marques Santos, Edwards, & Neto,
2022). Consequently, the more entrepreneurial a region, the more likely it will
contain people willing to take risks in uncertain economic ventures and ready to
grab commercial opportunities – and who therefore will introduce new products
and processes in the market.1 Entrepreneurial activities would result in higher
productivity and growth.
Competition
Scarpetta and Tressel (2002) explain that competition forces prices to converge to
marginal costs and thus raises static efficiency and that it makes firms continually
improve their performance bringing about, thus, dynamic efficiency as well. More
competitive markets encourage cost-reducing improvements because their higher
price elasticity of demand means that there is more room for firms to increase
profit than in less competitive markets. Furthermore, the higher is the competitive
environment of a market, the less likely is that inefficient firms may operate in it.
However, from other theoretical stances, competition may also have adverse
consequences for productivity. The Schumpeterian approach contends that
innovation and creative destruction thrive in highly concentrated markets because
monopoly rents are quickly eroded in competitive ones. Aghion and Howitt
(1998) attempted to reconcile both views on the relationship between product
market competition and productivity growth. They argued that the relationship
should be positive in industries: (1) characterized by weak control of managers by
shareholders, (2) where tacit knowledge is the main limiting barrier to imitation
relative to patent protection, and (3) with low density of technology-specific fixed
investments.
A number of empirical studies have confirmed this conjecture – see, for
example, Griffith (2001), Köke and Renneboog (2005), Aghion, Blundell, Grif-
fith, Howitt, and Prantl (2004, 2009), Nicoletti and Scarpetta (2005).
1
For a recent survey, see Sternberg (2021).
166 Enas Moustafa Mohamed Abousafi et al.
2
Industrial agglomeration, industrial concentration, industrial clustering, industrial
districts, and industrial proximity are used almost indistinctly in the literature along with
“industrial clusters.” We have followed this custom.
3
See Glaeser, Kallal, Scheinkman, and Shleifer (1992) and Glaeser (2011).
Drivers of Regional Productivity 167
transaction cost effects in this case stem from increased trust and loyalty between
units and the possibility that these social networks create of mutually profitable
joint lobbying and joint venture opportunities.
Regarding the vertical integration of knowledge within sectors, this would be
the result from technologically-specific drivers operating in some industrial sectors
and not in others in a region, which include spin-offs and knowledge accumula-
tion not easily transferrable across sectors. Moreover, vertical integration could
foster the birth of new firms within the sector, as accumulated knowledge in a
region and sector would give impetus for greater entrepreneurship and start-up
rates within that particular region and sector (Presutti, Boari, & Majocchi, 2013).
Another aspect of knowledge integration is to do with informal and interpersonal
relationships between managers (Capaldo & Petruzzelli, 2014; Huggins &
Thompson, 2015; Rank, 2014) – a type of social capital whose returns could also
partially explain the relatively higher levels of concentration of industries in one
region.
Bottazzi, Dosi, and Fagiolo (2005, 2007, 2008) opine that differences in sec-
toral concentration across regions result from localized forms of knowledge
accumulation that turn a particular region more attractive for firms operating in
one sector and less attractive for firms in other industries. This type of effect from
vertical integration may lead to merges between firms in order to internalize
nondecreasing returns and thus to lower industrial clustering levels in the region if
measured by the number of firms operating in the sector in the region, but not if
measured by number of firms or by employment units. This highlights the
importance of how industrial agglomeration is operationalized, to which we
return later. The empirical evidence, though mixed (see Beaudry & Schiffauerova,
2009; Caragliu, de Dominicis, & de Groot, 2016), tends to favor the hypothesis of
geographical concentration over firm diversification as the main of the two forces
(Cainelli et al., 2016; Capello, 2002; Henderson, Kuncoro, & Turner, 1995).
According to the literature that uses industrial clusters as indicators of regional
concentration, economic growth takes place at a subnational, rather than
national, level: the economic activity in regions would be the key dimension at
which to design policies to foster growth (Cheshire & Malecki, 2004; Farole,
Rodriguez-Pose, & Storper, 2011), especially if accompanied by low long-term
unemployment rates, low levels of hidden, informal economic activities, and low
levels of corporate tax rates (Barca, McCann, & Rodrı́guez-Pose, 2012) – to
which we would add high female labor market participation, which is particularly
relevant to Egypt. In comparative studies, either across countries or within
countries with a high degree of decentralization, it is common to add another
macro determinant of productivity generally referred to as “institutions” – which
is proxied by indicators of the regulatory, policy, political, and judicial systems.
Given that Egypt exhibits a highly centralized local government system
(El-Gamal, Ismail, & El Bagoury, 2022; Tobbala, 2019), we do not include in our
models any institutional features as explanatory variables of disparities in regional
productivity performance. In addition, there is some evidence that the effects of
the regional institutional milieu on productivity and economic performance is
mediated by entrepreneurship (Urbano, Aparicio, & Audretsch, 2019) – one of
168 Enas Moustafa Mohamed Abousafi et al.
the variables included in our models. Having said this, we acknowledge that more
disaggregated studies could identify microinstitutional factors operating differ-
ently across governorates, such as the strength and role of tribal connections
(Zoogah, 2016) as well as bureaucratic constraints and inertia effects, which could
help further explain disparities in regional productivity across the country (for a
recent survey, see Sternberg, 2021). Here, we can only suggest it as a promising
line of future research.
Reviews of the literature on industrial clustering and agglomeration effects on
productivity point out that the choice of indicator to operationalize the notion of
a cluster is of paramount importance – for example, de Groot et al. (op. cit.)
(McCann & Van Oort, 2019). Badr, Rizk, and Zaki (2018) analyzed the linkages
between firm productivity and economies of agglomeration in Egypt across the 27
governorates. These authors looked into three definitions of agglomeration: the
number of firms operating in a governorate, the average productivity in a
governorate and sector, and the number of firms operating in the same gover-
norate and sector. Once firm age, location, economic activity, and legal status
were controlled for, the study reported net positive clustering effects across the
board, with greater benefits among medium and large firms (micro and small
firms would benefit relatively more from industrial diversification) and among
manufacturing firms compared to service firms (the latter would benefit from
higher levels of diversification).
Williamson (1965) introduced the hypothesis that there is a nonlinear relationship
between regional agglomeration of economic activity and national economic
growth, according to which at earlier stages of development, regional concentration
leads to higher economic growth, but advanced industrialized economies would face
net agglomeration diseconomies that would reduce economic growth. Since this
seminal work, theoretical models of what is known as new economic geography and
regional studies point to a positive relationship between regional concentration of
economic activity and national economic prosperity.
Cross-sectional studies suggest the existence of this nonlinearity in the rela-
tionship between concentration and growth, although it varies depending on how
regional concentration is measured. Studies that focus on, for instance, the share
of the population living in urban areas tend to confirm Williamson’s hypothesis,
while studies that define concentration in terms of industrial clustering fail to find
a negative association at higher levels of development. In addition, recent studies
suggest an N-shaped curve depicting the relationship between productivity growth
and regional development, with widening gaps increasing the disparity between
well-performing and lagging regions (Ganong & Shoag, 2017; Iammarino,
Rodrı́guez-Pose, & Storper, 2019). These findings indicate that not only labor
productivity is the main driver of regional economic growth but also disparities in
productivity performance are the main culprits behind regional inequalities
(Gómez-Tello et al., 2020) – see also Esteban (2000).
One main distinction in the academic literature on industrial clusters is that
between intra-industry and cross-sectoral agglomeration externalities. However,
most operational definitions of clusters based on secondary data adopt the former
approach and so do we, even though we are aware that this methodological choice
Drivers of Regional Productivity 169
4
For a recent survey, see Chain, Santos, Castro, and Prado (2019).
170 Enas Moustafa Mohamed Abousafi et al.
5
We are grateful to Ms. Ghada Mostafa Abd Allah and Professor Zakaria Othman, and
counselors to the head of the Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics
(CAPMAS) in Cairo, Egypt, for their help to access the datasets and their technical
support.
Drivers of Regional Productivity 171
Sampling selection was stratified based of three criteria: the economic activity, the
number of workers of the establishment, and the governorate. The sample
includes 100% of the establishments in Egypt with 10 workers or more; 50% of the
establishments with between 5 and 9 workers; and 5% of the establishments with
fewer than 5 workers. Field work took place throughout 2017. The overall
response rate was 96.68%.
In total, there were 13.645 million workers within the surveyed establishments
(around 53% of total employment for 2017, which stood at 26 million), with a
significant gender inequality: 84% of workers were male, which reflects the gender
imbalance in labor market participation in Egypt (Hendy, 2015; Krafft, As‘ad, &
Keo, 2019; Krafft, As‘ad, & Rahman, 2019). Total GDP at factor cost for 2017/
2018 amounted to LE 4.333 trillion in current prices (CAPMAS, 2018b). The
2017/2018 census records a total gross value added amounting to LE 2.158 tril-
lion, which means that it was equivalent to about 50% of GDP.
The industries and sectors were classified according to the International
Standard Industrial Classification of All Economic Activities (ISIC). The census
defined the observational units, that is, the “establishments,” as “a fixed location
where an economic activity is being carried out and is held by natural or legal
person.” As already indicated, we used four alternative measures of concentration
to obtain the clusters: employment, establishments, output, and capital. Table 6.1
presents the counts for each variable by governorate and Table 6.2 by industrial
sector.
The variables we used in the empirical analysis are as follows:
172
Governorate Gross Fixed Capital Gross Value Production Employees Establishments Arabic Official
6
Results available from the corresponding author.
176 Enas Moustafa Mohamed Abousafi et al.
where
E 5 employment
r 5 region
j 5 industrial sector
c 5 country
Therefore, Er;j measures the total number of workers of a firm in region r and
industrial sector j; Er stands for the total number of workers in region r; Ec;j
corresponds to the total number of workers in industrial sector j in the country;
and Ec , total employment in Egypt.
If LQr;j . 1, then industry j in region r has a comparative advantage relative to
the national average of the same industry. With these location quotients, a matrix
of conditional probabilities is estimated, whose elements are the smaller between
two values: the conditional probability that industry i in region r also presents a
comparative advantage relative to the national average of industry i given that
industry j has a comparative advantage in that region, and the conditional
probability that industry j in region r also presents a comparative advantage
relative to the national average of industry j given that industry i has a
comparative advantage in that region. These minimum values are known as
industry proximity measures (Hidalgo, Klinger, Barabási, & Hausmann, 2007).7
Let us denote the proximity measure of industry j in region r as ∅r;j . Then, we
can use the weighted proximity coefficients for each other industry than j to
obtain a measure of proximity for each industry in each region. As in our
example, using the total number of workers as the basis for our clustering exer-
cise, we would estimate
7
This same approach has been used, among others, by Minondo (2011); Boschma,
Minondo, and Navarro (2013); Kali, Reyes, McGee, and Shirrell (2013); He, Zhu, Hu,
and Li (2019); and Lo Turco and Maggioni (2019).
178 Enas Moustafa Mohamed Abousafi et al.
0 1
j5nB
B Er;j C C
∅r;i ¼ + B∅i;j j5n :C
ji @ A
+ Er;j
ji
The clustering indicator captures the relative size of the industrial sectors
within a region and the degree of interlinkages within sectors in a region.
After obtaining the matrices of location quotients using different measures of
industrial clustering (in our case, employment, establishments, capital, and
output), a composite indicator of industrial clustering can be estimated by means
of the unweighted average of each location quotient indicator.
Method
We explore our research question using SEM. SEM is “a statistical method of
defining, identifying, and estimating total, direct and indirect causal influences
and effects among variables” (Kumar, Singh, & Singh, 2016, p. 236).8 When
designing SEM models, it is crucial to let theory and previous empirical findings
inform which interrelationships to include, either as direct paths or as covariances
between variables, rather than to rely on modification indices such as Lagrange
multipliers that estimate the amount by which the chi-square of the model would
be reduced if a parameter restriction is removed, that is, the improvement in the
overall fit that is achieved if a particular path or covariance is added to the
original model. We concur with the misgivings about modification indices pro-
nounced by MacCallum, Roznowski, and Necowitz (1992, p. 502): “. . . our
results bring us to a position of considerable skepticism with regard to the validity
of the model modification process as it is often used in practice.”
Therefore, we added the following paths between the explanatory variables:
• The level of capital formation in a region is influenced by the skills level of the
workforce in the region.
• The proportion of highly skilled people in the workforce influences the
expenditure on R&D and of entrepreneurial activity and start-ups.
• The degree of industrial clustering based on the number of workers influences
the concentration of relatively highly skilled workers in a region.
• The level of capital formation in a region influences the degree of establishment
clustering and of capital-based and of output-based clusters in the region.
8
For an introduction to structural equation modeling, see Kline (2005).
Drivers of Regional Productivity 179
Results
Table 6.4 presents the four indicators of industrial clusters by governorate.
Regardless of the indicator on which the clusters are based, Cairo is the
governorate with the largest industrial agglomeration, and the New Valley is the
governorate with the lowest concentration, except that in terms of number of
establishments, northern Sinai comes up at the bottom. The largest clustering
indices are found for the capital-based definition followed by the output-based,
the employment-based, and the establishment-based definitions. This means that
there is a higher concentration of industries in the Cairo governorate if agglom-
eration is measured by investment than by any other indicator.
Furthermore, the ratio between Cairo and the least clustered governorate (the
New Valley or northern Sinai, depending on the definition) is over 197 times
higher for the capital-based definition and goes down to 110 times higher for the
definition of clusters based on the number of establishments per industrial sector.
Annex E presents the Pearson and Spearman rank correlation coefficients
between the four indicators of regional industrial agglomeration. The table shows
that once sorted by rank, the strength of the association lessens, especially
between the establishment-based and capital-based indicators and between the
establishment-based and output-based indicators.
The results from our SEM models for each measure of proximity are presented
in Table 6.5.10
Table 6.5 shows the standardized estimates of the loadings for the predicted
paths (i.e., direct and indirect effects) onto labor productivity. There is a prefer-
ence in SEM literature, mostly for theoretical reasons, to work with unstandar-
dized variables and therefore to present unstandardized results. However,
standardized estimates are easier to interpret, where the variables are transformed
9
The ES Survey includes three types of weighting factors: “strict,” “median,” and “weak.”
These factors reflect different eligibility procedures for the establishments included in the
survey. Strict weights define as eligible the establishments for which it was possible to
directly determine eligibility. Median weights include those covered by the strict weights
and add those establishments that rejected the screener questionnaire, or an answering
machine or fax was the only response. Finally, weak weights include the establishments
included in the previous two criteria plus those establishments for which it was not possible
to contact or that refused the screening questionnaire. Given that a comparison of the
weighted percentages of respondents for the different categories in the question about the
degree that practices of informal competitors constitute an obstacle to the daily
applications is marginally and not statistically significantly different using each eligibility
criteria, we applied the strict weighting factors to construct our indicator.
10
We used the lavaan library (Rosseel, 2012) of R (R Core Team, 2020) for running all the
SEM models.
180 Enas Moustafa Mohamed Abousafi et al.
so that their mean is set to 0 and their standard deviation is set to 1. The coef-
ficients of regional clusters on labor productivity are all positive and statistically
significant at 10% of confidence level. The most significant effects of industrial
clustering are found for the cluster definitions using output and capital formation
(at 5% CI).
In all the models, the only additional explanatory variable with statistical
significance is gross capital formation, which exhibits the expected positive sign
and little variation across the models. We attribute this rather disappointing
finding regarding human capital, innovation, and entrepreneurship to the small
size of the number of observation units in comparison with the number of
parameters, which substantially limits the statistical power of the models as shown
in the fit measures presented in Annex C.
The root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) for each model may
be seen as not acceptable. However, it is well-known that this measure is subject
to great sampling error in small samples (such as ours, with 27 observations),
which may render artificially high estimates (Kenny, Kaniskan, & McCoach,
2015; Rigdon, 1996). The same happens with the CFI and TLI indices. That is
why other indices are more appropriate to measure the goodness of fit of the SEM
models presented in this chapter. The standardized root mean square residual
(SRMR) – a fit indicator that is more robust to small sample size
(Maydeu-Olivares, Shi, & Rosseel, 2018; Taasoobshirazi & Wang, 2016) – indi-
cates good fit in all models (the largest value corresponds to the definition of
clusters based on capital formation, but at 0.06 is within an acceptable level – the
usual cutoff point is 8%). The Akaike and Bayesian indices are based on infor-
mation criteria and useful to compare between models. However, in our case, the
models are fit to different definitions of the dependent variable, so it is not
appropriate to compare between them.
Notwithstanding the lack of statistical significance in some of the intervening
variables, the statistically significant results for our four measures of clusters
suggest that the higher the degree of industrial agglomeration in a region, positive
spillovers are created, which local firms within the clusters tap into to improve
their productivity and thus contribute to regional economic prosperity. Table 6.6
shows the results of the standardized coefficients of SEM models with the com-
posite measure of industrial clustering described in the previous section – see also
Fig. 6.1 for a graphical representation of these results.
Table 6.6 shows that the composite index of industrial clustering is significantly
associated with regional productivity measured either as output per worker or per
hour worked. Moreover, the level of innovation tends to be positively associated
with labor productivity (though mildly). In contrast, these model specifications
would indicate a negative association between the concentration of skilled
workers in industrial sectors in a region and the level of labor productivity in that
region. This finding points to structural deficiencies in the regional labor markets,
particularly in the efficient allocation of highly skilled workers (apart from their
integration into the labor markets in the first place), and that is a promising strand
of future research.
Drivers of Regional Productivity 183
(a)
(b)
Final Comments
Labor productivity is at the heart of regional development, and national eco-
nomic prosperity depends on economically prosperous regions. This chapter
investigated the contribution of industrial clusters to regional labor productivity
across the 27 governorates of Egypt within the policy-orientated framework
known as the “five drivers of productivity.”
We found that higher regional industrial agglomeration is positively associated
with levels of regional labor productivity. Data restrictions prevented us from
exploring the role of regional market competition into any detail, as well as from
analyzing dynamic effects on regional productivity growth instead of static
relations on productivity levels. We trust that future datasets will allow us and
other scholars to deepen the understanding of this topic and therefore contribute
with better informed policy recommendations.
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(1) Crops and animal products, hunting, and related service activities,
(2) Forest exploitation and logging and related service activities,
(3) Fishing and aquaculture,
(4) Coal and lignite mining,
(5) Crude oil and natural gas extraction,
(6) Mining of ores of metals and minerals,
(7) Mining and other quarrying,
(8) Mining-related service activities,
(9) Food products industry,
(10) Beverage industry,
(11) Tobacco products industry,
(12) Textile industry,
(13) The readymade garments industry,
(14) Manufacture of leather and its products,
(15) Manufacture of wood and its products and cork, except for furniture, and
manufacture of items produced from straw and plaiting materials,
(16) Manufacture of paper and its products,
(17) Printing and reproduction of recorded media,
(18) Manufacture of coke and petroleum products,
(19) Manufacture of chemical materials and products,
(20) Manufacture of pharmaceutical, chemical, and pharmaceutical prepara-
tions and products of medicinal plants,
(21) Manufacture of rubber and plastic products,
(22) Manufacture of other nonmetallic mineral products,
(23) Manufacture of base metals,
(24) Manufacture of shaped metal products other than machinery and
equipment,
(25) Manufacture of computers, electronic and optical products, and their
components and the manufacture of medical devices,
(26) Industry of electrical appliances,
(27) Manufacture of machinery and equipment not classified elsewhere,
(28) Motor vehicles industry,
(29) Manufacture of other transport equipment,
(30) Manufacture of furniture and wood products not classified elsewhere,
196 Enas Moustafa Mohamed Abousafi et al.
(74) Education,
(75) Activities related to human health,
(76) Resident care activities,
(77) Social work activities without residence,
(78) Theater, musical, and leisure arts activities,
(79) Activities of libraries, museums, document houses, and other cultural
activities,
(80) Gambling and betting activities,
(81) Sports and leisure activities,
(82) Activities of member organizations,
(83) Repair of computers and personal and household goods,
(84) Other personal services activities.
Clustering Definition
Employment Establishments Capital Output
Number of model 19 16 16 16
parameters
Number of observations 27 27 27 27
Test statistic 0.915 1.775 2.221 2.147
DF 6 6 6 6
p value (chi-square) 0.989 0.939 0.898 0.906
Comparative fit index (CFI) 1 1 1 1
Tucker–Lewis index (TLI) 178.292 60.25 6.336 6.798
Loglikelihood user model 99.82 57.33 48.155 47.742
(H0)
Loglikelihood unrestricted 100.277 58.218 49.265 48.815
model (H1)
Akaike (AIC) 2161.639 282.661 264.310 263.483
Bayesian (BIC) 2137.018 261.927 243.576 242.750
Sample size–adjusted BIC 2196.044 2111.633 293.282 292.456
RMSEA 0 0 0 0
p value (,50.05) 0.991 0.948 0.912 0.919
SRMR 0.036 0.049 0.060 0.058
Annex D – Correlation Matrix Including Competition Indicator
202
Labor Productivity Labor Productivity Competition Cluster Cluster Cluster Cluster
per Worker per Hour Employment Establishments Capital Output