Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Arab Spring
Arab Spring
in Action
SUMMER 2019
Constitutional
Rights
Foundation
Volume 34 No4
The series of popular uprisings known as the Arab Spring Despite this, stirrings of the Arab Spring continue
began in 2011. They quickly toppled the autocratic govern- in Algeria, Jordan, and the occupied Palestinian territo-
ments of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen and sparked mass
ries where near-weekly protests against government
protests throughout the Middle East and North Africa. They
set off a civil war in Syria. Most observers agree that the mismanagement continue. That the regime of Syrian
rapid political upheaval that began in 2011 ended with the dictator Bashar al-Assad survived thanks to a relentless
crushing of revolt in Syria in 2012. But the core issues at the campaign of Russian airstrikes brings the story of the
heart of the Arab Spring remain. Arab Spring full circle — to a history mired by external
The Syrian civil war set off by the Arab Spring has powers seeking to control the region’s oil wealth and its
had especially dire consequences. The war itself has more than 400 million people.
killed more than half-a-million people. According to re- Like so many powerful stories, though, the Arab
lief agencies, the ensuing refugee crisis has been the Spring began with a single human act.
worst since World War II, with more than 13.5 million The Spark
of Syria’s 18.4 million people — or 73 percent — dis- By all accounts, Mohamed Bouazizi, a 26-year-old
placed by the conflict there. street vendor from a small town in central Tunisia, kept
DEMOCRATIC STRUGGLES
The first article in this issue analyzes the Arab Spring of 2011-2012 and the challenges of democratic reform in repressive states.
The second article takes a close look at an important 2018 U.S. Supreme Court decision on the controversies of states purging
names from voter rolls. The third article outlines the problem of voter suppression in U.S. history and possible solutions.
World History: The Arab Spring and the Challenge of Nation-Building by Samer Badawi, a contributor to +972 Magazine
U.S. Government/Current Issues: Purged From the Voter Rolls: Husted v. A. Philip Randolph Institute by Senior Editor Damon
Huss and CRF Law School Intern Christine Cheung
U.S. History: Suppressing the Vote by longtime contributor Carlton Martz
© 2019, Constitutional Rights Foundation, Los Angeles. All Constitutional Rights Foundation materials and publications, including Bill of Rights in Action, are protected by copyright. However, we hereby grant to all recipients a
license to reproduce all material contained herein for distribution to students, other school site personnel, and district administrators. (ISSN: 1534-9799)
Claudia Wiens/Alamy Stock Photo
hope that things could change in a society permeated for decades with a culture of fear.
(used under a CC BY-SA 3.0 license)
Over the past few years, Wael, 30, began working outside the box to make his peers under-
stand that only their unstoppable people power could effect real change. He quickly grasped
that social media, notably Facebook, were emerging as the most powerful communication tools
to mobilize and develop ideas.
...
The response was miraculous: a movement that started with thousands on Jan. 25 ended with
12 million Egyptians removing Hosni Mubarak and his regime. What Wael and the young Egyptians
did spread like wildfire across the Arab world. . . .
Wael Ghonim
2 WORLD
WORLDHISTORY
HISTORY BRIA 34:4 (Summer 2019)
Thomas Dutour/Dreamstime
Egyptian Vice President Omar
Suleiman, announcing the resignation
on state television, pronounced, “May
God help everybody.”
To understand how so many Egyp-
tians managed to organize such a mas-
sive show of grassroots civil
disobedience — one that became
known as the “Twitter Revolution” —
we first have to understand what
economists call the Arab world’s
“youth bulge.”
According to the World Bank,
working-age men and women under
the age of 30 comprise up to 65 per-
cent of the Arab world. As many as 40
percent of them are unemployed. An-
alysts estimate that the region needs The death of Muammar Gaddafi in October 2011 made worldwide headlines. Here his name
to create some 80 million new jobs in is alternately spelled Kadhafi and Qaddafi.
the next 15 years alone to simply
regime, which vowed to maintain power at all costs.
maintain this status quo. At the same time, with jobs
Assad himself, along with his late father, Hafez, who
scarce, these unemployed millions have little access to
ruled Syria for 29 years, hails from a minority sect, the
financial services — like affordable loans or safe places
Druze, which claims close ties to Iran and its shia
to save (i.e., banks) — that might allow them to start
branch of Islam.
and grow their own small businesses.
What began as an uprising quickly devolved into a
Mohamed Bouazizi was among the 80 percent of
brutal civil war, fueled by outside interests. The his-
the Arab world that does not have access to a bank ac-
torical kinship between the Druze and shia Islam
count. That statistic, in part, explains why the World
prompted the Iranian government to lend financial and
Bank ranks the Middle East and North Africa last
material support to the Assad regime, including
among the six regions it measures for “financial inclu-
through its proxy Lebanese militia Hezbollah. In neigh-
sion.” In practice, this means that only five percent of
boring Saudi Arabia, the majority of
adults in the region have access to for-
mal loans that can help them weather Tunisian and Egyptian
the population belongs to the sunni
branch of Islam. With Iran involved in
financial hardship, finance schooling,
or start their own businesses.
revolutions were bound Syria, the Saudis began bankrolling
opposition to the Assad regime.
Combine this lack of opportunity to be just the beginning
Making matters worse, Saudi
with a regional poverty rate exceeding
50 percent, and the Tunisian and of the Arab Spring. funds reportedly went to extremist
groups early in the conflict, giving
Egyptian revolutions were bound to be
Assad and his military an excuse to target civilian areas
just the beginning of the Arab Spring. Many hoped that
— all in the name of “fighting terrorism.” Saudi-funded
the ensuing uprisings would result in widespread na-
groups also splintered into other militias, some with
tion-building, or the creation of new, unified states
allegiances to neighboring Turkey, where the govern-
after the toppling of old regimes.
ment there feared that a large population of minority
The Fire Kurds along the border would destabilize the country.
By October 2011, Libyan dictator Muammar Out of this complex web of battling groups
Gaddafi was gone, and fighting had broken out in emerged the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS, a
Yemen and Bahrain. Previously unheard-of protests group that sought to reestablish an Islamic Caliphate in
were being reported in Jordan and Saudi Arabia, too, the Middle East. The group’s tactics were horrifying,
where absolute monarchies showed no tolerance for leading to widespread condemnation from the inter-
political dissent. But no country was to leave as lasting national community and helping to forge a consensus
a mark on the Arab Spring as Syria. around the aim of destroying ISIS.
Peaceful protests there, which began in March Assad made a point of casting himself as a cham-
2011, were met with a brutal response by the Assad pion of that cause, successfully branding any opposition
BRIA 34:4 (Summer 2019) WORLD HISTORY 3
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