Journal of Leisure Research

ISSN: 0022-2216 (Print) 2159-6417 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ujlr20

The Psychological and Social Benefits of Sport and

Physical Activity

Leonard M. Wankel & Bonnie G. Berger

To cite this article: Leonard M. Wankel & Bonnie G. Berger (1990) The Psychological and
Social Benefits of Sport and Physical Activity, Journal of Leisure Research, 22:2, 167-182, DOI:
10.1080/00222216.1990.11969823

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00222216.1990.11969823

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journal of Leisure Research Copyright 1990
1990, Vol. 22, No.2, pp. 167-182 National Recreation and Park Association

The Psychological and Social Benefits of Sport and

Physical Activity
Leonard M. Wankel 1 Bonnie G. Berger
University of Alberta Brooklyn College of the
City University of New York

Csikszentmihalyi's ( 1982) model of sport values is used as a framework for

examining the benefits of sport. An overview is given of the research evidence
pertaining to the contribution of sport and physical activity to personal en-
joyment, personal growth, social integration and social change. In all four
areas, there is seen to be a potential for significant positive contributions;
however, there is also a potential for negative outcomes. The critical feature
then becomes identifying the prerequisite activity, leadership, organizational
and environmental conditions for facilitating positive outcomes. A number
of recommendations for future research directions are made with respect to
the different outcome areas.
KEYWORDS: Sport, physical activity, outcomes, benefits.

A full range of outcomes has been attributed to sport. At one extreme

critics have condemned modern sport for excessive violence, overemphasis
on winning, and exploitation of individuals. At the other, sport proponents
have extolled the contributions of sport to health, personal fulfillment,
enjoyment and community integration. These contrasting perspectives are
readily apparent in the popular press as well as in more scholarly publi-
cations (cf., Martens, 1978; Morgan & Goldston, 1987).
The futility of arguing whether sport is good or bad has been noted
by several authors. Sport, like most activities, is not 'a priori' good or bad
but has the potential for producing both positive and negative outcomes.
Hence, a more salient question is ... "what conditions are necessary for
sport to have beneficial outcomes?" In order to systematically assess the
potential positive outcomes of sport, and the conditions necessary to pro-
duce them, a theoretical model is essential. Csikszentmihalyi ( 1982) has
proposed one such model for this purpose.
The model is based on the premise that four main types of conse-
quences are of major importance when evaluating any sport activity. Two
of these consequences are at the individual level: personal enjoyment and
personal growth; while two are at the community level: social harmony I
integration and social growth/change. In terms of this model, an ideal
sport activity is one that contributes significantly to all four types of out-

1
The authors would like to thank Barry McPherson, Judy Sefton, Gary Smith and Peter Witt
for their helpful comments on a pre-publication draft.
Send correspondence concerning this article to Leonard M. Wankel Department of Rec-
reation and Leisure Studies, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, T6G 2H9.

167
168 WANKEL AND BERGER

comes. Conversely, a sport is considered to be limited to the extent that it

fails to contribute to the various desired outcomes. For example, a sport
that is enjoyable but does not lead to personal growth, social harmony or
desirable social change is less desirable than one which is both enjoyable
and leads to significant physical and psychological development.
This four component model will be used as the framework for the
current discussion of sport benefits. Specific benefits to be considered un-
der each type of value are summarized in Table 1. Various aspects of the
overall sport experience will be of differential importance when considering
the specific benefits.

Personal Enjoyment
"Recreational sport" by definition, refers to sport involvement which
is voluntarily chosen and which produces intrinsic rewards. This implies
that such sport provides something akin to enjoyment for the participants.
Otherwise, they would soon cease to participate. Indeed the argument that
sport is fun, that large numbers enjoy it and thus participate, is a common
justification for publicly sponsored sport programs. At the same time, this
tacit belief has tended to prevent any systematic analysis of what fun is and
what it is that specifically leads to it. In recent years, however attempts have
been made to go beyond such simple acceptance to consider what factors
influence the quality of the sport experience.
Studies indicate that fun or enjoyment is the most important self-
reported reason for participating in youth sports. In addition outcome
information reported by participants both during the season and at season-
end indicates that participants like playing sport (Wankel & Sefton, 1989).
Some progress has been made in delineating the nature of fun in sport

TABLE 1
Types of Benefits from Sport
II III IV
Personal Enjoyment Personal Growth Social Harmony Social Change

Enjoyment/Fun Physical Health Socialization Educational

Flow -cardiovascular Inter-Group Attainment
-muscular strength Relations Social Status
-muscular endurance Community Social Mobility
-flexibility Integration
-bone structure
-weight management
Psychological
Well Being
-anxiety reduction
-depression reduction
 SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY BENEFITS 169

and the factors facilitating it. Wankel and Sefton ( 1989) observed that over
a series of ten games, level of reported fun was consistently related to
positive affect as measured by semantic differential scales.
Several studies have identified factors important to fun or enjoyment.
Wankel and Kreisel (1985a) utilized a Thurstonian paired-comparison pro-
cedure to scale the importance of ten factors to enjoyment in the youth
sports hockey, baseball and soccer. The five items, excitement of the sport,
personal accomplishment, improving one's sport skills, testing one's skills
against others, and just doing the skills, which were interpreted as being
intrinsic motivation factors, contributed most to enjoyment. The social fac-
tors, being on a team and being with friends, were of secondary importance.
Winning the game, getting rewards, and pleasing others, items which were
classified as outcome oriented or extrinsic motivation factors, were of least
importance to enjoyment. This ordering of the factors was very consistent
across the 7-8,9-10, 11-12, and 13-14 age levels and three different sports:
soccer, baseball and hockey. Similar results were obtained in a study of
girls, ages 9 to 14 years, who participated in soccer, softball, basketball,
volleyball or gymnastics (Wankel, 1983).
Perception of one's ability or competence and self-reports of how well
one performs have consistently been related to enjoyment. This has been
true for different sports, different levels of competition and using different
measurement instruments (Brustad, 1988; Scanlan & Lewthwaite, 1986;
Wankel and Sefton, 1989). Game outcome has also been shown to influence
fun or enjoyment, but it has consistently been shown to be less important
than personal success (Scanlan & Lewthwaite, 1986, Wankel & Sefton,
1989).
The importance of challenge to intrinsic motivation is emphasized in
the "flow theory" ofCsikszentmihalyi ( 1975). Total immersion in an activity,
the state of flow, most frequently results when one faces challenges ap-
propriate to one's skills. Chalip, Csikszentmihalyi, Kleiber and Larson (1984)
found that, regardless of the particular sport or level of organization, chal-
lenge was positively related to positive affect. Level of challenge experi-
enced in a game was also a consistent predictor of reported fun in the
Wankel and Sefton (1989) study.
Adults, both as coaches and as parents, influence the enjoyment of
youth sport participants. Scanlan and Lewthwaite ( 1986) found the enjoy-
ment of age-group wrestlers to be positively related to high parental sat-
isfaction with performance, positive adult involvement and interactions and
low frequency of negative maternal interactions. Similarly, Brustad ( 1988)
reported a negative relationship between reported parental pressure and
enjoyment of youth basketball. In a study of leadership practices, athletes
whose coaches gave high levels of positive reinforcement and support were
found to like both the sport and their teammates more than did athletes
receiving less supportive and more punitive feedback (Smith & Smoll, 1984).
It is noteworthy that the athletes' perceptions of their coaches' behaviors
170 WANKEL AND BERGER

were more important to their reactions than were the coaches actual ob-
jective behaviors.
Research on youth sport attrition has indicated that, although many
of those leaving a sport do so in order to participate in another activity,
there are also a number who leave for more negative reasons such as
excessive pressure to win or to perform well (Gould, 1987). Wankel &
Kreisel ( 1985b) reported little overall consensus among youth sport par-
ticipants on aspects reducing sport enjoyment. Some "dislike" factors, how-
ever, distinguished between athletes who intended to continue playing the
sport the next year and those who did not. A factor analysis of 26 "dislike"
items resulted in six factors. Five of these factors distinguished between
those who intended to participate and those who did not. These factors
pertained to lack of involvement, perceived lack of ability, too serious ori-
entation with excessive emphasis on winning, dissatisfaction with one's coach
and/or teammates and aversive situations such as injury, razzing or rule
violations by opponents.
There is a dearth of research on adult enjoyment of organized sport.
Snyder and Spreitzer (1979), however, included intrinsic interest as a key
variable in their model of life-long sport involvement. With respect to more
general physical activity involvement, research indicates that enjoyment is
an important reason for both initiating and maintaining physical activity
involvement (Canada Fitness Survey, 1983; Wankel, 1988).
In considering the accumulated research on fun or enjoyment in sport,
although many of the separate measures which have been employed to
assess fun/enjoyment/satisfaction/positive effect can be criticized for ques-
tionable reliability and validity, the consistency of the accumulated results
with these different measures is impressive. There is considerable conver-
gence in the accumulated evidence regarding the importance of different
factors affecting the sport experience. Perceived competence or ability,
realistic task challenge and a supportive environment are important to
enjoyment.
There are a number of lines of promising research which warrant
further study. The research of Csikszentmihalyi and associates in compar-
ing adolescent experiences in sport to those in other life areas should be
replicated and extended. It would be useful to investigate such comparisons
for different age groups and for different individual difference variables.
There is a particular need for more research on the experience of different
adult populations in sport. Further research is needed on how different
types of activities, organizational structures, leadership practices and other
situational variables influence sport enjoyment. Research is also needed to
identify how the various dimensions of activity affect enjoyment in various
population groups. Finally, aside from research on aspects affecting fun,
there is a need to investigate how separate enjoyment interludes relate to
overall quality of life. How does fun affect overall happiness, mental health
and life-satisfaction?
 SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY BENEFITS 171

Personal Growth
Personal growth includes a variety of physical and psychological fac-
tors. Given the current space restrictions, because the physical benefits of
physical activity are relatively well-known they will not be discussed here.
Coverage will be restricted to a consideration of the contributions of sport
and physical activity to psychological well-being.

Psychological Well-Being
Substantial research evidence supports the association of psychological
well-being with regular involvement in physical activity (e.g. Berger & Hat-
field, in press; Morgan & Goldston, 1987). The exact nature of this rela-
tionship, however, is still unclear. Lack of agreement with respect to the-
oretical as well as operational definitions has resulted in disparate results
and confused interpretations. Frequently, studies have not clearly specified
the nature of the activity program. Despite these limitations, progress has
been made in clarifying the relationship of activity and well-being.
In the present discussion, emphasis will be placed upon identifying
major considerations and key issues in facilitating psychological benefits of
sport and physical activity. This discussion of benefits will be restricted to
the reduction of anxiety and depression.

Anxiety Reduction. Anxiety, a general foreboding about some im-

pending disaster that may either be real, imaginary, or unknown, is a serious
health hazard in North America. The one-month prevalence rate for anx-
iety disorders in the U.S.A. is 7.3 per cent of the general population (Lan-
ders, 1989). Anxiety is generally differentiated into two types, state anxiety
and trait anxiety. Commonly used measures of anxiety in exercise research
are the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (Spielberger et al., 1970) for both
trait and state anxiety and the Tension/ Anxiety scale of the Profile of Mood
States (POMS: McNair, Lorr & Droppleman, 1971) for state anxiety.
Noncompetitive, aerobic, individual, rhythmic physical activity has re-
peatedly been associated with decreases in tension and state anxiety in
normal populations. Such individuals who are not unusually anxious to
begin with, typically report "feeling better" after exercising (Berger & Owen,
1983; 1987). Since the benefits in state anxiety are short-term rather than
long-term, a regular physical activity program must be maintained for any
sustained benefit. Nevertheless, the duration of the benefits compare fa-
vourably with those of other stress reduction techniques (Raglin & Morgan
1987).
Highly stressed individuals and members of psychiatric populations
have reported decreases in both state and trait anxiety after exercising.
Illustrative of the long-term benefits, Long ( 1985) reported beneficial con-
sequences in terms of reduced anxiety and increased self-efficacy 15 months
after completion of a 10-weekjogging program.
172 WANKEL AND BERGER

Exercise is commonly prescribed for the treatment of anxiety. Sixty

percent of 1, 750 physicians polled reported that they prescribed exercise
for the management of anxiety (Ryan, 1983). The types of exercise pre-
scribed, in order of preference, were: walking, swimming, cycling, strength
training, and running. Exercise has been shown to be as effective as other
stress management techniques in reducing ongoing levels of anxiety. More
specifically, exercise has been reported to be as effective as the relaxation
response (e.g. Berger, Friedmann, & Eaton, 1988), stress inoculation (Long,
1983; 1985), and quiet rest (Raglin & Morgan, 1987).
Typical of these studies, Berger and colleagues (1988) compared the
psychological benefits among college students of (1) jogging, (2) the relax-
ation response, (3) a discussion group that included considerable group
interaction and support, and (4) a lecture-control situation. As expected,
jogging, the relaxation response, and the social support treatment groups
were all more effective in reducing short-term psychological stress than
was the lecture-control class. The finding that students in the jogging and
in the relaxation response treatment conditions reported significantly
greater benefits than did those in the discussion group indicates that these
treatment effects were in addition to any effects due to social interaction
and camaraderie.
Information about considerations for selecting activities to have opti-
mal anxiety reducing effects, as well as other desirable psychological con-
sequences, will be discussed at the end of this section.
Depression Reduction. Depression, a heterogeneous group of depres-
sive disorders, is characterized by generalized feelings of pessimism, de-
spair, sadness, self-hate and hopelessness (Klerman, 1979). It has replaced
anxiety as the most common psychological complaint (Greist, 1987; Kler-
man, 1979), and is especially prevalent in women.
Exercise has many advantages as a treatment modality for depression.
It is effective, inexpensive, convenient, and has none of the somatic side
effects of the tricyclic antidepressants. Approximately 80% of 1, 750 phy-
sicians surveyed indicated that they prescribed exercise for the manage-
ment of depression (Ryan, 1983). The research results on the relationship
between exercise and depression parallel those for exercise and anxiety,
although they are somewhat less consistent.
A number of researchers have reported invovlement in activity to be
associated with lower depression levels in normal populations (Berger &
Owen, 1983; 1988). Other researchers, however, have reported no effects
of activity on depression in normal populations (Morgan, 1983). Further
research is required to clarify to what extent these results reflect population,
activity and methodological differences in the studies.
The measure of depression that has been most successful when em-
ployed with non-clinical populations has been the depression subscale of
the POMS. This measure reflects a state measure of mood rather than a
stable personality characteristic. Although exercisers may not be especially
 SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY BENEFITS 173

depressed to begin with, after exercise their scores are even lower (Berger
& Owen, 1983; 1988).
Long-term decreases in depression following exercise have been re-
ported in a variety of depressed populations. Greist and colleagues ( 1979)
reported that an exercise program of walking and jogging was as effective
as two kinds of psychotherapy for depressed college students. The students
reported continued benefits as long as six months after treatment. Greist
( 1987) reported similar results in a second study comparing the effective-
ness of jogging, Benson's relaxation response, and group psychotherapy
in a group of depressed adult volunteers. Other positive results have been
reported for moderately depressed males (Sime, 1987), postcoronary pa-
tients (Kavanagh, et al., 1977), and hospitalized psychiatric populations
(Martinsen, 1987).

Possible Underlying Mechanisms and Program Implications

Although exercise has been associated with both reduced anxiety levels
and decreased depression, the underlying mechanisms mediating the re-
lationships have not been determined. A variety of mediating mechanisms
have been suggested. Some benefits might result from psychological pro-
cesses such as distraction or time out from daily stress, social interaction,
feelings of accomplishment, and enhanced self-confidence and self-esteem
(Long, 1983, 1985 ). Physiological mechanisms, which may mediate psy-
chological benefits, include elevated endorphin levels, increased body tem-
perature, changes in respiratory patterns, increased blood flow and oxy-
genation to the central nervous system, and catecholamine changes. For
detailed reviews of these mechanisms see Berger and Hatfield (in press)
and Morgan and O'Connor (1988). These suggested mechanisms have
implications for designing activity programs for mental health benefits.
A psychological explanation for mental health benefits of exercise
places emphasis on the attitude or state of mind of the individual during
the activity. Enjoyment of the activity and escape or time-out from on-going
life stress are important. As previously discussed, enjoyment or fun is an
individual perception highly related to perceived competence and activity
preference. Individual preferences may relate to: activity type, activity in-
tensity level, environmental conditions, competition, and individual versus
group format (Berger & Owen, 1988; Wankel, 1985).
Several researchers have reported positive psychological effects of ac-
tivity programs even when the activity level was not sufficient to produce
an aerobic training effect (Berger & Owen, 1988; 1989; Brown & Siegel,
1988). In addition, some evidence indicates that too intense exercise can
negate the psychological benefits associated with activity (Berger & Owen,
1988; Morgan et al., 1988). Apart from the activity itself, aversive envi-
ronments can undermine psychological benefits of activity. Berger and
Owen ( 1986) reported no psychological benefits of activity when the phys-
174 WANKEL AND BERGER

ical environment was extremely hot. A number of authors have emphasized

that a competitive orientation can be counterproductive (Morgan et al.,
1988).
Some research attention has been addressed to the type of task and
the type of thought occurring during physical activity. Further research is
necessary, however, to establish whether there are clear differences in closed
or open tasks or in associative or dissociative thinking with respect to psy-
chological outcomes.
As with the psychological explanations, there is a lack of clarity con-
cerning the physiological mechanisms which may mediate beneficial psy-
chological effects of activity (Morgan & O'Connor, 1988). For any physi-
ologically based model it would appear that the basic dimensions of activity
(intensity, duration, frequency, type) would be relevant considerations.
Aerobic exercise (e.g., running, swimming) is the activity type which has
most commonly been shown to produce psychological benefits (e.g., Berger
et al. 1988; Berger & Owen 1983; Long, 1983; 1985; Raglin & Morgan,
1987).
Adequate intensity is required to produce a physiological training ef-
fect, however as previously indicated too much intensity may undermine
enjoyment and its positive psychological effect. The existing conditioning
level of the individual influences the optimal intensity level for psycholog-
ical benefits (Boutcher & Landers, 1988).
With respect to exercise duration, some researchers have reported
psychological benefits from as little as 8 to 30 minutes of exercise (Berger,
1986; Berger et al, 1988; Berger & Owen, 1983; 1988; Boutcher & Landers,
1988). Other research suggests that increasing the duration from 30 to 45
to 60 minutes may result in greater psychological benefits (Carmack &
Martens, 1979).
In summary, although some very tentative guidelines are available for
establishing physical activity programs for psychological benefits, much
more research is needed. Information concerning exercise type, intensity,
duration and frequency would be of particular value. In the ensuing sec-
tions attention will be turned from the individual benefits of sport to the
social benefits. Any consideration of socialization and social integration
must be framed within the contrasting perspectives of social stability/har-
mony and social change. Successful adaptation within any social system
requires assimilation of the requisite norms and values. At the same time,
because systems are imperfect and inequities exist, change is desirable.

Social Integration
Sport can serve as a vehicle for the transmission of knowledge, values
and norms. The specific values conveyed may be those of the dominant
society or conversely those of a divergent sub-group. Therefore, sport
might contribute either to differentiation and stratification or to integration
in the overall society. Socialization is a dynamic two-way process. Not only
 SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY BENEFITS 175

are minorities socialized into dominant structures but they also change the
existing structure. Thus, while minority groups (e.g. European hockey
players) play the dominant form of activity in the society (North American
hockey), they also introduce changes into that sport (e.g. greater emphasis
on speed and finesse rather than strength and intimidation). A number of
authors (e.g., Allison & Luschen, 1973; Boersma 1979) have described the
adaptation of various sports to suit the values of specific cultures. Although
"the same sport" may be played, it is played in different ways, with different
emphases, adaptations and meanings to reflect the particular culture of
the players.
From a social stratification perspective, evidence indicates that differ-
ent sports appeal to different socio-economic classes and reinforce differ-
ences (Greendorfer, 1978). On the other hand, sport may also serve to
transmit general values. Studies of the values conveyed through sport
whether in the form of the dressing room slogans of high school coaches,
journal and newspaper writings on sport or the media guides of collegiate
and professional athletic organizations indicate an emphasis on hard-work,
discipline, character, competition and winning (Snyder & Spreitzer, 1989).
Survey research with different populations has also indicated that there is
general acceptance that sport has positive value both for the individual and
the society. Despite this widespread belief in the socializing value of sports,
there is little empirical evidence to indicate that sport involvement produces
desirable personality or character development, moral development or so-
cial values (McPherson et al., 1989).
Research on the relationship of athletic involvement and delinquency
rates has generally indicated a negative association (Segrave, 1983). The
relationship has been found to be strongest for elementary and high school
athletes of lower socio-economic class, a group where general delinquency
is more prevalent. This statistical association, however, does not imply that
sport causes a decrease in delinquency. A lack of longitudinal studies pre-
cludes elimination of such alternate explanations as a selt~ction of less de-
linquent individuals into sport or elimination of the delinquent prone from
sport prior to study by researchers. Further, it is questionable if this re-
lationship holds for older age groups, especially in view of the considerable
recent publicity given to rule violations, cheating, drug abuse and violence
in college and professional atheletes.
Aggression has become more endemic in sport as greater emphasis
has been placed on the importance of winning. Assaultive acts have become
more prevalent in many team sports and have been related to a variety of
instrumental and expressive functions (Colburn, 1986). Bredemeier and
Shields ( 1987) report that involvement in sport, especially contact sport, is
associated with a lower level of moral reasoning.
The reality of sport might not reflect peoples's wishes. Larson, Spreitzer
and Snyder (1975) found that parents' perceptions of current emphases
within a youth hockey league differed from their expressed preferences.
The parents felt that winning and learning to compete were emphasized
176 WANKEL AND BERGER

more than desirable. On the other hand, they felt that more emphasis
should be placed upon developing skills, learning sportsmanship and hav-
ing fun. An extensive study of parent attitudes toward the conduct of
hockey programs in Ontario indicated considerable dissatisfaction (Mc-
Pherson & Davidson, 1980). Much of the criticism of non-desirable practices
in youth sport or the questioning of coaching practices is not directed at
the official or intended objectives or values but rather at some of the
nonofficial emphases. This discrepancy has been at least partially respon-
sible for the development of a number of coaching leadership programs
to improve the quality of leadership in youth sports (Wiggens, 1987).
Limited research has been conducted on the effects of sport partici-
pation upon intra- and intergroup relations. M. Sheriff and associates'
(1961) classic study of interpersonal relations at a summer camp clearly
indicated the potential of sport to alter intra- and interteam relations. A
program of intergroup competitions with a competitive based reward sys-
tem markedly affected friendship structures and interpersonal relations.
Intragroup relations were strengthened while relations between members
of competing teams became strained and even hostile. Subsequent intro-
duction of external threats and superordinate goals (e.g., the need for all
groups to cooperate to deal with a break-down in the water system and a
shortage of food) resulted in cooperation and improved interpersonal re-
lations.
No simple generalization can be drawn concerning the effect of sport
on group harmony. On the basis of the existing research, it seems likely
that sharing experiences and working together under conditions of com-
petitive stress will draw teammates closer. It is not unusual, however, to
find strong rivalries and even hostilities between teammates. With respect
to intergroup relations, no simple effect of sport invovlement is apparent.
Sport requires both competition and cooperation from opposing players/
teams. Which element is emphasized will dictate the predominant outcome
in terms of intergroup relations. If striving to do one's best and self-testing
of oneself against a worthy opponent is the orientation, it is likely that
positive interpersonal relations will result. On the other hand, if the game
outcome is emphasized and winning is given primary emphasis rather than
the process of competing, negative relations are likely to accrue. The social
context and expectations provided emphasize these different outcomes.
For example, the rugby tournament, where considerable emphasis is placed
on socializing with opponents off the playing field, is in marked contrast
to the norms of professional hockey or football where off-field fraternizing
with the opposition, especially prior to a "big game", is strongly discouraged
if not forbidden.
International sport competition has been associated with both positive
and negative outcomes in terms of international relations. On the positive
side examples are available at the individual level of athletes from different
countries forming friendships, even to the extent of marital unions. Sport
also has occasionally served an important role in international diplomacy
 SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY BENEFITS 177

(e.g., "ping pong diplomacy," "good will games"). On the other hand, in-
ternational sporting events have served as the immediate stimuli for trig-
gering major international incidents.
Although, sport proponents advocate the role of sport in modeling
improved race relations, there is little evidence that permanent changes in
attitude or prejudice occur due to participation on interracial teams (Chu
& Griffey, 1985; Rees & Miracle, 1984). As in other areas, outcomes are
variable depending upon the particular context. Particular outcomes reflect
the specific emphasis, leadership and social context. Such variable outcomes
are evident in the literature on ethnicity and sport. Research on community
soccer teams has indicated that assimilation of ethnic groups into the main-
stream society may occur when the team represents diverse ethnic groups
(Pooley, 1976) but if a club is composed of a relatively homogenous ethnic
group, assimilation is less likely (Frogner, 1985). Under these later con-
ditions, integration into the ethnic community is more likely than assimi-
lation into the mainstream society.
Although much has been written about the socialization effects of sport
and the impact of sport on social integration, the research on which this
literature is based has major limitations. The evidence is either of an an-
ecdotal nature or is based on limited self-report measures. Further, most
of the research has utilized research designs which are not able to determine
causality. Hence, there is a general need for longitudinal research em-
ploying appropriate measurement tools to substantiate the various tentative
generalizations currently suggested (Coakley, 1986). Bearing this caveat in
mind, in this section it has been observed that sport has the potential for
fostering desirable values as well as social integration. For these positive
outcomes to be realized, however, a number of conditions must be met.
To this end, several researcher-authors have suggested guidelines for youth
sport leadership practices (e.g., Smith & Smoll, 1984). Essentially these
recommendations focus on the importance of keeping winning in per-
spective and emphasizing a positive, enjoyable youth sport experience which
facilitates the development of desirable skills and behavioral practices for
all participants. Emphasis is placed on the importance of positive role models
and the use of positive reinforcement to encourage the desired behaviours.
A number of coaching development programs have been developed to
foster such approaches (National Coaching Certification Program, 1979;
Wiggens, 1987).

Social Change
Social change frequently results when a group of individuals collec-
tively acquire a shared perception of beliefs, values, goals, and actions
concerning desired changes in ~he society. The desired changes may be
relatively minor and incremental, reflecting a reformist perspective to
change (e.g., fine tune the current system to provide more equitable op-
portunities), or more wide-sweeping, systemic changes reflecting a radical
178 WANKEL AND BERGER

perspective that the whole system should be replaced or at least drastically

over-hauled. Paralleling the nature of the changes undertaken, the actions
of the group to bring about the desired changes may vary considerably in
level of planning and organization.
Changes within sport and general societal change have a two-way in-
teractive relationship. General societal changes impact upon and change
sport while at the same time changes within sport impact upon and facilitate
change in the overall society. Typically, sport has been considered to be
one of the most traditional, most conservative elements in society (Snyder
& Spreitzer, 1989). Nevertheless, it has not always been so and need not
be so. As emphasized throughout, sport has the potential for markedly
different outcomes. Recent public attention to the problem of drugs within
sport has served to focus attention on this general social problem. A
number of high profile athletes have served as agents of change by par-
ticipating in programs for educating young people about the dangers of
drugs.
Reference is frequently made to the potential of sport to serve as a
vehicle for improving the life chances of disadvantaged individuals or groups.
The "rags to riches" stories of selected athletes who have risen from humble
beginnings in poverty to positions of prominence and affluence are pre-
sented as exemplary models of social mobility. Although such examples do
exist, they undoubtedly constitute the exception rather than the rule. Not
only are the odds of "making it" in professional sport very poor but in
many cases the improved financial status is very short lived (Lapchick, 1987;
Smith & Diamond, 1976). It is increasingly recognized that sport involve-
ment does not really provide a viable alternative to education and work as
a means for achieving success and upward mobility.
An alternate hypothesis is that sport might facilitate social mobility in
an indirect manner through facilitating educational attainment at the high
school and college levels. There is some evidence to indicate that former
high school and college athletes who graduate, earn more and have higher
occupational prestige than do the non-participant cohort. It is not clear,
however, how this improved position comes about as a variety of expla-
nations might account for the observed relationship (McPherson et al.,
1989; Snyder & Spreitzer, 1989).
Research comparing the academic achievement of athletes and non-
athletes has yielded inconsistent results. These inconsistencies indicate that
a number of other factors must be taken into consideration when inter-
preting the relationship of athletic involvement and academic achievement.
Factors which have been shown to influence this relationship include: level
of competition, academic emphasis of institution, specific sport, gender and
socio-economic status (Lapchick, 1987, Sack, 1987).
As was the case for socialization and social integration, it must be
concluded that there is a lack of conclusive evidence to demonstrate the
effectiveness of sport as an agent of social mobility or social change. Once
more, however, it would appear that given the existence of the appropriate
leadership and social context, positive outcomes in these areas might result.
 SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY BENEFITS 179

Conclusion
Sport participation can result in a number of benefits. In terms of
Csikszentmihalyi's four component model, it has been shown that there are
a number of potential benefits in each of the areas: personal enjoyment;
personal growth, social harmony and social change. In every case, however,
the realization of these outcomes is contingent upon participation in an
appropriate program. In the case of physical health benefits, this is essen-
tially an activity program consisting of appropriate type, intensity, duration
and frequency of activity to produce the particular benefit desired. For
personal enjoyment and psychological benefits to accrue, the particular
activity considerations remain important, but in addition the whole orga-
nizational and social context also becomes significant. Especially important
to enjoyment are activity challenges appropriate to the individual's skill
level and a positive, supportive social environment. With respect to social
outcomes, sport has the potential to promote social harmony between groups
or to foster greater rivalry and conflict. Similarly, although sport partici-
pants are often considered to hold very conservative, traditional values,
sport has the potential to serve as an agent for social change. Which out-
comes prevail depend upon the leadership and what values are emphasized
in a particular sport context.
Given the extremely broad scope of potential outcomes, it is impossible
to recommend appropriate research strategies for investigating overall sport
benefits. In researching any particular outcome, considerations must be
given to clearly operationalizing the particular construct while manipulat-
ing, or systematically observing, variations in the dimensions of interest
while controlling for extraneous influences. A number of recommendations
for research directions were given in the sections dealing with specific
outcomes, One generalization across different types of sport benefits is that
there is a need for more longitudinal research. This is true with respect to
physical health benefits, psychological benefits and social outcomes.

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