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Excavation in Khaled Ibn El Waleed Garde
Excavation in Khaled Ibn El Waleed Garde
Excavation in Khaled Ibn El Waleed Garde
Abstract
Members of the ARCE and AERA Salvage Archaeology Field School (SAFS) excavated in the
Khalid Ibn el-Waleed Garden, located on the east bank of Luxor, 317 meters north of the Luxor
Temple, between January and March 2008. The aim of the field school is to train Supreme Council
of Antiquities (SCA) Inspectors in all aspects of the archaeological process. The focus of the 2008
field school in Luxor was on salvage archaeology applied to the excavations of the Avenue of the
Sphinxes.
The 2008 excavations revealed features from approximately 2,300 years of occupation, including
pre-Nectanebo I architecture, the Avenue of Sphinxes, constructed during the reign of Nectanebo
I (380-343 BC), and features associated with the subsequent use of the Avenue. During much of
the Late Roman period a watercourse ran through the site, the team found evidence of numerous
works of maintenance and management of the water course at a time when industry flourished
on its upper banks, including pottery manufacture to the southeast and more diverse industries
to the northwest. People continued to manage and occupy the banks of the water course well
into the Medieval period.
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The ground level at the beginning of the SAFS was between 77.14m ASL to 78.07m ASL.
The Luxor Governorate program to clear the Avenue of the Sphinxes began on November
20, 2005. Authorities demolished the cement and brick walkways and curbs, cleared the
garden of trees and shrubbery, machined the surface of the site, and accumulated spoil piles
along the perimeter of the former garden.
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2 M. Abdul-Qader ‘Preliminary Report on the Excavations Carried Avenue of the Sphinxes at Luxor)’, in S. Curto and A. Mm. Donadoni-
out in the Temple of Luxor, Seasons 1958-1959 and 1959-1960’, Roveri (ed.), Sesto Congresso Internazionale Di Egittologia, I, Societa
ASAE 60 (1968), 40. Italiana per il Gas (Turin, 1992), 181-184.
3 M. El-Saghir, ‘The Great Processional Way of Thebes (The
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and structures interpreted as galleries for laborers to the northwest of the Avenue and large-
scale pottery production to the southeast.4
After the 2008 excavation of the KIW site the SCA continued their excavations to the south,
beneath the police station, linking KIW with the already exposed portion of the Avenue in
front of Luxor Temple. Here the SCA team found five sphinxes on their pedestals (along
the western row) with the titles of Nectanebo, red-brick circular planters and portions of
the pavement. They also uncovered large amounts of Late Roman pottery in a dump to the
west of the sphinxes.5
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garden, with pathways and trees (Fig. 5). However, this map also shows a cemetery in the
southwest corner of the KIW site, associated with the Muqashqish Mosque across the road.
A map of 1937 also depicts the cemetery, but labels it 'unused' (Fig. 6). Since the Muqashqish
Mosque has medieval origins we considered it likely that the cemetery had considerably
older origins and that people had buried their dead here between the medieval period and
1937.
A map dated to c. 1985 shows an electrical utility building occupying the northwestern
side of the site. This building was demolished, and the area was re-landscaped into a second
phase of garden prior to the 2005 excavations.
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southwest). Operations in Area E also included the planning of the modern architecture
and the upper steps and sections to the northwest of Trench 1.
VI Y
Early Retaining Structure
X Y Y Y
Water Management
10 A. Abd El Aziz et al., SAFS08: KIW Data Structure Report (Unpublished AERA Report, 2008)
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construction cut. It seems likely from the scale of the wall that it did not survive to its full
height. However, the team found no collapse or demolition material associated with this
structure.
The team exposed part of the second red-brick wall [1648] only in Sondages A and B in
Trench 2.5m to the northeast. This second wall lies on the same orientation as its southern
counterpart. It clearly continued beyond the southeast long sections of this trench, and may
well have also continued to the northwest. It too was built on a bed of fine sand at the base
of a construction cut. This wall was at least 1.65m wide and it survived to a height of 0.60m,
at approximately 73.95m ASL, but the team exposed only 3m of its length. The team noted
a hole in the centre of the uppermost course, which might have served as a socket (0.12m by
0.08m) for a door or post. Many of the bricks on this northern wall were decayed, especially
in the lower courses, possibly as a result of water damage.
In Trench 2, Sondage F, the team found a pot emplacement that may have been associated
with red-brick wall [1648]. The vessel was set in a circular cut at 73.70m ASL, close to
the surface on which this northern wall was constructed. This feature represents the only
evidence of occupation identified in association with either of the large red-brick walls.
The team recorded a number of other fairly ephemeral architectural features, primarily
in the Sondages in Trench 2, which could belong to the phase of the large red-brick walls.
These included two further, much smaller red-brick walls, and a single mud-brick wall. We
exposed only parts of these structures, which are in a poor state of preservation, perhaps
due to robbing or disturbance during the construction of Nectanebo’s I Avenue. As yet we
found no real indication of how these traces of architecture related to each other.
2.1.3. Disuse of the Late Period Red-brick Walls and Associated Structures (Phase IV)
Another accumulated sequence of water-lain deposits marked the disuse of these
Late Period red-brick walls. This material accumulated before the Sphinx Avenue was
constructed. The team exposed these water-lain deposits only in the sondages of Trench 2.
The top of this sequence was at an average height of 74.85m ASL and reached a depth of
1.40m.
Although these deposits were mostly water-lain silts and clay they were periodically
interspersed with dumps of pottery and layers of red-brick tumble. Additionally twelve
irregular cuts were filled by one of the water-lain deposits. These cuts seem to have been
formed by flooding that had either scoured the surface or had caused puddles to appear
once the water had receded.
The SAFS team found a number of objects throughout this sequence, including several
beads, worked flint, the remains of white plaster, shell fragments, iron slag fragments, red
ocher, an animal terracotta figurine, a miniature faience sculpture of a cluster of grapes, and
fragments of a Bes faced pot (see Appendices 3 and 4 for further details)
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a very large load. The function of these walls still remains ambiguous within the current
archaeological exposure. Their proximity to the nearby Luxor Temple complex and their
large size suggests that they may have served as a part of a major‚ royal or‚ state built
structure, perhaps part of a large magazine.
We note the lack of a construction cut to the to the north of the southern wall. This might
suggest that the builders dug this area down to foundation level as part of the construction,
possibly as part of an internal space. We might infer that the structure was originally
sunken, however this remains to be proven and we should note that we found no floors on
either side of the wall. Whatever the case it seems likely that the deposits to the north were
laid after the structure had gone out of use, possibly in preparation for the construction of
the Avenue of Sphinxes.
The absence of any collapse or demolition material associated with either wall suggests
that they might have been carefully dismantled or robbed. Alternatively the builders
may have left the large red-brick walls even and flat at this height as a foundation for a
mud-brick superstructure. However, the team found no associated mud brick collapse or
any evidence of such a mud-brick structure. It seems more likely that the wall had been
systematically dismantled in order to reuse the bricks elsewhere.
Perhaps the most important point of interest about these walls is their alignment nearly
perpendicular to the later Nectanebo I Avenue and to the River Nile. This strongly suggests
that, at least to a level of 73.20m ASL, there was no pre-Nectanebo I avenue that crossed
the KIW site exactly in line with the avenue of Nectanebo I. Other evidence suggests that
a processional avenue did exist prior to Nectanebo I. For example, inscriptions on the
exterior wall of the Red Chapel of Hatshepsut at Karnak mention that there were six way
stations between Luxor Temple and Karnak Temple in the Eighteenth Dynasty.12 As such,
one might conclude that an earlier avenue, if it was actually present on the KIW site and
on the same alignment, must have been constructed below the height of 73.20m ASL (this
is at least below the foundation of these red-brick walls and notably about 1m below the
Nectanebo I sphinxes). Alternatively the findings of the SAFS team might suggest that the
earlier avenue followed a different course or alignment.
Further work is required to test these hypotheses. Our archaeological exposure of this
early material is relatively small. As such we cannot yet rule out that an earlier avenue does
exist deeper and on this alignment in KIW, but that it had fallen out of use and became buried
during a period of disuse, or that the foundation cuts for the pre-Nectanebo architecture
truncated the earlier avenue.
It is impossible to say whether the other red and mud-brick architecture in this phase
were directly associated with the large red-brick walls. It remains possible that these
architectural elements may have served as internal dividing walls. The presence of mud
brick is notable however within the context of this site, since mud brick remains a relatively
rare building material, compared with other sites of the same date. The high red brick to
mud brick ratio may simply be a bias of the data set, indicating that we did not have a large
enough representative sample of the early architecture.
However it may also be an indicator that more red bricks were being used before Nectanebo
I constructed his avenue than was previously thought. Although red brick technology first
appears in the Middle Kingdom, it is believed that it did not become common as a building
12 A. Cabrol, Les Voies Processionnelles de Thebes, OLA 97 (Leuven, 2001), 35-36, 283; P. Lacau and H. Chevrier,
Une chapelle d’Hatshepsout à Karnak I (Cairo, 1977)
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material until the Roman period.13 This suggests that either the previous understanding of
the ratio of mud brick to red brick is wrong, or more likely, it supports the argument that
these early red-brick structures were of considerable importance.
Regardless of whether the red-brick walls were purposefully dismantled it seems likely
that towards the end of its life, this red-brick structure or structures were already being
affected by flooding episodes, and it is these flooding episodes that might account for the
eventual disuse of this early structure or structures. However it is impossible to say to what
extent these 'floods' were anthropogenically controlled.
We have not, as yet, conducted any comprehensive spot dating or analysis of the material
culture from KIW. However the site’s ceramicists have looked at some of the diagnostic
pottery sherds contained within a random selection of features (across all phases). Within
this corpus of material the ceramicists identified a number of Late Period diagnostic sherds,
dated to c. Twenty-fifth Dynasty.14 On the whole these c. Twenty-fifth Dynasty sherds were
found within deposits assigned to Phases 2 to 4 and excavated in Trench 2. A further small
assemblage of c. Twenty-fifth Dynasty sherds were also retrieved from Phase 5 deposits
within Area A/B. The small selection of Late Period diagnostic pottery sherds that have
been looked at are all connected to storage and do not appear to represent a strictly domestic
style assemblage.
Of the small selection of pottery sherds analysed by the ceramicists four diagnostic
sherds were datable to the Middle Kingdom and one to the New Kingdom. All five sherds
were residual (found within later period contexts) and all five sherds were beer jars.
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residual topography of the site. Once they had placed the stone into the foundation cuts,
the builders sealed the cuts with silty sand, full of sandstone fragments, probably from the
final dressing of the sphinxes and the rendering of their pedestals. This suggests that the
builders brought the sandstone to the site, presumably already roughly shaped, and that
the final carving and dressing of the sphinxes was performed on site.
Some of the foundation blocks of the pedestals featured on their sides two square sockets
(circa 0.10m wide) probably for hauling the blocks into position. Some of pedestals also
had two or more holes or protrusions towards their rear top edges (circa 0.15m diameter).
They appeared to have served as postholes to support some kind of superstructure, such as
a temporary awning or wooden superstructure.
The tool marks on the pedestal blocks were very regular, closely set longish lines, all
hewn from the same direction, indicating that the blocks had been shaped and modified
using iron tools which are known from the Ramesside Period to the end of Pharaonic
times.15 However the rear blocks had the familiar pattern of the shallow round, pitted
marks associated with the round bar copper chisels, that occur from the reign of Djoser to
the New Kingdom.16 This suggests that some of the stones had been reused from earlier
structures. Some of the pedestal foundation courses also showed an incised line on their top
surface, which probably served as a marker for the next course, which was set in slightly.
Remains of the sphinx statues survived on only two pedestals in the southwest end of
Trench 1. Their bases still bore some of the original hieroglyphic inscriptions.
nb t“wy (⁄pr k“ R©∏ s“-r© nb ≈©w (N≈t-nb.f∏ mry [µr].n.f mnw n µt.f Ómn rdµ n.f w“t nfrt r
µpt-rsy µr.n Ú“.f nfrt m µpt-rsy
///// Lord of the two lands (⁄pr k“ R©∏, son of the sun god Ra, lord of appearances.
(N≈t nb .f∏ the beloved one from the god Amon, who made his monuments for his father
Amon. He made the beautiful way in ipt-rsy, this is what the good boy did in ipt-rsy.
//////(⁄pr k“ R©∏ ////// nb ≈©w (N≈t-[nb.f]∏ mry Ómn ////// rdµ n.f [w“t nfrt] r µpt-rsy r µr.n.f
[Ú“.f] nfr m µpt-rsy ////// µr.n.f ////// dµ ©n≈ mµ R© ƒt
(⁄pr k“ R©∏ /// lord of appearances (N≈t nb .f∏ he made the beautiful way in ipt-rsyt, this
is what the good son did in, he made that, may he live like the son god Ra forever.
15 D. Arnold, Building in Ancient Egypt, Pharaonic Stone Masonry 17 The writing form of Luxor temple (ipt rsy) is totally different from
(Oxford, 1991), 33, 257, fig 2.9 the forms known from previous periods. It was inscribed twice on the
16 Arnold, Building in Ancient Egypt, Pharaonic Stone Masonry, 257-8 Sphinx pedestal in two different ways.
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The construction of a stone wall, broadly oriented north-south, is one of the earliest
events that marks the disuse of the Avenue. We found this wall on the boundary between
Trench 1 and Area A/B, built of roughly hewn blocks, taken from the nearby sphinxes
(including one complete sphinx head). The dimensions of this wall, as it survived, are
1.90m long by 0.85m wide by 0.58m high. Although there was a short return to the west
at its southern end, it is possible that the wall originally continued to the northeast, since
it shared an alignment with later phase structures to the northeast. Preliminary dating
based on ceramics in the deposits that immediately sealed the wall suggest a Roman period
construction. The function of the wall is not at all clear. The 2005 machine excavation
left the wall on a pedestal of unexcavated soil, making it hard to identify what deposits
had originally respected it. To the southeast of the wall, excavations immediately adjacent
to the structure were not deep enough to establish what character of deposits respected
it. A sondage 2m to the southeast, within Trench A/B, exposed a sequence of water-lain
deposits that were laid down either before or after the construction of the wall. The location
and alignment of this wall, combined with the character of the later phase stone walls
elsewhere on the KIW site may provide some indication of its function. It may have served
as a waterfront revetment in response to the first appearance of water flooding or flowing
through site following the abandonment of the Sphinx Avenue. Flooding, in fact, may have
or prompted the abandonment of the Avenue.
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one circular [1362] and one rectangular [1361] (Pl. IVb). Only the red-brick foundation
courses remained of both these installations; we saw no sign of any superstructure. The
rectangular foundation measured 2.02m by 1.24m and abutted the farthest to the northeast
of the sphinx pedestals. In the center of the structure the excavators found an amphora pot
emplacement, 'plugged' with a semi-circular red brick [1365]. The amphora itself was not
a portable feature. Its size exceeded the space within the red-brick foundation, which had
been constructed tightly around the narrow rim, 0.13m wide, of the vessel. As such, the
vessel was integral to the original design of the structure and could not be removed, but
could be 'plugged'. We found no render or plaster on the 'floor' of this installation. The
other, circular installation was located approximately 0.40m to the southwest and measured
1.40m by 1.20m. There was no surviving indication of this feature’s function.
The construction of an additional mud-brick wall at the southwestern end of Trench 1
also marked this phase. This wall was visible only in the southeast-facing section. The wall
runs northeast to southwest and survived to a length of 8.30m by 0.58m wide and 0.68m
high. Like the wall at the northeastern end of the site, this wall abutted a sphinx pedestal,
further indicating that the sphinxes or their pedestals remained at least partially visible
during this time. Since we could only record the wall in section, we do not know what sort
of occupation or features might be associated with it to the northwest.
2.5.4. The Beginning of the Flood Horizons: Fluvial Sequence I (Phase VIII)
This phase was characterized by a series of water-lain deposits in the northwestern
areas of the site. These deposits effectively mark the disuse and possibly destruction of
the architecture and associated occupation of the previous phase. The team found similar
sequences of water-lain deposits in later phases. Water invaded the KIW site throughout its
history. The presence of water prior to the construction of the Avenue and again throughout
the later periods may explain the gradual decline in importance of the Sphinx Avenue.
Water was certainly a dominant and guiding factor for the way people used the KIW site
in later periods.
Evidence of flooding at this period consists of a series of compact, water-lain Nile clays
and sands in the northwestern part of Area C, continuing into the northeast end of Trench
1’s southeast facing section. In general the more clay-rich deposits lie towards the bottom
of the sequence, whilst the sandier deposits sit on top, which likely represents fluctuations
in the flow rate or hydro-dynamics of the flooding. These deposits had a combined depth of
0.60m (with a top elevation of 74.31m ASL). These layers sealed everything in the northwest
corner of Area C, including the Phase VII red-brick installations. The mud-brick wall [195]
at the northwestern end of Area C however, survived this phase and was later modified as
a retaining wall that marked the edge of a more controlled watercourse.
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acted as cemetery markers in what was a ruined and partially buried Sphinx Avenue, or that
people had retained some memory of this past and buried monumental landscape.
All five interments were orientated northwest to southeast and three were lined with
red bricks. The horse burial was missing its head. Red brick and limestone fragments
surrounded the neck, while the body lay directly on the flattened base of the cut (Pl. Va).
Although it is possible that the head was removed during the 2005 machining, the recovery
of horse teeth in an adjacent burial (Burial 1), provides a tantalizing link.
It is worth noting that we found no such burials associated with the western line of
sphinxes (in Trench 1). Although this may reflect an excavation bias, with the potential for
interments beyond the limits of Trench 1, it may also reflect the fact that people were using
this side of the Avenue for other purposes and that this part of the site was susceptible to
flooding.
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this industry was dominated by pottery manufacture, and the northwest by a series of
wine making installations. These comprised several large plastered red brick and plaster
constructions related to three different stages of the wine-making process, including
rectangular tanks or basins where the grapes would have been collected, sorted, washed
and pressed. An underground drainage system connected the installations, accessed via
holes at the base of the feature. The holes were plugged with broken amphorae. A large
cistern nearby was likely used for the fermentation period.22 The truncated red-brick
features at the KIW site showed no signs of a connected drainage system (although we did
not completely excavate these features), but it is possible that they represent some sort of
similar industrial or domestic process.
Water-lain deposits to the northwest mark the abandonment of these features. These
deposits appear to have been left by the natural flow of water, possibly the result of local
seasonal flooding. These early floods were not particularly well-managed or maintained. In
later phases people became increasingly concerned with the management and maintenance
of water on the KIW site. This eventually lead to the creation of a permanent watercourse
that ran through the site with artificially created upper banks that supported domestic and
industrial occupation. The presence of water on site during this period further contributed
to the demise of the Avenue as a monument. As Ptolemaic power waned and the Romans
began to exert their control upon Egypt, the ongoing maintenance of monuments like
the Avenue may not have been a priority, especially if they were under constant threat of
damage by flooding, inundation and shifting channels. The course of the Avenue may
have continued to be used as a thoroughfare during this period. Certainly the presence of
a Roman cemetery along the eastern line of now dilapidated sphinxes is consistent with the
Roman practice of burying the dead along the margins of roadways.23 Further the absence
of burials inside the Avenue may suggest the internal course of the Avenue was still in use
or had some residual significance. This phase of Roman cemetery was the first of three
found on site. The trend of human burials across the succeeding phases reinforces the view
of the KIW site as marginal land on the outskirts of settlement.
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commensurate with the surviving top of the wall (to 74.72m ASL). The artificially raised
ground level was slightly higher, to 75.45m ASL, at the northwestern end of the trench.
The presence of abraded pottery within these dumps suggests that the dumped material
had been quarried from an area affected by water. The presence of ceramic slag within
these dumps suggests earlier industrial activity in the vicinity. The team also found a
concentration of sphinx fragments, including fragments with inscription and a sphinx’s
foot, within the bank’s make-up, located 0.62m to the southwest of the northeastern sphinx
and possibly represents the dismantling/robbing of this sphinx (Pl. IVa).
Having built up the ground level of the northwestern area, a number of walls were
constructed (Fig. 12). The first of these was a mud-brick wall [1323], which was founded
on the earlier mud-brick wall [195] and on the sequence of make-up deposits. This wall
followed exactly the same orientation as the earlier mud-brick wall. To the south of the
earlier mud-brick wall and its new rebuild the water-lain deposits, which likely began in
Phase VIII, continued to accumulate. The build up of water-lain deposits in this area should
be considered ongoing throughout this sequence.
At the far northwestern end of Area C, we recorded three additional walls, all orientated
northwest to southeast. These walls were also founded upon the northwestern bank’s make-
up deposits. They extend into the northwest limit of excavation. Later water erosion had
truncated the southeastern ends of these walls. The northwestern wall [1522], which was
constructed of red brick, survives two courses high, with a width of 0.69m. Only one course
survives of the second wall [1521], 0.27m to the northeast. The third wall [1368], located
1.14m to the east, was built of mud bricks, 0.60m wide. This wall was so heavily eroded,
it was almost impossible to define its coursing. The wall stepped down from 76.24m ASL
at its northwestern end to 75.59m ASL at its southeastern end, where it survived to less
than one course high. It is difficult to imagine how the three walls functioned together. It
is possible that the space between the mud-brick wall and the red-brick wall functioned
as a corridor between two buildings or two rooms. Equally, it is possible that they all
represent foundations for drainage systems that ran down the bank and over the northeast-
southwestern wall into the channel beyond.
We exposed additional architecture to the southwest of these features on the northwestern
upper step of Trench 1. We found a circular red-brick construction, composed of a ring of red-
brick headers with a 1.80m diameter, similar to the 'planters' along Nectanebo’s Avenue (phase
V), 14.86m southwest of the Area C architecture. Deposits and architecture belonging to later
phases obscured most of this feature. A circular planter like those along the older Sphinx Avenue
would suggest that people maintained trees along the newly created upper bank.
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springers left 13 openings for the fire. The springers varied from 0.50m to 0.90m long by
0.18m to 0.38m wide. The openings for the fire were concave in profile and sloped upwards
to distribute the heat to the upper part of the kiln. Some of these spaces were ovoid (0.20m
to 0.26m by 0.27m to 34m) and some were square (0.30m by 0.30m). The southeast part
of the kiln showed signs of repair, which obscured three of the openings. A possible flue,
under the repair, measured 0.44m long, 0.53m wide and 0.20m high, with an opening 0.18m
wide. This feature is located to the southeast to be away from the prevailing north wind. It
remains possible that the repair and 'flue' may actually represent the structure’s collapsed
upper floor.24
The team could not identify a stokehole, which might have been located higher than
the surviving height of the walls. Indeed, a kiln at the Suzanne Mubarak Library had a
stokehole on the sixth course, 0.54m above the ground level.25
All around the perimeter of the kiln the excavators recorded material associated with the
use of the kiln. Such material was more concentrated on the downward slope to the north
and northwest of the kiln. Immediately to the north they found a pit that may have been
a rake-out pit, marking an entrance into the structure. A dump of pottery fragments that
filled this depression was sealed by a sequence of ash and pottery-rich deposits. The total
sequence was 0.10m to 30m thick. The radius of these dumps from the kiln itself was 4.80m.
To the northwest of the kiln, the team found two deposits of kiln waste containing frequent
ceramic sherds, occasional red-brick and stone fragments.
2.7.2. Disuse of Pottery Kiln and Accumulation of Channel Sediments (Phase XI)
It is unclear how long people used the kiln. Its disuse is marked by what seems to be its
deliberate demolition, which may have been due to encroaching water up the slope of the
southern bank.
In Area C the deposition of channel sediments that had begun in Phase VIII, to the south
of the northeast-southwest mud-brick wall [195], came to a climax in this phase, bursting
the mud-brick retaining wall and overflowing the northwestern bank, leaving a 0.10m thick
deposit of dense silty clay. As a result, a new retaining structure was built out of stone
[1535] (Phase XII).
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Although we picked up the channel in Area C, it is absent from Area A/B and Trench 2.
This absence is likely due to the large scale truncation of the site in the Medieval period by a
large channel course in Phase XIX, which also seems to have had a northeast to south bend.
This later channel had effectively scoured out all traces of the earlier watercourse.
Pottery production requires access to water, clays and silt. The position of the kiln on the
slow moving inner bank would have been an optimal location. Conditions optimal for making
pottery are further attested by the apparent re-location of the kiln further up the southern bank
in Phase XIII, once the encroaching water levels had made its original position untenable.
We provisionally date the pottery dumps relating to the use of the Phase X pottery kiln
to the sixth or seventh century AD.27
During subsequent phases of occupation and water management (Phase XIV to XV),
the southern limits of the channel encroached even further to the south within Area C. It is
possible that people continued to produce pottery throughout these phases, but relocated
this production some distance beyond the southern limit of our 2008 excavation.
2.9.2. A Building on the Northern Bank and Construction of Channel Defenses (Phase XV)
We found the remains of what seems to be a large building, constructed mainly of red
brick, on the northern bank of the channel (Fig. 15). The truncation caused by the machining
of Trench 1 obscured the footprint of this building, as did its continuation beyond the
northern limit of excavation. Scattered architectural remains of this structure were only
seen at the northwestern end of Area A/B, the northern lower step of Trench 1, and as a
single wall crossing Trench 1 that pre-2008 excavation left 'pedestalled' on older deposits.
The building extended at least 20.00m northeast-southwest by 10.00m northwest-
southeast. Our team picked up the southern wall [272] at the northwestern end of Area A/B.
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This wall may have been the southeastern boundary or enclosure of the building. The wall,
0.60m wide, survived four courses high. Its northeastern continuation extends beyond the
limits of Trench A. Sandstone blocks were tied into the coursing at the northeastern end
of the wall, where the wall became slightly wider. One of these was inscribed with the
cartouche of Cleopatra VII (Pl. VIb). A deflated course of mud brick [335] was built on top
of the red-brick wall, suggesting that the red brick served as a foundation for a mud-brick
superstructure. Further anomalies associated with this wall, included the presence of a
northwest-southeast wall [273] built of red brick and standstone, 0.77m long by 0.48m wide
and 0.15m high, slightly 'off' alignment and abutting the northwestern face of the southern
boundary wall. This was possibly a later addition that was meant as a sort of buttress that
to support the southern wall from flood damage.
A northwest return [235] to the boundary of this building was found to the southwest,
although the corner itself had been cut away. This return, 0.56m wide and 7.0m long
(northwest-southeast), was constructed of red brick and followed a similar pattern of
coursing; it survived four courses high. A mud-brick wall [2102] abuts the northwestern end
of red-brick wall [235]. We only revealed part of this mud-brick wall, 2.90m long by 0.80m
wide. It runs northeast to southwest. Approximately 1m to the northwest, we partially
revealed another mud-brick wall [1226], 0.95m wide by 0.30m high by 2.80m long, running
northeast-southwest. This wall may continue to the northeast as wall [709]. It is possible
that these three mud-brick walls formed an entrance and corridor that led into the building.
Approximately 9m to the east of these walls we exposed a series of red-brick walls on
the northern upper step of Trench 1 [1122], [2109], [345]. These walls are generally much
narrower (approximately 0.45m wide) and likely represent internal architecture rather
than the larger bounding walls to the southwest. These thinner walls form a room 4.00m
(northeast-southwest) by 2.90m (northwest-southeast), with an access to the east, through
a space 0.40m wide. The initial excavation of Trench 1 cut through these walls. We also
recorded red-brick architecture that had been cut by Trench 1 in the northwest-facing
section of Trench 1. This is a relatively thick wall [1481], at 0.65m wide, similar in size to the
bounding walls to the southwest, and orientated northwest to southeast.
We also picked up this phase of construction further to the east, at the very northwestern
end of Area C. Here, an extremely damaged red-brick wall oriented northwest-southeast
survived to only one course high and one course wide, of which only 0.60m of its length
was recordable in the trench before it extended beyond the northwestern limit of excavation.
It is, of course unclear, whether this structure represents the continuation of internal
architecture, all contained within the one building of this phase.
The founding levels of the walls were markedly different, with the walls at the
southwestern end founded considerably lower, at circa 74.50m ASL, than the walls to the
northwest, which were founded at circa 75.30m ASL.
A distinct absence of floors, internal installations or deposits within the building may
be partly due to the lack of excavation on the upper step of Trench 1. If Trench 1 removed
such features, they should have been visible in the sections. It is likely therefore, that floors,
internal installations or other deposits of this phase existed at a higher layer that was later
truncated by the medieval occupation of the northern bank. We did, however, find a wealth
of dumped material to the west of the building in Area E (Phase XVI). It remains unproven
stratigraphically whether this dumping and industrial activity was at all connected to the
Phase XV architecture, but we are tempted to see the two as having been associated.
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deposit yielded faience, an amulet, a clay token and an ostracon with either demotic or
Greek writing on it. The pottery ostracon was provisionally dated to the Late Roman
Period.28
A second phase of the cemetery contained six possible burials. The team excavated none
of these burials for fear that they may be Islamic graves. All were lined with mud brick
and were orientated northeast to southwest. The presence of human remains was only
positively identified in one of the burials, which the team left unexcavated.
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here, a timber retaining structure was constructed against the edge of the cut, holding it
back and protecting the occupation of the upper bank.
Once the new northwestern limit of the channel had been established, occupation up on
the bank continued to flourish. People dismantled the pipes and walls and leveled the area.
A series of silt floors accumulated, at a level circa 76.30m ASL. These look like trodden
surfaces associated with an informal hearth with associated small-posted structures.
However, we found no evidence for walls in this phase. These may be located outside the
limits of excavation.
In Area E the Late Roman burials and the Islamic Cemetery of Phase XX were interspersed
with a period of medieval occupation. Throughout the northwestern and southwestern
parts of the trench we found scattered patches of floor that sealed an ash-rich make-up
deposit. The surface was about 0.06m thick with an average elevation of 76.95m ASL. We
found no associated structures, but these too may lie outside the limits of excavation. The
floor was then sealed by large amounts of debris that spread over the whole of the area. The
material consisted of sandy silt with varying amounts of ash and occasional red brick. Here
and there we found pits filled with dumped material. These upper deposits may represent
a sequence of leveling in preparation for the subsequent cemetery, or they may represent
the refuse of nearby occupation.
31 J. Bunbury and A. Graham, Luxor ‘Khalid Ibn el-Waleed Garden’ AERA 2008).
Site – Some Remarks on Channels and Islands (Unpublished Report 32 Boraik, Cahiers de Karnak 13, 52.
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The course of the KIW channel in the Medieval period gently curves from the northeast
to the south. This prompts the hypothesis that the channel ran around the southern extent
of the 'Old Town Mound', which had built up inside and around the Luxor Temple. The
occupation of the northwestern bank in KIW, with its close proximity to the 'Luxor Tell' may
indicate that this area was being absorbed into the gradual expansion of medieval Luxor.
The 1798-1799 Napoleonic map of Luxor shows a contemporary thoroughfare running
through the Luxor settlement (Fig. 4). This thoroughfare follows the route of the Avenue of
Sphinxes and may have run through the KIW site, either over the channel or a little to the
west of the channel, just as the Badran Canal lay alongside the modern thoroughfare, Sharia
el Karnak, in 1922 (Fig. 19).
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disturbed during the construction of these pre-Nectanebo buildings. Or the earlier avenue
may lie deeper, below layers of settlement that accumulated over the 1,200 years, between
the time of Hatshepsut and Nectanebo I. Alternatively the earlier avenue may simply lie on
a different alignment, placing it outside the area of the KIW excavations.
Ultimately, given the limited exposure of these large walls to date, it is impossible to
say conclusively whether or not they represented one monumental structure, whether they
were associated with the organization of the nearby settlement, or if they related to the
Luxor Temple to the southwest.
With the abandonment or dismantling of the pre-Nectanebo I structures, we see the first
evidence of flooding, which may suggest that the area was marginalized for a short while. It
is through this landscape, with some local preparation in the form of dumping and leveling
deposits, that Nectanebo I ordered his Avenue of Sphinxes to be built.
The Avenue of Sphinxes at KIW conforms closely to exposures of the Avenue elsewhere,
between Karnak and Luxor Temples. Two rows of sphinx pedestals, round red-brick-lined
planters and small brick-lined irrigation channels comprised the Avenue. However, the
central pavement was completely absent in our excavations. This should not be a great
surprise since the pavement is missing in other exposures of the Avenue, no doubt because
people robbed or quarried the sandstone extensively for use in other structures. As such, it
was difficult to ascertain the construction level of the pavement, particularly since much of
the area was scoured out by later channeling.
Repeated flooding may have been the reason for the decline and eventual disuse of the
Avenue. We have provisionally dated to the Graeco-Roman period fluvial deposits and
water-management structures that covered and sealed the Avenue. These strata culminate
in features associated with large channels. We might assume that after the Ptolemaic Period,
under Roman rule, the Avenue may well have taken on a role less concerned with sacred
ritual. Perhaps because of this, as the water continued to encroach upon the site and the
Avenue became harder to manage, it was simply left to fall in disrepair.
Despite the apparent robbing of stone from the Avenue from this point onwards, there
is evidence that the process of decline was gradual. The presence of Roman burials, which
respected the sphinx pedestals, suggests that elements of the Avenue were still partially
visible and respected within the landscape. The Avenue retained enough significance as a
an ancient feature of the landscape to serve as a focus for the intrinsically Roman tradition
of burying the dead along roadways, which suggests that the Avenue was still used as a
thoroughfare.
The team found Roman mud-brick walls and red-brick installations on the northwestern
side of the Avenue that abutted partially standing sphinx pedestals. Again, this shows that
elements of the Avenue were still partially visible and were integrated, in situ, into new
constructions along the line of the Avenue.
Eventually water flowed across the site in a channel that crossed the Avenue at an angle,
making it impossible to use the Avenue as a thoroughfare. Most of the later Roman activity
on the site took place on either side of a sequence of channels. There was clear evidence
of ceramic production, including a kiln, on the southeast bank. People built structures,
possibly domestic, and produced ceramics, faience and glass on the northwest bank.
Foreshore management of the channels continued throughout the Medieval period,
culminating in a two-meter deep watercourse that curved across the site from the
northeast to the south. People continued to occupy the north side of the channel. A
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map dated to 1922 shows that as the main Luxor settlement expanded, the area to the
immediate northeast of KIW remained partly agrarian. The earlier structures we found
at the northwestern end of the site probably represent the thinning out of the Luxor tell,
which would have been centered on the Luxor Temple and within the enclosure of the
Roman fort to the southwest.
In the 1922 map, part of the Badran Canal to the northeast of the site was broadly aligned
with the former route of the Avenue, before diverting to the southwest around the settlement
of Luxor. Could this canal have originated on this orientation in Medieval or Roman times,
already skirting the settlement of old Luxor?
Excavations at KIW exposed two meters of stratified deposits, an archaeological cross-
section of two and a half millennia of Luxor’s development, ranging from the pharaonic
Late Period to modern times. Apart from Oriental Institute excavations in the 1980s and
subsequent work on this area by the 2010 AERA-ARCE SAFS of the remnant tell inside the
protected area of the Luxor Temple enclosure, nowhere else has a stratigraphic sequence
of this time range been recorded in Luxor. Our own excavations at KIW are by no means
conclusive, and must be seen as part of the SCA ongoing program along the Avenue of
Sphinxes. However, they have greatly improved our understanding of the evolution of
Luxor from late antiquity to the modern era. We hope the excavations of the Salvage
Archaeological Field School 2008 provides new information and yields further questions
that will guide future research and archaeological investigation on Luxor’s East Bank.
Appendix 1
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MoLAS. We based our decision upon the fact that while most inspectors have ready access to
computer technology making pro-forma written records sheets a viable option, pre-printed
drafting film requires special manufacture. For now, we did not deem such manufactured
sheets to be a viable resource for students once they left the field school. As such, the team
produced the graphic archive on rolls of blank drafting film, which is more readily available
in Cairo. We encouraged students to cut their drafting film to uniform size and to respect the
baselines and grid present on site in order to facilitate archiving these records.
In this way, the team drew plans, sections and elevations at a scale of 1:10 or 1:20 as
appropriate. As a rule, team members planned features as single stratigraphic units during
the course of excavation. Multi-feature plans were discouraged except in pre-excavation
and post-excavation general maps of an area, or, exceptionally to demonstrate groups of
related features, or features that may have been 'in phase' stratigraphically, facilitating the
process of stratigraphic analysis in the post-excavation process (see below).
The team undertook a general photographic survey of the site, using digital single-
lens reflex cameras. We decided that the technology surrounding digital archiving was
well-developed enough, that given the relative inexpensiveness of digital photography,
inspectors could produce a fully digital photographic archive in situations outside of the
field school. As such, we gave appropriate instruction to all students on how to use and
archive digital photography.
Where considered suitable or of value, bulk environmental samples were taken from
features for flotation. 30L of all archaeological features were dry sieved through a 5mm
mesh. Any features that yielded significant assemblages were then 100% dry sieved.
A dedicated survey team established temporary benchmarks, where necessary, across
the site and staked out a 5m grid, based upon the survey carried out in the 2005-2006
excavations. The grid was tied into local Luxor surveys. The team carried out almost all
of the hand mapping on local baselines (established to advantage for different parts of
the site). They later tied these baselines and the maps measured off of them into the grid,
because the orientation of the site made it highly impractical to use a north-south grid for
hand mapping. All cardinal points in this document (including illustrations) are based
on true north (as opposed to the idiosyncratic practice of using 'River North', which runs
southwest to northeast).
One of the most important lessons of the 2008 Salvage Archaeology Field School came in
the design of the trenches with respect to the axis of the Avenue of the Sphinxes. Trenches
1 and 2 were cut in late 2005 to follow the rows of sphinx pedestals, the objective being
to free the series of stone monuments as quickly as possible from the encumbering dirt.
This cut off the relationship of the layers and other deposits to the pedestals, to the broken
pieces of sphinxes and to other objects and materials. While achieving the objective of
freeing the monuments from the ground, parallel trenches like these violate a basic strategy
and rule of archaeology: to retrieve the history of a linear structure like a wall (or these
rows of pedestals, or the Avenue as a whole) it is best to excavate cross trenches that
leave perpendicular sections across the axis. Actually, any stratigraphic excavation and
recording will salvage the relationship of cuts and deposits to a structure. But the cross
section view nicely documents in a standing section those deposits and layers upon which
builders founded a structure, the cut lines of the foundation trench down through layers
that predate the structure, layers that abut to the structure and so must be later than the
structure, layers that are commensurate with the destruction of the upper part of the wall
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or other structure, and those layers or other deposits that bury and seal the structure. So it
was for the Avenue of the Sphinxes in the Khaled Ibn el-Waleed Garden.
SAFS 2008 was a break from truly massive large-scale clearing of hundreds of meters of
the Avenue between 2005 and 2010 in machine-dug trenches parallel to the Avenue, or as
wide as 70 meters to expose the entire width of the ancient Avenue so as to reconstruct its
pavement, pedestals, and sphinxes. SAFS 2008 dissected trenches A/B and C across the axis
of the Avenue. The team also excavated stratigraphically broader extensions in Operations
A/B, C, and E perpendicular to the axis of the Avenue. The team excavated all these areas,
deposit by deposit, removing deposits in the inverse order of deposition, giving each a
discrete identification tag number, and saving all pottery, objects, animal bone and other
material culture embedded in each deposit separately, mapping each deposit individually,
and drawing the resulting sections across the breadth of the Avenue.
In so doing stratigraphic excavation and recording in controlled trenches across the
Avenue, the 2008 SAFS team retrieved the history of the Avenue in this one spot. The
history of the Sphinx Avenue included massive red-brick walls that predate the Avenue and
cross its axis, showing that, here at least, no avenue existed immediately prior to Nectanebo
I. We retrieved a picture of how Nectanebo I’s builders founded the sphinx pedestals and
tree circles, partly upon these older massive red-brick walls; how people used the Avenue
through time, respecting its flanks as a burial ground in Roman times even after it began to
go derelict; how people destroyed the sphinxes and used sphinx pieces in walls to shore up
the sides of a water that now flowed through the sunken channel left by build-up on either
side of the Avenue; how people used the flanks of this ever-widening and deepening water
channel for smoky industry, producing pottery and possibly glass and faience, on the edge
of the old town mound; how people used the west bank as a cemetery, eventually as the
burial ground of a mosque; and how the people of Luxor developed this spot as a garden
that lasted for nearly a century.
Thanks to stratigraphic excavation in select trenches across the Avenue of the Sphinxes
in one very small part of its three-kilometer run through ancient Thebes, or old Luxor, we
can now add this part of the Avenue, the water channel, the industrial zone, the burial
ground, and the garden to our very precious and ever-so-limited understanding of daily
life in what was one of the preeminent cities of the ancient world. In recording in this one
spot something of the history of ancient Luxor, the SAFS 2008 excavations in the Khaled Ibn
el-Waleed Garden taught and carried out the best of salvage archaeology.
Post-Excavation Methodology
The AERA Field School staff believe that the archiving, write-up and dissemination of
archaeological data are the duty and responsibility of those who excavate. We teach that
36 U.K. Health and Safety Executive, Successful Health and Safety Management, SG 65 (HSE Books, 1997).
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no site should be excavated without consideration of how the material will be brought into
the public domain. With this consideration in mind, care is taken in the planning of the
field school to consider the techniques of analysis and writing that make up this process. A
suitable time period is always allocated for this purpose.
After excavation, the students checked all archives. The supervisors then double-checked
all the records. Lists of features were compiled and the archive was fully quantified. When
this process was complete, team members constructed a stratigraphic matrix for each area,
based upon the generally recognized principles of archaeological stratigraphy.37
Supervisors then grouped these area matrices stratigraphically into higher order groups
of features based on stratigraphic relationships, space and function. They joined together
the area matrices to form an integrated, phased, site-wide matrix. This formed the basis for
a technical summary or 'Data Structure Report', containing a descriptive summary of the
stratigraphy.
Appendix 2
Introduction
All osteological investigations that took place in the course of the excavations in the
Khaled Ibn el-Waleed Garden during spring 2008 were part of the osteological curriculum
of the AERA/ARCE Luxor Salvage Archaeology Field School. Initially, the osteology
curriculum was developed as a pure theory course, since no burials had been recognized
during survey and previous excavation of the site. However, the discovery of human
remains was accommodated into the syllabus, and all subsequent fieldwork was carried
out with the field school students that showed an interest in bioarchaeology, overseen by an
AERA osteology supervisor. In all, five burials (Burials 1 through 5) were excavated during
the 2008 Luxor SAFS, representing two different phases of cemetery use. The orientations
of the first three burials were similar, southeast - northwest with the head towards the
northwest (Fig. 11). These burials were also all aligned with the eastern row of sphinxes
lining the Avenue, and belong to the earlier phase of Roman cemetery use, Phase IX (for
phase narrative see above). Burial 1 was oriented with the skull 40˚ west of magnetic north,
Burial 2 with the skull 55˚ degrees west of magnetic north and burial 3 with the skull 50˚
west of the magnetic north. Burials 4 and 5 were located at a higher elevation in Area E and
oriented differently, northeast-southwest, with the head to the southwest (Fig. 16). These
two burials belong to a later phase of Roman cemetery use, Phase XVIII (for phase narrative
see above).
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Methodology
As is general practice at AERA, bone specialists excavated all human remains. This is
necessary, due to the poor preservation of the bone. Without the specialized knowledge of a
bone specialist, information would be lost. Further, and also according to AERA procedure,
a large part of the skeletal analysis was carried out in situ, due to the fragmentary nature
of the remains. Metric analysis in particular is often impossible after lifting the skeletal
elements if the bone is fragile, but can be performed after clearing the soil from the skeleton.
The excavation procedure follows the guidelines set forth in the MOLAS manual.38 The
recording procedure is site-specific, but generally follows the guidelines set forth in
Standards for Data Collection from Human Skeletal Remains.39 All of the burials were
photographed, levels recorded using a total station and the skeletal remains were drawn
with a computer-mapping program (MapInfo™) to be imported into the overall plans of
the site.
Team
The AERA SAFS osteology team consisted of Jessica Kaiser (University of California,
Berkeley), assisted by Ahmed Gabr (Supreme Council of Antiquities). Students that showed
a special interest in osteology and assisted in the excavation of the burials were Shereen
Ahmed, Ayman Damarany and Nagwan el-Hadidi.
Osteological Analysis
Osteological analysis centers on the determination of a demographic profile of the
assemblage studied, based on the assessment of sex, age and stature, as well as measurements
and non-metric traits. This information is crucial in order to determine the occurrence of
disease types and age-related changes. It is also vital for identifying gender dimorphism
in occupation, lifestyle and diet, as well as the position of different age groups in society.
Preservation
No single factor determines the preservation of skeletal remains alone. Differential
preservation may occur between individuals of different sex, age and size, as well as
between different bones of varying density from the same individual. Burial environment
and disposition of the remains,40 incomplete excavation and post-depositional disturbance,
as well as excavation and post-excavation loss of skeletal material can also influence bone
condition.41
The preservation of the KIW burials varied greatly. Actual bone preservation (lack
of demineralization) in burials 1 and 2, and to some extent burial 3, was generally fair,
while burials 4 and 5 were almost completely de-mineralized. This is probably due to
the physical location of the burials, in that burials 1 through 3 were at a much lower level
in the southeastern part of the site (aligned with the Avenue of Sphinxes, at around 74m
ASL), while burials 4 and 5 were at a much higher elevation (around 77m ASL) in Area E,
within reach of both plant roots and bioturbation as well as watering of the modern Khaled
Ibn el-Waleed Garden. The lower level of preservation of burial 3 in relation to nearby
38 Museum of London Archaeological Service, Archaeological Site Understanding Mortuary Behavior’, in W.D. Haglund and M.H
Manual. Sorg (eds) Advances in Forensic Taphonomy: Method, Theory and
39 J.E. Buikstra and D.H. Ubelaker, Standards for Data Collection Archaeological Perspectives (Boca Raton, 2002), 99-117.
from Human Skeletal Remains: Proceedings of a Seminar at the Field 41 D.H. Ubelaker, ‘Approaches to Demographic Problems in the
Museum of Natural History (Arkansas, 1994). Northeast’. in D.R. Snow (ed.), Foundations of Northeast Archaeology
40 M. Roksandic, ‘Position of Skeletal Remains as a Key to (New York, 1981), 177.
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inhumations can be explained by the fact that it belonged to an infant, young enough that
the mineral content in the bones of the individual would have been lower than those of an
older child or adult at the time of death.42 Several of the burials had also been truncated.
Burial 1 was truncated twice, once in antiquity, and once during previous SCA excavations.
Following the SCA excavation, the upper body of the individual had been left exposed, and
as a result the cranium and thorax were very fragmented. Burials 4 and 5 had also been
truncated, and were both missing large parts of the skeleton.
Pathologies
The individual in Burial 1 had a severe fracture of the right leg, which affected both
the femur and tibia and fibula (Pl. VIIIb). The right femur had a healed fracture, with
slight angulation of the distal third of the bone, due to misalignment. There was also a
healed fracture of the proximal third of the tibia, but with better alignment, probably due
to the latter fracture being a greenstick fracture, rather than a compound fracture, as was
42 J. Buckberry, ‘Missing, Presumed Buried? Bone Diagenesis and Natural History.
the Under-Representation of Anglo-Saxon Children’, Assemblage: 44 D. H. Brothwell, Digging up Bones (Oxford, 1981).
The Sheffield Graduate Journal of Archaeology 5, (2000). 45 S. Brooks and J. M. Suchey, ‘Skeletal age determination based
43 Buikstra and Ubelaker, Standards for Data Collection from Human on the os pubis: A comparison of the Acsádi-Nemeskéri and Suchey-
Skeletal Remains: Proceedings of a Seminar at the Field Museum of Brooks methods’, Human Evolution, vol.5, no.3, (1990), 227-238.
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probably the case with the femur.46 There was extensive callus formation, and the medial
fibula and lateral tibia also had a periosteitic reaction, with a cloaca forming on the fibula.
The extensive healing that had taken place suggests that the individual was alive for an
extended period after the injury. Further, there were arthritic changes to the feet, with
osteophytic growth posteriorly on both tali, particularly in the right foot. This new bone
formation is probably related to the injury on the right leg, as the misalignment of the right
femur resulted in a difference in length between the two legs of almost two centimeters,
probably causing difficulty walking. There was also some osteophytic growth on the first
and second metacarpal, possibly related to waking with a stick. Further, there was slight
osteophytic growth on the lumbar vertebrae and the 12th Thoracic vertebra, and spina
bifida occulta of the sacrum. The spina bifida was probably not severe enough to cause any
neurological problems.47
Pathologies
The child in Burial 2 had enamel hypoplasia on all mandibular incisors consistent with
illness between the ages of approximately 18 months to 2 years. Further, although not
outside the standard deviation of the age group 6-8 years old, the long bone length indicated
an age to the lower end of the age range, while the dental eruption indicated an age to the
higher end of the age range. This may indicate that this child was ill for an extended period
before death, and sufficiently so to stunt growth of the long bones.
Non-Metric Traits
The Child in Burial 2 Had Bilateral Fossa Olecranon Perforatio
Burial 3 (Fig. 22)
Burial 3 was located at the southeastern end of Area C. The burial had no coffin, but
instead the body was placed in a shallow grave, lined with red brick, and aligned with the
Avenue of Sphinxes, like burials 1 and 2, but approximately 1 meter higher in elevation.
The grave itself was constructed with fired brick for support. Unlike in Burial 1 however,
pieces of pottery were also used to support the walls of the pit, and a deposit of clay had
46 A. C. Aufderheide and C. Rodriguez-Martin, The Cambridge 48 W. M. Bass, Human Osteology: A Laboratory and Field Manual
Encyclopedia of Human Paleopathology (New York, 1998), 478. (Columbia, 1987).
47 D. J. Ortner and W. G. J. Putschar, Identification of Pathological 49 D.H. Ubelaker, Human Skeletal Remains: Excavation, Analysis,
Conditions in Human Skeletal Remains (Washington, 1985) Interpretation (Chicago, 1978).
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been placed under the skull, like a pillow of sorts. There were no items associated with
this burial. The skeleton in Burial 3 was that of an infant, 6 months +/- 3 months old at
the time of death according to dental eruption.50 The measurements of the left femur were
also consistent with an age less than one year.51 No sex assessment was possible due to the
young age of the child. The orientation of the burial was northwest to southeast, with the
head to the northwest. The child was buried in an extended position, anterior up, with the
hands extended at the sides, and extended feet. On the skeleton was found white plaster
on the right hand and between the legs, probably reflecting a layer of plaster applied to the
wrapping of the body before it was put in the grave. Other than this, there was no evidence
of mummification.
As is to be expected, the bones of this small infant were less well preserved than those
of burials 1 and 2. The bone had a reddish black colour, and many of the smaller bones
from the hands and feet were missing altogether. This is probably due to the lower mineral
content in bones from younger individuals in combination with the small size of the bones.52
There were no items associated with this burial, and no pathologies were noted.
Non-Metric Traits
Fossa Olecranon Perforatio on the Left Humerus
Burial 5 (Fig. 24)
Burial 5 was located approximately 4 meters north-northwest of Burial 4 in Area E and
was also sealed by the ashy dump layer. Again, preservation was very bad, due to the
higher elevation, which exposed the bones to the watering system and plant roots of the
modern garden. Further, the burial was truncated by a cut, which destroyed the lower part
of the body, removing the lower legs, most of the femurs, the hands, part of the pelvis and
parts of the radii and ulnae. The orientation of the burial was the same as that of Burial 4:
southwest to northeast with the head to the southwest.
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The burial belonged to a young female, 15-21 years of age. The age assessment was
based on dental eruption.54 There was no coffin, and the skeleton was lying in a simple,
sand-filled pit. The body was extended almost entirely anterior up, but lying slightly on
its right side, with the hands on the pelvis. It is possible that the arrangement of the body
is due to the truncation, since the position of the individual skeletal elements indicates that
the damage occurred before the body was completely skeletalized.
The individual in Burial 5 was interred with a metal bracelet, earrings and part of a badly
corroded necklace.
Pathologies
The left upper central incisor had slight enamel hypoplasia, and most teeth showed
evidence of calculus.
Conclusion
Because of the small sample size, it is impossible to draw any general conclusions about
the population represented by the KIW burials. Nevertheless, a few points are worth
noting. First, the absence of burial goods in the earlier burials, coupled with the evidence
of hard physical labor in the male of Burial 1 probably indicated that these graves belonged
to members of the non-elite. However, the extent of healing to what must have been a
very complicated injury suggests that at least the male in Burial 1 may have had access to
medical care. Further, the presence of enamel hypoplasia in burials 2 and 5 implies that at
least these two individuals suffered from prolonged illness and/or nutritional deficiencies
in early childhood. Finally, the care that had gone into preparing the grave for the infant
in Burial 3 suggests that in spite of the likely high rate of child mortality in Roman Luxor,
children were considered members of society at a very early age indeed.
Appendix 3
The Objects
Mennat-Allah El Dorry
Introduction
KIW yielded a large amount of objects from a variety of categories. Due to time
constraints, this season’s work aimed to form a rough idea of what the material present
entailed and detailed documentation of a representative sample. It is hoped that the study
of the objects will continue in a more in-depth manner in the future.
Artefacts recovered from the site ranged from the Late Period to the eighteenth century
AD. This Appendix aims to only list and describe the most common material, which time
has allowed to be studied. This account does not generally posit dates and they have not,
at this interim stage, been integrated into the general site-wide phasing.
Methodology
Overall 113 objects were registered. Each object was cleaned, photographed and registered
on site. Pro-forma Artefact Sheets were filled out recording only the salient features and
elements of each object, and selected objects were drawn in detail. Many of the objects were
consolidated or glued by the site conservator, Lamiaa al Hadidy. A small selection of the
registered objects has been included as a Catalogue in this appendix (see below).
54 Ubelaker, Human Skeletal Remains: Excavation, Analysis, Interpretation.
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Terracotta Figurines
Terracotta figurines came in both anthropomorphic and zoomorphic forms. Perhaps
the highlights of the terracotta figures are two Tanagra-type heads (object numbers 26 and
40). The term Tanagra refers to an area in Greece where these types of statuettes were first
found. However, it has become a generic term for many terracotta figurines.56 As what
defines a Tanagra is a gray area, their dating ranges from 625 BC when the first terracotta
figurines were made in Tanagra itself,57 and until the fourth century A.D. where they were
manufactured in neighbouring areas such as Athens.58
While they were first discovered in tomb contexts in Tanagra, Greece, they appear in both
settlement and funerary contexts in Egypt. Since both KIW Tanagras came from contexts in
or around burials (Area E, Trench 2), they can perhaps be tied in with their appearance in
funerary contexts. It has been suggested that they could either have carried a use similar to
Egyptian ushabtis or servant statuettes, especially as Tanagras often show people carrying
out daily activities. It has been suggested that they could have been children’s toys that
were kept throughout one’s life and then buried with them, or even representations of
deities.59
The zoomorphic figurines include horses, various fragments of quadrupeds and also
one fragment showing a leg that seems to belong to someone riding a horse. No complete
horse figurines were recovered, just the heads, which were either hand moulded or made
in double moulds. The handmade examples showed remains of pigment around the eyes
and mane.
Oil Lamps
The site, especially Area E, yielded 29 oil lamps ranging from mere crude bulbous figures
to very finely manufactured decorated lamps with a frog design, and even a possible Greek
import (object number 69).60 Seven examples are complete, most of which had fill remaining
inside and one is covered in soot (object number 67). The fill has been taken out of one of
the oil lamps (object number 70), and surprisingly yielded what seems to be a charred lentil
seed (Lens culinaris).
55 Information courtesy of Dr. Laurent Bavay, director of the Belgian 58 Higgins, Tanagra and the Figurines, 64.
mission working at the Tomb of Sennefer on the West Bank. 59 Higgins, Tanagra and the Figurines, 65.
56 J. Chesterman, Classical Terracotta Figures (New York, 1974). 60 Based on fabric.
57 R. Higgins, Tanagra and the Figurines (London, 1987), 64.
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Other Materials
Other materials were of course recovered, such as faience, beads of various material,
glass and metals. Many glass fragments were recovered. The glass has not been studied,
but there are certainly several 18th–19th century glass bracelets, which are typically of a lime-
green colour and are twisted.61 Most of the recovered metals are either copper or bronze,
and there is also a large corpus of coins dating from Ptolemaic to Modern times. There are
nails, possible door hinges and two metal spoons. Three seals were recovered, one of which
represents a winged figure (cupid/Eros-type) (object number 91). Shells, lithics, flints, and
agate were also recovered from the site.
Amulets
Several amulets were recovered, most of which come from Area E. Three Bes amulets
were recovered, two of which were faience and from Area E (object number 92). An almost
complete Bes amulet probably made of faience came out of a sealed pre-Nectanebo context
(based on ceramics) from Area A/B (object number 22).62 A lovely quadruple wadjet amulet
was found in Area E (object number 27).
Conclusion
Area E yielded the largest amount of material: many amulets, oil lamps and other objects.
Some of these, such as the oil lamps and Tanagra head can be related to the burials, while
others point to a domestic setting such as recut potsherds used as gaming pieces (object
number 52) and another reused perhaps as a grinding palette (object number 51).
Two faience moulds could point to a nearby faience production area (object number 54).
Area E material all dates between the Late Period to the Late Roman Period. Area C yielded
mostly Islamic material, such as several clay pipes.
61 Information courtesy of Dr. Laurent Bavay, director of the Belgian 62 The material of this amulet is not very clear as it has a lime-like
mission working at the Tomb of Sennefer on the West Bank. texture, and has been the object of some speculation.
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Appendix 3
Object Catalogue
Object
Description of Object Image
Number
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Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the former Minister of Antiquities, Zahi Hawass; the former SCA General
Director in Luxor, Mansour Boraik; the former Director of the American Research Center in Egypt
(ARCE), Gerry Scott; the Co-Director Shari Saunders; the former Egyptian Antiquities Conservation
(EAP) Project Director, Michael Jones; and the USAID (United States Agency for International
Development) program in Egypt, 'Bambi' Arellano (USAID Cairo) and Jorge Arellano to have
launched this extraordinary field school session.
Our thanks also go to the Director of the Ancient Egypt Research Associates, Mark Lehner and to
the field directors Mohsen Kamel and Ana Tavares for organizing and running the field school. We
are indebted to Mark Lehner, Michael Jones and Ana Tavares for editing this volume.
Thanks are due to Amer Gad El Karim Abo el-Hassan and Hasan Ramadan Mahmoud for putting
together the illustrations.
We really appreciate the whole KIW team for their hard work. The 2008 team included field school
teachers/area supervisors Ashraf Abd el-Aziz, Amelia Fairman, Mike House, Freya Sadarangani,
Hanan Mahmoud Mohamed Mahmoud, James Taylor, Lauren Bruning, Lisa Yeomans and Francois
Le Clere. The area supervisors were assisted by field school supervisors Ahmed Mohamed Sayed
el-Laithy, Ali Mohamed, Ahmed Ibrahim, Amer Gad El Karim Abo el-Hassan, Essam Mahmoud,
Mohamed Ahmed, Essam Mohamed Shihab, Mohamed Hatem Ali Soliman, Rabee Eissa Mohamed
Hassan, Susan Sobhi Azer and Moamen Saad. Alison Jane Roberts, Daniel Hounsell, Daniel Jones,
Katarzyna Olchowska and Nora Abd el-Hamid Shalaby worked as archaeological site assistants.
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Mary Anne Murray and Mennat-Allah el-Dorry were the site archaeobotanists and taught
archaeobotany to the field school students. Mennat-Allah el-Dorry also worked as the site’s Object
Registrar. Teodozja Rzeuska was the ceramics field school teacher, assisted by Mohamed Aly Abd el-
Hakiem Ismail and Sherif Mohamed Abd el-Monaem, the ceramics field school supervisors. Lamia el-
Hadidy worked as the site’s conservator as well as teaching conservation to the field school students.
Jessica Kaiser and Ahmed Mohamed Gabr were the site osteologists and also taught osteology,
archaeological theory, research design and sampling to the field school students. The surveying
team comprised Mohammed Abd el-Baset, assisted by Azab Mohamed. Yuki Kawae, Jason Quinlan
and Yasser Mahmoud worked as the site photographers and taught the field school students the
principles of photography. William Schenck and Yasser Mahmoud taught archaeological drawing
and Mari Rygh organized and maintained the archive.
Thanks of course go to the 2008 ARCE-AERA field school students for all their work: Mansour el-
Badry Mostafa Aly, Mona Fathy Sayed, Yasser Abd el-Razik Mahmoud, Mohamed Naguib Reda Abd
el-Kader, Ezzat Abo Bakr Saber, Nagwan Bahaa Fayez el-Hadidi, Saad Bakhit Abd el-Hafez, Emad
Abdallah Abd el-Ghany, Omar Ahmed Abo Zaid, Hazem Salah Abdalla, Ahmed Hassan Ameen,
Sayed Ahmed Sayed Ahmed Said, Ahmed Boghdady Ahmed, Hanem Sadeek Qenawy, Ayman
Mohamed Damarany, Adel Abd el-Satar Mohamed, Amer Amin el-Hifny, Hussien Rikaby Hamed,
Shimaa Montaser Abo el-Hagag, Ahmed Abd el-Raof Abd el-Rady, Shereen Ahmed Shawky, Hasan
Ramadan Mahmoud, Mohamed Ahmed Abd el-Rahman, Mohamed Zarad Shaban Hasan.
We are indebted to the crew involved in the 2006 KIW work. The 2006 crew comprised members
of the AERA Giza Plateau Mapping Project at Giza, graduates of the ARCE-AERA Field School and
the Luxor SCA team, in addition to the excavation directors, Yehiya Abd el-Latif and Hanem Sadek
and GPMP team members Mohsen Kamel, Ana Tavares and Mark Lehner. The team included Giza
Field School graduates Tayeb Khudary, Amer Gad El Karim Abo el-Hassan, Moamen Saad and
Suzanne Sobhi Azer. Trainees from the Luxor area included SCA Inspectors Ali Hanawy, Asmaa
Omar, Hussein Fawzy, and Ahmed Boghdady. Engineer Maged Lamey assisted with recording the
Sphinx statue bases. Azab Ahmed Assa worked as survey assistant. SCA inspectors Mona Fathi,
Omar Yussef and Shazly Ahmed also participated in the work.
Finally thanks are due to Judith Bunbury and Angus Graham for their help in the geomorphology
of the site, Director of the Epigraphic Survey, Ray Johnson, Mary Bryan, Director of the library, who
graciously welcomed the students at Chicago House, and Immanuel Laroze, Director of the French
Mission, who welcomed the students at the Karnak mission’s library 'CFEEK' to look at published
and archival sources.
***
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Fig. 1. The East Bank of Luxor Showing the Location of the KIW Site and Major East Bank Monuments.
Google Earth, Imagery Date: 3/4/2005.
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Fig. 3.. Trench/Area Location. Illustration Prepared by Amer Gad and Hassan Ramadan.
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Fig. 6. 1937 Map Showing the Cemetery in the Southwest Corner of the KIW
Site but Labels it as 'Unused'.
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Fig. 7. Sondage Locations in Trench 2 and Area A/B. Illustration Prepared by Amer Gad and
Hassan Ramadan.
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Fig. 9. The Avenue of Nectanebo I. Illustration Prepared by Amer Gad and Hassan Ramadan.
Fig. 10. Phase VII Mud-brick Wall and Associated Red-brick Installations. Illustration Prepared by
Amer Gad and Hassan Ramadan.
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Fig. 12. Phase X Structures at the Northwest end of Area C and Kiln
Location to the South. Illustration Prepared by Amer Gad and Hassan
Ramadan.
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Fig. 17. Southwest Facing Section (Towards the Northwestern End) Showing Terracing and
Channel Cuts. See Location of Section. See Figure 17. Illustration Prepared by Amer Gad and
Hassan Ramadan.
Fig. 18. Phase XIX Actual and Projected Course of Medieval Channel. Illustration Prepared by
Amer Gad and Hassan Ramadan.
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Fig. 21. Burial 2. Skeleton [895]. For Burial Location Fig. 22. Burial 3. Skeleton [1710]. For Burial Location
see Figure 10. Illustration Prepared by Jessica Kaiser. see Figure 10. Illustration Prepared by Jessica Kaiser.
Fig. 23. Burial 4. Skeleton [1599]. For Burial Location Fig. 24. Burial 5. Skeleton [1607]. For Burial Location
See Figure 15. Illustration Prepared by Jessica Kaiser. see Figure 15. Illustration Prepared by Jessica Kaiser.
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PL. I
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PL. II
a. The largest exposure of pre-Nectanebo architecture, underlying Nectanebo phase architecture. Facing
northwest. Photograph by Jason Quinlan.
b. The northwestern Avenue of Sphinxes (Trench 1), showing the better preservation at the northwest end
(back end). Facing southeast. Photograph by Mansour el-Badri Moustafa.
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PL. III
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PL. IV
b. Trench C showing the buttressed mud-brick wall [195] and associated red-brick installations [1361], [1362].
Facing southeast. Photograph by Jason Quinlan.
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PL. V
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PL. VI
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PL. VII
a. Fire pit and industrial refuse in Area E. Facing northeast. Photograph by Moamen Saad.
b. Area C, northwest facing section showing the clay and silt fills of the channel,
filling basal undulations. Photograph by Jason Quinlan.
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PL. VIII
a. NE-SW sandstone retaining wall [333] and sandstone structure (ramp) [1650] to the south. Area A/B.
Photograph facing southwest. Photograph by James Taylor.
b. Fractured Femur and Tibia of Burial 1 (Skeleton [857]). Photograph by Jason Quinlan.
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