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Tourists and pilgrims on their way to

Santiago. Motives, Caminos and final
destinations
a a
Rubén C. Lois-González & Xosé M. Santos
a
Department of Geography, University of Santiago de
Compostela, University Square 1, Santiago de Compostela
E-15782, Spain
Published online: 27 May 2014.

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To cite this article: Rubén C. Lois-González & Xosé M. Santos (2015) Tourists and pilgrims on their
way to Santiago. Motives, Caminos and final destinations, Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change,
13:2, 149-164, DOI: 10.1080/14766825.2014.918985

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 Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change, 2015
Vol. 13, No. 2, 149–164, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14766825.2014.918985

Tourists and pilgrims on their way to Santiago. Motives, Caminos

and final destinations
Rubén C. Lois-González and Xosé M. Santos*

Department of Geography, University of Santiago de Compostela, University Square 1, Santiago

de Compostela E-15782, Spain
(Received 14 October 2013; accepted 14 April 2014)

This article proposes a theoretical and analytical approach to modern pilgrimage to

Santiago de Compostela; a cultural and experiential tourism route for the twenty-first
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century, founded upon the recovery (idealized) of the medieval way and leading to a
Christian sanctuary (where the remains of Apostle Saint James the Great are held).
The success of this route is based on the fact that the new tourist mixes pilgrimage
motivations (displacement for religious or spiritual motivations) with tourist
motivations, such as the search for various landscapes, the need to mentally unwind
and to escape from the pressures of daily life. This work analyses the case of
Santiago de Compostela and the evolution of the three elements that make up
pilgrimage and lead us to understand the current position of the Camino, along with
some of its weaknesses.
Keywords: Camino; The Way of St. James; tourism; pilgrimage; landscape; heritage

Introduction
The return of travel on the Way of St. James over the last decades of the twentieth century is
an indisputable fact (Frey, 1998; Tilson, 2005). This journey stems from a medieval tra-
dition (Christian pilgrimage) that has become a new way to enjoy the holiday period
(Santos, 1999). In this respect, the Way’s rebirth as a tourist destination is highly coherent
with the times in which we live. We are not concerned about a classic religious tourism
offer, although some of its characteristics adapt to some present tendencies in the sector.
We need to look at the term pilgrim in its broadest sense when referring to the Way of
St. James because it brings a number of very important nuances into play and this will
allow for a better understanding of this uniqueness.
The importance acquired by the Way of St. James has made it the focus of research
interest from various disciplines such as geography, anthropology or sociology among
others. In addition to an extensive bibliography written in Spanish or Galician (Alvarez,
1999; Barreiro, 2009; Caucci, 1993; Rodríguez, 2004; Santos & Lois, 2011; Singul,
2009) international literature offers highly interesting studies and reflections, from Frey’s
(1998) classic analyses to some really suggestive contributions such as Murray and
Graham (1997), Roseman (2004), Tilson (2005) or the work edited by Jansen and Noter-
mans (2012). These articles not only address historical aspects but also delve especially

*Corresponding author. Email: xosemanuel.santos@usc.es

© 2014 Taylor & Francis

 150 R.C. Lois-González and X.M. Santos

into the recuperation of a medieval tradition that adapts to the contemporary world. Hence,
the debate arises around the concepts of tourist and pilgrim.
There are many authors who have tried to define and tackle the concepts of tourist and
pilgrim, from the well-known continuum established by Smith (1992) to classic authors
such as Cohen (1974), Nolan and Nolan (1989) or Turner and Turner (1978), among
many others. What seems to be evident in the debate between tourist and pilgrim is that
the latter was characterized by religious motivation. However, Collins-Kreiner (2010a)
goes a step further when clearly recognizing that the differences between these two
groups are fading as a lot of similarities start to emerge, and concludes that ‘pilgrims
cannot be differentiated from tourists, both kinds may be motivated to undergo an experi-
ence which will add more meaning to their lives’ (p. 446).
In the case of the Way of St. James, it is necessary to develop a new interpretation of the
elements which make up the pilgrimage: the motivation, the Way and the final destination;
this must be done in such a manner that the second element takes centre stage over the
others. Nevertheless, most surprisingly the Way, as a metaphor for feeling close to god
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or to eternal life, present in most religions, is turned, in good measure, into a physical
element in order to keep a central position in the said trilogy. In the example of
St. James the pilgrim there is recognition through a certifying document called the Compos-
tela, which is given to people who make their way to the Apostle’s Tomb (the destination)
for religious reasons (the motivation) on foot (minimum distance 100 km), by bicycle (200
km) or on horseback (100 km) by following one of the recognized and identified routes (the
Way). Furthermore, interestingly, the indications from the Church of Compostela (www.
archicompostela.org) state that the said document is only for people who comply with
the itinerary in a Christian sense, even though it may only be in an attitude of seeking
spirituality.
We see that the three elements are important but have some nuances. The Way: it seems
clear that the manner in which it is completed on a perfectly defined route is important;
therefore, the Way’s tangible dimension acquires a major role. The destination: the place
of the Apostle’s Tomb must be stressed, and the motivation: the sense of Christianity is
important. Throughout this paper, we would like to highlight that neither the motivation
nor the Way or the destination is consistent with the meaning given to the traditional Jaco-
bean pilgrimage. Furthermore, its current configuration follows the line of thought estab-
lished by Collins-Kreiner (2010a). Out of the three, the metaphor of the Way, the main
driver of the other elements to a great extent, has turned into a more mundane concept
and has become more tangible with direct consequences felt from the motivation and the
destination.
Although we must not overlook the central importance of religion, pilgrims have differ-
ent motives for their journey, with the main reason being a spiritual one, although it is dif-
ficult to narrow down the meaning of this term (Centro de Estudos Turísticos & Xacobeo,
2007–2010). Spirituality can be associated with religion but this does not seem to be the
majority of cases. The space of contemporary spirituality is not only composed of contri-
butions from traditional religions (Santos, 2006). We are now witnessing production and
consumption being more and more decoupled from the traditional religions and approach-
ing and adapting ever more to the characteristics of current societies. In fact, many of the
people who value the Way’s spiritual content do so because they become more at one with
nature as they unhurriedly enjoy the scenery and chat at long length to others (Centro de
Estudos Turísticos & Xacobeo, 2007–2010).
This set of practices could be associated with the New Age movement and their rituals
(Ivakhiv, 2003), although considering the pilgrimage as a result of new tourism practices is
 Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change 151

the most appropriate interpretation (Santos & Lois, 2011). The pilgrimage is also related to
slow movement and, more specifically, to the notion of moving leisurely while enjoying
gastronomy in the places and regions visited. The pilgrimage to Santiago means the
revival of a historical legacy from medieval Europe, with history and culture giving
added value to a booming urban tourism (Castro, 2010; Lois & Somoza, 2003). Further-
more, and without contradicting the aforementioned, the pilgrimage attracts those people
motivated by price and fashion. In any case, at the beginning of the twenty-first century
this pilgrimage is one of the most significant and numerically important because it
crosses the Old World and has led to a resurgence of the routes leading to holy places in
Latin America and South Africa, Asia and, in particular, the Arab world.
The approach developed in this paper focuses on the relationship between tourism and
pilgrimage and the Way of St. James, taking the Way’s revitalization as a reference. It has
been one of religious and pagan interest and has brought with it interesting debates on new
forms of tourism. In this process, the transmutation of the metaphorical idea of the Way has
been important. The first section is devoted to the contemporary return to pilgrimages so
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that we can understand the new forms of tourism. One may think, is the pilgrim a new
tourist in a post-secular period? Indeed, the post-secular concept can help us understand
this original figure among tourists (Beaumont & Baker, 2011). The second section seeks
to focus on the Way of St. James and how the Way can be interpreted as a pioneering experi-
ence in current pilgrimage tourism. In order to do this, a timeline has been done to illustrate
the recovery of walking holidays to Compostela, which normally takes in well-known
attractions and motivates tens of thousands of people to take to the route each year. In
the third section of this paper we deal with how the profile of the current pilgrim is dealt
with and we see how motivation, the Way and the final destination respond to what tra-
ditionally is understood as pilgrimage. This profile was studied when the Camino de San-
tiago Observatory was in existence. In order to understand the current walker phenomenon
in Compostela a large number of surveys on pilgrims were carried out and a comprehensive
set of qualitative data were collected (Centro de Estudos Turísticos & Xacobeo, 2007–
2010).

The contemporary return of pilgrimages: a theoretical approximation

From a conceptual standpoint, the most curious point about the Way of St. James’s recovery
process is the fact that a medieval pilgrimage route with a sanctuary as its destination has
become an attractive modern tourist destination for people seeking relaxation in the twenty-
first century. This brings one to wonder what a pilgrim is and what a tourist is. The word
pilgrim in the Roman Empire referred to foreigners, vagrants or exiles who visited cities
or territories and were hardly any different from a tourist. The word ‘pilgrim’ actually
comes from the Latin word ‘tornus’, referring to one who takes a journey of one or more
days before returning to one’s place of origin (Collins-Kreiner, 2010b; Lopez & Lois,
2011; Smith, 1992). During medieval times the word pilgrimage was used to describe
movement for sacred reasons while the word tourism emerged from the Grand Tour of
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and was associated with a secular character
(Cohen, 1992; Rinschede, 1992). Despite this historical difference, the various authors
who have studied this issue agree that the pilgrim and tourist often become one and the
same (Eade & Sallnow, 1991).
In the case of Santiago de Compostela, the pilgrim is a tourist who shies away from the
usual crowds in order to reach the final destination. This pilgrim is one who seeks to
enhance relaxation (mostly spiritual) and benefit from a more sedate journey through
 152 R.C. Lois-González and X.M. Santos

towns and villages. While much of the pilgrim world continues to leave a huge imprint on
religious practice, in developed countries (especially in Europe and Japan) this statement
cannot be said to be true of modern times (Barreiro, 2009; Chemin Filho, 2011; Santos
& Lois, 2011). The fact is that pilgrimage has a polysemic content and is a reflection of
the modern multi-religious and multicultural European society. Tourists’ beliefs are
diverse on the Way of St. James or on the Japanese Kumano Kodo (McGuire, 2013; Nicol-
off, 2008) and, whether it is to either enjoy their holiday period or for their religion and/or
spirituality, or a mixture of both, they come from very different places in search of a unique
experience.
At the dawn of the twenty-first century pilgrimage to Compostela has become associ-
ated with a good number of cultural tourists in need of adventure and in search of a
series of factors (Centro de Estudos Turísticos & Xacobeo, 2007–2010). The Way means
undergoing leisurely mobility while being at one with nature in relaxed contemplation of
the landscape (Milani, 2001; Sobrino & López, 2006). In this respect, this coincides with
hikers, trekkers and people planning walking holidays to far-off countries where they
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enjoy a region’s flora and fauna. Modern pilgrimage has symbolically re-qualified a
number of places that are passed en-route, no matter whether they are attractive churches,
villages, fountains, bridges or hills. This peculiar glimpse of the territory also provides the
opportunity for many classic heritage or country tourism products. Socializing with other
tourists is an essential aspect of the experience on the Way, with its tangible and intangible
hierarchy of values and sociability amid the context of advanced capitalism (Cosgrove,
1998; Turnbull, 1992). Dining with other pilgrims, sleeping in a usually public or private
shelter with many other people and having time to talk and make new friends while
sharing experiences with local people met on the Way provides, as with many other new
forms of tourism, an opportunity to break away from the routine of urban life in modern
society (Wirth, 1938).
The Way has a final destination, and a fairly clear purpose, the city of Santiago. Indeed,
there are many walkers who then decide to continue walking to Finisterre, one of Europe’s
westernmost points, where they can contemplate the vastness of the Atlantic, enjoy Land’s
End or just take in the magic of its sunset. On arrival in the city of Santiago, rituals are
carried out such as the collection of the Compostela (a certificate that proves one has com-
pleted the Way), the pilgrims also attend mass (or not) in the cathedral, they buy souvenirs
and eat well to replenish their strength. Hence, the pilgrim often becomes a tourist. They
stop walking, sleeping in shelters and moving in groups with other pilgrims and they
start staying in hotels, driving cars and devoting several days to sightseeing in a more or
less conventional manner in Galicia, Santiago being this region’s capital city, (Blanco &
Garrido, 1994; Santos, 1999). Alternatively, they visit the entire northwest quadrant of
the Iberian Peninsula, including the North of Portugal. This formal transmutation, as we
will see, is not always noted with satisfaction as the resistance to engage in this change
shows.
Experts and observers of the Way of St. James pilgrimage repeatedly wonder about
modern Western pilgrimages in general and what has caused a return to these practices.
The general opinion points to several reasons. First, the old pilgrim routes, or cultural
routes, have been intensely promoted as a new free time alternative and a unique tourist
experience (Institut des Itineraires Culturels Europeen, 2007; Lois, 2004). In Europe and
Japan one can go to a traditional shrine, go to a historic property or imagine visiting
places in literature (the route of Don Quixote, Shakespeare’s England, etc.) on a leisurely
drive or, increasingly, on foot or on a bicycle. Moreover, and as aforesaid, the experience
will also take in rural tourism and natural attractions while always bringing something else:
 Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change 153

a magical encounter with history, an encounter with literary traditions or cuisine in the less
built-up territories and the fact of being well away from the daily rush of city life. This ful-
fills a need for the idealized and, in general, the increasing need for prestigious tourism in
modern man (Griffin & Hayllar, 2009; Volo, 2009).
Together with intense promotion of these new destinations (or different ways to take a
vacation) public administrations have undertaken individual decisions on places along these
routes. Old paths and walkways have been repaired, bridges have been rebuilt, water
sources have been purified, ancient monuments and populations have been regenerated
and repopulated, native trees have been planted and signs have been placed in a set of
repeated cultural or pilgrimage itineraries. This is a new sacred space that is reinterpreted
from historical or literary texts and seeks authentic or secular space, even if the result is
a somewhat forced (and sometimes an imprecise) reconstruction. Despite the problems
of cultural and historical value, most tourists cherish the recreated symbolic landscape
which allows them to evoke the medieval poetic times or fictional texts as they develop
a behavior interpreted as leisure culture and quality of life (Castro, 2010; Franco-
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Taboada & Tarrío-Carrodeaguas, 2000; Pichel-Pichel, 2004).

In studies carried out in art history and urban planning ideological presuppositions of
these official interventions are individualized and fall neatly into the concept of the
social production of space (Castro, 2010; Lefebvre, 1974; Martí, 1995). The spatial frame-
work of the destination, or modified landscapes, has already been produced, and the set of
attributes associated with the route end up bringing a massive response in the form of pil-
grims and tourists. These travellers are often motivated by the very attractive sounding com-
bination of nature, countryside, culture, history and gastronomy. In summary, the current
recovery of the pilgrimage routes, or simply cultural routes, has meant the emergence of
the post-secular; that is, the use of space and visibility of religious and spiritual events in
a number of qualified places (Eade, 2011; Paddison, 2011).

The Way of St. James: a pioneering experience in pilgrimage tourism

There is a broad consensus of opinion that considers the Way of St. James to be the first
route to see the return of pilgrimages in the West and should be taken as a reference for
the promotion of cultural routes. In this remarkable period we find many overlapping pro-
cesses which are no less than the dynamics of geopolitical and ideological appropriation
(Castro, 2010; Lois, 2012; Santos, 1999). In any case, the Way is the pioneer, long
before the return of pilgrims to the Via Francigena (Canterbury-Rome) or the routes to Jer-
usalem or the Kumano Kodo, to give three prominent examples. In fact, many of these pil-
grimages had almost completely disappeared in the nineteenth century and the Way of
St. James was no exception to this. During the nineteenth century there were very few
people who travelled to Santiago on foot and when, after the Spanish Civil War (1936–
39), three catholic researchers followed the Way (Vázquez, Lacarra, and Uría, 1948,
1992 reprint), they provided valuable historical data for its recovery and pointed out that
while listening to mass the very Canons at the Cathedral of Santiago were surprised to
see walkers dressed as pilgrims of old.
In the second half of the nineteenth century, a traditionalist and archaeology enthusiast,
Canon A. López Ferreiro, claimed to have rediscovered the remains of St. James in the
Cathedral itself by stating that the remains had been hidden in order to protect them
from Drake’s raids in the sixteenth century. In an interesting alliance between the two apos-
tolic holy cities (Rome and Santiago) the discovery was validated by Rome at a time when
Cardinal Paya (Archbishop of Santiago) supported the infallibility of the Pope. In fact, the
 154 R.C. Lois-González and X.M. Santos

impulse given by the more conservative Catholic Church brought about the revival of tra-
dition in Santiago and became the foundations of what would be the success of the Way a
hundred years later. Modern history shows that the first serious attempt to bring pilgrims
back to Santiago was actually acted out by the church itself. Between the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries the church encouraged its parishioners (from nearby towns and villages)
to go in a conventional way to the sanctuary in Santiago and attend mass in holy years
(when St. James’ day, 25 July, falls on a Sunday) (Villares, 2003).
The early Franco post-civil war decades of the 1940s and 1950s were an interesting
moment of significant political and ideological appropriation for the Way of St. James
phenomenon; or even before, when it was decided that the 1937 holy year should extraordi-
narily be extended to 1938. General Franco, the victor of a long struggle, undoubtedly used
the legend of St. James the Apostle to defend his view that the civil war had been a crusade
against Communists and Freemasons. Indeed, the images of the medieval and modern
periods show him as a warrior against the infidels and Muslims. Furthermore, the
regime, with the support of the church of Compostela, put a lot of effort into the rehabilita-
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tion of monuments and the Way of St. James itself (Castro, 2010; Castro & Lois, 2006). The
dictator had no hesitation in repeatedly visiting the Cathedral of Santiago in the holy years
(whenever 25 July is a Sunday) of 1948, 1954 and 1965. In fact, in 1948 Franco promoted
the sanctuary as the icon of national Catholicism, claiming that a very traditional, catholic
Spain was the home to Catholicism, in a self-sufficient relationship with the exterior world
(at the time, the country was subjected to international isolation for its collaboration with
Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy).
In 1954 and 1965 enormous efforts were made to promote the Way of St. James and to
begin a move into tourism in classic terms. By this time the regime was finally beginning to
open up to the rest of the world and made the most of the holy years to boost its international
presence (Rodríguez, 2004). Also, the emblematic landmark building, the Hostal de los Reyes
Catolicos, was restored into a luxury hotel with a historical character, and was included in the
Paradores hotel chain (Castro and Lois, 2006). In 1965 the enhancement of tourism, which
had started to be seen in 1954, is evident (Rodríguez, 2004). The decades of the 1960s
and 1970s saw a change in the understanding of the Way of St. James and the gradual aban-
donment of the route’s ultra-catholic character and a link to conventional displacement (by
car, bus, train, etc.). It starts to acquire the profiles we know today; all of this in a transition
full of difficulties as the statement from the Archbishop of Santiago shows in 1975 when he
says: ‘today we risk confusing the social phenomenon of tourism with the Christian phenom-
enon of pilgrimages’ (Apud. Rodríguez, 2004, p. 329).
These new times, characterized by an evolution in the Franco regime towards positions
of international openness, economic growth and tourist promotion, came from a combi-
nation of two factors: a growing number of scientists (especially historians and philologists)
had become interested in the secular pilgrimage route and, at the same time, many of the
St. James Association of Friends actively worked on the Way’s recovery by using dis-
tinguishing signs of pilgrimages from history. The Association of Friends has acted as
popular and conservative movements in promoting the Way, both in its use and preser-
vation, and, in fact, there are associations in almost every Spanish city and European
country, (even in North America and Japan). These associations are often dominated by reli-
gious feelings (not just catholic), although there are also numerous social volunteers and
trekking enthusiasts.
Together with the process discussed above, the second major factor in the recovery of
the Way of St. James was political. First, the notion of a united Europe was founded by the
image of the pilgrimage to Santiago (according to Goethe, ‘Europe was built by walking to
 Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change 155

Santiago’). In fact, this idea would come to be used by the government of Spain to justify its
admission into the European Community in 1986. Indeed, the great exhibition that
accompanied its introduction to the European Institutions made reference to the Way of
St. James. In Compostela and Old Europe, walkers of various nationalities heading to San-
tiago are a strong icon in the transition between the twentieth and twenty-first centuries and,
moreover, the transition to democracy in Spain also encouraged the popularization of the
Way of St. James. Surprisingly, St James, who had been a symbol of ultra Catholicity
and a symbol of the Franco dictatorship (St. James the Warrior), becomes a representative
of European democratic power and regionally decentralized Spain (St. James the Pilgrim);
both the Spanish government and regional powers in the regions on the Way’s route
(especially Galician) have focused on the promotion of this new tourist destination (Lois
& Somoza, 2003).
The Way of St. James has become tolerant, diverse, ecological and an opportunity to
enjoy free time. The Way has generated broad political and ideological consensus and
matches the contemporary reference for the local society, from Galicia and Spain. Also,
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as stated above, the Way has been confirmed as a quality destination by the successive inter-
national awards it has been honored with. In this sense, declarations of Historic Santiago
(1985), the Way as a World Heritage Site by UNESCO (1993), the first European Cultural
Route (1987), and the appointment of Santiago de Compostela as a European Cultural
Capital (2000) have enriched its international recognition and historical attributes. It is a
communication link along which people walk and enjoy a different type of vacation.

Sources of statistical information

The relevance acquired by the Jacobean phenomenon has not been accompanied by suffi-
cient studies regarding the profile of the pilgrim. We highlight the ones coordinated by
Blanco and Garrido (1994) or by Alvarez (1999). Until the creation of the Camino de San-
tiago Observatory in the second half of 2005, the only regularly available information on
the current pilgrimage phenomenon was taken from data provided by the Pilgrim Office.
This office possesses information on the majority of the pilgrims who go on foot, on horse-
back or bicycle to Santiago to collect the Compostela, a medieval document certifying the
pilgrimage. The pilgrimage is proven by the presentation of a passport stamped along the
route at authorized posts.
The dataset provided by the Pilgrim Office is interesting but very limited despite
improvements. One is able to find out the approximate number of pilgrims and their
origin, sex, age, employment status, mode of transport on the Way (walking, cycling or
riding), the starting place of the chosen route and itinerary. Pilgrims were also asked
about their reasons for following the Way but their answers are very questionable given
that tourists must declare a religious reason in order to obtain the Compostela. In fact,
this document is only issued to those who declare religious reasons, or religious and
others. Meanwhile, those who point to other reasons receive a less attractive non-historical
certificate.
The lack of relevant information and the biased nature of other sources of information
encouraged cooperation between the University of Santiago de Compostela and the Gali-
cian Government. Together they decided to launch a tool in order to start an in-depth
study of the pilgrim’s profile and the existing offer on the Way. This analysis culminated
in a series of studies on the different itineraries which mainly analysed the hotel and cater-
ing services. It included interviews with company managers in order to discover the
 156 R.C. Lois-González and X.M. Santos

relationship between the Way and the evolution of their businesses, although the project’s
centre piece corresponded to the profile of the pilgrim.
Its implementation was complemented by the Santiago Tourism Observatory, a tool that
operated from the second half of 2004. This observatory, still in operation, generally ana-
lyses tourists in the city, whether they are pilgrims or not. As said above, the Camino de
Santiago Observatory began in the first half of 2005 and the first full annuity is for
2006, for budgetary reasons its run came to an end in December 2010. It is, therefore, a
short series but allows us to have a deeper understanding of the pilgrims and includes
the 2010 holy year. The central element to this is that the Observatory’s survey was directed
at pilgrims and completed by the person in charge of its implementation. A total of just over
3000 surveys per year was completed month by month and distributed in proportion to the
total data provided by the Pilgrim Office. In which case, July and August offered the great-
est volume of surveys and January the least. The estimated sampling error is 3.5% and the
confidence level is 95.5%. The total annual number of surveys was initially around 1000 but
expanded to over 3000, although confidence levels did not vary.
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The surveys took place in two parts of the city of Santiago. The first was in the Pilgrim
Office, the place visited by most walkers in order to collect the accrediting document, the
Compostela, by providing relevant supporting evidence. The second post was in the Monte
do Gozo complex, which provides a large public overnight shelter in which many of the
pilgrims stay when reaching the Way’s end. The reason for selecting this last post was
due to the fact that not all pilgrims are interested in obtaining the Compostela. In fact, in
2010 the evidence pointed to 88.5% having or planning to collect the Compostela versus
4.4% who had no such intention and 7.1% who were undecided. The first is a slightly
higher figure than in previous years, when it was slightly above 80%. No doubt the
value of 2010 was also due to the fact of it being a holy year, when religious motivation
is always slightly higher, and also due to the large increase in Spanish pilgrims who are
much more likely to ask for accreditation in such years. Yet, it is still interesting to note
that 20% of respondents did not know the meaning of the Compostela, a document
which often forms part of pilgrimage rites. Overall the survey included 28 questions
together with the classic socio-professional identification. Therefore, it is a comprehensive
document that includes issues such as motivation, travel arrangements, satisfaction and
spending, among others. In addition, the obtained data can be supplemented with deriva-
tives from the Santiago Tourism Observatory which also includes interviews with pilgrims
and other tourists in Santiago, although in this case the perspective is different since the
issues are directly related to the stay in Santiago and not to the completion of the Way.

Results
If we look at the revitalization of the Way of St. James until the present day, it is easy to see
an evolution of a pilgrim profile and the characteristics of the Way itself. The only habitual
information of some significance regarding the pilgrimage refers to the substantial growth
in the number of walkers each year. The figures speak for themselves as they show a con-
tinued steady increase, with especially important peaks in holy years. The graph shows a
relatively repetitive behaviour in each inter Jubilee, although there are some differences
because the time between holy years can vary greatly. In general, we can say that the
year immediately following a holy year recorded significant growth in pilgrims, perhaps
due to the decision to postpone the pilgrimage and avoid the expected crowds in the
holy year. From there on, we witness a much slower growth which re-accelerates,
though less, in the year immediately prior to a holy year (Figure 1).
 Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change 157

The existence of this pattern is seen in 2011 and 2012, and the figures are still increas-
ing. From the holy year of 2010 we observe repetitive tendencies, although it is true that
circumstances are currently very different. We have to consider that 2010 closed the Jaco-
bean cycle that began in 1993 and will not start again until 2021 (the next holy year). There-
fore, it is expected that there will be significant variations in the 11 years to come as it is not
known whether the Way of St. James product will remain as relevant in 2021. In addition to
these absolute figures, the rest of the information on the pilgrims is no less than almost anec-
dotal. The data come from files managed by the Pilgrim Office. Nationality is one of the
facts that often can be highlighted and indicates the phenomenon of internationalization,
with an emphasis on the different origins and showing that numbers have increased from
a few dozen sending countries to 140 in 2010 and 133 in 2012.
The said source, despite its validity and interest, has had numerous setbacks that not
only affect the results but also the knowledge on pilgrims and the subsequent
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Figure 1. The evolution of the number of pilgrims on the Way of St. James.
Source: the Pilgrim Office in Santiago de Compostela.
 158 R.C. Lois-González and X.M. Santos

interpretations. For us the most significant is related to motivation, since it is a religious

source. The prerequisite for receiving the Compostela is the statement that one has com-
pleted the Way for religious reasons, or at least for both religious and cultural reasons.
This situation affects the pilgrims’ given motivation for following the Way because reli-
gion is the only reason to be awarded the Compostela. Thus, the figures obtained in
2012 indicated that only 6.14% had travelled for nonreligious reasons. The nonreligious
tourists are given a less attractive certifying document, until recently a mere paper
without the symbolic value of the Compostela. This fact, in our opinion, favours
false statements of their true motives. In any case, the meaning of the symbols is inter-
esting because the Compostela, written in Latin, certifies the current pilgrim on a his-
torical route.
Data from the Camino de Santiago Observatory, in a multiple-choice question, indicate
that spiritual motivation (about 50%) is the main reason for following the Way. Only in holy
years do religious reasons approximate that value, but there are many other reasons used by
walkers to justify the start of their journey, such as the wealth of nature/scenery, history/art
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or simply sports or just plain fun. Therefore, the Way is a more complex reality and it is not
exempt from many of the defining characteristics of the modern tourist. Other studies, such
as that coordinated by Alvarez (1999), confirm these data.
Perhaps one of the most relevant aspects in understanding the Way of St. James is the
money pilgrims spend, not only for its economic impact but also for its interpretation. It is
worth remembering that the momentum that was once given to this product was linked to
the expectations of generating economic growth. This is a very special point considering
that the Way passes through largely rural areas with lower levels of development to that
of the rest of Galicia and, of course, below that of the European average. The construction
of public accommodation, inspired by medieval hospitality, allows us to see the confronta-
tion and contradictions between the religious and the political-economic elements. The first
is carried out by volunteers, in most cases linked to pilgrim associations, which are in
charge of the hostels and follow a message that is based on pilgrimage tradition, leaving
economic reasons as a secondary issue. These hosts are the guardians of the Way’s
essence, which we should understand as metaphorical and not a physical element.
Indeed, Frey (1998) gathers their testimonies as the concept of pilgrims or true pilgrims
as opposed to that of tourists.
The second aspect deals with stimulating economic growth through mere tourist con-
sumption, something that the hostel network is not able to create. It is necessary to con-
sider that accommodation is a highly important part in the structure of any tourist
spending; so the network of public shelters is the most popular choice because they
were free of charge until recently, now they are on offer at a nominal price. The shelters
use is between 75% and 82% depending on whether it is a holy year or not. For 50% of
the pilgrims it is the only accommodation used, while 30% combine with other types
(hotels, private hostels, guesthouses, etc.). On the contrary, the exclusive use of hotels
stands at around 20%. In addition, it is also significant to see that small guesthouses
are the most popular in private accommodation or private shelters. The hotels and cot-
tages, which generate greater added value, show a very low percentage despite the
effort of the public administrations to create and foster the use of these establishments.
Therefore, a singular behaviour that is difficult to compare with a standard tourist can
be observed. It is true that the use of hostels can be for monetary reasons but it is
mainly because they feel the spirit of the traditional walker and want to share the experi-
ence. ‘The pilgrim shelters play a fundamental role in adding a human dimension and in
 Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change 159

creating a communitas spirit, one in which intense personal relationships are formed and
enjoyed’ (Frey, 1998, p. 94).
Unfortunately, the sparse tourist spending on accommodation is not compensated by
consumption on other classic items such as shopping. This is due to the fact that marching
on foot and loaded down by a backpack is not the ideal situation for enjoying such activi-
ties. However, beyond the physical limitations there is the motivational reason suggesting
that the two main reasons for taking the journey, both spiritual and religious, are hardly con-
ducive to the consumption of material goods. Just one of the questions highlighted by the
Way of St. James pilgrims goes to show that all one needs in life fits into a backpack. These
reasons justify an average expense of around €31 per person per day in 2010 and €26 per
person per day in 2008, clearly very low figures. The breakdown is mainly divided into two
items, one being accommodation which represents between 30% and 35% and the other
representing food and beverage, of around 55–60%, thus leaving hardly anything for
other expenses.
Nevertheless, we note that on arrival in the city of Santiago spending is normalized in
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respect to other tourist spending. This fact confirms that the previous behaviour does not
respond to questions of economic capacity but to others relating to the characteristics of
the journey. We see a transition from pilgrim to tourist, even if it only is in the manner
of change. Yet, it is also convenient to introduce some nuance that helps us understand
the uniqueness of this segment in relation to all other visitors to Santiago, one in which
their reluctance to turn into tourists can be understood. The data from Camino de Santiago
Observatory enable us to check that, as we have said, spending is very similar to other visi-
tors. Its internal composition shows that pilgrims opt for cheaper accommodation such as
hostels (43.8% in 2010) or guesthouses (31.9%), as opposed, for example, to hotels
(15.9%) because they try to maintain their roles as pilgrims. At the same time, it can be
seen that shopping is an activity that normally represents, in percentage terms, 10% less
than other visitors as a whole.
Another unique and interesting element shows that the Way and Santiago are defined as
two very distinct offers in spite of not always being perceived to be separate: first by tourists
and second by pilgrims. We have reached this conclusion after analysing the pilgrims’ level
of satisfaction with the city and their stay. Data from the Santiago Tourism Observatory
indicate that destination satisfaction rates still remain high but tend to be lower than the
average for other tourists. The reason for this dysfunction lies in the fact that the product
demanded by the pilgrims is that connected to the Way’s most valued characteristics: spiri-
tuality, religion, nature and solidarity with the other walkers, among others. Santiago de
Compostela is only the final stage and it is the breakaway from many of the reasons that
had stimulated the pilgrim. In other words, the urban destination of Santiago is often over-
crowded and has nothing in common with the characteristics of the Way itself and so only
the encounter with other hikers and the satisfaction of reaching the end maintain the spirit of
the Way. A desire to continue the route beyond the city can also be observed. This desire can
indeed be seen by 30% of pilgrims who say they want to carry on to Fisterra-Muxia by fol-
lowing a route linked to Jacobean tradition, although considered pagan by the Catholic
Church.
Paradoxically, the city of Santiago considers pilgrim tourism as a segment but not a pri-
ority to maintain and balance in its Strategic Plan. This means that it views it as a captive
market that needs to be improved. Even though the French route enters the municipality of
Santiago, some significant gaps in its physical state of conservation are noticed when in fact
it should be given special treatment due to the characteristics of this product. It seems sig-
nificant that only between 75% and 80% of pilgrims spend the night in the city when it is
 160 R.C. Lois-González and X.M. Santos

assumed that the ultimate goal should be a greater ability to anchor this important group of
visitors; we must not forget it is one of the main elements of the pilgrimage. In fact, the
average stay in 2010 was 1.35 days, significantly lower than the standard tourist. Indeed,
of all the pilgrims staying overnight in Santiago, 55% only slept one night and 42% two
nights. In short, the comparison between the profile and behaviour of tourists in Santiago,
including pilgrims, with the latter as an individualized group, shows significant differences,
considering, in this case, the Santiago Tourism Observatory as a source. This is what jus-
tifies the need for a segmented treatment and it is certainly different to religious tourism in
the strictest sense.
There is another aspect revealing the importance of the Way’s meaning and the contrast
between tradition and modernity in respect to the route’s mapping. While the French route
is the most internationally well-known and one which is recognized by UNESCO as a
World Heritage Site and by the Council of Europe as the first European Cultural Route,
there have been other routes that have been recognized over the last few years, making a
total of eight routes. Beyond their historical character, one of the aspects that was assessed
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was the supposed potential for the generation of economic development given that most of
these alternative routes roamed inside territories much too often affected by processes of
rural abandonment and impoverishment.
While recognizing these alternative routes, a network of shelters was also created and
public services and facilities emerged to serve the pilgrims. With the increasing number of
walkers it was foreseen that these new routes would relieve pressure on the French route,
considering this product’s low carrying capacity and the main motivations. Nevertheless,
we note that in the inter-annual evolutions the role of the French Way is still very
evident, although it is true that in recent years there has been, in relative terms, a drop in
popularity. Excluding holy years, which are always very unique in character, it appears
that the French Way tends to show a lower percentage of walkers, at least since 2005,
although, in absolute terms, this number is on the increase. For example, in 2005 the
French route cornered 84.5% of pilgrims and in 2012 it was 70.1%. By contrast, all the
others had experienced growth, as observed in the corresponding Figure 2.
There are several reasons that help to understand this transition from the French Way to
the other routes. First, the promotional effort and created services provided alternative Ways

Figure 2. The distribution of pilgrims on the different Ways of St. James.

Source: the Pilgrim Office in Santiago de Compostela.
 Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change 161

which offered greater knowledge and quality equipment in respect to the original route. Yet,
the reasoning of ‘the only Way I know’ plays a significant part in the choice of the French
Way, under the response of ‘being the most traditional’; this last reason takes us back to the
search for the original, real experience. Second, the overcrowding that occasionally affects
the French way is leading some pilgrims to avoid this route as this circumstance undoubt-
edly lowers their level of satisfaction. Finally, there are pilgrims who repeat the journey:
according to the Camino de Santiago Observatory these pilgrims represent approximately
25%. It has also been confirmed that the French Way is the most popular route for the first
time walkers while some of the other routes are often chosen by those repeating the experi-
ence. In general, it can also be said that the origin of the non-Spanish pilgrims has a greater
presence on the Portuguese and northern Ways.
A final issue that is of interest to analyse is connected with the start of the pilgrimage.
This is a significant fact because it can help us to indirectly understand other motivations.
We refer in particular to the importance certain towns acquire when they are located 100 km
away from Santiago. They are seen as ideal starting points for those whose main aim is to
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obtain the Compostela, although this is not often confessed. According to the Camino de
Santiago Observatory in 2010, Sarria, an inland Galician village, meets these requirements
and, as such, was the departure point for 19.5% of the pilgrim total; meanwhile, statistics
from the Pilgrim Office still underwent a slight increase to 25%. Anyhow, Spanish pilgrims
overwhelmingly begin their own journey in Galicia. If, instead of focusing on a holy year
we focus on another non-holy year, for example 2012, we note that the relative decline in
Spaniards situates Sarria at a significant value of 21.1%. This popular starting point allows
one to obtain pilgrim status but it cannot compete with the others which clearly carry the
weight of tradition, such as S. Jean de Pied de Port, O Cebreiro or Roncesvalles. These tra-
ditional departure points occupy prominent positions in relation to the number of pilgrims
who start their itineraries in these places.

Conclusions
The Way of St. James has been the first great example of the contemporary recovery of
massive pilgrimage in the West. We stress its ability to adapt to current times, flowing
between religion and a broad spectrum of motivations that range from the spiritual to
those related to sport. The Way in the twenty-first century is not just religious, or predomi-
nantly catholic, but it does reflect a new model of multicultural meeting. On the Way
walkers enjoy the scenery, experience their ancestors’ way of life, rediscover the art of con-
versation and have time to interact with others. We are, therefore, looking at the new mean-
ings of tourism. This is experiential tourism, of emotions, in a singular framework, which
seeks spirituality and the discovery of oneself. Hence, the Way reflects a user profile that
could be considered something between the New Age and the strictly religious pilgrimage
to catholic shrines such as Lourdes or Fatima. The unquestionable religious origin of the
Way is complemented by other different profiles, as is shown in the fact that the 2013 Inter-
national Tourism Fair in Madrid awarded the Way of St. James the prize of the best product
in active tourism.
The three elements which make up the pilgrimage, motivation, the Way and the final
destination, have evolved in a different manner as a consequence of the reduced importance
of the destination and the changes in motivation. We think that the word ‘Way’ is the centre
piece upon which the new and old motivation revolves. Thus, it is important to reinforce its
meaning in order to avoid a reduction in numbers and favour a role which includes the real
pilgrim and anyone who travels the Way for any other reason. Also, it is necessary to
 162 R.C. Lois-González and X.M. Santos

change the role of Santiago as the final pilgrimage destination by identifying and properly
managing the peculiarities of this type of visitor; city tourism management cannot continue
to consider the pilgrim as a tourist.
In short, the Way of St. James’s success has largely consisted of its capacity to transform
classic elements of the pilgrimage by adapting them to current society, all of this without
losing, at least apparently, its meaning. We say apparently because the conservation of
some rites and milestones is important, such as the Compostela or the hostels which
allow pilgrims to feel linked to history without losing its contemporary experiential char-
acter, whatever the motivation may be. Therefore, new interpretation and ways of operating
are open to the recovery and updating of activities, landscapes and processes which once
seemed to be obsolete.

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