Journal of Latinos and Education

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Life Trajectories and Higher Education Access for

Chilean Indigenous Students: Mapuche Students
in STEM and STEM-related Fields as Participants in
Academic and Indigenous Cultures

Marta Silva , Evelyn Vera , Andrew Sigerson , Paulina Sanzana , Andrés

Bianchetti & Rosmery-Ann Boegeholz

To cite this article: Marta Silva , Evelyn Vera , Andrew Sigerson , Paulina Sanzana , Andrés
Bianchetti & Rosmery-Ann Boegeholz (2020): Life Trajectories and Higher Education Access
for Chilean Indigenous Students: Mapuche Students in STEM and STEM-related Fields as
Participants in Academic and Indigenous Cultures, Journal of Latinos and Education, DOI:
10.1080/15348431.2020.1819810

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/15348431.2020.1819810

Published online: 23 Sep 2020.

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JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION
https://doi.org/10.1080/15348431.2020.1819810

Life Trajectories and Higher Education Access for Chilean

Indigenous Students: Mapuche Students in STEM and STEM-related
Fields as Participants in Academic and Indigenous Cultures
Marta Silvaa, Evelyn Veraa, Andrew Sigersona, Paulina Sanzanaa, Andrés Bianchettib,
and Rosmery-Ann Boegeholza
a
Facultad de Filosofía y Humanidades, Universidad Austral de Chile; bFacultad de Ciencias de la Salud, Universidad San
Sebastián

ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
Various studies have sought to understand factors affecting low university Mapuche students; academic
retention rates of indigenous students. However, little is known about stu­ pathways; university
dents who successfully complete undergraduate programs in STEM fields. retention; stem fields;
indigenous identity
This investigation, utilizing the life history approach, analyzed academic
trajectories of 11 Mapuche graduates or near-graduates from such programs
in south-central Chile. The analysis showed that students who were success­
ful in obtaining degrees had experienced early participation in communities
that encouraged an academic culture. These were constituted by their
families, teachers, and friends, and participation occurred throughout their
lives as they successfully negotiated their identities as indigenous and aca­
demically talented students.

Introduction
At present, Chilean universities are providing indigenous students with greater opportunities for
access to higher education, particularly in the areas of science, technology, engineering, and mathe­
matics (STEM) and related fields, which are seen as important areas to strengthen to aid further
development in Chile. Nevertheless, rates of access remain comparatively low, and university desertion
percentages are relatively high for those who do gain admission (Webb et al., 2017). In this context,
particularly little is known regarding the experiences and backgrounds of indigenous students who
manage to complete undergraduate programs in the STEM disciplines.
The challenges facing Chile with regard to higher education in the twenty-first century are
consistent with those that have been identified in the region of Latin America as a whole, which
have been illustrated in diverse conferences and summits (Didou-Aupetit & Remedi, 2009; Mato,
2009; Organización de Estados Iberoamericanos para la Educación, la Ciencia, y la Cultura [OEI],
2010). At the same time, the strengthening of identities of students originating from indigenous
communities (in Chile referred to as Estudiantes Provenientes de Pueblos Originarios) has been sought
in each country of the region, generating significant advances in terms of access to education and
equity and quality of education for the most vulnerable sectors of the population (Concha, 2013;
Maillard et al., 2008; Santana Colin, 2015).
As demographic and migratory shifts have occurred at the national level consistent with increased
opportunities in higher education for the lowest-income segments of the Chilean population,
a significant integration of indigenous groups can be observed in the Chilean education system,
resulting in a continually widening cultural diversity. This is a recent phenomenon in Chile, having

CONTACT Andrew Sigerson andrew.sigerson@uach.cl Facultad de Filosofía y Humanidades, Universidad Austral de Chile,
Campus Isla Teja s/n, Valdivia, Chile
© 2020 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
2 M. SILVA ET AL.

come about within the past few decades; indeed, until the 1980s access to higher education was viewed
as a privilege predominantly confined to the nation’s elite (Abarca & Zapata, 2007; Rosas, 2017;
Williamson, 2008). The new reality of open university access has led to important challenges for
Chilean universities since never before has the variable of cultural diversity been viewed as a factor in
need of consideration. This shifting socioeconomic territory is likewise defined by a significant
increase in students from the three lowest-income quintiles of Chilean society, whose economic and
academic disadvantages may hinder not only their academic achievement, but also their processes of
integration into university life. As a result, universities are faced with various new demands as they
develop strategies for the recruitment and retention of the students in question (Abarca & Zapata,
2007; Agencia de Calidad de la Educación, 2019; Fernández & Hauri, 2016; Fernández Darraz & Mora
Guerrero, 2017; Mora, 2018; Rosas, 2017; Williamson, 2008).
In this context, current government support tends to deliver mainly economic benefits while not
considering differences in academic achievement and needs that arise based on students’ educational
background and experiences in primary and secondary school. The variable of academic achievement
is one for which public schools – whose students now constitute the majority of total university
enrollment – tend to produce the lowest levels of performance, especially those in rural areas (Agencia
de la Calidad de la Educación, 2019; Fernández & Hauri, 2016; Fernández Darraz & Mora Guerrero,
2017). It is evident that the implications of undergraduate students’ cultural backgrounds have not
been adequately addressed, causing the reforms that have occurred to tend toward the support of
a homogeneous type of student. This issue is particularly relevant to Chileans identifying as indigen­
ous, many of whom reside in rural zones and come from cultural backgrounds that differ significantly
from those most commonly associated with the mainstream Chilean society of today. The frequent
blurring of lines between rural and indigenous roots in Chile and the sometimes complicated nature of
identifying as indigenous among today’s youth in particular, which is evidenced by the results of this
study, add further complexity to the present situation (Luna Figueroa et al., 2018; Peña et al., 2013).
According to the CASEN survey (National Survey of Socioeconomic Characterization) applied in
2015, the largest proportion of Chile’s indigenous population, who constitute 9% of the country’s total
population, lives in the Region of Araucanía (19.6%), while a significant percentage also lives in the
adjacent Region of Los Ríos (13.1%) (Ministerio de Desarrollo Social, 2017). The majority of students
in this study hailed from these two regions, which lie in the largely rural zone of south-central Chile.
The CASEN results also indicate that the indigenous population is more impoverished than the non-
indigenous population in Chile (18.3% and 11%, respectively). In relation to higher education, the
indigenous population has a matriculation rate of 31.3% while the non-indigenous population has
a rate of 38.1%. This low matriculation rate can be explained by social exclusion, lack of university
preparation, and lack of funding (Blanco & Meneses, 2011). Survey data further indicate that within
the group of Chilean young adults aged 19 or above who report not possessing a high school diploma,
which is a factor of obvious importance in terms of accessing higher education, 46.6% belong to an
indigenous community. However, the indigenous Chileans who do gain access to higher education do
not exhibit significant differences compared to non-indigenous university students in terms of the type
of tertiary institution attended, except in the case of private universities, for which the difference is
noteworthy – within their respective demographics, a higher percentage of indigenous students attend
these institutions than non-indigenous students (Espinoza, 2017; Zapata, 2009). It bears mentioning
that private universities in Chile often have lower academic requirements for admission than state-
funded or state-subsidized institutions, which can increase their accessibility to students from less
robust educational backgrounds.
In addition to the factors just mentioned, it is important to consider the socio-demographic
characteristics of students belonging to indigenous communities, the majority of whom fall into the
three lowest-income quintiles of the population. In particular, a significant number of these students
come from schools in rural zones where resources are markedly inferior to those in urban establish­
ments. Fuenzalida (2005) explains that such situations negatively impact the teaching-learning
process, leaving affected students with significant disadvantages related to core competencies.
 JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION 3

As stated by Blanco and Meneses (2011), systematic studies on the situation of indigenous students
in higher education do not exist. Furthermore, the relevant academic work that has been carried out is
primarily centered on experiences in the implementation of special programs designed to increase the
retention of first-year students (Campos-Martínez, 2010; Durán et al., 2008, as cited in Mato, 2009;
Navarrete & Candia, 2011). In this regard, it is important to underscore the studies of Didou-Aupetit
and Remedi (2009) and Mato (2009), who assessed the Pathways Program in different countries in
South America. Pathways is a Ford Foundation affirmative action program for indigenous students in
higher education; its purpose is to augment the rates of university access, retention, and graduation of
indigenous and Afro-Brazilian young adults. In the south-central zone of Chile, the Pathways Program
is known as Rüpu (road in Mapudungún, the Mapuche language). According to Didou-Aupetit and
Remedi, this program, which has seen some success in increasing the rates mentioned, views
indigenous students as educational subjects who may lack necessary academic skills, in addition to
contemplating their ethnic backgrounds.
Another recent approach to indigenous students in higher education in Latin America has come
through the project known as Cultural Diversity and Interculturality in Higher Education in Latin
America, an effort of UNESCO’s International Institute for Higher Education in Latin America and
the Caribbean for which Mato (2009) coordinated a set of ten case studies on how higher education
policy in Latin America fosters or inhibits the development of intercultural institutions or programs.
The various case studies highlight the fact that there has been greater advancement in standards and
legislation about indigenous issues not related to education than in those tied to the educational
sphere.
In this sense, Mato (2009) points to the necessity of building strategies for the design of strong
intercultural education systems in Latin America. Until now, policy has been oriented toward
compensating more than integrating indigenous groups. It is necessary to envision more inclusive
policy that encourages enrollment and retention in universities (Pitman et al., 2017). In this regard,
returning to the example of the Pathways Program, it is possible to assert that Pathways works in line
with its objective of “increasing the success of indigenous students in non-graduate programs and
improving their opportunities to continue with graduate studies” (González, 2007, p. 143). It follows
that the program offers students, first and foremost, “the opportunity to participate in activities that
promote their academic achievement while also bolstering the acquisition of basic topics to help them
improve their performance in specific areas” (Navarrete et al., 2013, p. 56). This represents an
important step in effectively integrating indigenous students into the academic sphere, recognizing
their intertwined cultural and educational backgrounds and approaching their situation based princi­
pally on educational needs.
To that effect, in this proposal – with the objective of analyzing and understanding indigenous
students’ self-described academic trajectories (Ossola, 2017, p. 112) – the process of negotiation is
considered, which is understood in this context as students learning and participating in various
communities of practice related to their identities as indigenous undergraduate students or recent
graduates. Communities of practice provide spaces that allow the student or beginner not only to learn
a profession or office from other more experienced members in order to eventually become an expert,
but also to develop the identity of belonging to a group (or groups) of experts (Al Murshidi, 2014; Lave
& Wenger, 1991). In this sense, as explained by Wenger (1998), “learning constitutes trajectories of
participation: it builds personal stories in relation to the stories of our communities, thus connecting
our past and our future in a process of individual and collective becoming” (p. 227). As Wenger
suggests, learning is not simply designed and implemented, but rather is practiced and experienced
through the negotiation of meaning. For students from indigenous contexts entering the rapidly
changing world of higher education in Chile and entering communities of practice in their respective
disciplines, this negotiation of meaning may have heightened complexity.
It is within this theoretical context that the present investigation is framed, specifically focusing on
the process of indigenous students developing interest in and later becoming professionals in STEM and
STEM-related fields. This study aims to help improve our understanding of indigenous students (mainly
4 M. SILVA ET AL.

from Mapuche backgrounds) in terms of how they learn (progressively integrating into the communities
of practice of their disciplines of undergraduate study) and how they become more deeply interested in
the sciences and related fields at different stages of their lives through both formal and informal learning.
Moreover, the concept of negotiation, in the context of learning in science and mathematics, will be used
to understand how indigenous students who enter, remain in, and graduate from undergraduate
programs have learned these fields (Hunter et al., 2007). The framework for this concept is formed by
the sociocultural theories of learning developed by Lave and Wenger (1991), authors who, as alluded to
earlier, understand learning as a social phenomenon in which a student gradually advances toward the
expert level in an office or profession by participating in a community of practice where knowledge is
shared among members. In this way, it is possible for the student to also become involved with
a cognitive apprenticeship in which expert member(s) provide support in the learning process.

Methodology
To describe and analyze the life trajectories of students from indigenous communities in under­
graduate STEM fields, a purposive sample was obtained using the snowball technique. Volunteers
personally contacted the principal researcher following the distribution of fliers and Facebook pub­
lications. In this context, the population of this study was formed by 11 Mapuche students nearing or
having recently completed graduation from STEM and STEM-related programs at universities in the
south-central zone of Chile (see Table 1). The interviewees were selected on the basis of their sense of
belonging to an indigenous group, whether because they hailed from an indigenous community or
because they had known relatives and/or ancestors from an indigenous group despite not having
grown up in an indigenous community. As described earlier, individual identification as being
indigenous or not in Chile is not always straightforward; this topic is further addressed in the
Results section based on interview data.
In terms of the data collection instrument, the life history interview approach was utilized since it is an
approach that draws upon the memories and trajectories of individuals over an extended time period
(Atkinson, 2002; Goodson & Sikes, 2001). Each participant was interviewed by the principal researcher
during one interview lasting approximately 2.5 hours. In the case of this study, that time period stretched
from childhood through the completion or final years of an undergraduate degree program. The inter­
views addressed topics related to learning experiences in settings both formal (the school system) and
informal (family, peer groups, and all instances of learning occurring outside of school). Questions were
also posed about university life in terms of the role of professors, classmates, evaluation systems, classes,
laboratories, and other key facets of the experiences of STEM students in higher education. Each interview
was fully transcribed, and a content analysis was performed from which related categories were drawn
(Saldaña, 2009). To this effect, interviews were examined and categories of analysis were formulated based
on pre-established codes in order to later continue with the process of analysis in search of emerging
themes related to milestones in the life trajectory (see Table 2). During this process, additional emerging
codes and themes across the data were recorded in a codebook with the help of HyperRESEARCH
software, a qualitative analysis tool. Codes and the broader themes which contained them referred to sets
of data corresponding to the salient stages of each life story. Each interview was also summarized
according to each stage of formal and informal education (micronarratives), which helped to identify
additional emerging codes and themes. Once all data was coded, tables were created to visualize the
differences and similarities across the narratives, which allowed researchers to iteratively search for
relationships among codes and themes, generating robust descriptions pointing toward a greater under­
standing of the commonalities in the experiences of the participants across educational and life stages.

Results
The life histories of the interviewees have been divided into six categories of analysis that provide an
account of different stages, each consisting of a series of elements in both formal and informal
Table 1. Characteristics of students interviewed.
Characteristics of the Students Interviewed
Criteria Gerardo Alejandro Maura Elisa Ximena Fabiola Isabel Paz Javier Andrea Miguel
Degree Veterinary Commerc. Commerc. Chemistry and Biochemistry Biochemistry Chemistry and Chemistry Plant Agronomy Chemistry and
Program Med. Engineering Engineering Pharma. Pharma. and Biotechnology Pharma.
Pharma.
Parents’ Edu. Father: 3rd Mother: High Father: 8th Father: 8th Father: High Father: Father: High Mother: Father: High Father: Father: 8th
Level grade school grade grade school Technical school Technical school Some grade
Mother: Mother: Mother: 6th Mother: 8th degree Mother: degree Mother: High technical Mother:
11th grade High school grade grade (tertiary) High school (tertiary) school school 11th grade
Mother: (tertiary)
10th grade Mother:
Technical
degree
(tertiary)
Age 30 28 22 25 26 25 21 26 24 26 26
Place of Central Chile South-central South-central South-central Southern Chile South-central South-central South- South-central South- South-central
Origin Chile Chile Chile Chile Chile central Chile central Chile
Chile Chile
Parents’ Father: Mother: Father: Father: Father: Father: Father: Small Mother: Father: Father: Father:
Profession Mechanic Agricultural Fisherman Handyman Mariner Paramedic business Medical Unknown Truck Retired
Mother: worker Mother: Mother: Mother: Mother: owner technician Mother: driver Mother:
Homemaker Restaurant Homemaker Childcare Homemaker Mother: Municipal Mother: Childcare
owner professional Homemaker worker Primary professional
school
teacher
School Public Public Private Private Public Public Public Public Public and Private Public
Category Subsidized Subsidized Private Subsidized
Subsidized
JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION
5
6 M. SILVA ET AL.

Table 2. Qualitative analysis cycles.

Cycle Activities Activities Across Cycles
1st -Listening to interviews -Writing analytical memos
-Transcribing interviews and notes -Generating codes and themes
-Reading iteratively and coding interviews separately -Building codebook
-Finding similarities and differences among interview data sets -Utilizing HyperResearch
-Adding emerging themes to the codebook software
2nd -Generating reports on HyperResearch -Finding similarities and
-Iteratively reading and coding, looking for “chunks” of data according to life stages differences
across interview data sets -Searching for implicit and
-Summarizing each interview according to each school stage (micronarratives) explicit patterns
-Adding emerging codes and themes to the codebook
3rd -Comparing interview data across life stages and educational stages
-Making summary tables on differences and similarities
-Looking for relationships between codes and themes
-Proposing statements or hypotheses

education that have fostered an interest in studying and increasing personal knowledge about
a diversity of subjects, namely those related to STEM disciplines.
According to the interviewees, coming from rural areas in central, south-central, or southern
Chile – which all of them did, most from the south-central zone – afforded them the opportunity to
be in contact with indigenous culture. Examples of this include possessing some degree of commu­
nicative ability in Mapudungún (the Mapuche language), knowledge of the agricultural systems and
local histories of their ancestors, and appreciation of their origins and the meaning of their surnames.
However, some interviewees, though they identified as indigenous, did not come from contexts that
are in direct contact with indigenous communities. In either case, all asserted that they lived in rural
zones where they had to attend rural schools; the majority described that classwork and homework
were carried out in direct contact with the natural world.
In relation to the STEM or STEM-related degree programs in question, six different areas of study
related to science and mathematics were pursued by the interviewees. In the sciences, these included
programs in veterinary medicine, biochemistry, chemistry and pharmaceutics, and agriculture science;
and in the realm of mathematics, accounting and commercial engineering. According to some
interviewees, the selection of specific STEM or STEM-related programs was associated with personal
interests and passions that began during childhood. The majority expressed that although they did not
know precisely what to study by the time they were nearing university entrance, they did know that
they would pursue a program related to the STEM fields. Similarly, some interviewees indicated that
their interest in STEM programs began with recognizing their innate abilities for mathematical and
scientific problem-solving and having specific, defining experiences such as comprehending chemical
equations or answering questions correctly in biology.
The data collected during the interviewing process also revealed that while some students had
always wanted to pursue a STEM field, others were initially interested in studying in the humanities or
social sciences. However, the latter group opted to change course due to a range of factors such as
parents who worked in STEM-related fields, relatives who had graduated from a STEM program, or
better economic prospects associated with a STEM or STEM-related discipline.

Primary school: school and family, factors that shape a love for learning
When reflecting on the primary school period, interviewees often placed the spotlight on the role of
the teacher, who could motivate students to study and awaken their enthusiasm for doing so, as well
as quite possibly acting as an agent of inspiration for the selection of a future university major.
There were certain positive traits and attitudes of educators that stood out and persisted during this
stage, such as kindness, closeness, and sympathy, as well as motivational and empathetic
approaches.
 JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION 7

This sentiment was present in the primary school recollections of Alejandro, who described a first-
grade teacher who would ask him the following:
“Do you want to learn more? Do you want to learn things from second grade?” Because I would finish my work
right away, so she would say, “I can teach you,” since I liked learning very much. She also gave me books to read
because I always showed an interest in numbers and letters.

Alejandro added that some of his professors related classroom topics with themes close to their
students’ lives outside of school, with the purpose of helping them learn in a meaningful way. This
resulted in students considering their professors to be academic guides during primary school. Further
reflecting the admiration that these students had for their teachers, Fabiola indicated that she held
a particular teacher in high esteem: “[She] had a very good vocabulary, she spoke very well . . .
I admired her a lot, for her way of communicating, everything.”
Meanwhile, regarding the roles of classmates and friends, some interviewees indicated that their
peers played a significant part during primary school since through these relationships they could
form bonds with people with whom they shared common interests. Such was the case with Isabel, who
remembered that she and her group of friends liked dinosaurs: “We always got together to talk [about
them], we had books and we would draw them.” Other interviewees remembered helping their
classmates to study and better understand certain materials. For example, Alejandro recounted that
he used to help other students learn mathematics, and that from there he began to acquire a passion for
the sciences.
In terms of the possibility of extracurricular activities, interviewees expressed that, due to their
educational establishments being rural, they did not have many opportunities to participate in official
events outside classroom hours. Nevertheless, some emphasized that they had taken part in scientific
workshops in which they were able to get out in the field and experience research first-hand. For the
most part, though, participants in this study claimed that the majority of their activities and hobbies
took place outside of school with their families and friends, including non-school friends.
In particular, the family played various important roles during the primary school stage. For
example, Andrea expressed that her family environment was always very pleasant and encouraging.
Alejandro, meanwhile, indicated that he and his siblings, who were all close in age, would do home­
work together and then go out to play in the late afternoon. Drawing from positive and sustained
motivation and stimulation from their families that began early, in their own estimation access to
higher education was facilitated for these students beginning at a young age; indeed, since childhood
the idea of going to university had often been explicitly promoted, as will be demonstrated shortly. It
can be emphasized, then, that the interviewees tended to grow up in positive family environments
where the idea existed that their education would not end with primary or secondary school; this
helped encourage them to become more deeply interested in distinct areas of study and dedicate
themselves to learning and getting good grades.
In general terms, it is relevant to underscore that during this stage each of the interviewees was able
to become engaged with and develop interests in STEM areas or cultivate nascent interests that would
later expand to include STEM fields, as well as building positive memories that would encourage them
to continue studying. It can also be concluded that the primary school period represented a life stage in
which participants acquired habits of studying and being responsible in their academic activities,
marking the beginning of a tendency that would follow them into the area of university study chosen
as a lifelong career.

Primary-secondary transition: leaving home in the country for a better education in the city
The transition that interviewees experienced passing from one educational level to the next was
characterized by difficulty, from the moment of choosing a high school to the process of integrating
during the first year. This was especially so given that the majority, living in rural zones, had to leave
their homes in order to attend school in the city or in a nearby larger town. During this process of
8 M. SILVA ET AL.

transition, the family, certain teachers, and in some cases other students emerged as key pillars
supporting a successful educational experience away from home, promoting a feeling of security
and academic self-esteem that allowed for perseverance in secondary education.
Within this study, the strong and continuing support of families and teachers emerged as a factor of
utmost importance in the academic trajectory of the interviewees. Many found themselves in an
environment that was unfamiliar not only to them, but to their families as well. According to Mato
(2009), indigenous groups have the highest rates of illiteracy and the lowest educational opportunities
in Latin America, and in the case of the participants in this study, it became clear that many were the
first in their families to have accessed higher education, overcoming socioeconomic and cultural
limitations stemming from the context of their origins.
In relation to selecting a high school, a first step which alone often represented a difficult
process, influential factors were frequently external to the students themselves, especially location.
Parents’ concerns for the quality of education offered by available establishments was typically
a determining factor in the decision to have their children leave home, as illustrated by Andrea’s
account:
In [the small city of] Panguipulli at that time, there were few high schools, and those that existed were technical
schools. There was only one scientific and humanistic high school, which also had technical tracks, but for [my
parents], as they saw it, these were not good schools . . . They thought that, I don’t know, that it was going to be
a bad decision, so they tried to find a high school further away, and they wanted one in Valdivia, [a larger city in
the region], so they found one, and yeah, they put me there, in the girl’s high school, as a resident.

This account is complemented by Miguel’s: “The municipality where I live is one of the poorest, the
education is very bad. There were two high schools and I wanted to continue on to university, so it did
not suit me to stay there.” The motivations for wanting to pursue tertiary studies led many inter­
viewees, along with their families, to decide to search for higher quality education away from home;
this entailed, in the majority of cases, having to live as residents in high schools in relatively distant and
sometimes unfamiliar cities and towns.
Adding to this initial difficulty, new challenges arose during the process of secondary school
integration, which interviewees described as abrupt, complex, and difficult overall. Elisa explained
that the beginning of her first year of high school was the most arduous stage. Although contents from
the previous year were reviewed, she still had to put forth great effort because she did not arrive with
a strong academic foundation. Her case illustrates a tendency observed in other participants as well:
the majority of difficulties occurred at the beginning of the primary-secondary transition, and they
were related to the need to make demanding academic adaptations alongside significant and often
sharp transitions from the country to the city. Andrea further captured this sentiment in her
recounting of that stage: “First I hated it, the first month. I stayed strong whether I liked it or not
and all, but I suffered here [in Valdivia]. But in the end, being in a boarding school is like having
a bunch of sisters.”
At the start of this trying transition, the family filled a leading role, arising as the motivational axis
driving the continuation of studies. Alejandro, for example, indicated that his mother always sup­
ported him, as did his grandparents, who would tell him that he was doing well and that he should
keep studying. It is clear that the influence of the family is not only linked to academic formation in
these cases, but also to comprehensive development, as Fabiola further explained:
[My parents] always motivated me a lot to study and to make it to university too, and I always got a lot of
encouragement to play sports, listen to music, participate in other activities . . . to, I don’t know, play chess, and in
general for the most complete development possible within what was possible for them.

Meanwhile, with regard to educators, a considerable percentage of interviewees mentioned the

importance of their primary school teachers in encouraging the continuation of their studies in
suitable secondary establishments. In this context, Gerardo recognized that one of his teachers
inspired him to keep studying: “The history teacher who I had in eighth grade also told me, ‘You’re
doing super well, apply to good high schools. You have what it takes to get to get into university’.” It
 JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION 9

was often in conjunction with certain teachers, then, that families formed a vital support network for
these students as they entered new territory.

Secondary school: inspired to learn science and mathematics

The interviewees in this study were students who stood out in their academic lives, and nearly all
confirmed that they did not have further difficulties in secondary school after the initial adjustment
process. In fact, most distinguished themselves rapidly among their peers, tending to have notable
success in science and mathematics. In addition, half of participants indicated that during high school,
they had a certain teacher who directly influenced the formation of a strong connection with the
sciences that they would carry with them through the years. Elisa recounted how positive interactions
with her chemistry teachers during class inspired her passion for the sciences:
I remember that one time, the teacher was awarding points in class, and I knew that I had the answer, so I raised
my hand. The teacher looks at me and says, “What do you think is the solution to the problem?” I gave the
answer, and the professor said, “Yes, very good, that is the solution,” and from that moment I loved chemistry.
That was during freshman year, and later, I had another teacher who always pointed out that I had abilities in this
subject.

Fabiola was also inspired by her chemistry teacher; she recounted that this instructor was instrumental
in her decision to study in a scientific degree program because “ . . . she taught more advanced
chemistry outside of class hours. She used a great deal of her free time to teach me.” Such examples
demonstrate how teachers, sometimes independently of the curricular materials that they taught,
encouraged a passion for academic study, as Fabiola continued to illustrate: “During high school the
teachers influenced me a lot, they taught their classes with a lot of passion, and because of that, I was
approached by the Explore Project1 thanks to these teachers.” These educators saw the future potential
that the interviewees had as secondary school students, and on this basis they encouraged them to keep
studying in various ways.
By comparison, several interviewees indicated that they had become interested in science from
a young age, prior to secondary school, or on their own, without the influence of high school teachers.
As Gerardo described, “Since I was little I always liked animals, wildlife, the world, nature in general.”
Andrea, meanwhile, illustrated an academic basis for her interest in science:
Since high school I was inclined toward the sciences because it was easier for me, the sciences are more concise,
exact, and concrete. On the other hand, writing essays and elaborating my thoughts, that was difficult, and I didn’t
do so well.

And in the case of Paz, her orientation toward the sciences was related to her experience in the biology
lab: “Seeing cells, the body, plants, I loved that.” Evidently, hands-on work and personal inspiration,
together with perseverance in studying and in many cases the positive influence of teachers, were
significant factors in strengthening students’ passion for the sciences during secondary school.
On the other hand, delving further into the impact of family on the development of a passion for
studying STEM-related fields, it was observed again at this stage that the family of each participant had
played a crucial role in the decision to advance toward tertiary studies. Maura recounted that her
family was highly entrepreneurial and that her father was always saying, “My daughter, devote yourself
to business.” He saw his child’s potential, and he encouraged her to study business engineering in
university. Meanwhile, economic arguments were used by Javier’s mother to motivate him to work
toward higher education, as she frequently told him that she wanted a better future for him. “She
didn’t want me to experience hardship, but instead to gain a good salary,” he explained, also adding,
“ . . . if it was possible, be the boss, ‘so they don’t have to give you so much work like they do with me’.”
While the family was not always a daily presence in interviewees’ lives during this stage, they
1
The Explore Project is a national program belonging to Chile’s Ministry of Education that promotes the dissemination and
appreciation of science and technology.
10 M. SILVA ET AL.

continued to have present and relevant concerns regarding the continuation of interviewees’ education
toward university studies.
Meanwhile, analyzing the role of friends in the formation of interviewees’ growing scientific
interests, only four participants reported that their companions and classmates were substantial
influences in their decisions to study a scientific subject or choose a future STEM major. In fact,
most interviewees acted independently when it came to the specific field of study that they chose to
focus on. Ximena indicated as much when she explained, “I never let my friends influence me,
I was always very autonomous in my decisions.” Paz provided a similar description: “I think that,
in the moment of deciding, I was super individual. My friendships didn’t come into play in my
decisions.”
Despite the lesser influence of friendships on interviewees’ decisions regarding fields of interest, one
notable trend associated with peer groups was the impact friends had on the development of diverse
range of related abilities. The majority of interviewees explained that they would formulate projects or
businesses with peers through which, together, they would strengthen their skills. As Miguel
explained, “We were always three friends. They were very capable in law and history, and for my
part I was skilled in business, and I think that we strengthened each other by putting together projects
and activities.” As illustrated by this example, while friends had little direct influence on interviewees’
decisions to pursue STEM fields, they were often present as a secondary factor in the growth of
interviewees’ interests and abilities.
Finally, in terms of extracurricular activities and personal interests, the majority of interviewees
carried out their activities outside school, partaking in sports like martial arts and soccer. Some also
participated in activities that integrated their communities with interests in their future areas of study,
as demonstrated by Maura, who helped with entrepreneurship training that was provided to residents
of her village with small businesses. Ximena also took part in out-of-school activities related to her
academic field of interest. Together with a classmate, she applied to a government-funded project with
the objective of obtaining methanol as a fuel for her home community. Such examples indicate that the
tendency existed for several interviewees to attempt to relate subjects of interest from the academic
sphere to other areas of their lives, acting upon an impulse toward particular STEM or STEM-related
fields that ultimately led them to choose related degree programs in university.

Secondary school-university transition: a natural process

The process of transition from secondary school to university was characterized by a decision already
made regarding the desire to continue studying. As indicated above, contemplating the process of
accessing higher education was something routine, as the interviewees expected well in advance that
they would continue on with university studies. Again, this situation came about and was reinforced
largely through the continuous support and motivation received from family members, as Gerardo
described: “With my father it was always like, ‘I want you to study, to have a career so you can be more
than what I was, and I’m going to give you all the possibilities and tools to get to the next level’.”
Continual support such as this carried students onward through the transition from secondary school
to higher education.
With the idea of continuing to university firmly established, most uncertainty that arose regarding
the move from secondary to tertiary education was related to the task of selecting one area of study
among various available undergraduate options in the STEM disciplines. Nevertheless, in spite of the
transition from high school to university seeming rather natural and expected, all participants in this
study reported that it likewise loomed as a challenge on the horizon, one associated with preexisting
beliefs about the difficulty of getting into university and succeeding there. Paz, for example, expressed
that she always believed her chosen major was difficult, but that she also felt she could manage the
challenge of getting into university and beginning her studies. Ximena also expected university entry
to be a challenge, while Maura, on the contrary, indicated that for her gaining admission to university
was never a concern – it was staying in university and graduating that seemed like a major task.
 JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION 11

In terms of selecting a specific university and major, the majority of students connected their
decisions about undergraduate pursuits to interests and experiences from earlier educational stages.
Paz, for example, explained how a field trip solidified her decision:
In the science elective we came to Valdivia on a field trip, we came here to the [Universidad Austral de Chile], and
based on that some of us, or at least I, formed the image of Valdivia as a city that did a lot of work in the sciences.

Additionally, some interviewees reported significant moments of decision-making outside of formal

educational activities. Such was the case with Maura, who shared her experience participating in
a training program carried out in her home community that was related to the field of study she would
eventually select:
In Mehuín there are always training programs, for the people, for everyone. So, I remember that one time I had to
attend one of these sessions because my mom couldn’t go, and they were talking about business strategies, how
you do accounting.

In this sense, the personal context of each student, often related to his or her home community, was
highlighted as a vital element in the selection of an undergraduate program. As reported by Maura and
confirmed by Paz in similar words, “It was a situation like wanting to save that link with the
countryside and have the knowledge maybe to give back to my home community.”

University: family, friends, and professors help reach the final goal
Returning to a theme discussed above, although some participants claimed that their decision to
pursue a STEM or STEM-related program was related to what they viewed as a natural link between
academic knowledge and personal skills and experiences, they likewise made it clear that selecting
a degree program was “a difficult decision since, in general, people aren’t prepared to choose what to
study at 18 years old” (Gerardo). In this context, there was a significant group of interviewees who had
chosen a program upon entering university that was different from the one they ultimately completed
or were close to finishing. During the process of finding the right program, their families and close
friends filled a fundamental role, supporting them and helping them select a major in line with their
expectations and suited to their needs. This was demonstrated well by Elisa when she described her
family’s influence:
I told my parents that I didn’t like the program [that I had chosen initially] and that I wanted to choose another
one. My dad supported me, he always supported me. My mom wasn’t convinced since she wanted me to finish my
degree as soon as possible, but she ended up changing her opinion, she didn’t entirely oppose my decision. She
never told me no, I don’t want you to do that, she always supported me and I really appreciate that. If that weren’t
the case, I never would have found my path.

Alejandro, meanwhile, highlighted the important influence of friends in addition to family and
illustrated that the two sources of direction and support were not always perfectly aligned:
I decided to start a program in Concepción. It was my first year, nobody in my family had experience in higher
education and my classmates were in the same position, so I received very limited guidance. I went to Universidad
de Concepción to study accounting because I thought that it was a more useful program for what I wanted to do.
Because of scholarship issues, I decided to leave and take the PSU2 again. With this opportunity, I thought about
two options: start a program either at the Universidad Austral de Chile Puerto Montt Campus or at the
Universidad de Los Lagos [ULA]. In the end, I decided to study at ULA after my friends who knew both
universities told me that ULA was better for me since it incorporated more areas related to the sciences.
Ultimately, due to a range of problems, I later decided to leave ULA and take the PSU exam yet again. I talked
to my mom and she told me that I should do accounting because I was good at it and I liked the program. I could
go on the Universidad Austral de Chile webpage and see the benefits and student housing options available. In

2
The PSU (University Selection Exam) is the standardized university entrance exam in Chile; it is normally retaken when changing
universities or degree programs.
12 M. SILVA ET AL.

addition, as I have many friends studying there, I ultimately applied to study accounting at the Universidad
Austral.

These excerpts exemplify a trend that was observed in which family and close friends provided
powerful support, advice, and influence regarding participants’ final choices of university and
major, a decision-making process that was often unfamiliar and challenging.
In addition to the initial stages of settling on an academic major, the role of familial support in
particular was present throughout the undergraduate university experience, extending far beyond the
stages of admission and selection of a degree program. Ximena demonstrated this in the following
comment: “Sometimes people think that it’s just the professors who keep helping us and helping us;
actually, if you don’t have the support of your family or some incentive from them, it makes
a difference, it is more difficult.” Providing a related example, Gerardo recounted that in certain
critical moments that made him question what he was doing, such as those brought on by financial
hardship, support from his family was crucial. He remembered this being particularly important on
one occasion when his father admonished him to just keep studying, assuring him he would find a way
to resolve the situation. Similarly, Miguel mentioned that his parents had always been proud of him
and all of his siblings, and thus in moments of difficulty, they would raise his spirits and encourage him
to keep trying, confident that he had the ability to succeed in a given course.
Close friends, too, as well as classmates and roommates, played an important role in the
perseverance of these students in following their degree programs and remaining in university.
Especially in the context of having to abandon places of origin to pursue higher education, friends
became a primary form of support when far from home in the majority of cases. Alejandro reported
that while he was living in student housing, he had the opportunity to live with other classmates
from his program. This allowed him to study and do homework with his peers, who provided
additional support since everyone knew, for example, when the students in a particular class had an
upcoming test – they would encourage each other to study and prepare. Gerardo, who was still in
the final stages of his degree program when interviewed, likewise highlighted the importance of
friends’ support:
When you’re sick, your friends come to see you; when you’re sad, your friends are there to support you; when you
don’t want to study . . . In fact, at some point, I had lost interest in continuing my studies, but my friends obligated
me to continue, emphasizing the fact that I had the skills to finish the program. They insisted that I had to finish,
and then, later, do whatever it was that I wanted.

These comments demonstrate that despite the majority of participants having to leave their homes to
attend university, representing a separation from the family at a relatively early age by Chilean
standards, friends filled in by acting as guides and helpers during interviewees’ daily lives, contributing
positively to the achievement of specific objectives or providing general encouragement and support to
persist in undergraduate studies.
The role of university professors was also crucial in terms of the success of the students interviewed
in completing their undergraduate programs. While interviewees reported that most instructors did
not significantly influence the completion or near completion of their programs, the role of certain
professors was notable. Alejandro, for example, described an especially important teacher: “I stayed in
chemistry because I liked the subject and because this one professor in particular who taught
chemistry, more than teaching chemistry he made is think.” Elisa, meanwhile, described her experi­
ence with instructors in the following way:
There were a few professors [who made a difference]: one professor of pharmacokinetics, one of biopharmacy,
and another one who was from Concepción who is a very good teacher since he motivated as well as teaching very
well, always remembering that we were dealing with complex topics.

For his part, Javier indicated that his botany professor always stressed the idea that failing to graduate
from a program was just one missed step, insisting that his students had to keep moving forward since
nothing was impossible.
 JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION 13

The impact particular professors had on the success of interviewees in university, in addition to
general supportiveness or inspiration, sprung largely from the specific tools and knowledge they
provided for students to develop personal interests within an academic subject. Javier, for example,
reported that his botany professor encouraged him to eventually specialize and apply to a doctoral
program, and that he was one of the professors who provided a letter of recommendation. Meanwhile,
Andrea explained that what she liked best about her instructors was “ . . . listening to [certain
professors’] classes and feeling that these fields are advancing and that we are up-to-date with all of
this because they’re young professors that are doing research and are very active in their fields.”
A strong relationship that formed between instructors and students, contributing to the success of the
latter, was also described by Gerardo, whose bond with his professor began when they met during their
first class together. Gerardo was so impressed that he immediately told his new professor, “I want to
work with you.” He explained that he often asked for this teacher’s assistance and worked with him
beginning in his first year of university, eventually thinking of him as a paternal figure within the
academic world.

Indigenous identity and feelings of belonging in higher education

It is known that the processes of identity formation and the development of a sense of belonging
depend on the particular context of each individual and on each community to which he or she
belongs or has entered. In the case of the participants in this study, some indicated that they were not
in direct contact with or actively part of an indigenous community, despite the fact that they identified
as indigenous. Andrea, for example, explained that she felt Mapuche because of her indigenous last
name and ancestry, but not close to the culture, since her Mapuche grandfather had cut off contact
with her mother for marrying a non-indigenous Chilean. Meanwhile, Javier explained the he felt
Mapuche because of his maternal grandfather, who was from an indigenous background and taught
him to farm in the traditional ways; however, he claimed that he did not consciously identify as
Mapuche until after his grandfather’s death. It was during the period following this event that he
experienced a growing desire to learn more about the Mapuche language and connect the medicinal
herbs used by the indigenous group with his university degree program. On the other hand, Gerardo
described that despite feeling proud to be Mapuche himself, his family generally did not even feel
comfortable having a Mapuche surname since they felt that it was badly viewed in Chilean society,
referencing a societal stigma which, although fading, has long influenced and complicated individual
decisions about indigenous identity. He provided a personal example of the continuing presence of
this stigma by recounting his own experience with a certain university professor who would call him
by name and say that he was going to burn down forests. While he believed that the professor intended
these comments as lighthearted humor, they likewise constituted a derogatory reference to both recent
and historical conflicts between indigenous groups and forestry corporations in southern Chile.
The sometimes challenging circumstances of identifying as a member of a Chilean indigenous and/
or minority community while also as a university student is not just a part of the Chilean reality, it can
also be found in other cultural contexts. One example is the case of African-American university
students in the United States, who have experienced being viewed negatively and not being considered
worthy or sufficiently intelligent to finish undergraduate programs or continue on to graduate studies
due to perceived racial differences (Johnson-Ahorlu, 2012). Some interviewees found that such
phenomena not only existed during in their undergraduate programs but also transcended the
realm of higher education, as expressed by Maura, who was concerned about whether she would be
able to easily enter the professional world with her Mapuche ancestry evidenced by her surname.
Alternatively, in Argentina, Ossola (2017) reports that for students from the Wichí indigenous group,
“while [university] imposes Western culture on indigenous people, the academic environment is
nonetheless a privileged place for acquiring skills and developing strategies . . . This contradictory
nature of schooling pushes youth to daily generate positive meanings that legitimize their staying in
school” (p. 113). Like the students in Ossola’s study, many participants in this study generated such
14 M. SILVA ET AL.

positive meanings by connecting their university studies to their home communities and ancestral
cultures.
Indeed, in spite of existing adversities in Chilean society related to indigenous identities, most
interviewees were proud to affirm that their Mapuche identity consisted of far more than having
a Mapuche surname or relative; it was related to possessing or in some cases actively acquiring cultural
knowledge that allowed them to participate in and contribute to their respective communities. Such
was the case with Alejandro, who, with his experience in auditing, was able to help develop govern­
ment-funded projects to address the specific needs of his community members, who did not possess
a high level of formal education. He also reported being involved in the writing of documents related
to his community foundation, which his family was involved with. Miguel’s background was also
noteworthy in this sense, as he reported that he participated in several indigenous communities and
helped them work toward the goal of having forestry corporations cede a portion of their properties to
support local livelihoods. Likewise, Paz commented that she participated in Mapuche organizations,
where she had increased her understanding of the difficulties and contradictions in the Mapuche
world related to poverty and injustice.

Discussion
In this study, through life history interviews carried out with recent graduates or students nearing
graduation in STEM-related fields who identified as belonging to indigenous groups, it was possible to
identify the dominant role played by the family in relation to the successful completion of formal
education – primary, secondary, and tertiary. This is especially noteworthy bearing in mind that most
of these students represented the first generation in their family to access university education.
Moreover, the fact that the family formed a constant support network for the participants, continu­
ously instilling the idea that studying was the primary task at hand in order to access and complete
university studies, was a crucial factor for all interviewees. This contributed to the development and
consolidation of strong learning trajectories in STEM and STEM-related disciplines that also resulted
from, in the majority of cases, interviewees negotiating their indigenous identities first in their
communities and extended support networks, which emanated from situations of rurality and modest
socioeconomic status, and second in their respective undergraduate programs, which were associated
with new academic and professional communities of practice that students successfully entered
(Barron, 2007; McDonald & Cater-Steel, 2016).
It was during the second stage, that of being immersed in the world of undergraduate study, that
friends and classmates acquired an important role in terms of interviewees’ continuity in higher
education, providing steady support both in terms of daily life and specific academic challenges. The
academic culture of these students, therefore, can be seen as being formed not only by family and their
home communities, but also by influential friends and peer groups in their academic communities of
practice. Likewise, this academic culture was constituted in part and bolstered by professors who
provided space and personal effort to help students generate meaningful links to what they were
learning and become active members of the community of practice of a certain discipline (Ajjawi &
Higgs, 2008; McDonald & Cater-Steel, 2016; Noonan et al., 2007).
The results described suggest that families, teachers, and communities that foster a positive attitude
toward both academic work and indigenous culture and identity have a significant impact on access to,
retention in, and completion of undergraduate programs (Jones & Harris-Roxas, 2009; Kanu, 2007).
Likewise, those interviewees who embraced indigenous culture and identity on more individual terms
also reported positive benefits in terms of their academic lives and integration with their fields, as has
been suggested by other related studies (Brayboy, 2005; Carter et al., 2018; Ockenden, 2014; Ossola,
2017). In a key example, Ossola (2017) carried out research with indigenous undergraduate students
from the Wichí community in Argentina and found the bridging of indigenous culture and the
academic sphere, occurring at various sites and ultimately springing from students’ community ties,
to be a crucial factor in indigenous students’ experiences in academia. The study in question engaged
 JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION 15

specifically with the relationship between students’ pursuit of undergraduate education and their
important, evolving relationships with their indigenous communities, as did Brayboy’s (2005) research
on American Indians in the US university system, which also pointed to the importance of the
simultaneous influence of factors relating to university access and performance and success and
membership in an indigenous community. The results of the present study similarly highlight, in
addition to the importance of students’ families and communities fostering their access to university
education, the key role played by students’ evolving engagement with and sense of responsibility to
their indigenous communities as young adults. The majority of interviewees’ university and earlier
educational experiences and interests were shown to be intimately tied to their involvement with their
places of origin and/or ancestral links (Jones & Harris-Roxas, 2009; Kanu, 2007).
In terms of the complex issue of indigenous identity in Chile, those interviewees who developed
or strengthened their Mapuche identities as young adults reported doing so in relation to their
academic work and unanimously spoke of the process positively, suggesting that it had enriched
both their academic and personal lives. A recent study of indigenous students in Mexico, where
comparable issues exist related to indigenous identity formation against the backdrop of historical
marginalization and the prominence of mainstream mestizo culture, reported similar results in that
students described developing and “reaffirming” their indigenous identities in relation to university-
level academic work (Kovats Sánchez, 2020). In another study in New Zealand, it was found that
Samoan students reaffirmed their ethnic identities and experienced them as a “salient” factor in
graduate school in the context of mainstream New Zealand society, which while decidedly multi­
cultural, may at times view indigenous Pacific peoples negatively in terms of education and other
important factors (Mara, 2014). Mara suggests that this reaffirmation of identity also occurred in
relation to the presence of other indigenous Pacific students, lecturers, and relevant academic
materials and research, as well as attributing the salience of ethnic identity in this context to
“distinct meanings and groupings [emerging] where two or more cultural groups meet and interact
within a social institution such as a university” (p. 285). Although the social context of the present
study involved cultural groups whose definition was somewhat more ambiguous, the university
setting likewise had a clear impact on articulating indigenous identity for the majority of inter­
viewees, most of whom, while negative experiences may have been reported, found that their varied
indigenous backgrounds complemented their academic work (Day et al., 2015; Emeagwali & Shizha,
2016; O’Donnell, 2010).
It follows that the possession or development, as a student, of indigenous identity or the sense of
belonging to an indigenous community is not determined simply by the contact that one may have had
with indigenous culture, but also by active interaction with and belonging to a group (Maillard et al.,
2008; Mondaca et al., 2017; Santos & Umaña-Taylor, 2015; Zapata, 2009). For the interviewees in this
study, this was likewise the case with their subsequent or concurrent development of identities as
experts in their academic fields. In both spheres, students were stimulated and encouraged in their
interest and/or perseverance in STEM and STEM-related fields. Students’ entrance into communities
of practice related to these fields intersected with the support networks associated with their families,
peers, teachers, and home communities, which formed the foundations of their existing or developing
indigenous identities. Bearing in mind the varying degree to which attraction to STEM-related areas
may have been innate and success may have lied within the particular capacities and talents of each
individual participant, in general it can be said that students’ own communities and support networks,
which were translated to an academic realm and joined with students’ participation in academic
communities of practice, permitted them to live and experience their learning more fully as new
knowledge was constructed through the negotiation of meanings and collective and personal processes
related to their identities as indigenous university students.

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
16 M. SILVA ET AL.

Funding
This work was supported by Chile’s National Fund for Scientific and Technological Development (FONDECYT) under
Grant #11170994; and the Vicerrectoría de Investigación, Desarrollo, y Creación Artística (Vice-Rectory of Research,
Development, and Artistic Creation) of the Universidad Austral de Chile under Grant [#S-2015-51].

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