Primiano Vernacular Religion

Vernacular Religion and the Search for Method in Religious Folklife
Author(s): Leonard Norman Primiano

Source: Western Folklore, Vol. 54, No. 1, Reflexivity and the Study of Belief (Jan., 1995),
pp. 37-56
Published by: Western States Folklore Society
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Vernacular Religion and
the Search for Method
in Religious Folklife
LEONARD NORMAN PRIMIANO
The relationship of reflexivity to

involves not only issues concerni
graphic reflexivity, but the very c
which folklore and folklife studies
to influence the way folklorists stu
lore as a scholarly discipline is not
ethnography is not only about wor
pline is based in fieldwork, there is
than just doing it. There is also m
I would like to thank Robert Atkinson, David Azz
Ruth Anna Cary, Michael J. Chiarappa, Sharon
Deanna Kemler, E. Ann Matter, Robert Blair St.
man, and Don Yoder for their contributions and b
article. I am especially grateful to Becky Vorpagel f
tise, and to Kathleen Malone O'Connor for her in
1. By methodology, I mean here the conscious a
theoretical self-criticism. This term should stand
tual "theory" and practical "method" which signify
word, "theory," is employed, it is capable of sustain
to a specific analytical concept which can then bec
psychoanalysis." Theory may also be used to indicat
it is the analytical umbrella under which all met
discussed. Theory as methodology is often a reflectio
a discipline as a whole, but it can also indicate theor
disciplines and find utility in multi-disciplinary con
religion as it is lived provides the occasion for
regarding the ethnography of religious folklife w
such ethnography's theoretical foundations. This
flections abut the methods of doing ethnography (i
ing, etc.), as well as theorizing based on ethnograp
tions on ethnographic reflexivity (i.e., fieldworker-
Western Folklore 54 (January, 1995): 37-56
37
38 WESTERN FOLKLORE
scholarly usage than m

the choice of terminolog
of human realities. Q
about those basic theore
and meanings which ar
tions even before we have had our first interactions in the field.
Folklorists often encounter religious belief in their fieldwork, and

engage with its expression in their capacities as researchers, teachers
museum administrators, archivists, and workers in a variety of publ
sector positions. When the folklore-folklife scholar begins to analy
data, no conscientious member of the discipline would choose to do
violence to the emic perspectives which have been expressed by in-
formants. Yet every time a folklorist encounters religion and desig
nates it "folk religion," he or she has done that religiosity an extrem
disservice.2
Scholars may not intend to residualize the religious lives of believ-

ers, but their insistent acts of misnaming constrain the way they study
and interpret their informants, and negatively influence how th
scholarly and non-scholarly worlds view these people. The book o
Genesis in the Judeo-Christian Bible contains a well-known passage
(2:19) in which Adam, the creation of God, is given the privilege of
naming every living creature. Scripture scholars inform us that as-
signing the animals' names signifies the dominion or power that hu-
manity has over these creatures. Scholars share with the biblical Adam
that same power to name, to signify, to classify people, ideas, and
behaviors around them. Through such naming in their writings and
teaching, scholars have the ability to influence, even control, the per-
ceptions of their fellow scholars as well as the non-academic public
regarding particular subjects of interest. That kind of power is a
privilege that some scholars have used with insufficient methodolog-
ical self-criticism. Religious folklife as a scholarly discipline, as op-
posed to a subject matter, has been quite guilty of such a misuse of
power. Scholars within the discipline have consistently named reli-
gious people's beliefs in residualistic, derogatory ways as "folk," "un-
official," or "popular" religion, and have then juxtaposed these terms
on a two-tiered model with "official" religion.
2. Two good assessments of the historical usage in scholarship of the terms "folk religion" and
"popular religion" are found in Yoder (1974:2-11; reprint, 1990:67-76) and Isambert (1982:8-
16).
VERNACULAR RELIGION 39
When folklorists discuss "

the context of a "religious f
where exists as a pure elem
even contaminated, by its
dency is emblematic of h
"folk religion" by assigning
Folklorists have maintaine
it is lived, and they must
ment with religion as it is
fortunately, have also main
nology and conceptualizatio
folklife's terminological an
gion are represented most
(1974; reprint, 1990). Yoder
kunde, according to Germa
Lutheran minister Paul D
graduates for the radicall
congregants (1974:2-3; re
gion can be thought of prim
Jeff Todd Titon (1988:14
remains closely aligned to
of Ernst Troeltsch (1931
agrees that his concept o
Troeltsch's division of relig
feeling that folk religion
in an organized form as w
but represents unorganized
relationship to official relig
Folklorists have followed t
rians, anthropologists, so
which creates distinct cate
religion of the faithful fro
istered by hierarchical elit
written texts. This practi
believers and at the same t
institutions as the exempla
tion illustrates that this re
influential idea which has
tualization, and analysis o
Yoder's conception of folk
40 WESTERN FOLKLORE
two-tiered model for d

osity. Other folklorists
reinforcing a residualiz
works of Messenger 19
Lawless 1988a, 1988b; a
which avoids the pitfal
the edited volume of T
"local religion" in the A
There has been some e
model in the last two d
history, anthropology,
assessments not prev
(1981), Burke (1984:6),
Christian (1981, 1987
(1979), in particular, ha
fluence of the two-tier
nately, none of them h
the study of religion a
(1986; 1991), O'Neil (19
raise many important
religion" in historical a
introduction to her 19
pean Christians recogn
ertheless she retains it
Religion as it is practi
approach which provi
two-tiered model. An
extrapolate general pr
theory of and method
religious validity estab
of the believer. Schola
purely objective positio
analytical vantage poin
curs always through th
terpretation of the sch
ar's own knowledge and
understanding of the
concerns of an induct
scholars to interpret cu
informants, as well as t
ologist of religion Pieter

search needs an inductive a
sitizing concepts. By this
become disentangled from
(1979:235).
One of the hallmarks of the
their attempt to do justice
may have not yet challeng
they have done much to ope
behind many human belief
chologizing beliefs and belie
say, feel, and experience.3 T
sometimes wonderfully un
ligious lives is what shoul
studies scholars apart from
ever, such a sensitivity to r
tually cross-pollinating t
What is often the case is th
tentive to theoretical reflec
discipline has been interest
guistic products of religiou
uine interest in the way pe
effort to begin such a cros
and studying religion, one
as only a manifestation of
"vernacular religion."4 Wh
3. See the work of David J. Huffor

approach, and his application of it to o
for a consideration of religious healing
addresses supernatural experience with
ogist Goodman (1988:123-126).
A less satisfying attempt to deal wi
cultural source hypothesis is Zaleski (
gizes religious belief and "folk Catho
work is purely reductionistic, though
such religious phenomena as the stigm
apparitions. See the review of Carroll
own review of his 1989 work analyzin
4. Since 1984, I have been using the t
to "folk" and "popular" religion, and t
religion in both publications and publ
portance of individual religious creati
critique of recent scholarship from the
can be found in several of my book r
42 WESTERN FOLKLORE
not simply substituting

tations that I do not lik
ing to redress a heritag
as the necessary metho
cess. Understanding rel
the variety of manifest
present human religios
studying the conjunctio
"Vernacular" is an espe
text. The Oxford Englis
vernacular both distinct
speaking the native or i
is this meaning that is
a term referring "to th
community" (Crystal 19
"personal, private." It
native or peculiar to a p
Another application of
tis' early discussion of
culture" (1960:203). Lan
culture with subculture
ture, or the culture of
culture is "not held b
communicating, think
particular cultural circu
The notion of vernacular as "that which is common or native in a
given area" (Brunvand 1986:413) or "indigenous, used by the people"
(Rapoport 1969:3) has been applied by some folklorists and architec-
5. Other scholars have used the term "vernacular religion" in specific ways. In a review of Hall's
recent book (1989) on popular religion in early New England, Gura (1989) makes no other mention
of the term except in its title, and in fact its use may have simply been an editorial choice. Hall does
use the term within the text of his book saying that the Reformation "affirmed a vernacular religion,
as in a Book of Common Prayer" (1989:8). Vernacular here is a linguistically based cultural desig-
nation in which a religious institution used the same language as its faithful, as well as the religion
of people who shared the same language. The word vernacular reflects a variety of linguistic and
cultural situations in which there is one or more high written languages belonging to the elite and
educated with at least one or more spoken or vernacular languages or dialects used in common
speech. Vernacular, thus, embodies a linguistically coded social hierarchy.
6. One additional use of vernacular can be observed in Pickering and Green (1987:2). They
employ a materialist understanding of culture, bracketing their definition of "vernacular" contex
which they limit solely to the local environment and specific immediate situations. Unfortunately
they circumscribe the usefulness of the vernacular milieu by assimilating it into the "national
culture" on the one hand, and undercutting its autonomy by marginalizing it as "non-official" on the
other. See also their ideas on "vernacular song" (1987:173-178).
tural historians to designa

architecture." Alan Gow
architecture, has provide
A vernacular style in build

nally borrowed by architect
the first to use it, apparent
to situation. Essentially it m
building (speaking). [1986:
Scholars have also debated

applicability beyond the
Dell Upton prefers to see
to an inclusive way to ob
has specifically complaine
currently inadequate beca
parate kinds of building
study of all architecture e
ular architecture.7 Henry
vernacular architecture sh
buildings. Since all archite
sees such a study encompa
and social investment of
well as the way individua
environments to their spe
My term and concept,
qualities associated with s
nacular" in architecture
component of people's rel
which specifically addre
significant is the relation
in the creativity and artis
pret religious experience
gious interpretation invo
tice including, but not lim
innovation, and intentio
7. An additional discussion of the
introduction of Perspectives In Verna
8. Suggested by remarks from the
Henry Glassie, 9 September 1986. Se
menone: Culture And History Of An U
ideas on the making and culture of
44 WESTERN FOLKLORE
meaningful as the creat

number of folklore gen
scholars for generation
Vernacular religion is,
man beings encounter,
religion inherently inv
religion of an individu
theory involves an inter
gious lives of individu
religious belief, the ver
religious belief, and the
The process of religio
acquisition and formati
the conscious and uncon
This process acknowled
of environments upon
ments in the process of
fold factors influence t
psychological predisposi
munity affiliations, reli
dition, education and li
litical and economic conditions. All these elements interact with the
individual mind to form what Don Yoder has called "a unified organ
system of belief" (1974:13; 1990:80). This unified system of possib
disparate'feelings and ideas also forms a context of its own. T
context is the content of religious belief resulting from the continu
of creative self-understanding, self-interpretation, and negotiation
the believing individual. From this context, the beliefs of individua
themselves radiate and influence the surrounding environments.'
The verbal, behavioral, and material expressions of religious bel
mean a variety of instruments and occasions of expressive cult
which can be categorized under the rubric of visual or perform
arts,1' public and private cultural performances, and individual ac
These would include but not necessarily be exhausted by the follo
9. Kselman (1983:7) has adroitly noted in reference to the historical study of "popular belief an
behavior" that they "occur within a political and institutional context; in fact they helped to s
that context and were in turn affected by it."
10. By "visual or performed arts," I do not imply a conventional, secular understanding of visu
arts or performance arts as entertainment, but rather I mean that religious expressions inv
creative enactment and reaffirm the idea that ordinary people's everyday lives are both relig
and artful.
ing: speech, music and son

communication, the manifo
turally encoded architec
objects within domestic an
By the object of religious
tification of faith or relig
ture. Instead, my emphasi
viduals, that is, a focus on
locus of such a reference p
situations have called the sa
ations, the supernatural, b
spires, and maintains bel
It is relatively easy for th
nature of the religion of t
lorists, as well as other sc
nature of the institutional
ical functionaries, its oral
sacramental occasions and
point shows that desig
"official" are inaccurate. What scholars have referred to as "official"
religion does not, in fact, exist. The use of the term "official religio
as a pedagogical tool has helped explain scholarly perspectives t
the uninitiated, but remains an inadequate explanation for the n
ture of "religion." While it may be possible to refer to vario
components within a religious body as emically "official," meaning
authoritative when used by empowered members within that religio
tradition, such a designation when used by scholars is limited by t
assumption that religion is synonymous with institutional or hier
chical authority.
"Official religion" as a Western scholarly concept has been su
tained partly out of deference to the historical and cultural hegemon
of Christianity which has set the dominant tone for Western culture.12
11. Tyson, Peacock, and Patterson employ "the metaphor of 'gesture' " in their 1988 antholo
explaining it as "living forms through which the various religious traditions express themselv
(xii). Much of what seems to be embraced by this term is also present in my understanding of
verbal and material expressions of religious belief.
12. See the excellent introductory essay by James and Johnson in their 1988 anthology, Vernac
ular Christianity: Essays in the Social Anthropology of Religion, an anthropological consideration of
way Christianity has been conceived and misconceived by Western Christians. In this essay, th
examine "native" Christianity in a way suggestive of my development of the term vernacular r
gion. As I propose that all religion is inherently vernacular religion, so for them, "... every Chr
tian is a native" (1988:12).
46 WESTERN FOLKLORE
Through a process of r
both believers and sch
"church," with "valid,"
been mistakenly identi
ideal type. We must be
place when we consid
impulse. Wilfred Can
that the very concept
lengthy reification pr
gradually coming to co
development also inc
relatively recent times
series: the religions o
historical 'cumulative
women" as more dyna
In fact, there are bod
religion, but there is n
"official religion." No
institutional hierarchy
of Tibet nor the Patri
salem, lives an "officia
The members of such
ticing vernacularly, ev
normative aspects of t
passive accommodatio
ation, some dissenting
that influences how th
Scholars have studied
"official religion," ma
varieties of people's re
compare the vernacula
construct, "official rel
people's ideas and pra
fined statements of a
fringe. This attitude i
13. See Smith (1978:160-161) f

actions of "outstanding individ
leaders as innovative and creativ
preservative, Smith is quite clea
explanation that belief is not id
men's ideas that inspired a

institutional religion in the
consideration the individual
bership among common bel
ideas at the root of the insti
belief system as believers to
time feel the belief system
tutional hierarchy to be "off
within the American contex
exists an internal notion of
religion" within that comm
concept of vernacular religi
tions present in even the m
life, while also being sensitive
validity of "official" religion
Vernacular religion in relat
is neither equatable with po
nor should it be juxtaposed
lectual cognoscenti. The rela
of class, economics, race, eth
profoundly influence comm
visions, in fact, are mirrore
religious institution in its in
ligious creativity finds ferti
social and political environm
can develop to contest uneq
ence of inequality in the str
social status quo.
The folkloristic study of r
phasize the integrated ideas
human society. Indeed, whil
seem to be a major concern
fact, has been the least ex
the discipline has been the n
14. Yoder has made mention of "the co

his definitional essays on folk medicin
reprinted 1990:82), he speaks of the indiv
Richard Weiss. Within his 1976 article
several times to the individual life within
the present, and the future" (1976:9, r
48 WESTERN FOLKLORE
relating to other indiv

spective has included a
and socio-cultural iden
gional association.16 Re
more dynamic phenom
Folkloristic scholarship
parameters of the inhe
Folklore, in general, m
vidual as the creator an
who constantly interpr
does not imply that an
physiological, cultura
given the human capac
velop their own folklo
idea is apparent in the
number of people neces
be specifically observed
Regina Bendix (1987) in
portance of "dyadic idio
couples. She notes tha
gests the term 'idiocult
fining it as 'a system o
particular to an interac
employ as the basis of
culture can be represen
names or turns of phr
physical routines which
15. For example, Santino assumes

of interest to a folklorist are thos
of his article: "Folk medicine is e
on a community's shared values,
behavior" (1985:153).
16. See Hand (1961), Danielson (1986), Byrne (1988), and Lawless (1988a) for examples of
genre classification of religious folklife. See Primiano (1993) for a further discussion of this issue.
17. It is worth noting the difficulties of scholarly transmission of these terms and ideas. While
the term idiolect seems to refer to the linguistic system of a single individual, the term "idioculture"
in the hands of folklorists Fine and Bendix does not refer to culture of single individuals, but rather
emphasizes the small group. From Fine's perspective the relationship of the prefix "idio" to the
noun "culture" is adjectival, preserving emphasis on the group. (See 1977:453-454, 463; 1979:733-
734; 1982:47.) Culture, for Fine, only refers to group phenomena, and idioculture refers to indi-
vidual examples of the interacting group, that is, the small group. Another way to understand
idioculture is in the possessive sense of the culture of the individual as in my term "uniculture." Both
Fine and Bendix display a folkloristic predisposition for group analysis which overshadows the
significant role the individual plays in culture creation. Fine does briefly refer to the importance of
Bendix further reports o

1986 meetings of the Ame
paper, Mechling "posited
dog, dyadic folklore exist
1987:190-191). This is a fas
we are giving worthy cons
tion between such parties,
existence of "uniculture" t
we all carry on with ourse
published version of Mec
reevaluation of the boun
broader context of human interaction in which folklore occurs. Not
only can folklore be observed in the interaction of individuals wit

small groups, but from Mechling's vantage point the folkloric con
of human interaction must be redefined to emphasize the system
nature of all human interactions, including "folklore between pe
and pets, between people and things, and between people and ima
inary others" (321). His inclusion of individual interaction within
contexts of play (e.g., solitaire) and fantasy (e.g., an imagined rel
tionship with a celebrity) does stretch the accepted folkloristic par
eters, but his dependence on the systems-centered epistemology
Gregory Bateson does not allow him to take a balanced view of t
reality of the individual, as well as the systems which constitute t
individual.
In the end, Mechling surrenders the autonomy of the folklori

world of the individual because he judges folklore to be "a feature o
systems, and we ought not let our human hubris make us forgetfu
of this fact" (1989:321). The individual is constituted within various
internal and external systemic relations, but Mechling's view of the
internal interaction does not give proper credence to the multitude o
ways that an individual interacts with himself or herself. People, eve
the most physiologically and emotionally impaired, have a relation-
ship with their thoughts, feelings, and bodies that is always developin
from their earliest consciousness in the womb until their deaths. Uni-
culture, thus, could be defined as a processual system of conscious and
unconscious knowledge, beliefs, behaviors, and customs particular to
the individual in a 1987 article. For an emphasis on the individual, within the context of the creation
of material culture, see the work of Jones (1975, revised as 1989).
18. The term "uniculture" has also been used in the popular press to mean the growing ho-
mogenization of world cultures into a global culture. See Chicago Tribune Magazine (1986).
50 WESTERN FOLKLORE
the individual to which

as the basis of everyday
ture would allow for not
conception, but a much
Belief,be it religious, po
text of interaction with
nored when considerin
point does not negate th
elements from other in
that unicultural folklor
our own daily lives.
The creativity of unicu
creative activity of ver
from my own fieldwork
vernacular religious life
what they believe to ot
substantially different. T
beliefs. A good illustrati
perience of going to a co
is supposed to say all, b
informants tell me of th
God, especially if they h
in their parish or local
Individual belief does not need to be founded in or based on ideas
and prac.ices emanating from a group-oriented and structured reli-
gious institution. A less familiar example of personal creative spiritu-
ality would be the individual religiosity of solitary practitioners of
Wicca, one of the names of contemporary Witchcraft, a variety of
eclectic networks of life-affirming religious beliefs and practices com-
bining elements of nature magic and earth-oriented Goddess worship
(see Adler 1986; Luhrmann 1989). Solitary Wiccans do not consis-
tently receive or transmit their understanding of their religion within
the constraints of the small group, or coven community. Although
they receive collective materials from sources which might be deemed
part of popular culture, such as mass distributed books and periodi-
cals, as well as from more conventionally folkloric sources such as
19. Folkloristically, uniculture can be seen as the all embracing concept within which vernacular
religion is a subset. Religiously, however, vernacular religion can be seen as the foundation which
spiritually determines every human value within which uniculture is a subset.
inherited traditions within

mulate their interpretation
of their practice on their o
Religious belief takes as
individual believers. A fin
members of Dignity Philad
tion of gay and lesbian R
individuals have joined toge
their beliefs that God creat
their homosexual orientation, so, therefore, their sexual acts are
good, and they as sexual beings are worthy of inclusion in the Church.
Still, many of them also are active members of traditional parishes.
Such individuals have obviously altered their particular beliefs to ac-
commodate not only their sub-culture, but their religious roots and
sacramental sensibilities as well.
Vernacular religion, as an approach embracing theory and

method, incorporates attention to such ongoing interpretations and
negotiations of religion within groups and institutions by providin
theoretical awareness and ethnographic reflexivity to the study of
such individual creations of religion. Vernacular religion is more tha
a purely conceptual term, a methodological abstraction without any
practical utility. Full understanding of this term establishes a meth
odological foundation from which the vernacular study of religion
will grow as a method of practice, a way of doing ethnography whic
has not been considered before. If all religion need be traditiona
inherited, group-oriented, deliberate, and involved in performative
verbal art to be considered "folk religion," then folklorists, eve
though they have made an effort to study such religion in the conte
of holistic systems, have left a considerable amount of potential reli
giosity out of consideration. Vernacular religion as an approach
understanding religion as it has been lived in the past and is liv
today emphasizes the study of the belief systems of religious peop
This means a consideration of the contents and motivations of the
actual beliefs of people. For folklorists have, in their tenden

genrify religious folklore, left out the religious contents and im
or explicit objects of belief which are the most important concer
20. My brief comments here stem from field research that I was allowed to do withi
Philadelphia chapter of Dignity (1986-1987), and the subsequent amplification and applica
my theory of vernacular religion to the individuals in this group (see Primiano 1993).
52 WESTERN FOLKLORE
all. The intersection of

how and what people h
about the substance and
natural or supernatural
and unconscious human
fers resources which can, in the future, realize this unfulfilled schol-
arly potential.
Vernacular religion challenges religious studies to incorporate the
interdisciplinary strengths of folklore/folklife in the study of the re-
ligious individual and the significance of religion as it is lived in the
contemporary context. Vernacular religion challenges all of folklore
to extend ethnographic reflexivity into the interdisciplinary domain
of methodological reflexivity. In this way present and future folklor-
ists may properly inform and direct their ethnographic practice with
theoretical rigor in the study of the contents, expressions, and objects
of human religiosity.
Cabrini College
Radnor, Pennsylvania
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Vernacular Religion and the Search for Method in Religious Folklife

Author(s): Leonard Norman Primiano

The relationship of reflexivity to

Western Folklore 54 (January, 1995): 37-56

scholarly usage than m

Folklorists often encounter religious belief in their fieldwork, and

Scholars may not intend to residualize the religious lives of believ-

When folklorists discuss "

two-tiered model for d

ologist of religion Pieter

3. See the work of David J. Huffor

not simply substituting

tural historians to designa

A vernacular style in build

Scholars have also debated

meaningful as the creat

ing: speech, music and son

13. See Smith (1978:160-161) f

men's ideas that inspired a

14. Yoder has made mention of "the co

relating to other indiv

15. For example, Santino assumes

Bendix further reports o

only can folklore be observed in the interaction of individuals wit

In the end, Mechling surrenders the autonomy of the folklori

the individual to which

inherited traditions within

Vernacular religion, as an approach embracing theory and

actual beliefs of people. For folklorists have, in their tenden

all. The intersection of

-- . 1992. Madonnas That Maim

Hall, David D. 1989. World

James, Wendy and Douglas H. Johnson, eds. 1988. Vernacular Chris

Lawless, Elaine J. 1988a. Handmaidens of the Lord: Pentecostal Woman Preachers

O'Neil, Mary R. 1986. From

Upton, Dell. 1985. The Pow

Wells, Camille, ed. 1986. Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture, II. Colum

- . 1974. Toward a Definition of Folk Religion. Western Folklore 33(1):2-

-. 1976. Folklife Studies in American Scholarship. In American Folkl

-. 1990. Discovering American Folklife: Studies in Ethnic, Religious, and Re-

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