Advocating A Feminist Foreign Policy For India September 2023 IMPRI

ISBN: 978-81-956403-1-7
Advocating a
Feminist Foreign Policy
for India
Simi Mehta, Vibhuti Patel & Satyam Tripathi
www.books.impriindia.com
Advocating a
Feminist Foreign Policy
for India
Simi Mehta, Vibhuti Patel, and Satyam Tripathi
September 2023
IMPRI Books
IMPRI Impact and Policy Research Institute, New Delhi

Title: Advocating a Feminist Foreign Policy for India
Authors: Vibhuti Patel, Simi Mehta, Satyam Tripathi
Published by: ARJUN KUMAR
Publisher’s Address: Impact and Policy Research Institute OPC Private Limited, 4-C, K Block,
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Printer Details: Printed in India by Impact and Policy Research Institute OPC Private Limited
ISBN: 978-81-956403-1-7
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Printed in India
Dedicated to
(from left in the cover)
Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit

(First woman President of the United Nations General Assembly)
Hansa Mehta
(India’s delegate to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights from 1947–52)
Chonira Belliappa Muthamma

(First Indian woman to become an Indian Foreign Service Officer & Diplomat)
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
FES Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung
FFP Feminist Foreign Policy
IMPRI Impact and Policy Research Institute
IPCC Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
IR International Relations
NAM Non Aligned Movement
SDG Sustainable Development Goal
SGBV Sexual and Gender-Based Violence
SIWI Stockholm International Water Institute
SRHR Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights
UN United Nations
UNIFEM United Nations Development Fund for Women
UNSC United Nations Security Council
UNSCR United Nations Security Council Resolution
WPS Women, Peace and Security

FOREWORD
In today’s uncertain world, which is oscillating between peace and war and the failure
of existing international institutions, mechanisms as well as policy choices to carry out
their mandate of creating world a safer place for women, children, and others who are
pushed to suffer without being part of the decision making that purports violence.
There is a pressing need for an alternative policy lens and scaling up the participation
of women to sensitize the processes ranging from policy making to policy
implementation.
Feminist Foreign Policy is one such alternative approach that offers solutions to
structural problems and places women at the very core of the solutions. It tends to
catalyze and complement the democratic processes and institutions and challenge the
traditional patriarchal superstructures that have dominated the politics of the world.
Advocating Feminist Foreign Policy for India is an effort to coalesce the latest
literature on the subject and make a legitimate case for India.
IMPRI continuing with its commitment to ethical and non-partisan impactful research
on cutting-edge issues brings this book with the efforts from its Centre for
International Relations and Strategic Studies (CIRSS) and Gender Impact Studies
Centre (GISC). This book paves a way forward on how FFP could play a pivotal role in
achieving India’s national interests.
Dr Arjun Kumar
Director,
IMPRI Impact and Policy Research Institute,
New Delhi
II
PREFACE
In recent years there has been an increasing trend toward inculcating a feminist lens
in policy-making, implementation, and policy analysis by a number of countries that
followed suit after 2014 when Sweden explicitly manifested Feminist Foreign Policy
(FFP) in its polity. However, Sweden also recently became the first country to scrap
FFP after its new right-wing government rose to power. This was done in order to
forefront Swedish National Interest in diplomacy.
In such a scenario, in India, it becomes important to understand what are the

challenges posed by the concept of FFP so as to prevent the idea of a Feminist/Gender
Sensitive approach from becoming vulnerable to politics.
FFP places gender equality as the heart and soul of the international agenda. It aims,
inter alia, towards improving the participation rate of women in economics and
politics, involving women in peace negotiations, and reducing sexual violence through
diplomatic relations. FFP places gender equality as central to the national interest.
Consequently, with growing militarization and wars, the concept of FFP is at risk of
being abandoned. For example, with the war in Ukraine, internal conflict in Myanmar,
and instability in Afghanistan, older understandings of national security as equivalent
to military security may gain traction.
India has demonstrated a commitment to international efforts to promote gender

equality. India ratified the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against
Women (CEDAW) in 1993. In 2007, India deployed an all-woman peacekeeping
contingent to Liberia, and in 2023, sent an all-woman peacekeeping troop to Abyei,
Sudan. India has the potential to withstand global turmoil and remain committed to
promoting feminist values by aligning FFP to its national interests which include
security in South Asia, prosperity, and sustainable development.
FFP is a complete, consistent, and coherent approach to a body of work encompassing

all auspices of foreign policy and international relations, in order to advance a more
equitable world and amplify the voices of those hitherto marginalized. In essence, we
firmly believe and advance the idea that feminism is an agenda everyone can promote,
an agenda that seeks equity for all, not the dominance of one over another. This Status
Report seeks to present this view in a comprehensive manner and we hope that the
readers would benefit from the same.
III
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
We thank all our esteemed panelists, expert resource persons, and participants for
being part of the FES – IMPRI events: An Online Monsoon School Program on
Feminist Foreign Policy: Praxis for a Peaceful and Gender Just World Order and A
Consultative Workshop on Feminist Foreign Policy: Exploring India’s Position held at
India Habitat Centre, New Delhi.
We would like to thank Prof KP Vijayalakshmi, Ambassador Partha Ray, Ms Prerna

Singh, Dr Swarna Rajagopalan, Dr Vahida Nainar, Prof Roxana Marinescu, Prof
Meenal Shrivastava, Ambassador Anil Trigunayat, Prof Nilima Srivastava and Ms
Jyoti Rawal and Dr. Arjun Kumar, Director, IMPRI Impact and Policy Research
Institute, New Delhi, for making insightful inputs in the above events and making an
intellectual background for this informative product.
Research Team
The research team from IMPRI was led by Dr Simi Mehta, Prof Vibhuti Patel, and
Satyam Tripathi, comprising Samriddhi Sharma, Ishina Das, Manush Shah, and Fiza
Mahajan.
IV
Contents
1. Background ................................................................................................................................................. 1
1.1 What is Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP)? .......................................................................................... 2
1.2 Basic Pillars of FFP ............................................................................................................................. 5
1.3 Origin of FFP – Ideological & Geographical ................................................................................... 6
1.4 Tracing the Trajectories ..................................................................................................................... 8
1.5 Need For the Feminist/Gender-Sensitive Perspective in Foreign Policy ................................. 11
Women in the State of War .......................................................................................................................... 13
2. Contextualizing FFP in Indian Setting ................................................................................................ 16
2.1 Gender Equality in India ................................................................................................................. 16
2.2 Aligning FFP with India’s National Interests ............................................................................... 17
National Interest and Foreign Policy........................................................................................................... 17
FFP and India’s National Interests ............................................................................................................. 18
2.3 Gendered Dimension to India’s Strategic Thinking .................................................................... 20
Role of Normative Values ............................................................................................................................ 21
A Critical Evaluation ................................................................................................................................... 23
2.4 FFP as a Means to Advance Our Foreign Policy Objectives ....................................................... 24
Feminist Narratives ..................................................................................................................................... 24
India and UNSC Reforms ............................................................................................................................ 25
3. Emerging Debates and Discussions ..................................................................................................... 28
3.1 Contemporary Discourses and Updates ....................................................................................... 28
Women in the Peace and Security Landscape .............................................................................................. 28
Women and Diplomacy ............................................................................................................................... 32
Women and Climate Change ....................................................................................................................... 34
3.2 Lessons Learnt from FES-IMPRI Events on FFP .......................................................................... 37
3.3 Bridging the Gap with Other Countries’ Experiences................................................................. 41
3.4 Tracking Mechanism for Implementing FFP in India and Challenges ..................................... 44
3.5 Key Suggestions ............................................................................................................................... 46
4.1 Conclusion................................................................................................................................................. 48
4.2 Way Forward ............................................................................................................................................. 50
Bibliography
ADVOCATING A FEMINIST FOREIGN POLICY FOR INDIA
1. Background
Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP), relegated to the margins for decades, is slowly gaining
much-deserved recognition because of the efforts of peace-making, peacebuilding, and
peacekeeping by transnational feminist solidarity. The representation of women in
foreign policy decision-making and development assistance for the empowerment of
women as well as placing gender and women’s vulnerability on the transnational
security agenda are the topmost agendas of action. Taking a cue from the official
European Union Foreign Policy, a progressive FFP consists of three ‘R’s:
Rights, meaning the promotion of women’s issues, including countering gender-based

violence and discrimination.
Representation, including support for women’s participation at all levels of decision-

making, from parliament to private sector boards to the legal system; and
Resources, to ensure equitable allocation among people of all genders, whether in

government budgets or development projects.
The time is ripe for instituting an FFP in India and all other nations. Distancing itself
from simple rhetoric, such a foreign policy would be strategic and would be critical to
a nation’s broader foreign-policy objectives, including economic development,
prosperity, peace, and security.
Hansa Mehta, India’s representative to the United Nations Commission on Human

Rights, strongly opposed the phrase “all men are born free and equal” and fiercely
advocated for what led to the adoption of Article 1 of the UN Declaration Human
Rights that “all human beings are born free and equal”. FFP becomes ethical for
more than simply women; it becomes ethical for the planet, as gender equality is not
just a women’s issue, but rather a make-or-break issue, an issue for peace, security,
and the attainment of Sustainable Development Goals.
www.books.impriindia.com 1
1.1 What is Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP)?
FFP provides a powerful lens through which we can counter the violent global systems
of power, i.e., patriarchy, racism, cultural nationalism, imperialism, and militarism
that leave most of the population in perpetual states of vulnerability and despair. This
is because International Relations (IR) has largely been a deeply masculine field, with
a relative paucity of women IR theorists and practitioners. 1 It puts the promotion of
gender equality and women’s rights at the center of a nation’s diplomatic agenda. The
messy and sometimes uncomfortable realities of FFP—like sexual rights, abortions,
and birth control, must not remain mere line items quietly slotted into a program
budget, but matter-of-fact priorities.
Feminism itself is a contested concept susceptible to a variety of meanings,

interpretations, and manipulations. It is not a fringe value, tacked on at the end of a
lengthy list of any country’s values. As regards the role of the state as the instrument
of power, feminists have tried to demonstrate how male power becomes embedded in
different branches of state apparatus. Thus, Foreign Policy cannot remain untouched
by its tentacles. Celebrated American writer and activist and the harbinger of the
feminist wave in the 1970s, Kate Millet, in Sexual Politics (1971), argued that the
relationship between the sexes was based on ‘power’ and further sustained by an
ideology, like the relationship between the classes and races. She went on to define
politics as “power-structured relationships, whereby one group of persons is
controlled by another”.
According to Hans Morgenthau, the founder of classical realism in international

relations, the gendered conception of power means ‘power over or domination’ and it
fails to take account of forms of human relationship that may be more akin to the
female experience, such as caring interdependence, and collaborative behavior. J. Ann
Tickner (1988) reformulated Morgenthau’s six principles of political realism to show
how seemingly objective laws in fact reflect male values, rather than female. The
1Anne Sisson Runyan and V. Spike Peterson, 1991, ‘The Radical Future of Realism: Feminist Subversions of IR
Theory’, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 16(1): 67-106. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40644702.
following table shows Morgenthau’s principles vis-à-vis Tickner’s reformulation of

these six principles:
Hans J. Morgenthau J. Ann Tickner

1. Politics is governed by objective Objectivity is culturally defined, and it is
laws that are inherited in human associated with masculinity – so
nature. objectivity is always partial.
2. National interest is defined in terms The national interest is multi-
of power. dimensional – so it cannot (and should
not) be defined by one set of interests.
3. National interest is always Power as domination and control
dynamic. privileges masculinity.
4. Abstract moral principles cannot be There are possibilities for using power as
applied to politics and prudence collective empowerment in the
should always serve as the guide. international arena.
5. Difference between the moral All political action has moral significance
aspirations of a nation and the – it is not possible to separate politics and
universal moral principles. morality.
6. Autonomy of international politics. A narrowly defined, and ‘autonomous’,
political realm defines the political in a
way that excludes the concerns and
contributions of women.
The IR “hegemony” held by realism was suggested to be deeply gendered, with “its
assumptions about the way the world is divided—inside-out, strong-weak, rich-poor,
peace-war, men-women” creating false dichotomies and inherently privileging some
perspectives over others.2 According to Feminist IR, these dichotomies carried over
into states themselves, meaning developed countries were masculine, strong, rich, and
peaceful while developing countries were weak, poor, conflict-ridden, and feminine.
The theory seems almost clichéd now, but its current ubiquity is a mark of its original
2 ibid
astuteness.3 These contexts and pretexts add to the relevance of Feminist Foreign
Policy to materialize as a legitimate means of conducting international affairs of states,
and by neglecting women—the IR field could never fully understand the world order.
There is no agreed definition of a Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP). But there is a sense
of consensus that FFP is surely more than gender parity as well as attempts to make
women visible in International Relations since this approach fails to realize and
challenge those underlying patriarchal systems that fuel violence and conflict. It is the
level of influence that women can assert on the process that makes a difference, not
merely by their headcount.
The peculiarity of the national interests of different states ultimately guides the
principles of foreign policy. This peculiarity obviates and forestalls a global consensus
on the universal definition of FFP. Perhaps it is fair to say that many of the policy
proposals put forward by feminist theorists and feminist movements lack a single,
cohesive, definition of what would constitute an FFP. So instead, countries have
focused on changing the existing paradigms to simply include women and gender in
their theory and practice.
But also fixating on the production of a universally acceptable and concrete definition
of an FFP would fail to consider the different and varied political realities that shape
our global landscape. An essential ingredient to any definition of FFP has been
“intersectionality”. Kimberle Crenshaw, a Professor at UCLA School of Law and
Columbia Law School and an American civil rights advocate specializing in critical race
theory, has described intersectionality as a lens through which you can see where
power comes and collides, where it interlocks and intersects.
3Laird. R.W. 2018. Dropping F-Bombs: Canadian Feminist Foreign Policy from Harper to Trudeau and Beyond.
Major Research Paper submitted to fulfil the requirements of API6999. Available at:
https://ruor.uottawa.ca/bitstream/10393/37578/1/LAIRD,%20Rowan%20Alexandra%2020181.pdf
1.2 Basic Pillars of FFP
Some of the common core values for a comprehensive FFP beyond participation and
representation can include:
Intersectionality - In feminist theory, intersectionality has become the predominant

way of conceptualizing the relation between systems of oppression that construct our
multiple identities and our social locations in hierarchies of power and privilege. U.N.
Commission on Human Rights, in its resolution on the human rights of women,
recognized the importance of examining the intersection of multiple forms of
discrimination (2002). In 1989, Crenshaw offered intersectionality as a metaphor
(Demarginalizing), and, in 1991, she elaborated on it as a ‘provisional concept’ to
demonstrate the inadequacy of approaches that separate systems of oppression,
isolating and focusing on one while occluding the others. 4 Intersectionality also helps
in reaching out to the grassroots and follows a bottom-up approach by engaging civil
societies.
Commitment to Peace – Feminist Security Studies in contrast to traditional concepts

tend to ask questions such as “security for whom, by whom?”. It confronts militarized
security which is unable to protect women, children, and the elderly neither in times
of war nor in times of peace. Hence it poses questions about the usefulness of the
military-industrial complex amidst intersectionality. It also envisages complete
disarmament and promotes gender-sensitive human security.
Beyond Neo-Realism – According to Kenneth Waltz, the structure of international

politics is anarchical which creates a security dilemma that sequels into the struggle
for power. In contrast, the empathetic and humane approach divests this hegemony of
security and power in the international arena and claims that there are more reasons
for building communities that are about common goals such as peace, disarmament,
or mutually beneficial trade agreements. Hence it robs away the implicit assumptions
of and for the security alliances such as the presence of an enemy and the power
conflict.
4 Carastathis, Anna, May 2014, The concept of intersectionality in Feminist Theories. Available at:
https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Anna-
Carastathis/publication/263725959_The_Concept_of_Intersectionality_in_Feminist_Theory/links/5b71ca009
2851ca65057dce8/The-Concept-of-Intersectionality-in-Feminist-Theory.pdf
1.3 Origin of FFP – Ideological & Geographical
The introduction of feminism as an ideology in the study of international relations and

foreign policy seeks to challenge the notions of power, security, conflict, and
sovereignty, which are traditionally masculine.
Feminist International Relations theories emerged after the end of the United Nation's
decade 1975-1985. The end of the Cold War and the rise of new actors in international
politics such as non-state actors, social media users set the broader context for
Feminist theories of International Relations amidst losing credence of explanatory
theories because of identity and cultural policies questioning its ontology (ways of
being), epistemology (ways of knowing), and methodology (ways of studying). Instead,
the constitutive theory was hailed as it also allows for the study of language, identity,
and difference—all of which seemed necessary for understanding the complexity of
world politics in which struggles over social identities and cultural meanings are
inextricable from demands for reforms in institutions and law.
Theorizing the importance of peace, security, and gender justice for the execution of
feminist foreign policy requires questioning stereotypical constructions of masculinity
and femininity in relation to significant sites of power and leadership, the dismantling
of gender binaries that are present in states' international behavior, the focus on
women as a universal category, and the reproduction of intersectional relations in
foreign policy practice. Creating such a framework for the study of FFP entails
acknowledging other social categories like class, race, and sexual orientation, all of
which interact with gender to generate intersectional gendered subjects.
United Nations (UN) Security Council Resolution 1325: (in the year 2000) on Women
Peace and Security (WPS) was the 1st UN resolution to recognize the central role of
women as change agents in contributing to international peace and security. Since the
adoption of resolution 1325, nine subsequent resolutions have emphasized the
importance of putting women at the heart of peacekeeping. The implementation of the
WPS agenda is also one of the eight priority commitment areas in the Secretary-
General’s Action for Peacekeeping (A4P) initiative. The resolution introduced four
“pillars” or priority areas of the WPS agenda:
• Participation calls for women to participate equally with men in peace, political, and
security decision-making processes at national, local, regional, and international
levels.
• Protection seeks to ensure that women’s and girls’ rights are protected and promoted
in conflict-affected situations and includes protection from Sexual and Gender-Based
Violence (SGBV).
• Prevention refers to the prevention of all forms of violence against women and girls
in conflict-affected situations and includes tightening impunity and involving women
in conflict prevention.
The Security Council has adopted ten resolutions that comprise the Women, Peace,
and Security (WPS)-1325 (2000), 1820 (2008), 1888 (2009), 1889 (2009), 1960
(2010), 2106, (2013), 2122 (2013), 2242 (2015), 2467 (2019), and 2493 (2019). The
term WPS is used to highlight the linkage between women’s roles and experiences in
conflict and peace and security. Obligations in these resolutions extend from the
international to the local level, and include intergovernmental organizations such as
the United Nations, to national governments. The WPS mandates are the blueprint for
all work conducted on gender in peace operations.
Since the 1990s, Friends of 1325, a group coordinated by Canada, has been making
efforts to implement the UNSC Resolution 1325, by sharing information and
introducing these topics in the Security Council.
1.4 Tracing the Trajectories
Sweden was the first country to adopt the FFP in 2014 thereby setting the trend
towards explicitness in the role of women and a gender lens in Foreign Policy making
and influencing. The trend was followed by Canada (2017), France (2019), Mexico
(2020), Spain and Luxembourg (2021), Germany, Chile, Colombia, and Liberia who
adopted FFP in 2022.
Sweden and Canada have made major advancements and taken huge leaps in
implementing Feminist Foreign Policy. In June 2017, Canada launched the world’s
first Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP). It outlines Canada’s thinking for
a feminist approach to development assistance apart from the conventional foreign
policy domains of diplomacy, defense, and trade. The six priority areas of FIAP include
1) Gender equality and women’s and girls’ empowerment; 2) “human dignity”, which
is an umbrella term that includes access to health care, education, nutrition, and the
timely delivery of humanitarian assistance; 3) women’s economic empowerment,
including access to and control over resources and services; 4) climate action; 5)
women’s political participation and 6) women, peace and security.
Several nations with feminist foreign policies have created handbooks to outline the
objectives and strategies in greater depth or established advisory committees to help
the administration with its implementation. A thorough system for accountability has
been created in France, complete with deadlines, metrics, and accountable parties. A
Special Envoy for Spain's FFP has been appointed, and she will report annually to the
parliament.
Updates have been released annually by Sweden. Each of these nations already has a
national action plan on women, peace, and security. France’s strategy is accompanied
by an accountability framework against which to track progress. Not only does it have
stated objectives and metrics, but France goes one step further and mandates an
annual evaluation of progress against the strategy. The French FFP rests on five
thematic pillars, viz., 1) healthcare for women and girls, including comprehensive
family planning, access to sexual and reproductive health, and reduced maternal
mortality rates; 2) access to education, including access to and improvement of
comprehensive sexuality education; 3) raising the legal age of marriage to age 18; 4)
vocational training and employment opportunities and 5) improvements to

infrastructure that enhance access to remote rural areas.
The French FFP is the most comprehensive. As for the idea of “Feminist Diplomacy,”
the French policy describes an approach that identifies French priorities according to
three principles: 1) comprehensive, 2) rights-based, and 3) gender-based, pledging to
include gender “in all French diplomatic priorities and all political, economic, soft
diplomacy, cultural, educational and development cooperation actions.”
It can be seen that for both France and Sweden, an FFP that is not limited in scope to
international assistance liberates governments’ feminist actions on the global stage
from traditional aid or assistance relationships, which have their own issues tied to
postcolonialism and political economy interests.
Mexico has pledged to achieve complete employment equity, equal pay, and the
incorporation of a gender lens into every mandate, resolution, and position in its
foreign policy by the year 2024. France has pledged to increase its baseline of 30
percent in 2018 to 50 percent of gender-focused funding by 2022. By 2022, Canada
has promised to ensure that at least 95% of bilateral projects for foreign development
aid would focus on or incorporate gender equality, and they are well on their way to
achieving this commitment. Spain contributes the most official development aid to
initiatives with the primary goal of advancing gender equality, which amounts to 24%
in total.
The Swedish approach is the most comprehensive, extending to all domains of foreign
policy and seeking to advance gender equality for its own sake, as well as in service to
other foreign policy priorities. Sweden’s policy includes emphasis on representation,
resources, and rights, thus streamlining its approach to ensure that enough
representation is achieved with a sufficient allocation of resources to help initiatives
that ensure equal rights for women. In recent years, both Sweden and Canada have
pushed for the inclusion of gender equality in trade agreement discussions, and
Sweden has created a feminist trade strategy.
These laws support the rights of women, including the right to an abortion, inclusive
government, and the abolition of gender-based violence in all its manifestations.
Sometimes they talk about climate security. Canada has committed to fostering female
employment possibilities in the low-carbon economic transition, climate-friendly
agricultural production, and the renewable energy industry. Finally, these rules
provide guidelines for interacting with the commercial sector or civil society. Sweden,
for instance, has created accreditation for private security firms about their conduct in
crisis zones.
Margot Wallström, the former foreign minister of Sweden, is a seasoned diplomat who
previously served as the UN special envoy on sexual assault in conflict. Wallström has
emphasized multiple times the relationship between women's involvement in global
politics and lasting peace as well as the idea that women's empowerment has a
beneficial influence on national and international security. The Swedish FFP
framework covers three domains: 1) foreign and national security policies, 2)
development cooperation, and 3) trade and promotion policy. The policy sees gender
equality as both a priority objective in its own right as well as a tool to advance other
foreign policy priorities (Government of Sweden, 2018).
Moreover, the Hillary Doctrine which espoused the suppression of women as a security
threat to the USA and the Australian Foreign Minister, Julie Bishop’s advocacy for
gender inclusion in international offices and Norway’s efforts in including gender as
the central part of its conflict resolution and development assistance programs, go a
long way in advancing the idea of FFP.
1.5 Need For the Feminist/Gender-Sensitive Perspective in

Foreign Policy
According to Tickner, international politics is a man's world, a world of power and

conflict in which warfare is a privileged activity. Traditionally, diplomacy, military
service, and the science of international politics have been largely male domains. In
the past, women have rarely been included in the ranks of professional diplomats or
the military: of the relatively few women who specialize in the academic discipline of
international relations, few are security specialists. Women political scientists who do
international relations tend to focus on areas such as international political economy,
North-South relations, and matters of distributive justice5.
The study of International Relations has long been understood from a man's
perspective, which often than not belies the reality on the ground. As diplomacy and
geopolitics are seen as a man’s endeavor, feminists have long fought for their voices to
be heard in the larger political space. As more questions about women’s protection and
human rights were raised during times of conflict, a growing necessity to develop a
gender-sensitive perception toward understanding foreign and security policy
emerged.
International relations theory deals with the relations between state and non-state
actors in the larger geopolitical space. While it does not directly provide space to
citizens of countries, the foundation of international relations rests on the people it
vouches to protect, and in this ardent conquest, many communities comprising a civil
body are often overlooked, and the community of women is invariably one of them.
The long negligence has been reflected through existing vulnerabilities such as torture,
hate crimes, sexual assault, and death in times of conflict and war.
Even when our leaders vouch to protect their people and the larger international
community along with the United Nations puts security, peace, and protection of
human rights on its forefront, somewhere down the line the repetition of such crimes
often occurs leaving to question the credibility of policies that are being upheld to
alleviate human rights abuse are rather aggravating it. In such instances, the question
5Tickner, J.A. (1995). Hans Morgenthau’s Principles of Political Realism: A Feminist Reformulation, Palgrave
Macmillan, London.
of why women continue to face the brunt of any war or conflict despite ardent support
for their protection leaves us to wonder about the credibility of equal representation
of all communities.
If women do not sit on councils that dictate laws, sit on benches that make laws, and
sit on boards that protect these laws, how can we expect laws that are created by a
dominant sex, the man, will be sensitive towards a historically oppressed sex, the
women?
This lack of sensitivity pushes us to question the credibility of existing policies and
laws that benchmark the protection of all people. And if men decide for women, make
laws, and prevent them from deciding for their own community, oppression will
continue to spread. It is for this minute logic, which owning to a gender-sensitive
perspective to understanding international relations and formulating foreign policy
that is sensitive to women, irrespective of borders is extremely necessary.
"Women’s absence in traditional IR is manifested both in women’s marginalization from

decision-making and in the assumption that the reality of women’s day-to-day lives is not
impacted by or important to International Relations. These longstanding exclusions have not
only shaped our current political systems but also how we understand and analyze them."
Professor Meenal Shrivastava
The development of society and the liberal understanding of gender roles has put
much attention on the debate of security and policy being reserved for just men in
modern times, further reinstating existing beliefs of conflict and later peace being a
man's domain. Pedagogues of International security have argued that women were
always considered too fragile and peaceful to be a part of armed combat. Women’s
peaceful character is attributed to either nature or nurture and the “nature versus
culture” debate helps draw much clarity on why women were seen as frontiers of peace
and unimaginable in times of conflict even when they were facing the brunt of it.
There are strong economic justifications for the end of FFP by nations. As per a 2015
McKinsey report6, advancing women's equality can add $12 trillion to global growth.
Improving gender equality in society would allow women to participate in the labour
force more fully, thus leading to improved economic success for everyone; as the report
proclaimed, “gender equality in society is intrinsically a worthwhile goal, but it is also
vital for achieving gender equality in work.” Thus, FFP has now become ‘good business
sense’ for states, rather than simply ‘the right thing to do.’
Women in the State of War
When reality ratifies that war is no longer a male bastion and women are not
necessarily peaceful, the battlefield continued to be analyzed from a male perspective,
and as a man's parapet and women warriors, women supporters of conflict and
caregivers are often overlooked along with women involved in insinuating a peaceful
environment. The lack of women in frontier policy and decision-making in both
domestic and international policy creates an environment of sexist, patriarchal,
gender-insensitive policies post-peaceful proceedings that aggravate their vulnerable
situations, thus pushing many to choose armed battalions and guerilla groups to feel
liberated and seen as equal to their male counterparts.
Such situations have only worsened the existing threats to a country and the
international community, for instance, women comprised most of the suicide bombers
in the Liberation of Tamil Tigers Elam terrorist group during the Sri Lankan civil war
as it did with the Black widows during the Chechnya uprising. Even today, many young
women are part of the fight against jihad uprising in many notable terrorist
organizations like the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and Al Qaeda, leaving to
question what women are. And in turn, what of peace and security?
Apart from such extreme situations, the lack of being heard pushes many women who
fight for their rights to the brink of obscurity. While American women fight for their
6 Jonathan Woetzel et al., ‘The Power of Parity: How Advancing Women’s Equality Can Add $12 Trillion to Global
Growth’ (McKinsey Global Institute, September 2015), Available at: https://www.mckinsey.com/featured-
insights/employment-and-growth/how-advancing-womens-equality-can-add-12-trillion-to-global-growth
right to abortion and women in underdeveloped countries fight for daily rights in the
shackles of patriarchy, we come to think of the reason behind its continued existence.
The new world order post the Cold War was built on institutions of democracy and
liberalism and yet, even after 50 years, we are yet to achieve equality. Today, women
office-bearers are less than 3% and their situations continue to worsen. There have
been 200 places on this planet where territorial wars or civil wars are fought resulting
in massive human miseries marked by homelessness, sexual violence, diseases,
hunger, and human trafficking. This brings us to question the sexism in the male-
dominated international community, the refusal to see women as their equal even
when deliberating upon situations that directly concern them. Even when we have
women leaders, the ingrained patriarchy still rules our psyche, and it is for this reason
that we need gender-sensitive policies to help create a more sensitive environment that
is liberating for our women and girls.
"There is a need to deconstruct the gender stereotypes of viewing men as either aggressors or
protectors and women as the victims in need of protection. Human history has witnessed
situations when men have also been victims in conflict situations as prisoners of war and have
faced physical and sexual torture.”
Professor Vibhuti Patel
The American feminist Elaine Showalter argued— “not because of the evil conspiracies
of men in general or male historians, but because we have considered history only in
male-centered terms. We have missed women and their activities because we have
asked questions about history that are inappropriate for women. To rectify this, and to
light up areas of historical darkness, we must, for a time, focus on a woman-centered
inquiry, considering the possibility of the existence of a female culture within the
general culture shared by men and women. History must include an account of the
female experience over time and should include the development of feminist
consciousness as an essential aspect of women's past. This is the primary task of
women's history. The central question it raises is: What would history be like if it were
seen through the eyes of women and ordered by values they define?”7 Thus, we need
not wait for a social catastrophe like in the aftermath of the Rwandan genocide to put
our women to hold office due to a lack of men, we need to recognize them as our equals
to bring forward domestic and foreign policies that are equal to all, and not just bias
to one community.
7Lerner Gerda, 1979, “The Challenge of Women's History”, The Majority Finds Its Past: Placing Women in History.
New York: Oxford University Press
2. Contextualizing FFP in Indian Setting
The FFP aims at transnational solidarity to fight against sexual and sexist violence;
promote the education of women and girls, and that of men and boys; ensure economic
emancipation of women across the world; endorse women’s leadership in politics and
decision-making and involve women in peace negotiations and treaties. As Professor
Roxana Marinescu encourages “to raise questions, to analyze existing and traditional
power structures, to permanently challenge discourses that seem clear, established,
even the ones that look progressive, and to critically discuss governments and
institutions, NGOs, and individuals’ positions vis-à-vis the existing power systems and
their discourses."
2.1 Gender Equality in India
Violence against women has shown no signs of abatement in the last decade or so.
According to the latest National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data, India saw a total
of 4,28,278 instances of crimes against women in 2021 – a 15 percent increase from
the previous year. Of these, 'cruelty by husband' saw the greatest number of cases –
almost 32 percent – followed by cases registered under 'assault on women with intent
to outrage her modesty (20 percent).8 The Global Gender Gap Report 20229 placed
India 135 out of 146 countries. In the region that it boasts as its sphere of influence,
India is only a better performer than Iran, Pakistan, and Afghanistan.
8 Crime in India, 2021, National Crime Records Bureau ( NCRB ). Available at: https://ncrb.gov.in/en/node/3721
9 Global Gender Gap Report, 2022, World Economic Forum. Available at:
https://www.weforum.org/reports/global-gender-gap-report-2022/
2.2 Aligning FFP with India’s National Interests
National Interest, the prime motivation of foreign policy is the product of Realism –
the dominating school of thought in International Politics, where power is the means
to secure national interests. Robinson has given the ways through which states secure
their national interest – Balance of Power, Diplomacy, Deterrence, International
Organizations, incentives, etc. Though national interest is a core concept, it is called a
‘pseudo theory’ by Raymond Aron because of its high subjectivity.
National Interest and Foreign Policy
Hartmann observed that “a foreign policy consists of selected national interests

presumably formulated into a logically consistent whole”. Morgenthau believes that
every state’s foreign policy objective must be defined in terms of the national interest.
This, according to him, must be supported with adequate power. Hence, many
thinkers and scholars like Morgenthau establish a close relationship between National
Interest and Foreign Policy, such as Holsti, Viotti, and Kauppi. For example, any other
leader could, in a wartime situation, redefine his country’s national interest.
The policymakers' consideration of a particular situation in the territory of another

country emanates from the trade-offs between the four basic interests of defense,
economy, world order, and ideology.10 There might be tendencies to subordinate one
particular interest to the pursuit of another. That means a state’s national interest
could change to suit a given situation.11 The notion of polarity in International
Relations divides the world into several poles among great powers. However, Holsti12
reckons that the polar model fails to take into consideration the significant role played
10Nuechterlein, D. E. 1976, National Interests and Foreign Policy: A Conceptual Framework for Analysis and
Decision-Making. British Journal of International Studies, 2(3), 246–266, Available at:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/20096778
11Ejitu N. Ota, and Chinyere S. Ecoma, July 2022, Power and National Interest in International Relations,
European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences. Available at:
https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Chinyere-
Ecoma/publication/362227601_Power_and_National_Interest_in_International_Relations/links/6314e083acd
814437f03213a/Power-and-National-Interest-in-International-Relations.pdf
12Holsti, K. J. 1970, National Role Conceptions in the Study of Foreign Policy, International Studies Quarterly,
14(3), 233–309. Available at: https://doi.org/10.2307/3013584
by small states beyond being perceived as objects of rivalry between great powers in a
given region.
FFP and India’s National Interests
As India has grown so have its national interests and is ever-evolving. Independent
India was born into an entirely new situation after World War II when the Cold War
was dividing the world between two superpowers. Since independence, India has faced
three distinct periods of international relations, from a bipolar Cold War world until
1990; to a unipolar world dominated by the U.S. from 1990 till the world economic
crisis of 2008; to the present transformational moment. Shivashankar Menon13
Opines that rapid shifts in the balance of power in the region have led to the arms
races, and to rising uncertainty, also fuelled by the unpredictability, disengagement,
and transactional “America First” attitude of U.S. President Donald Trump. The
China-U.S. strategic contention is growing, uninhibited so far by their economic co-
dependence.
India has been reflecting the gender-sensitive approach not necessarily in words but
in deeds. For example, The Indian response to the Russia-Ukraine war was a call for
an immediate cessation of violence and respect for the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of states. It also emphasized “returning to the path of diplomacy”14. India was
rightly informed by strategic autonomy during these statements. This balanced
approach to the crisis is rooted in India’s tradition of non-alignment, evoked by its first
prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru that reflects a feminist approach to rejecting
binaries magnified from individual to structural level in the situation. Minister of
External Affairs S. Jaishankar has emphasized, that India’s foreign policy is not based
on accepting the “construct” of siding with any power axis. Rather, India is “entitled to
13 Menon, Shivashankar, May 2020, India’s Foreign Affairs Strategy, Brookings India. Available at:
https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/India27s-foreign-affairs-strategy.pdf
14Statement by Ambassador TS Trimurti, 25 February 2022, Permanent Mission of India to UN. Available at:
https://pminewyork.gov.in/statementsearch?id=eyJpdiI6IjRyT01pd3pyVHBQalhXNW5WVEY3aHc9PSIsInZhb
HVlIjoiSzdnaFwvS3M4bFpBXC9aSW93SXQrVGFRPT0iLCJtYWMiOiIyNTRiOTFjNTY5YmFjZmNhMzZiNWM2
Mzk0M2FhYmU1ZDQ5YWQ1ZmY5NDk5ZjM1ODkxNWRiZTU2NTNiOTk3MmEwIn0=
weigh its own interests and have its own side,” especially due to the rise of
authoritarian regimes in its neighborhood.
According to the veteran Indian diplomat Nirupama Menon Rao, “Diplomacy can be
gender-neutral but it should not be gender-blind, it has to focus on the middle way,
getting peace to override war, stressing negotiation instead of provocation, and
embracing diversity.”15
These feminine values were very much visible in India’s decision-making during this
Russia-Ukraine war as has been in the past such as ratification of the Convention on
the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1993, reiteration
towards implementing the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal (UN SDG)
5 on gender equality, providing financial aid and assistance to multilateral programs
focusing on women’s empowerment and the most recent being India’s membership in
the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women in 2020. Furthermore,
India’s contribution to UN peacekeeping efforts, especially in Liberia in 2007 (by
sending an all-women peacekeeping contingent). Hence, Feminine values that
encompass gender sensitivity were rooted in Indian civilizational heritage despite not
having it at the explicit doctrine level but have always been implicit.
15A Gender Sensitive Indian Foreign Policy: Why and How? 2021, Indian Council on World Affairs. Available at:
https://www.icwa.in/Booklet/Gender_Booklet/
2.3 Gendered Dimension to India’s Strategic Thinking
Ancient Indian sage and philosopher, Rishi Gargi can be said to be the earliest example
of feminist strategic thinking in India who secured her place in the court of the King
after defeating the sage, Yajnavalkya, and questioning his claim of superiority. She was
honored as one of the Navratnas in the court of King Janaka of Mithila. India has
further ‘developed what is known as the prasangika method—the method of
examining all possible alternative interpretations of the opponent’s proposition,
showing the absurdity of the respective consequences and thus refuting it’ (Solomon,
1978). According to Imtiaz Ahmed, Professor of International Relations at the
University of Dhaka, addressing a woman’s state of insecurity from the standpoint of
prasangika can make a far more meaningful contribution to the task of demystifying
masculinity and engendering security.16
In the words of a former Indian diplomat Suresh Kumar Goel, highlighting the role of
cultural diplomacy in recent times, Mahabharata is a bright example of the culture of
strategy in which the single-minded pursuit for power and territory led to the
construction of a society in which every action of every individual needed to be
explained based on objectives as set by individuals for themselves. Some individuals
were criticized because their objectives were seen to focus on limited selfish gains
while others like Pandavas put their objectives in the larger framework of the good of
the society. The whole Mahabharata including Geeta is a bright example of a definition
of the ideal of the progress of a group or the growth of individuals.17
16 Singh, Shweta, 2017, Gender, Conflict, and Security: Perspectives from South Asia, Sage. Available at:
https://genderandsecurity.org/sites/default/files/Singh_-_G_Con_Sec-_Persptvs_from_S_Asia_.pdf
17Distinguished Lectures, 2019, Ministry of External Affairs. Available at: https://www.mea.gov.in/distinguished-

lectures-detail.htm?825
Role of Normative Values
India’s strategic culture is shaped by different sources and normative values that time
and again appear in its policies and actions. There is a Sanskrit saying ‘ati sarvatra
varjyate’ that translates to ‘let us always eschew excess’. This idea gives rise to the
preference for the middle path, hence becoming the root of the Non-Aligned
Movement (NAM) that has further evolved into strategic autonomy. NAM was
formally established in 1961 by a group of countries including India that decided to
abstain from joining either of the two power blocs led by the USA or the Soviet Union
during the Cold War.
Indian strategic thought is also inspired by the value of tolerance which has not been
just philosophy but is seen as a social reality when persecuted Jews and Parsis came
to India or when in AD 47, Christians arrived in Kerala and made this land their home
and thrived on this land.
Tracing the modern phases of Indian Strategic developments, Bipin Chandra writes
that Indian people were very much against the British policy of interfering in the
internal affairs of other countries. It challenges the Gender insensitive tendencies of
expansionism and imperialism and roots those values in the Indian setting. Voicing
Indian opinion against the Second Afghan wars (1878-80), Surendranath Banerjee
branded war “as an act of sheer aggression and as one of the most unrighteous ones
that have blackened the pages of history”.
India’s proactive role ever since the establishment of the United Nations speaks
volumes of its aims and vision for a peaceful world order sans all discrimination. Vijaya
Lakshmi Pandit, an active participant in the Indian independence struggle and an
astute politician, created history in India and the world as she became the first woman
to be elected as the president of the UN General Assembly at its eighth session in 1953.
She sought to imbibe Gandhian principles into the working of the UN. Because means
are as important as the ends, therefore the “UN’s existence depended on its ability to
translate the noble words and high ideals of the Charter into the lives of the humbles
individuals in the smallest nations”18. The same non-interference found its rightful
Pandit, V.L. 1953. The Growing Role of Women in the General Assembly, United Nations Bulletin 13, no. 10 (15
18
November 1952)
place after independence and got ingrained in the form of Panchsheel. The 1954
agreement of Panchsheel included Peaceful coexistence, mutual non-aggression as
well and mutual non-interference among others. Sikri writes that the defining
characteristics of India’s foreign policy in the early decades were non-alignment, the
quest for Nuclear Disarmament, and the struggle against discrimination and
violence.19
Alongside Nehru, Mahatma Gandhi’s thinking and philosophy had a significant,

although insufficiently appreciated, influence on India’s strategic landscape. The
essential elements of Gandhi’s philosophy were the concepts of non-violence, the
importance of the moral dimension in the conduct of men as well as nations, and
Satyagraha, or the struggle for truth, compassion, and justice. Indira Gandhi after
taking over as PM for the first time emphasized engaging with all the nations based on
‘equality’.
The traditions of Ashoka and Gandhi were visible in asserting that India does not
dream of its own upliftment at the loss of others when PM Modi referred to the motto
of “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam” – the concept that envisions the world as one family.
He brought a ‘Samvad’ in diplomatic engagements where it is not just government-to-
government interaction but a bottom-up approach of people-to-leader interaction.
His personal diplomacy allows space for civil societies to actively participate in gender-
sensitive issues. These concepts transcend feminist ideas and gender sensitivity, thus
becoming a natural corollary. C Raja Mohan opines that “today’s India might be
accused of many things, but not ‘strategic innocence’. It is pursuing great power
relations, with each on its merit.”
19 Sikri, Rajiv, 2009, Challenge and Strategy: Rethinking India’s Foreign Policy. Available at:
https://sk.sagepub.com/books/challenge-and-strategy
A Critical Evaluation
The main hurdle for FFP is to move beyond the pitfalls of treating ‘women’ as a bloc.
In other words, debates in FFP and feminist IR reflect the ongoing struggle of
feminism itself to be relevant and helpful to all people in all contexts. FFP cannot
“assume an ahistorical, universal unity among women based on a generalized notion
of their subordination.” Unfortunately, the theoretical underpinnings of feminist
foreign policy that seek to avoid these pitfalls are frequently lost in translation by the
time feminist ideas make their way into politics and government.
Overall, different applications of FFP can be exciting, yet flawed. The thrill of seeing
women’s issues at the forefront of international relations is undeniably inspirational,
yet questions remain around the motives of actors who seek to push ‘feminism’ for
mere publicity. The paucity of resources dedicated to the implementation of the
women, peace, and security agenda may be the greatest impediment to putting FFP
into practise. 20
There are pieces of evidence from the past about the presence of feminist strategic
culture. But as we travel through history towards the present, what remains are just
implicit and sanguine values reflecting gender sensitivity in policy making and policy
influencing. There is a visible and definite vacuum in feminist strategic thinking. For
the Gender-sensitive foreign policy to materialize, a gender-sensitive polity is a pre-
requisite that is shaped by how we perform in our domestic sphere. A lack of gender-
sensitive strategic culture and feminine strategic thinkers in contemporary times
makes it necessary for the explicitness in India’s words and deeds to influence and
provide an alternative to decision-making and interpreting the situations from a
gendered lens. Even countries having incorporated FFP into their national agenda,
including Sweden, the Netherlands, and Canada, have been criticized for their arms
deals with countries having poor human rights records, including their treatment of
women.
20 House of Commons Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development, ‘An Opportunity
for Global Leadership: Canada and the Women, Peace and Security Agenda’ (House of Commons, October 2016),
43.
2.4 FFP as a Means to Advance Our Foreign Policy Objectives
For India, the present moment is an opportune time to discuss the feasibility and
prospect of an FFP. Women’s political participation is at an all-time high: the 2019
general election saw female voter turnout matching those of the males. The number of
women elected as Members of Parliament (78) out of 545 members is also
unprecedented.21
Feminist Narratives
Ekatherina Zhukova, Malena Rosén Sundström, and Ole Elgström in their research
paper on “Spreading a Norm-based Policy? Sweden's Feminist Foreign Policy in
International Media” in Review of International Studies (RIS), (2021) argue that a
liberal feminist narrative advocates an increased presence of women in existing
institutions. It stands not only for the integration of women into existing institutions
but also for the promotion of women into leadership positions in these institutions.
Postcolonial feminists are also cautious in their interpretation of feminist
universalisms because they argue that such accounts of moral duty undermine the
distinct experiences and stories told by non-western women. Often, even in
progressive human rights discussions, women particularly women of multiple-
marginalized identities have not been included in the discourse that developed and
shaped policies about them. While well-intentioned, such approaches can perpetuate,
rather than dismantle, inequalities and systems of oppression. Therefore, a one-size-
fits-all policy should not be adopted and rather should be unique to the unique settings
of individual countries.
Furthermore, liberal FFP supports legal reform for gender equality, women’s human
rights, and the success of individual women. Liberal feminism does not oppose
militarism, unlike pacifist feminism, which allows pragmatism and idealism to co-
exist in an FFP. Market feminism favors economic growth; economic empowerment
of women through an FFP can become a way to achieve growth. Furthermore, security
21Devasia, Akshaya Jose. 20 August 2022. A Feminist Foreign Policy for India?, Economic and Political Weekly,
Available at: https://www.epw.in/journal/2022/34/special-articles/feminist-foreign-policy-india.html
feminism relates to the securitization of female bodies in areas of conflict, as well as in

peaceful times. According to security feminism, an FFP can address sexual and
gender-based violence (SGBV) and Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights
(SRHR) locally to achieve security globally. Moving on to legal feminism relies on the
law as a means of access, institutionalization, and practice of gender equality. An FFP
can make a reference to the law or introduce a new law to advocate for gender parity
in public institutions.
It is the right time for India must exploit these strategic narratives to project its soft
power onto other states. According to Soumita Basu, Associate Professor at the
Department of International Relations, South Asian University, New Delhi, “gender
matters in International relations, in words if not in deed”.22 Former R&AW (Research
and Analysis Wing) Chief Vikram Sood in The Ultimate Goal (2020) posits that “truth
is not supreme in the affairs of states, instead, perceptions built on narratives become
the accepted truth.” For him, “narratives are about the need to adapt, and a nation
cannot build a credible narrative about its values if it does not practice freedoms at
home or if it solely relies on government machinery to spread its message.”
Hence it becomes imperative to harness and incorporate the feminist approach and
gender sensitivity more explicitly than ever to deter it from getting manipulated and
weaponized by taking the lead in absorbing it in policymaking.
India and UNSC Reforms
The Security Council is the organ of the UN that is most exclusionary in its composition
and decision-making, composed of only five permanent member states and ten non-
permanent member states.
In the absence of structural reforms and change in social hierarchies of gender, women
need to cross to the male side of the gendered traditions if they are to be taken seriously
in traditionally male spheres, thus feminist perspectives end up in silence. In her
research article “Power And Danger: Feminist Engagement with International Law
22 A Gender-sensitive Indian Foreign Policy: Why? and How? 2021, ICWA. Available at:
https://www.icwa.in/Booklet/Gender_Booklet/
through the UN Security Council”23, Dianne Otto, Professor of Law, at Melbourne Law
School, Australia, argued that there are three loud silences – that point to the biases
of the Council’s embrace of feminist ideas and raise the question as to whether they
remain ‘feminist’ ideas. The first is the absence of any reference to addressing the
structural causes of women’s inequality, like women’s economic marginalization,
which must be addressed before the rhetoric of participation has any hope of
translating into practice. She argues that the Security Council needs to include and
propel on the agenda of women’s substantive equality to challenge the fundamentally
dualistic gender script of women’s vulnerability and need for male/military protection.
The second silence pertains to the treatment of conflict prevention which appears only
once in the context of increasing representation of women in existing mechanisms
aimed at prevention. The total elimination of armed conflict which has been on the
feminists’ agenda requires more fundamental change than merely enhancing women’s
participation in the existing system.
India as a UN Security Council24 Candidate 2021-22 calls for greater involvement of

women in changing paradigms and committing to the reforms in the multilateral
institutions as its key priorities. India’s priority objective during this tenure was the
achievement of NORMS – New Orientation for a Reformed Multilateral Systems
inculcating the 5S’s approach i.e., Samman (Respect), Samvad (Dialogue), Sahayog
(Cooperation), Shanti (Peace) and Samriddhi (Prosperity).
India along with other countries has been batting for reforms in the UNSC which are
considered inevitable for the survival of multilateralism. A joint statement by India,
Brazil, and Germany under the banner of Group of Four (G4) which is primarily
focused on U.N. Security Council (UNSC) reform, and permanent membership of the
body for members, stressed the “inability” of the UNSC to “effectively” address
complex and evolving problems “vividly demonstrates the urgent need” for UNSC
reform.
23Otto, Dianne, 2010, Power and Danger: Feminist Engagement in International Law through the UN Security
Council, Australian Feminist Law Journal, Research Gate. Available at:
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/228192497_Power_and_Danger_Feminist_Engagement_with_Inter
national_Law_Through_the_UN_Security_Council
24 India UNSC Priorities, 2021-22, Ministry of External Affairs. Available at:

https://www.mea.gov.in/Images/amb1/INDIAUNSC.pdf
Since its foundation, the number of member states has quadrupled and the regional
composition of membership has changed but unfortunately, the composition and size
of the Security Council have remained virtually unchanged. Reforms require adoption
by a vote of at least 2/3 of the members of the General Assembly as well as the
ratification by at least 2/3 of the members including all the permanent members of the
Security Council. Hence collaboration and cooperation among member states are the
keys to the reforms.25
"Since resolution 2242 was adopted in 2015, the Council has progressed towards a more
equitable representation of civil society. The number of civil society female briefers has
steadily increased. In 2017, 10 out of the Council’s 14 civil society briefers were female; in
2018, the number was 24 out of 30, and in 2019, there were 42 female civil society briefers
of the 53 in all.”
Dr. Vahida Nainar
India became a non-permanent member of the UNSC in June 2020 and subsequently
got into the UN Commission on the Status of Women in September same year.
Stressing the issue of Human Security and not just inculcating but also expressing
gender sensitivity would give India a lead and create an impact in the regional scenario
as well as supplement its broader objectives by collaboration and cooperation in
initiating multilateral reforms.
25 UN Security Council Reforms, March 2022, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Japan. Available at:
https://www.mofa.go.jp/files/100059111.pdf
3. Emerging Debates and Discussions
The transnational women’s rights movements have created an enabling environment

for progressive policy solutions to advance gender equality and the rights of women,
and LGBTQI people where FFP is viewed as not only possible but favorable. In light of
this, the present section tries to follow up with some recent updates and deliberations
as regards FFP.
3.1 Contemporary Discourses and Updates
Women in the Peace and Security Landscape
Today there is ample data and evidence to establish and sustain the fact that women’s
inclusion in peace negotiations and higher levels of gender equality are associated with
a lower propensity for conflict as well as lasting peace agreements that are less likely
to fail. Further analysis of prior peace processes suggests that women’s participation
increases the likelihood of an agreement because women often take a collaborative
approach to peace making and organize across cultural and sectarian divides.
Women’s central roles in many families and communities afford them a unique
vantage point to recognize unusual patterns of behavior and signs of impending
conflicts, such as arms mobilization and weapons caching.26
There is also the increasing role and significance of women in violence prevention
efforts at the local level. Edit Schlaffer, Founder, and Chair of Women without Borders
remarked “For a long time, we looked to the political elite for answers. Over time,
however, it became very clear that civil society not only better understands these
26 Bigio, Jamille, Vogelstein, Rachel, 2016, How Women’s participation in Conflict Prevention and Resolution
advances US interests, Council on Foreign Relations. Available at:
https://cdn.cfr.org/sites/default/files/pdf/2016/10/Discussion_Paper_Bigio_Vogelstein_Women%20in%20CP
R_OR.pdf?_gl=1*1hf4d6v*_ga*MTAyMDA2MDk2OC4xNjY4MDIzMzcz*_ga_24W5E70YKH*MTY2ODE5MDUy
MS4yLjAuMTY2ODE5MDUyMS4wLjAuMA..
problems, local-level stakeholders also have the access and reach to address these
challenges.”27
Evidence also indicates that incorporating women in strategies to counter violent

extremism can help to mitigate radicalization as the antiterrorism messages can be
effectively disseminated throughout families and communities by women, since they
are better placed to challenge extremist narratives in homes, schools, and social
environments, and have influence among youth populations. Further research shows
that an approach— which incorporates the concerns of diverse demographics (e.g.,
religious, ethnic, and cultural groups) affected by a conflict and with an interest in its
resolution—increases the prospects of long-term stability.28
In a webinar organized by Gender Impact Studies Center (GISC), IMPRI Impact and
Policy Research Institute, on the theme Gender, Peace, and Security in 2021,
Meenakshi Gopinath, who is the Director of Women in Security, Conflict Management
and Peace (WISCOMP), highlighted the quest for an alternative vocabulary, especially
for women who ‘hold up half the sky’ and whose voices need to be heard in the meta-
narrative of national security.29
There were 10 other resolutions that together covered a whole gamut of concerns and
made women’s peace and security a global agenda. Women’s inclusion will improve
the chances of attaining viable and sustainable peace. There must be zero tolerance for
all forms of gender violence. Together they refer to the global codification of principles
that underlie dignity, rights, and bodily integrity for women.
Resolution 1325 began a series of conversations that enabled us to interrogate

the ethnocentric, anthropocentric, and androcentric notions of security. It is
significant as it is a bottom-up resolution. It emerged from the experience of women’s
27 The Central role of women in violence prevention efforts at the Local level, 2022, Women without borders.
Available at: https://wwb.org/update/the-central-role-of-women-in-violence-prevention-efforts-at-the-local-
level/
28 Horizontal Inequalities as a cause of Conflict, 2011, World Bank. Available at:

https://web.worldbank.org/archive/website01306/web/pdf/wdr%20background%20paper_stewart4dbd.pdf?ke
epThis=true&TB_iframe=true&height=600&width=800
29 Gender, Peace, and Security, 2021, IMPRI Impact and Policy Research Institute. Available at:
https://www.impriindia.com/event-report/gender-peace-security/
activism at the grass-root level because of the lobbyism of NGOs and the United
Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM).
This resolution was Initiated by the global south when Namibia was chairing the
United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Mr. Anwarul Chowdhury from Bangladesh
was also the prime mover of Resolution 1325. This, Resolution 1325 originated out of
the aspiration of the global south to recognize women’s role in conflict transformation
and its differential impact on women in conflict.
It was a major paradigm shift in the understanding of security and an expansive notion
of building peace. Subsequently, Resolution 1325 was followed by the exhortation of
the Beijing platform which contained an entire chapter on peace and security, war’s
impact on women, and sexual violence seen in the civil war in South Africa, Bosnia,
and Rwanda. Thus, it is a process of democracy, representation, and participation.
“As we tick the boxes on the various guidelines of the UN, it should be clear that it doesn’t get
sanitized into box-sticking efforts”
Dr. Meenakshi Gopinath
Two ends of the spectrum of Resolution 1325 are represented in Resolution 2467
which was adopted in 2019, and it has a survivor-centric approach to conflict-related
sexual violence. Resolution 2558 adopted in 2020 affirms the link between
development, peace, human rights, and security which are mutually enforceable. So,
1325 is continuous work. “Peacebuilding is a verb and not a noun, it depends on
everyday resistances and daily mutinies of women.”
Conceptualization has evolved as perceptions changed. Joe Belacoat started her career
as an air engine mechanic and later became an air engineer during the Second World
War and later became a pacifist. In her biography, “Living and learning in peace and
war”, she mentioned that the words women, peace, and power, do not speak to each
other as the word women sounded very innocuous, sickish, and pinkish whereas the
word power a scarlet and crimson shield. Later, she realized that the problem lay with
the spectacles of the world, and hence, one must change one’s perceptions (read lens)
to enrich one’s understanding.
The traditional view of women as peacemakers needs interrogation. They are active
participants in opposing injustice, war, militarism, and other forms of violence. For
instance, Women in Black is an international network of women who resist war with
the feminist understanding that male violence against women in domestic life and in
the community, in times of peace and in times of war, are interrelated, i.e., violence is
used as a means of controlling women. Peace accompanied by justice is the call of the
day.
Rosa Parks, the American activist in the civil rights movement, asserted her right to
human dignity, refusing to get off the bus which was segregated in 1955 in Alabama.
She was glued to her dignity, lit the fuse for social venom, and today the slogan goes
that Rosa sat so that Martin (read Martin Luther King, Jr.) could walk (Walk to
Freedom, June 1963); Martin walked so that Obama (read Barack Obama) could run
(for US Presidency).
Urvashi Butalia, an Indian feminist scholar and activist wrote an evocative article in
which she said that democracy is saved by our women. Women’s peace can be in the
resistance, therefore the question is are these women making peace, or are they
changing the discourse on security? Feminists argue that the state’s behavior of
seeking security is legitimate by its association with certain types of hegemonic
masculinity and in the strategic language of foreign policy and defense discourse.
Noted Pakistani economist Mahbub ul Haque’s evocative articulation of human

security in Human Development Report (1994) said that women's security is a child
who did not die, and disease did not spread, salience ethnic tension that did not
explode, a dissidence who was not silenced and the human spirit that was not crushed.
Sara Ruddick, a feminist philosopher, and author of the book Maternal Thinking:
Toward a Politics of Peace (1989) remarked that the rational calculus, the self-
interested language of realism, and the power group lie in the philosophy of
connectedness. Feminist voices as counter-hegemonic politics exist where the notions
of power are inverted. Language like collateral damage equates to real human beings.
The international and domestic spheres are connected. Livelihood, food security, the
quality of living are important. Non-traditional security expands beyond traditional

barriers.
Women and Diplomacy
In 1947, India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru contested the exclusion of
women from the foreign service against the will of the then Secretary of the External
Affairs Department, Sir Hugh Weightman.30 Recently Sneha Dubey became India’s
first secretary at the United Nations challenging the notions and stereotypes that
women cannot lead.
Most historical accounts of women’s role in diplomacy are written to celebrate the
outcomes of deliberations and the end results. It is only when we turn our attention to
the processes that entail the making of resolutions and declarations that we find a clear
picture of those who have been marginalized in the writings of international history.31
H.E. Mr. Abdulla Shahid, President of the 76th session of the United Nations General
Assembly declared 24th June as the International Day of Women in Diplomacy said
“All too often women and their stories are edited out of history. These “Her Stories”
must be told, to inform our broader efforts to advance gender equality. We cannot
foster the level of diplomatic engagement and global solidarity needed to overcome
today’s challenges – from climate change to pandemics to human rights violations, to
economic uncertainty – unless we not only give women a seat at the table but facilitate
their ability to take on leadership roles, including in diplomacy.” 32
Prime Minister Modi highlighted during the session on ‘Stronger Together:

Addressing Food Security and Advancing Gender Equality’ at the G7 Summit in
Germany that “today India's approach is moving from 'women's development to
30 Rathore, Khushi, Singh, 2020, Where are women in Indian diplomacy, The Diplomat. Available at:
https://thediplomat.com/2020/11/where-are-the-women-in-indian-diplomacy/
31Rathore, Khushi, Singh, 2021, Excavating hidden histories (Book Chapter), Women and the UN, Routledge.
Available at: https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/oa-edit/10.4324/9781003036708-3/excavating-hidden-
histories-khushi-singh-rathore
32Celebrating the adoption of International Day of Women in Diplomacy, June 2022, UN General Assembly.
Available at: https://www.un.org/pga/76/2022/06/20/celebrating-the-adoption-of-the-international-day-of-
women-in-diplomacy/
'women-led development. If all the elected leaders in India from local government to
the national government are counted, more than half of them are women, and the total
number will be in the millions. This shows that Indian women are fully involved in real
decision-making today.”33
“Though the participation of women in formal peace processes has been steadily rising, a
study of 31 major peace processes between 1992 and 2011 shows that only nine percent of
negotiators were women—and only three percent of the military in United Nations
peacekeeping missions are women, who are mostly employed as support staff. These two
areas of peace making and peacekeeping continue to be challenging for ensuring women’s
equal and meaningful participation.”
Dr. Vahida Nainar
Water, when seen in terms of strategic resources can be a cause of conflict as well as a
bridge between borders while enhancing national security through cooperation.
Women’s participation in all facets of peacebuilding including trans-border water
diplomacy become significant in the light of emerging research that points out the
lasting and sustained implementation of agreements when mediated by women.
According to the Stockholm International Water Institute (SIWI), not even 10 percent
of negotiators in peace processes are women.34 However, there is an emerging
assemblage of women in different dimensions of diplomacy. The Women in Water
Diplomacy Network aims to improve gender equality in high-level decision-making in
transboundary basins with a focus on women’s leadership in regional dialogues
around shared waters.
33 Prime Minister’s Office release, June 2022, PIB. Available at:

https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleseDetail.aspx?PRID=1837411
34Successful network for women in water diplomacy, 2019, March 2019, Stockholm International Water Institute.
Available at: https://siwi.org/latest/successful-network-for-women-in-water-diplomacy/
The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe35 (OSCE) has been in recent
years promoting the engagement of women in water management. According to
Ambassador Igli Hasani, co-ordinator, of OSCE Economic and Environmental
Activities - Women have critical roles to play but are under-represented in political
decision-making at the national and transboundary level, undermining the
effectiveness of water management and holding back economic growth and
sustainable development. Effective gender mainstreaming in water governance calls
for staff capacity development to increase knowledge, abilities, and skills.36
Women and Climate Change
The conspicuous effects of climate change can be perceived in the form of natural
hazards and degradation of the environment that are striking to the eyes. However,
the indirect cascading effect due to human-induced disasters is debated but goes
unscrutinized because of women’s unequal participation in decision-making processes
that are sustained due to failures to make structural changes.
Climate Change has further exacerbated the food security crisis with loss of food
production and food access and impacting children, the elderly, and particularly
pregnant women due to malnutrition. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
(IPCC) Sixth Assessment report highlights that future exposure to climatic hazards is
also increasing globally due to socioeconomic development trends including
migration, growing inequality, and urbanization37
The vulnerabilities considering women are aggravated because climate hazards have
affected armed conflict within countries, but the influence of climate is small
compared to socioeconomic, political, and cultural factors. The assessment avouches
that Climate hazards are associated with increased violence against women, girls, and
35Women, Water Management and Conflict Prevention- Phase II, 2017-2022, Organization for Security
Cooperation in Europe. Available at: https://www.osce.org/node/503986
36Hasani, Igli, 2022, Integrating Women’s voices in international water cooperation, Organization for Security
Cooperation in Europe. Available at: https://www.osce.org/blog/524193
37 Summary for policymakers, 2022, IPCC Sixth Assessment Report. Available at:
https://www.ipcc.ch/report/ar6/wg2/downloads/report/IPCC_AR6_WGII_SummaryForPolicymakers.pdf
vulnerable groups, and the experience of armed conflict is gendered. Women are also
expected to face a greater mental health burden in a changing climate (Manning and
Clayton, 2018). Further, climatic extremes and water scarcity are associated with
increases in violence against girls and women (Anwar et al., 2019; Opondo et al., 2016;
Le Masson et al., 2016; Udas et al., 2019). 38
The displacement that is caused due to climate change can lead to an increase in both
violence itself, and the visibility of pre-existing violence, due to over-crowded and
unsafe living conditions in evacuation centers, temporary housing, and shelters.
Women staying in shelters are often exposed to rape, harassment, discrimination, and
violence and have limited access to reproductive health services.39
According to the Germanwatch Global Climate Risk Index- 202140 India ranked 7th out
of 181 countries, implying an extremely high exposure and vulnerability. Working
Group III (WG3) contribution to the Sixth Assessment Report (AR6) of the IPCC
justifies India’s emphasis on equity at all scales in climate action and sustainable
development. India’s stand on equity is essential41 for:
• The social and economic transformation required for climate mitigation,

• Manage the negative consequences of climate mitigation on vulnerable
populations,
• Enable just transition towards low-emissions development,
• And ensure sustainable development.
There are severe implications for women living in remote regions that are much
connected to resource collection lifestyles such as fishing and agriculture or are part
of populations who migrate seasonally thus left vulnerable to a myriad of exploitations
38Health, well-being, and the changing structure of communities, 2022, Chapter 7, IPCC Sixth Assessment Report.
Available at: https://www.ipcc.ch/report/ar6/wg2/downloads/report/IPCC_AR6_WGII_Chapter07.pdf
39 Climate Change, disasters and the Gender-Based Violence in the Pacific, UN Women. Available at:
https://www.uncclearn.org/wp-content/uploads/library/unwomen701.pdf
40 Global Climate Risk Index 2021, German Watch. Available at:

https://www.germanwatch.org/sites/default/files/Global%20Climate%20Risk%20Index%202021_2.pdf
41 IPCC report on Mitigation of Climate Change scientifically establishes India’s position on the historical
responsibility of developed countries for consuming the carbon budget, 2022, Press Information Bureau (PIB).
Available at: https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleseDetail.aspx?PRID=1813642
and deprivations. The lack of early preparedness and menstrual care during disaster
events makes women susceptible to infectious diseases.42
As climate change increases the frequency and severity of disasters, the risks and
challenges associated with sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) will also
heighten. Long-term socio-economic development plans will neither be effective nor
sustainable unless they include clear strategies for reducing violence and promoting
gender equality and women’s empowerment.
Lack of awareness on the part of humanitarian actors of specific SGBV risk factors can
also create conditions that exacerbate hazards for women and girls. For example,
practitioners and rescuers can drastically reduce risks to women and girls by ensuring
that toilets and bathrooms in evacuation centers are gender-separated, lockable, and
supplied with functional lights.43
There is a need to improve female labor force participation in green jobs through a
wide range of interventions in awareness, skilling, mentorship, infrastructure,
childcare facilities, safety, and secure access to clean energy Strengthen women-led
MSMEs in green job sectors by providing access to business mentorship, working
capital finance and adequate market linkages.44
There is a pressed need for India to set up an international development cooperation

agency with processes and guidelines for implementation, including on gender
dimensions. In the absence of any formal guidelines in terms of gender responsiveness
and/or mainstreaming, it becomes difficult to ascertain the effectiveness of India’s
approach towards this issue in the realm of climate diplomacy. This requires to be
remedied for greater legitimacy in the international climate order. Therefore, a formal
gender mainstreaming strategy can provide greater legitimacy to India’s climate
diplomacy efforts at the regional and global levels.
42Shaikh, Farhan, 2022, Moving Gender Equity to the Mainstream of Climate Action, Issue Brief, Observer
Research Foundation. Available at: https://www.orfonline.org/wp-
content/uploads/2022/09/ORF_IssueBrief_582_Climate-Gender.pdf
43 Climate Change, Disasters, and Gender-Based Violence in the Pacific, Library, UN Women. Available at:
https://www.uncclearn.org/wp-content/uploads/library/unwomen701.pdf
44Shaikh, Farhan, 2022, Moving Gender Equity to the Mainstream of Climate Action, Issue Brief, Observer
Research Foundation. Available at: https://www.orfonline.org/wp-
content/uploads/2022/09/ORF_IssueBrief_582_Climate-Gender.pdf
3.2 Lessons Learnt from FES-IMPRI Events on FFP
An Online Monsoon School Program of FFP: Praxis for a Peaceful and Gender-
Just World Order45
FES and IMPRI collaborated for a weekly Webinar Series, that was held on four
consecutive Fridays in September 2022.46
The four themes covered in the program were:
1 Gender, Peace, and Security.

2 Gendered Dimensions of the UN Security Council.
3 Gender and Sustainable Development Discourses.
4 Gender, International Relations, and Diplomacy.
The session on Gender, Peace, and Security brought to the fore several aspects of FFP
and its necessary drivers- mainly justice and holistic development of all communities,
which led to its conceptualization in modern politics by former Swedish Deputy Prime
Minister, Margot Wallström. It is important to recognize peace from a gendered lens
by ending immunity for any act of violence against women. Installing a gender-equal
decision-making process amidst peace-making efforts that are sustainable is a
necessity.
The session on Gendered Dimensions of the UN Security Council brought to light the
effects of wars and conflicts, where women are the major sufferers, ranging from
violence on non-native women, homelessness and displacement, food, and income
insecurity, along with health effects like reproductive and infant mortality and the
trauma that remains for a very long time; UN’s intervention in such situations through
various channels was also highlighted, especially the UNSC Resolution 1325. The
international community has adopted a comprehensive framework concerning sexual
violence in conflict and it was highlighted that the International Courts have also
45Feminist Foreign Policy: Praxis for a Peaceful and Gender Just World Order, 2022, IMPRI Impact and Policy
Research Institute. Available at: https://www.impriindia.com/event-report/feminist-foreign-policy/
46Feminist foreign policy: Praxis for peaceful and Gender-just world order, IMPRI Impact and Policy Research
Institute. Available at: https://www.impriindia.com/event/feminist-foreign-policy/
played a major role in this by introducing sophisticated jurisdiction against crimes

related to the conflict. UN Human Rights Council (HRC) and SC have also come up
with their own set of policies to address the issue, consisting of various experts from
the international community itself.
The next session on Gender and Sustainable Development Discourses elaborated on

challenges and critiques regarding gender mainstreaming such as a superficial
approach and the co-option of gender change. A reference was made to the fact that
Europe’s Women’s Commission is the largest, where 39% of women are in an elected
parliament and 32.2% in the local parliament. The session elucidated that more
women in the system will lead to greater representatives and respondents; for the
betterment of society, there is a need for greater involvement of women in decision-
making and participation. In an interconnected world, the political economy
accompanies several positionalities, which depend on where one stands in relation to
existing dynamics of power and privileges. “Foreigners”, “Immigrants”, “Women of
Colour”, and “Childless” are some of the labels that are used to essentialize real or
perceived differences to create and maintain hierarchies within humanity. Further, the
current global order rests on the cheapest labor of women from the post-colonial
society or developing nations.
There is an absence of women in International Relations theory and hence, the practice
is manifested in both women’s marginalization and decision-making and an
assumption that women’s day-to-day life is not impacted or important to International
Relations. Feminist IR does not seek tokenism, but rather legitimacy and
respectability in a field that made much of the top-heavy, expensive, and male-
dominated formal sector. When considering these decades, it seems remarkable that
we can now discuss feminist IR as a valuable way to view the world without endlessly
justifying the usefulness of a gender lens, and even more remarkable that states
around the world now view feminism and FFP as integral to their policy development.
However, gender research demonstrates links between violence in women in private
and public spaces. Global politics rests on the daily activities of men and women and
these activities depend on gender identities; restrictions on basic activities are more
susceptible to gender violence. Mass rape of women was ignored during World War II;
similarly, sexual violence remains endemic in various war zones, making women
historically marginalized. It was reiterated that feminism is for everyone and there is
a need for the involvement of women in making policies for foreign or domestic for the
betterment of society.
FFP calls upon the state to promote and practice gender equality, ensuring all women
enjoy their human rights, even through diplomatic relations. Feminist Foreign Policy
aims to incorporate policies and initiatives to not just control war, diplomacy, and
security but also to manage and promote the visibility of women and other
marginalized groups. It ensures that women are treated as equals, and they enjoy their
human rights within international commitments too. Two more Rs may be
incorporated into the existing EU Foreign Policy of Rights, Representation, and
Resources i.e., Research & Reporting (monitoring and evaluation of impact), and
Reach (applying a gender lens to all policies and programs). FFP rests on three main
pillars- Human Security, Challenges Power Structures, and Intersectionality.
A Consultative Workshop on Feminist Foreign Policy: Exploring India’s Position47
A consultative workshop was organized by FES and IMPRI on Feminist Foreign Policy
(FFP): Exploring India’s Position at the India Habitat Centre, New Delhi on October
17, 2022.
Overall, the workshop underscored that FFP demonstrates the values of women’s
rights and gender equality as a central tenet of policy along with focusing on the
structure of internal relations and diplomacy itself. Defining certain characteristics of
behavior according to special gender produces stereotypes that are not very fruitful in
achieving gender equality, gender justice, as well as women’s rights in all parts of
society.
It cannot be denied that women are highly active in political systems, like exercising
their voting rights, demanding political space, and even in foreign policy or
transnational politics, but it was remarked that the return of conventional warfare has
severe consequences for them and their children. Two core pillars of inclusion of
women were elucidated – first, several reports of Inter-Parliamentary Units (IPUs)
47Feminist Foreign Policy: Exploring India’s Position, 2022, Event Report, IMPRI Impact and Policy Research
Institute. Available at: https://www.impriindia.com/event-report/feminist-foreign-policy-india/
mentioned that women are marginalized in politics and/or less represented, second,
employing the multi-stakeholder approach results in the visibility of women and
people from marginalized sections in politics.
Professor Shweta Singh, South Asian University, raised the question about India not
using the term ‘Feminist Foreign Policy’, but the presence of ideas, and normative
values in India’s engagement with the world, citing the example of India’s Non-
Alignment Policy. Its recent take such as Resolution 2593 on Afghanistan India
foregrounded gender and minority rights. Why are we anchoring the term FFP? She
highlighted ‘gender-sensitive foreign policy’ being a preferred term.
Professor Vijayalakshmi mentioned that the need of the hour is to not separate the
world in North and South based on ideological and ideational divisions but to instead
come together simply in terms of ideas and progress together. The transnational
nature of the problem calls for a wider, more inclusive, and holistic approach to the
issues of FFP; conversation with stakeholders can help navigate policy making.
Equitable and intersectional societies will produce better and healthier societies for
human beings while social and economic indicators can reduce the conflicts in the
world. The social setup that discourages and restricts women from participating in the
political process by creating binaries existing in society needs to be challenged.
Lalita Panicker, Journalist-Editor, Hindustan Times, cited her conversation with the
External Affairs Minister Dr. Jaishankar, who vouched for a foreign policy rooted in
Indian ideas, that is an indigenous foreign policy. Answering the question about her
opinion on Minister Jaishankar’s statement, Professor Vijayalakshmi pointed out, that
she traced back to FFP in India to Gargi and Maitreyi, in the Vedic period, who were
argumentators.
3.3 Bridging the Gap with Other Countries’ Experiences
The success and applicability of FFP depend greatly on its history, shared values, and
other socio-political aspects; broad generalizations help us get an idea and navigate
our way through this newly popularized concept. Hence, through this section, we try
to discuss the lessons from other countries and their applicability in the Indian
scenario.
Actions by governments around the world have been manifold, with some resorting to
an increased focus on encouraging domestic participation to some giving affirmative
action a shot. While a focus on domestic participation is apparent, promoting
participation and empowerment in lesser-developed countries has been on the agenda
too.
From female genital mutilation, economic vulnerability, and gender-based violence to

discriminatory policies, the disparity in male-female education women is exposed to
some and at times has manifested into saddening figures and realities- 225 million
women worldwide do not have access to contraception48, 60 percent of the world’s 800
million undernourished people are women and girls, every year49, some 3 million girls
aged 15 to 19 undergo unsafe abortions50, being some examples.
The Canadian approach “seeks to eradicate poverty and build a more peaceful, more
inclusive and more prosperous world” and “believes that promoting gender equality
and empowering women and girls is the most effective approach to achieving this
goal”, which is a very broad approach. Dignity is often severely curtailed due to the
lack of access to and availability of services, with parameters like infant mortality rate
showing improvement, however, this has not been the case everywhere, basic human
dignity is still being compromised, and women and children are particularly risky.
With its role as a central power in the Indian subcontinent, an approach like Canada's
48Family Planning/Contraception Methods, 2016, WHO. Available at: https://www.who.int/en/news-room/fact-

sheets/detail/family-planning-contraception
49FAO and ADB, 2013, Gender Equality and Food Security: Women’s Empowerment as a Tool against Hunger.
Available at: https://www.adb.org/sites/default/files/publication/30315/gender-equality-and-food-security.pdf
50Adolescent Pregnancy Fact Sheet, 2014. WHO. Available at: https://www.who.int/en/news-room/fact-

sheets/detail/adolescent-pregnancy
would help in both the promotion of women's rights, health, and security as well as
solidify its position in South Asia.
Similar steps to facilitate empowerment have been undertaken by yet another country,
France. The French Development Agency (AFD), and its financial support to human
dignity and safety causes is an example. The French President has announced the
setting up of financial instruments for women's entrepreneurship, fostering
occupational and pay equality between men and women. Law and representation have
been on the list of priorities.
Though the recent statement of Sweden's foreign minister, Tobias Billstorm marks the
end of its FFP, the pioneering role of Sweden in this regard cannot be overlooked. It
emphasized "gender equality as an objective in itself". Its adoption of the new policy
was gradual; the WPS, for instance, was adopted by the members of the United Nations
Security Council, which called for greater participation of women and the inclusion of
gender perspectives in peace negotiations, humanitarian planning, peacekeeping
operations, and post-conflict peacebuilding.
The Swedish FFP framework covers three domains: 1) foreign and national security
policies; 2) development cooperation; and 3) trade and promotion policy. India too
has made commitments and contributed to both peacekeeping (its all-women peace
contingent to Liberia), support of the WPS, and SDG 5, however, not much progress
has been made concerning participation or fulfillment of these commitments.
Inclusion and participation are central to the Swedish FFP, not only in terms of
political participation and financial freedom but also in a much broader sense, for
instance, Sweden in alliance with the other Nordic states launched a Nordic women's
mediation network in late 2015 in collaboration with women mediators in the Global
South. Also notable is its take on trade policy, the Feminist Trade Policy that promotes,
gender mainstreaming in product standards development, and its commitment to
ensuring equal access and improving working conditions.
Like Canada, sexual and reproductive health features along with measures that aim to
protect and empower women against gender-based violence, beyond its border. The
example of the African continent (Somalia and Moldova) is a case in point. Thus,
stepping away from a more superficial tack to an earnest effort is the need of the hour
for India.
Mexico, a third-world, developing nation, sharing a border with great power, and a
rapidly growing young population has similarities to India. As highlighted by many
observers and policy experts, India can draw parallels from Mexico. Mexico has placed
a high value on the notion of affirmative action to create gender parity and promote
participation, the Senate, diplomatic services, and general party nominations all come
under this umbrella. India has long grappled with the issue of affirmative action,
having succeeded only in the application at the grassroots. Now, a high number of
women officers in the IFS does not translate into them holding high positions of power,
similarly, perils of the Panchayati Raj System are apparent, the delay in the adoption
of UNSCR 1325, applying the actions taken by Mexico, a country thwarted with similar
problems might be a step towards the future.
Luxembourg announced its version of the FFP in 2018, with a wide range of topics, on
reproductive health, property rights, and representation of women and people
belonging to the LGBTQIA+ community. The government has also pledged to establish
an Action Plan on Feminist Foreign Policy to mainstream gender equality throughout
all activities of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Thus, the Indian government could
steer its focus to have an inclusive approach and include often marginalized sections
while formulating its FFP.
Intersectionality has been cited as a problem with the modern FFP, representing a
white, cis-gender, ethnocentric vision, now India to avoid this, with its very diverse
population needs to go beyond city-residing, English-speaking, upper-caste
population while formulating and implementing its FFP. Hypocrisy in the form of
continued financial relations and trade (arms trade) with non-democratic countries
with poor women's rights and representation, has been apparent by countries in the
West, India has historically shared good relations with some of these non-democratic
countries thus coming up with a proper plan in this regard is necessary.
Countries have also faced criticism regarding the gap between domestic and foreign
policies, in Mexico, for instance, domestic women’s rights activists have criticized
government inaction and lack of recognition of domestic violence, state violence, and
femicide.
Thus, a balance between internal and external policies, better coordination between
different ministries, and a more accepting and broader spectrum while dealing with
the rights and representation of those who constitute nearly half of the world's
population is the need and necessity.
3.4 Tracking Mechanism for Implementing FFP in India and

Challenges
On March 14, 2019, on the sidelines of the 63rd United Nations Commission on the
Status of Women, approximately 40 feminists representing a variety of civil society
organizations from Argentina, Australia, Botswana, Canada, China, the Dominican
Republic, Fiji, Georgia, India, Kenya, the Netherlands, Papua New Guinea, the
Philippines, Russia, Sweden, the United States, the UK, West Papua, and Zimbabwe
came together to reflect on the emergence of governments’ feminist foreign policies
and to propose core principles and accountability mechanisms that would enhance the
development, refinement, and delivery of these policies moving forward.
Implementation of FFP in Canada was a highly participatory process which shows that
people with extensive experience and international experts underline the need for
institutionalization, in addition to the political commitment.
Guidance and support in the various countries included the following elements: - A
clear handbook giving a detailed explanation of what the FFP entails, the principles,
and instructions for different policy areas with concrete examples of gender
mainstreaming (Spain and Sweden) - An annually updated plan of action for the
implementation of the FFP that is interwoven into all of the ministry’s planning
processes (Sweden) - Gender included in the Country Partnership Frameworks
(Spain) - Mandatory gender-based analysis (Spain, Sweden) and a central
government-wide requirement for gender-based analysis plus for every new policy or
major programme, as well as for smaller international cooperation programmes
(Canada) - Annual gender impact analysis linked to the budget of the entire ministry
(Spain) - Gender-budgeting throughout the ministry (Canada, Sweden) - Guidance
note on what a feminist approach entails (Canada) - A women’s rights ambassador
(France, Spain, Sweden) - Teams of gender specialists (Canada) - Gender experts in
the fields of trade, sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR), and women,
peace and security, and within central government implementing organisations
(Sweden) - Gender focal points (France, Spain, Sweden) - Senior civil servants working
on gender-related themes (France) - An equality unit considering internal matters
(Spain) - Training and capacity building (Canada, France, Spain, Sweden) - Sharing
and development of tools like factsheets (Canada, Spain, Sweden). 51
There is also a need for states and organizations to produce contextually driven
policies that adequately respond to the particularities of individual socio-political and
cultural environments. It also requires that states are conscious of their domestic
policy failings in relation to their international pursuits. Consequently, the ethical
dimension of feminist foreign policy should not be limited to international politics.52
An ethic of care eschews universalizable moral principles that can be applied across
time and space. By contrast, it demands attention to context – to the particularities of
social location, historical background, structural conditions, and relationships
between relevant moral actors. In this sense, it is opposed to the logic of the traditional
moral theory, which demands abstraction from the context to gain objectivity. But this
objectivity is elusive; more than this, it acts to create a dichotomy between those who
are the knowers, keepers, and enforcers of moral principles, and those who are
compelled – sometimes through ‘foreign policy – to enact those principles.
There is a need to better integrate feminist practices into the everyday work of political
actors, institutions, organizations, and governments, and there is work to be done by
the international community at large to combat unequal and hierarchical global power
structures.
FFP rests on three main pillars- Human Security, Challenges in Power Structures, and
Intersectionality. According to the Gender Gap Index 2022, India ranked 135 out of
146 countries highlighting the need to rethink the conventional methods of shaping
Feminist Foreign Policy: Key Principles and Accountability Mechanisms, May 2019, IWDA, ICRW, NYU.
51
Available at: https://iwda.org.au/assets/files/Feminist-Foreign-Policy-Discussion-Summary-IWDA-ICRW-

NYU.pdf
Foreign Policy.53 Given the skepticism toward the notion of feminism in India, in the
sense, internal politics has a considerable influence on policy making.
As Plato mentioned, “State is a magnified individual writ large”. Hence, non-

discrimination, countering the weaponization of ideologies, and creating a mass
opinion are challenges as well as needs to reflect the same at the magnified form of
state.
3.5 Key Suggestions
A rise in gender violence is an early warning indicator of a conflict. There cannot be

peace without economic justice, social justice, gender justice, and distributive justice.
In order to alleviate gender disparity in peace-making, there is the necessity of
identifying the importance of recognizing peace from a gendered lens, through ending
immunity and installing gender-equal decisions and policies amidst peace-making
that are sustainable and gender-sensitive.
There is also the need to reject the binary interpretation of the term FFP as when it
was created was aimed to look out for a more inclusive intersection of ideology. Hence,
need to look at international issues with an inclusive lens as well as from the
perspective of women and marginalized communities.
For the Indian voice to have external credibility, it becomes imperative for policies to
be gender sensitive internally too. The existing dichotomies that play out when foreign
policy is gender inclusive, but the internal policies do not align with that need to be
converted into a continuum.
The FFP as a central concern for gender ensures that women and girls enjoy
fundamental human rights, that the global community must strive for as an as ana
obligation within our international commitments and a prerequisite to achieving a
broader foreign policy course of peace-making, peacebuilding, and peace-keeping
security and sustainable development. This universal understanding needs to be
interpreted in an intersectional feminist perspective that is responsive to post-
53 Feminist Foreign Policy, Event Report, 2022, IMPRI Impact and Policy Research Institute. Available at:
https://www.impriindia.com/event-report/feminist-foreign-policy/
colonial, socio-cultural reality, hierarchical international relations, local political

dynamics, and lived experiences of citizens in a specific country and diverse voices
need to be taken into consideration.
There is an urgent need for international relations experts to assess socio-cultural,

economic, and political issues from an intersectional gendered perspective, as it will
ensure a deeper appreciation for the gender differential impact of and responses to the
existing as well as unfolding realities.
4.1 Conclusion
The role and extensive reach of women’s agency has been having a profound impact
on the world, affecting the lives of all: women, men, and children. It is a critically
important part of that record that the resourcefulness, vision, and determination that
women leaders bring with them from all walks of life54. The third wave of feminism
saw the emergence of many new theories of feminism such as intersectionality, sex
positivity, vegetarian ecofeminism, transfeminism, and postmodern feminism. The
approach to defining and adopting an FFP varies between counties and regions,
depending on their lived experiences. However, that conversation on FFP is an
important one and is under no debate, happening at a time when gender norms are
evolving in our society.
The definition of feminism itself is resistant to a myriad of interpretations and

manipulations. The plurality of feminist movements can be considered part of the
strength, political and intellectual integrity, and honesty of these movements. But it
can also be and has already been deemed, as a weakness by reactionary currents. The
recognition that women and girls do not constitute a political class in and of
themselves and that their interests and priorities may diverge is to be coupled with an
intersectional approach that addresses how systems and structures of discrimination
and oppression interact and sustain each other to marginalize certain groups of
women and girls.55 FFP is the policy of a state that defines its interactions with other
states and movements in a manner that prioritizes gender equality and enshrines the
human rights of women and other traditionally marginalized groups, allocates
significant resources to achieve that vision and seeks through its implementation to
disrupt patriarchal and male-dominated power structures across all of its levers of
influence (aid, trade, defense, and diplomacy), informed by the voices of feminist
activists, groups and movements. This means a foreign policy that is not only by
women or for women but goes further, taking a nonbinary, gendered lens that
54 Sen, A. 2005. Foreword in Women, Development and the UN, by Devaki Jain. Indiana: Indiana University Press:
xvii-xix
55Daher, Paola Salwan, 2022, What’s so feminist about feminist development and foreign policies, Friedrich Ebert
Stiftung. Available at: https://feminism-mena.fes.de/e/whats-so-feminist-about-feminist-foreign-and-
development-policies
recognizes and seeks to correct for historical patriarchal and often racist and/or neo-
colonialist imbalances of power as they play out on the world stage.
The feminist foreign and development policies hold the merit of recognizing that
women’s and girls’ lives and rights are disproportionately impacted by patriarchal
beliefs and structures and that–until we dismantle patriarchy itself–remedial action,
accountability, and increased resources are needed as forms of reparations.
Since foreign policymaking is characterized by the peculiarity of countries’ national

interests and objectives, a tailored policy aligning with India’s objectives cannot be
ruled out. Apart from drawing a correlation between action and words, FFP has the
potential to offer India an opportunity to harness these narratives in light of increasing
distortions.
India already has a long history to boast with women in the central role but there is a
lacune in modern times when we talk about a gender perspective or feminist strategic
thinking. Before adopting an FFP, India also needs to bring a change within the
policies of the country. It is crucial for women to shape the outcomes and cannot just
remain receptacles, especially in peacebuilding, reconstruction, and rebuilding. There
are more women joining the Indian Foreign Service, but the Ministry must make sure
that they are taken up to the highest rank. The thought that women can’t handle
challenging issues must be changed. It needs to be mentioned here that India has a
great advantage over the course of 2023, as it has already assumed the G-20
Presidency on 1st December 2022. Adopting a position on FFP unique to its cultural
and contemporary settings, where it is an emerging power, would present to the world
an image of India that is democratic in the truest sense of the term or in the words of
the noted feminist scholar Cynthia Enloe “individualistic and contact-specific”. A
feminist foreign policy would provide equal opportunity and basic human rights to
women, girls, and other marginalized communities. It will aid India’s bilateral and
multilateral alliances, as well as its attainment of great power status. For an FFP to
succeed, a country must first establish gender equality within its borders.56 This would
56Atchaya, Innocentia, 2022. The need for Feminist foreign policy in India, , Modern Diplomacy. Available at:
https://moderndiplomacy.eu/2022/08/06/the-need-for-feminist-foreign-policy-in-india/
mainstream gender in all external actions and place women’s empowerment and
gender equality at the heart of their international agenda.
4.2 Way Forward

Gender should be included in diplomatic priorities, including a commitment to gender
parity within the Ministry of External Affairs and other government agencies. Gender
mainstreaming will facilitate cross-sectoral collaboration on WPS in strategic policy,
planning, and programming. Peace and security for all can be ensured by encouraging
male leaders to be advocates and allies for gender inclusion in peace and security
decision-making and setting targets for the better representation of women. A rights-
based approach must ensure that human rights principles, norms, and rules are
integrated into humanitarian and development policies and processes on policies
regarding violence against women. In essence, a gender equality perspective must be
incorporated in all policies at all levels and at all stages, by the actors normally involved
in policy-making.
The theoretical foundations of International Relations are still primarily based on

traditional male-female dichotomies, particularly that of separate public and private
spheres. By extension, women are largely excluded from state power and decision-
making. The state is itself gendered. Recently we have been hearing 3 words-
democracy, dialogue, and diplomacy.
Hence, to counter gender stereotypes created by the patriarchal systems and

structures must be given top priority by the state and non-state actors. Any nation’s
FFP agenda must have a mandatory accountability framework to evaluate progress
annually. Hence the emphasis on monitoring, evaluation, and research cannot be
underrated. The need of the hour is to push countries to apply a feminist approach
across all elements of foreign policy (aid, trade, defense, and diplomacy); to increase
their investments in gender equality as a principal and funded goal; and to adopt a
more rigorous and independent practice for monitoring, evaluation, research and
learning tied to policies’ intended outcomes. Donors must make important
contributions to combat climate change, support movements for women’s and LGBTQ
people’s rights, prevent violence and promote peace, and improve sexual and
reproductive health and rights, among others. Developing leadership of women and
sexual minorities in the development programs demands mainstreaming of gender
sensitization programs. Feminist foreign policy needs to include in their action
agenda- understanding the impact of business activities on natural resources, water,
and energy use, supporting new business models that can deliver clean/renewable
energy, establishing sustainable procurement policies and supplier codes of conduct,
promoting responsible consumption through marketing and PR events, sponsoring
NGO initiatives to restore degraded habitat and transformative policies for gender
equality, promote Gender Responsive Budgeting and transformative financial policies,
The idea of a ‘gender-sensitive foreign policy’ as a multidimensional policy framework

that aims to include women’s experiences, has been gaining traction. FFP is very much
defined by the state practicing it; by the norms and ideas of feminism in the state; and
by the state’s own purposes and ends. To borrow from the famous constructivist
scholar of International Relations, Alexander Wendt’s declaration, feminist foreign
policy is what states make of it.57 ‘Gender Equality Today for Sustainable Future
Tomorrow’ needs transnational feminist solidarity. There is an urgent need for
international relations experts to assess socio-cultural, economic, and political issues
from an intersectional gendered perspective, as it will ensure a deeper appreciation for
the gender differential impact of and responses to the existing as well as unfolding
realities.
57 Alexander Wendt. 1992. ‘Anarchy Is What States Make of It: The Social Construction of Power Politics’,
International Organization. 46(2): 391–425.
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About the Book
Advocating a Feminist Foreign Policy for India provides a comprehensive introduction

to the concept of feminist foreign policy, elucidating its core principles, and explaining
how it differs from conventional foreign policy approaches. It delves into the
importance of gender equality, women's rights, and intersectionality in shaping
foreign policy decisions. It explores the pressing need for India to adopt a feminist
foreign policy, challenging traditional paradigms and advocating for a more inclusive,
equitable, and forward-thinking alternative approach to global affairs. The book
scrutinizes various global challenges, such as climate change, conflict resolution, and
war, from a feminist perspective. It demonstrates how adopting a feminist foreign
policy can lead to innovative and effective solutions to these complex issues. Drawing
inspiration from countries that have already adopted feminist foreign policies, it
examines the impact of such policies on global dynamics and showcases how India can
contribute to the global feminist movement. This book is a compelling call to action,
urging India to lead the way in advancing feminist ideals on the world stage while
aligning them to its national interests.
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Dr Simi Mehta is the CEO and Editorial Director at

IMPRI Impact and Policy Research Institute, New
Delhi, and a former Fulbright Nehru Doctoral
Research Fellow at Ohio State University, USA.
Prof Vibhuti Patel is the Visiting Distinguished

Professor at IMPRI Impact and Policy Research
Institute, New Delhi. She is currently Vice President
of the Indian Association for Women’s Studies and a
former professor at Tata Institute of Social Sciences.
Satyam Tripathi is the Visiting Researcher and

Assistant Editor at IMPRI Impact and Policy
Research Institute, New Delhi. He is currently
pursuing his Masters in Defence and Strategic
Studies from Vikramajit Singh Sanatan Dharm
College, Kanpur.
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Published by: ARJUN KUMAR

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Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit

Chonira Belliappa Muthamma

FFP Feminist Foreign Policy

IMPRI Impact and Policy Research Institute

IPCC Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change

NAM Non Aligned Movement

SDG Sustainable Development Goal

SGBV Sexual and Gender-Based Violence

SIWI Stockholm International Water Institute

SRHR Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights

UNIFEM United Nations Development Fund for Women

UNSC United Nations Security Council

UNSCR United Nations Security Council Resolution

WPS Women, Peace and Security

In such a scenario, in India, it becomes important to understand what are the

India has demonstrated a commitment to international efforts to promote gender

FFP is a complete, consistent, and coherent approach to a body of work encompassing

We would like to thank Prof KP Vijayalakshmi, Ambassador Partha Ray, Ms Prerna

Rights, meaning the promotion of women’s issues, including countering gender-based

Representation, including support for women’s participation at all levels of decision-

Resources, to ensure equitable allocation among people of all genders, whether in

Hansa Mehta, India’s representative to the United Nations Commission on Human

1.1 What is Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP)?

Feminism itself is a contested concept susceptible to a variety of meanings,

According to Hans Morgenthau, the founder of classical realism in international

following table shows Morgenthau’s principles vis-à-vis Tickner’s reformulation of

Hans J. Morgenthau J. Ann Tickner

1.2 Basic Pillars of FFP

Intersectionality - In feminist theory, intersectionality has become the predominant

Commitment to Peace – Feminist Security Studies in contrast to traditional concepts

Beyond Neo-Realism – According to Kenneth Waltz, the structure of international

1.3 Origin of FFP – Ideological & Geographical

The introduction of feminism as an ideology in the study of international relations and

1.4 Tracing the Trajectories

vocational training and employment opportunities and 5) improvements to

1.5 Need For the Feminist/Gender-Sensitive Perspective in

According to Tickner, international politics is a man's world, a world of power and

"Women’s absence in traditional IR is manifested both in women’s marginalization from

Professor Meenal Shrivastava

Women in the State of War

Professor Vibhuti Patel

2. Contextualizing FFP in Indian Setting

2.1 Gender Equality in India

2.2 Aligning FFP with India’s National Interests

National Interest and Foreign Policy

Hartmann observed that “a foreign policy consists of selected national interests

The policymakers' consideration of a particular situation in the territory of another

FFP and India’s National Interests

2.3 Gendered Dimension to India’s Strategic Thinking

17Distinguished Lectures, 2019, Ministry of External Affairs. Available at: https://www.mea.gov.in/distinguished-

Role of Normative Values

Alongside Nehru, Mahatma Gandhi’s thinking and philosophy had a significant,

2.4 FFP as a Means to Advance Our Foreign Policy Objectives

feminism relates to the securitization of female bodies in areas of conflict, as well as in

India and UNSC Reforms

India as a UN Security Council24 Candidate 2021-22 calls for greater involvement of