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Meyer, L - Innovation, Choice and The History of Music
Meyer, L - Innovation, Choice and The History of Music
Meyer, L - Innovation, Choice and The History of Music
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Inquiry.
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Leonard B. Meyer
The history of music, like that of other arts, is often pictured as a com-
plex succession of distinctive styles. But unless one posits some neces-
sary, a priori pattern of style change-cyclic, dialectic, evolutionary, or
whatever-which I find methodologically suspect and intellectually un-
congenial, this view seems too general and abstract a place to begin. For
the history of an art is the result of the succession of choices made by
individual men and women in specific compositional/cultural circum-
stances.1 Since styles change only because particular compositional
choices do, an understanding both of how composers devise or invent
novel means and of why they choose some means rather than others
must be central to any account of the nature of music history. The
distinction between innovating and choosing is necessary because, as
we shall see, composers usually have at their disposal many more
alternatives than can be included in a particular work. The distinction is
important because considerable confusion ensues when the side of
creativity that involves the devising of novelty is emphasized at the ex-
pense of the side concerned with choosing among competing pos-
sibilities.
This essay has greatly benefited from the thoughtful criticism and perceptive com-
ments of Alan C. Kors, Janet M. Levy, Peter J. Rabinowitz, David Rosand, and Barbara
Herrnstein Smith. I am very grateful for their help.
1. Such choices need not be deliberate or even conscious. For further discussion, see
my "Toward a Theory of Style," in The Conceptof Style, ed. Berel Lang (Philadelphia, 1979),
pp. 3-6.
517
1. Innovation
Not all novel compositional choices, then, are the province of his-
tory. Explaining the choices replicated solely within a single work is
essentially a concern of criticism, while accounting for choices confined
to the oeuvre of a single composer is the business of style-biography.
Only choices that are replicated by a number of composers, thereby
becoming part of a shared dialect, are the proper province of history.
(Needless to say, this in no way implies that criticism can ignore the
choices characteristic of a composer's idiom and of the shared dialect or
that style-biography can disregard the choices that are typical of the
compositional community.)
Before going further, it will be helpful to consider briefly the notion
that novelty per se is a fundamental human need. Experiments with
human beings, as well as with animals, indicate that the maintenance of
normal, successful behavior depends upon an adequate level of incom-
ing stimulation-or, as some have put it, of novelty.2 But lumping all
novelty together is misleading. At least three kinds of novelty need to be
distinguished. (1) Some novel patterns arise out of, or represent,
changes in the fundamental rules governing the organization of musical
processes and structures. By significantly weakening our comprehension
of the musical relationships presented-undermining not only our
understanding of what is past but our ability to envisage what is to
come-such systemic change seriously threatens our sense of psychic
security and competent control. Far from being welcome, the insecurity
and uncertainty thus engendered is at least as antipathetic, disturbing,
and unpleasant as stimulus privation. (2) Novel patterns may also result
from the invention of a new strategythat accords with prevalent stylistic
rules. Though they may initially seem to threaten existing competencies,
the function and significance of novel strategies within the larger set of
stylistic constraints can usually be grasped without too much delay or
difficulty. For a while the tensions produced by strategic innovation may
seem disturbing. But in the end, when our grasp of the principles or-
dering events is confirmed and our sense of competency is reestablished
and control is reinforced, tension is resolved into an elation that is both
stimulating and enjoyable. (3) Most novel patterns-original themes,
rhythms, harmonic progressions, and so forth-involve the innovative
instantiationor realization of an existing strategy or schema (see examples
1-3 below).3 Novelties of this kind not only enhance our sense of
control-a feeling that we know how things really "work"-but provide
both the pleasure of recognition and the joy of skillfully exercising some
2. For further discussion, see my Music, the Arts, and Ideas (Chicago, 1967), p. 50.
3. Rules are transpersonal but intracultural constraints-for instance, the pitch/time
entities established in some style, as well as grammatical and syntactic regularities. Strate-
gies are general means (constraints) for actualizing some of the possibilities that are poten-
tial in the rules of the style. The rules of a style are relatively few, while the number of
possible strategies may, depending upon the nature of the rules, be very large indeed. The
ways of instantiating a particular strategy are, if not infinite, at least beyond reckoning.
suggested) and more according to how much cognitive stability-how much inertia-they
are able to produce.
8. Probably this really works the other way around; that is, the axiom of inertia leads
us to formulate stabilizing concepts, and where such stabilization proves possible, a realm is
differentiated.
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Example 3
The motive of example 2c, on the other hand, comes at the close of a
descending melody which is basically conjunct and linear (see example 3,
graphs b and c). Though the replicated motives form novel relationships
with what precedes and follows them on the foreground level, they may
at the same time be part of replication on a higher level. Thus the motive
that begins the slow movement of Haydn's "Military Symphony," to-
gether with what follows it, forms part of a familiar triadic schema (see
example 3, graph a).
Finally, it is relevant to observe that any performance of a piece of
music that does not slavishly parrot an earlier performance involves
what might be called "interpretive" innovation. Within the traditions of
their musical culture, performers devise novel realizations of a potential
pattern (in our culture, often a notated score) and then choose from
those possibilities. Innovation exists on the level of performance, and for
this reason performers are considered to be creative artists. But on the
level of the "work," there has obviously been replication.
Save where novelty results from the permutation and combination
of patterns on a single hierarchic level, the force and frequency of in-
novation are, not surprisingly, related to the hierarchic structuring of
constraints. In general, high-level changes (innovations) in a set of
2. Choice
13. The question of what constitutes an exact replica is more complicated than it
might at first appear. See my discussion of miming below, pp. 536-38.
14. "Apparently," because it is possible that such "rejected" novelties may be con-
sequential at some future time.
innovation (as progress), our age has conceived of creativity almost en-
tirely in terms of the need for, and devising of, novel relationships.
Investigators have continually asked little children, as well as famous
artists and scientists: How does one get new ideas? Where do they come
from? Though doubtless of great psychological interest, this concern
with the causes and sources of innovation has had unfortunate conse-
quences for our understanding of history. Unwarranted emphasis on
the generation of novelty has led to an almost total neglect of the other
side of creativity-namely, that of choosing. Of course choosing is always
done by some individual. But the constraints that seem most to influence
the compositional choices that shape the course of music history are not
those peculiar to the individual composer's psyche but those of the prev-
alent musical style and of the cultural community.
This last observation has significant implications for our under-
standing of influence and, ultimately, for our accounts of change in the
arts. First, it indicates that, although the term "influence" is generally
used to refer to relationships within a particular art, whatever affects the
choices made by an artist is an influence.15 Cultural beliefs and attitudes,
the predilections of patrons, or acoustical conditions may, for instance,
be every bit as influential as prior musical compositions.16 Indeed, some
compositions (such as Carl Maria von Weber's Der Freischiitz)may have
become "exemplary," and hence influential, precisely because they were
favored and chosen for cultural, rather than purely musical, reasons.17
Second, this viewpoint makes it evident that just as novelty is om-
nipresent, so possible sources of influence abound-in prior composi-
tions, in the other arts, in cultural ideology, in political and social circum-
15. For a careful discussion of this aspect of influence, see Goran Hermeren, Influence
in Art and Literature(Princeton, N.J., 1975).
16. What is usually meant by influence within an art is simply a special kind of
replication-one in which a particular patterning can be traced to specific features of some
earlier work or to characteristic traits of some composer's idiom. This view accounts for an
observation made in my Explaining Music: Essays and Explorations (Berkeley, 1973), pp.
73-75: namely, that there is no in principle difference between similarities (replications)
explicitly devised by the composer and those that occur because the constraints of the style
make them probable. What is involved is a continuum of replications from those that occur
only within a single movement to those that transcend all cultural historical
boundaries-as, for instance, with the ubiquity of the octave and the fifth as stable entities.
17. What I mean by an exemplary work is one whose commanding presence is such
that its specific means (whether innovative or not), as well as its more general character,
have a compositional/cultural impact and resonance that are inescapable. One thinks per-
haps of such works as Josquin's Missa Pange lingua, Monteverdi's Fifth Book of Madrigals,
Handel's Messiah, Beethoven's Ninth Symphony, and so on. Works not at first considered
exemplary-for instance, Bach's St. MatthewPassion-subsequently may become so.
The notion of an exemplary work is similar to George Kubler's concept of a "prime"
work. But because an influential realization may not be the first instance but only an
effective proclaimer of novel means, I prefer the term "exemplary." See Kubler, The Shape
of Time (New Haven, Conn., 1962).
stances, and so on. Since any specific source of influence is only one
among a large number of possibilities available to a composer, a particu-
lar work of art or a cultural belief is never more than apotential influence.
To be an actual influence, it must be chosen by the composer. And, as
with innovation, the central and consequential problem for history is not
showing that influence occurred-or even tracing genetic connections-
but understanding and explaining why it took place: Why, that is, out of
the multitude of possibilities was this one influential?
Third, the concept of influence, like that of creativity, has been
confused because emphasis on the source of influence has been so strong
that the act of compositional choice has been virtually ignored. And
when the importance of the prior source is thus stressed, there is a
powerful tendency to transform it surreptitiously into a cause-as though
the composer's choice were somehow an "effect," a necessary conse-
quence of the mere existence of the prior source. This concept of how
influence works is at once confirmed and reinforced by our ordinary way
of speaking about such matters: for example, "Gluck's operas influenced
Mozart's" = Gluck's operas are the active agents, Mozart's are the passive
receivers.
Not only our concept of how influence works and our attitudes
toward creativity but our whole way of thinking about the histories of the
arts has been biased and ultimately crippled by what might be called
"covert causalism." In this model of temporal change-and it is virtually
the only one available in our culture-prior patterns or conditions are
routinely regarded as active causal agents, while later events are reg-
ularly relegated to the position of being passive, necessary results or
effects. All is post hoc, propter hoc.18
The inclination to conceptualize the world in terms of causal con-
nections is so powerfully ingrained in our culture's way of thinking that
our language subtly tends to suggest, through the use of that ubiquitous
conjunction "because," that all explanations are causal.19 Thus, asked
why the earth moves around the sun, someone might reply, "because of
the law of gravity." However, though it is common to refer to gravity as a
"force" (suggesting notions of causation), properly speaking, it is not a
cause. As Henry Margenau writes, "Newton's law of gravitation . . . sets
20. Henry Margenau, "Meaning and Scientific Status of Causality," in Philosophyof Sci-
ence, ed. Arthur Danto and Sidney Morgenbesser (New York, 1964), p. 437. In a footnote
on page 462 of the same book is the following quotation from the conclusion of Newton's
Principia: "I have not been able to discover the cause of those properties of gravity.... It is
enough that gravity does really exist, and act according to the laws we have explained."
21. One of these explanations specially common in the temporal arts is the kind in
which earlier events or patternings are understood to imply later ones. But the under-
standing of such "if ... then" relationships is probabilistic, not causal. For instance, it seems
entirely proper to assert that in Western tonal music a progression from subdominant to
dominant harmony implies the imminence of tonic harmony. But it would seem strange
indeed to suggest that the earlier harmonies "caused" the later one. Another kind of
noncausal explanation is found in synchronic histories such as Jacob Burckhardt's The
Civilization of the Renaissancein Italy and Johan Huizinga's The Waning of the Middle Ages, or
in synchronic analyses of music such as those presented in Rudolph Reti's The Thematic
Process in Music. These accounts explain some phenomenon-e.g., the Renaissance or a
Beethoven sonata movement-by showing that seemingly disparate elements (philosoph-
ical ideas, works of art, institutions, or contrasting musical motives) can be related to one
another through some common higher-level principle. Since the relationships discovered
are not essentially temporal, they cannot be causal.
22. J. M. Burgers, "Causality and Anticipation," Science 18 (July 1975): 195.
23. See Ruth A. Solie, "The Living Work: Organicism and Musical Analysis,"
Nineteenth-CenturyMusic 4 (Fall 1980): 147-56.
24. Observe that psychoanalyticaccounts of creativityusually combine the covert
causalismof the organic model with the mirrormetaphor:the experiencesof infancyand
early childhood, passing through certain preordained phases of development (like an
organism), are the seeds (causes)that shape the psyche of the artist (effect); the psyche,
thus formed, is reflected in (causes)the work of art created (effect).
25. It should be emphasizedthat those who posit that historicalexplanationrequires
the use of general principles (for instance, Carl G. Hempel and his followers) are not
necessarilyarguing for causalaccounts.For there are general principlesthat are not causal
(see above, pp. 530-31). As far as I can see, the explanationof particularhistoricalevents
alwaysinvolvesthe use of both generalprinciplesof some sort (hypothesesor theoriescon-
necting events) and what I have called ad hoc reasons (see my "Concerningthe Sciences,
the Arts-AND the Humanities,"CriticalInquiryI [Sept. 1974]: 197-202).
26. For an importantpresentationof this model, see Kubler'sShapeof Time.
and occasionally the invention of new strategies. (On the level of rules,
novelty is even less likely.) And there is little reason to suppose that such
strategic variation will, in and of itself, necessarily generate higher-level
goals or problems. Second, because compositions invariably result from
the balancing of competing claims (for example, the aesthetic ideals of
the composer, the constraints of the style employed, the ideology of the
culture, the taste of the audience, the availability of performers, and so
on), they may be satisfactory-perhaps even superb-but they seldom
constitute the only possible or optimal solution. As a result, it is im-
possible, save in exceptional circumstances, to infer from the work what
the problem was.
The "problems" posed by works of art are elusive and ambiguous.
For what we know are the solutions: individual compositions. And what
we try to do is infer what the problems might have been.29 In other
words, instead of problem solving, the history of music might better be
likened to a parlor game in which the participants (historians) are given
answers (works of art) and asked to guess the questions. The exemplary
case runs as follows:
Answer: 9-W
Question: Do you spell your name with a "V" Herr Wagner?
Translation: Nein, W.
Whatever its guise, covert causalism has tended not only to bias
historical inquiry by emphasizing origins at the expense of explanations
of style change but also to misdirect those studies intended to trace
changes from early instances to subsequent developments. This is be-
cause the model virtually requires that the problem of change be for-
mulated in terms of a linear series of complex wholes. That is, it has
tended to encourage questions such as: What is the origin (source, seed,
cause) of some genre (opera), form (sonata form), or procedure (ostinato
bass)? But there seems little justification for supposing that this is the way
in which changes of style usually occur. Rather, change seems mainly to
take place not through the gradual transformation of complex wholes
(shades of the organic metaphor) but through the permutation and re-
combination of more or less discrete, separable traits or clusters of traits.
And the traits involved may come-be chosen by the composer-from
sources of disparate stylistic and cultural provenance. In short, it is mis-
29. My position here is close to that of James S. Ackerman, who writes: "What is called
'evolution' in the arts should not be described as a succession of steps towards the solution
of a given problem, but as a succession of steps away from one or more original statements
of a problem .... The pattern of style change, then, is not determined by any destiny nor
by a common goal, but by a succession of complex decisions as numerous as the works of
art by which we have defined the style" ("A Theory of Style,"Journal of Aestheticsand Art
Criticism20 [Spring 1962]: 232).
3. History
30. For further discussion, see Herbert A. Simon, Models of Thought (New Haven,
Conn., 1979), chap. 1.1.
31. See Maynard Solomon, Beethoven (New York, 1977), p. 138.
32. Simon, Models of Thought, p. 3. Though the theory of "satisficing" was proposed
only recently, the results of the phenomenon were recognized by Alexander Pope long
ago: "Whoever thinks a faultless piece to see, / Thinks what ne'er was, nor is, nor e're shall
be" (An Essay on Criticism).
33. John R. Searle, SpeechActs: An Essay in the Philosophyof Language (London, 1974),
chap. 2.
If I say "Jones made the move, 'pawn to king four,'" a full and
sufficient verification of my claim is that Jones shifted a charac-
teristically shaped piece of wood from a certain place on a
chessboard to a certain other place. Yet this is only part of the story.
I would not say that Jones had made the move, should he know
nothing of the game, and were merely moving the piece at random;
nor would I say so if he knew how to play chess but were amusing
himself by replaying some master's game.... In using the lan-
guage of chess, I take for granted the institution of chess playing
and a host of related facts. Before I can teach anybody how to use
the language of chess, I must acquaint him with this background of
presuppositions.34
And this holds equally true for the arts. In order for a pattern to be
replicated in a significant way-rather than being merely mimed or
parroted-it must be understood as part of a known (but probably inter-
nalized) set of rules and strategies. Mere parroting involves presenting
the lineaments of a pattern without comprehending the underlying con-
straints that generated the relationships.35 Hamlet's famous lines make
precisely this distinction:
34. Max Black, Models and Metaphors:Studies in Language and Philosophy(Ithaca, N.Y.,
1962), p. 165.
35. The preceding discussion, and the terms developed in this essay, suggests a re-
formulation of the concept of imitation: namely, an imitation is a special kind of replication
that borrows elements and relationships from one realm (usually elements on a low hierar-
chic level), "real life," but uses them in another realm that has its own set of constraints-its
own principles and goals. Thus fictional literature borrows the trappings and the suits of
observed human action but plays a significantly different "game" with them. This view
owes much to the work of Barbara Herrnstein Smith; see her On the Margins of Discourse
(Chicago, 1978), chaps. 2 and 5.
some specific passage. However, unless they are shared by other mem-
bers of the compositional community, such inclinations and intentions
will not give rise to a musical practice that goes beyond opus or oeuvre.
Let me illustrate this viewpoint with some examples. A plot/schema
frequently encountered in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is
one in which a virtuous but poor, humble, and perhaps disfigured indi-
vidual is discovered (usually suddenly) to be of wealthy, noble origin.
One thinks, for instance, of "Beauty and the Beast" (and countless other
fairy tales), of TomJones, The Prince and thePauper, and H.M.S. Pinafore.39
Now the interesting and important historical problem is not discovering
the first instance of this schema, identifying its author, or even account-
ing for its origin.40 Rather the important historical problem is explaining
why it was so popular-so frequently replicated in various guises-in the
tales, novels, and dramas of the eighteenth and nineteenth century. Part
of the explanation is, I think, cultural. The story was selected and rep-
licated because it touched upon and vicariously resolved a profound
and poignant ambivalence in the beliefs and attitudes of the middle class.
It was an ambivalence in which an ideology calling for the rejection of
the hereditary privileges and authoritarian prerogatives of the ancien
regime had to be reconciled with a repressed yet lingering yearning for
the deference, difference, and perquisites conferred by class distinction.
It can also be illuminating to ask why some trait or schema com-
monly replicated in one period is not in some other. For instance, the
fugue subjects given in example 4 (see brackets) are realizations of a
Clavier,Book I
Bach,Well-Tempered
a.
i^bb7Handel, Messiah
c.
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Example4
39. The aesthetic use of such conventions is discussed in Peter J. Rabinowitz, "Asser-
tion and Assumption: Fictional Patterns and the External World," PMLA 96 (May 1981):
416-18.
40. Accounting for a plot's origin may in the vast majority of instances be impossible
anyway. For example, according to the New Columbia Encyclopedia, the Cinderella story
"(dating back to 9th-century China) exists in 500 versions in Europe alone" (4th ed., s.v.
"Cinderella").
Example 5
42. For further discussion, see Norwood R. Hanson, Patterns of Discovery (London,
1965), p. 64.
43. Such information might, of course, be relevant in some other history: for exam-
ple, that of French cuisine-as being perhaps the first instance of the preparation of
"tournedos Rossini." Observe, however, that the initial instance is worth recording only
because the recipe has been frequently replicated, becoming part of the culinary dialect of
continental cooking.
44. It does not follow, I hasten to add, from the reciprocity of data and theory, that
theories determine facts. Facts exist apart from the theories that make them relationally
significant; that is, they exist as "brute" facts. Were this not so, intellectual history would
not exist or would merely be a random succession. For it is in part the recalcitrant existence
of discrepant data that necessitates the revision of theory and thereby results in intellectual
history.
of change. In causation that agent (the cause) belongs to the set of prior
conditions: x causesy (effect). In influence, on the other hand, the kinetic
agent of change-the individual who chooses to innovate (and to use) or
to replicate-belongs to the set of subsequent conditions: x is chosen byy
(the artist/agent).
In sum, what I am suggesting is that, beguiled by the blandishments
(the seeming simplicity and certainty) of causal models, we have been
looking for the reasons for style change at the wrong end of the creative
process. It is not that I want to deny the relevance of innovative inven-
tion, sources of influence, or origins of musical means. Rather, I am
urging that what are primary and central are the bases and reasons for
compositional choice. Stated succinctly: in the invention and initial use of
novelty, the individual proposes-and studying this is partly the prov-
ince of psychology; in the replication of patterns and means, culture
disposes-and studying this is largely the province of history. This way
of thinking about style change will, I believe, foster historical explana-
tion rather than mere chronological description. And then, instead of
being a subject for pious protestations of devotion or used as trappings
and suits for what are essentially disciplinary studies, cultural history
(together with a perceptive analysis of prevalent stylistic constraints) will
be indispensable in accounting for the succession of compositional
choices that constitute the history of music.