Research J.

Humanities and Social Sciences 2012; 3(4) 479-492 Dr Mohd Shafi Bhat

Emergence, Development and Role of Jamaat-i-

Islami Jammu and Kashmir (JIJK)
Dr Mohd Shafi Bhat*
Political Science at Govt. Degree College, Bijbehara, Anantnag J&K

ABSTRACT:
JIJK is one of the most influential Islamic organisations in Kashmir. Its
literature as well as ideologues has exercised a powerful impact on Kashmiri
ISSN 0975 - 6795 Muslims. As an ideological party, the ways and methods adopted by Jamaat-
Research J. Humanities and Social i-Islami to realise its objectives, are governed by the ideology it upholds. It
Sciences. 3(4): October-December, believes in and practises all peaceful, democratic and constructive methods
2012, 479-492 for propagating its faith and realising its objectives. As a modern popular
reformist movement organisation based on Islamic ideology of Quran and
Sunnah, JIJK has developed a distinct style and methodology in propagating
the message of Islam and in affording proper guidance to the Muslim
community in implementing the values and laws that characterize the Islamic
system of life. Through it’s well-studied and elaborately planned
programmes, JIJK strives to prove that the Islamic ideology and the Islamic
way of life is the most practical and befitting solution to the woes of the
present day world. The present paper attempts to trace the formation and
Research Article development of JIJK, from its inception to the present phase, when it is
active in establishing its strong knit in the state, besides playing an active
role in the politics of the state. The paper begins with the brief history of
JIJK, ideology, creed, methodology, Jamaat’s views on Sufism, articulation
of Kashmiri identity, Jamaat’s role during Holy Relic Agitation 1963, role in
electoral politics, tie up with armed struggle which started in 1989 as well as
its role and relevance in the socio- political set- up of the state.

Formation and Early History of JIJK

*Corresponding Author:
Dr Mohd Shafi Bhat,
Political Science at Govt. Degree
College, Bijbehara, Anantnag J&K
The Jamaat-i-Islami, the first organised Islamic reformist movement in the
Indian subcontinent, was formed on 26th August 1941 in Lahore under the
leadership of Syed Abul Aaala Maudoodi. The Jamaat addressed all Indian’s
regardless of caste, creed, and religion It appealed to all sections of humanity
to eschew the path of violence and mutual hatred, terrorism and oppression
and to settle down to the task of building a righteous society on stable and
abiding foundations. From its very inception, Jamaat-i-Islami advocated the
cause of the righteous way, the way of peace and abiding well-being. The
doors of the organisation were thrown open to any citizen who accepts the
sacred motto that there is no lord except Allah and Prophet Muhammad is
His Messenger in its entirely and all its implications and is ready to work for
the establishment of the divine order (Islamic way of life) in the land. JIJK
rejects the un-Islamic principle that end justifies the means, instead the
Islamic movement profess the way adopted by the prophets, the way of
peaceful and non-transmission of ideas.

Till the attainment of freedom and the partition of the country, the activities
Received on 16.10.2012 of Jamaat were confined to propagation of ideas mainly literature and
Modified on 22.10.2012 publications in Urdu. The circumstances did not allow the organisation to
Accepted on 10.11.2012 win the Muslim society to its way of thinking, since it had been divided
© A&V Publication all right reserved between the national movement and the Muslim communal politics.

479
Research J. Humanities and Social Sciences 2012; 3(4) 409-421
Even so, the unique approach of this new organisation
made a deep impression on a substantial section of the
educated intellectuals particularly the middle class. They
were enthused to recognise in Islam a complete, divinely
ordained way of living that can replace the many man-
made materialistic systems. At the same time, the Jamaat-
i-Islami faced stiff opposition from both the superstitious
sections given to irrational and exploitative practices, and
the nationalistic and communalistic sections.
When India was partitioned into India and Pakistan, the
Islamic movement responded to the new realities by
splitting into two independent organisations. In April 1948
(at a meeting in Allahabad) the Jamaat-i-Islami Hind was
formed with Maulana Abullais Nadvi as its Amir
(President). The workers of the Jamaat-i-Islami Jammu
and Kashmir choose to remain as an independent
organisation called Jammu and Kashmir Jamaat-i-Islami.1
This party came into existence at a time when India got
divided and some parts of the sub-continent, including
Kashmir, remained undecided at that time. Jamaat-i-Islami
of Jammu and Kashmir assumed an independent and
separate existence of its own because of the special
political conditions of the state. Jamaat-i-Islami Jammu
and Kashmir was founded by an educationist, a school
teacher and Hafiz-e-Quran Qari Saif-ud-Din Tarabali and
Mohammad Hussain Chisti in late 1940’s in Srinagar
under the inspiration of the ideology of Maulana Syed
Abul Aala Maudoodi. They had continued for some years
studied Maudoodi’s Islamic literature and thus prepared
grounds for the establishment of study circles. These study
circles later on paved the fertile way for the formation of
Jamaat-i-Islami in Jammu and Kashmir.2
Jamaat-i-Islami of Jammu and Kashmir is based on Shariat
(Islamic way) but propagated democratic means of
peaceful persuasion to achieve its goal. It confined its
activities to influencing people through Islamic literature,
especially Maudoodi’s literature, publications, establishing
libraries, organising discussions and a network of
Madrassas. Jamaat-i-Islami was organised as an
independent organisation and party in 1952-53.3 In 1957-
58, Maulana Ahrar led a single man delegation to Jammu
province, visited almost all the districts, created a nucleus
of sympathisers, and opened many rooms in which the
party literature was kept available. During the initial stage,
the Jamaat-i-Islami faced odds of opposition in the state.
It was dubbed as the group of opportunists. After its
evolution of independent constitution (1953), it spread a
wave of schools throughout the Jammu and Kashmir. In
those institutions besides the religious (Islamic) education
the students were taught Urdu, Arabic, English languages
and Mathematics as compulsory subjects from the primary
standard. However, in 1975, during Sheikh Abdullah’s
government, these schools which had numbered 170 with
480
Dr Mohd Shafi Bhat
a roll of around 25,000 students, faced crackdown. The
party was also banned. Its offices were sealed; thousands
of its workers were put behind the bars. The ban was lifted
in 1977 and the party became active again.4
AIMS AND OBJECTIVES:
The basic objective of the Jamaat-i-Islami is Iqaamat-i-
Deen (establishment of Islamic system based on Quran
and Sunnah). The real motive of which is solely the
achievement of divine pleasure and success in the
hereafter. The term Iqaamat-i-Deen means that true Deen
which Allah, the Lord of the worlds, had been sending
through his prophets in different ages and different lands
and which he revealed in its final and perfect form for the
guidance of all men, through his last prophet, Hazrat
Muhammad (P.B.U.H) and which is now in the world the
only authentic, pristine Deen and the only one which is
acceptable to Allah, the name of which is Islam. This Deen
(Islam) encompasses the exterior and the interior of man
as well as all individual and collective aspects of his life.
There is not even a single aspect of human life ranging
from beliefs, rituals and morals to economic, social and
political aspects, which may be beyond its pole.5
Just as this Deen ensures divine pleasure and success in
the hereafter, it is also the best system of life for the proper
solution of all worldly problems and righteous and
progressive reconstruction of individual and social life is
possible only through its establishment. Iqaamat
(establishment) of this Deen means that it in it’s entirely
and without any discrimination or division, should be
sincerely followed single-mindedly. It should be enforced
and given effect to in all aspects of human life, individual
as well as corporate, that the development of the
individual, the reconstruction of society and the formation
of state should all confirm to this very Deen (religion).
The ideal and the best practical example of the Iqaamat of
this Deen (establishment of Islamic system) is that which
was set up by Prophet Muhammad and the rightly guided
Caliphs (vice-regent).6
METHODOLOGY:
Jamaat-i-Islami Jammu and Kashmir has developed a
distinctive style and methodology in propagating the
message of Islam in the indigenous society and in
affording proper guidance to the Muslim community in
implementing the values and laws that characterize the
Islamic system of life. Through its well-studied and
elaborately planned programmes, the Jamaat-i-Islami
strives to prove that the Islamic ideology and the way of
life is the most practical and befitting solution to the woes
of the present day world. For the attainment of its
objectives, the methodology of Jamaat-i-Islami shall be as
follows:
Research J. Humanities and Social Sciences 2012; 3(4) 409-421
a) The Quran and the Sunnah shall form the basis of all the
activities of Jamaat-i-Islami. All other things shall be kept
in view secondarily, and only to the extent to which these
could be accommodated in accordance with the Quran and
Sunnah.
b) In all its actions, the Jamaat-i-Islami shall be bound by
moral limits and shall never adopt such means or ways
which are against truth and honesty or through which may
come about communal hatred, class struggle and Fasad Fil
Arz (Fasad Fil Arz signifies social chaos, discord, anarchy,
corruption and mischief in the land).
c) For the achievement of its objectives, the Jamaat-i-
Islami shall adopt constructive and peaceful methods. This
means that it shall reform the mental outlook, character
and conduct through propagation (of Islam), instruction
and dissemination of Islamic ideas, and thus shall train
public opinion in order to bring about the desired righteous
revolution in the social life of the society.
d) The Jamaat-i-Islami shall work for the achievement of
its objectives and shall not have recourse to the methods of
underground parties or movements. The party will preach
its message to all mankind irrespective of the differences
of caste, creed, language, colour, race or nationality in
keeping with the universality of Islam.7
Creed:
The basic creed of Jamaat-i-Islami is La Ilaha Illallah,
Mohammadur Rasoolullah, i.e., the Divine Being is solely
Allah, there being no lord except Allah, and that
Mohammad is Allah’s messenger. The meaning of this
first part of this creed, i.e., the exalted Allah being the only
God and no one else being a God, is that the very same
Allah is the Rightful Deity and law-giving sovereign of all
human beings who is the creator, the sustainer, the
controller, the lord of all and of the entire universe as well
as the sovereign and the author of all the creations. He
alone is deserving of worship and He alone is the Rightful
one to whom obedience and allegiance are due, and no one
in any of these capacities is His associate. The meaning of
the second part of this creed, i.e., Mohammad (P.B.U.H) is
the messenger of Allah is that the last prophet, through
whom the authentic guidance and complete code of life to
be followed till the last day was sent from the Rightful
Deity and sovereign of the universe for all human beings
inhabiting the face of the earth and who had been
commissioned to act in accordance with this guidance and
code and present a complete model, is Hazrat
Mohammad.8
Ideology:
Jamaat-i-Islami is an ideological party in the widest
possible sense and not merely a political party. It is firmly
of the conviction that Islam is an all-pervading and
481
Dr Mohd Shafi Bhat
comprehensive order of life and the Jamaat-i-Islami
intends to promulgate and translate that order into action
in all spheres of life. According to Jamaat-i-Islami, the
root cause of all trouble in man’s life is his forgetfulness
of Almighty and omniscient Allah, his disregard of divine
guidance as revealed through the Prophets and his lack of
concern about his accountability in the world hereafter.9
As a matter of fact, whatever and whenever any type of
evil has plagued human life, this very decision from the
divine guidance has been the basic cause of the malady.
No scheme of reform in human affairs can bear fruits
unless and until obedience to God, belief in man’s
accountability after his death and adherence to the divine
guidance as revealed through the Prophets are, sincerely,
made the basis of the entire edifice of human life.10
Without bringing about this fundamental change, every
attempt to reform society on the basis of any of the
materialistic concepts of justice will only result in some
other form of injustice.
As an ideological party, the ways and methods adopted by
Jamaat-i-Islami to realise its objectives, are governed by
the ideology it upholds. It believes in and practises all
peaceful, democratic and constructive methods for
propagating its faith and realising its objectives. Immoral,
undemocratic or violent methods are not adopted and are
regarded as irreligious methods. It does not believe in
rowdyism, hooliganism, or any such abhorable tactics for
the propagation of Islamic teachings.11
Jamaat-i-Islami is an Islamic organisation aimed at
transformation of society into a disciplined society. For
this purpose, it adopts a disciplined tract based on Islamic
Sharia. Their manifesto has been to establish, in letter and
spirit, the sovereignty of Almighty God and to get His
laws implemented universally instead of man-made
defective laws. Jamaat believes that man should apply the
criterion supplied by God to distinguish between good and
bad, right and wrong, just and unjust. Such are the
determinants of a sound life and can be realised only when
the Islamic system (Deen) is established.12 Deen is very
comprehensive and it includes man’s inner and outer life
and his individual as well as social life. It provides
solution to temporal problems of mankind. The practical
specimen of Deen is found in the life example of Prophet
Mohammad and the Caliphs (vice-regent). Hence, a plea
for the establishment of Nizam-i-Mustafa.13
Jamaat-i-Islami believes that Nizam-i-Mustafa or socio-
economic and political system can be established only by
peaceful and non-violent methods. It does not subscribe to
armed revolution for the achievement of political goals. It
has declared its belief in democratic and constitutional
methods for bringing about any kind of revolution. It does
not believe in the mischief or riots on the earth. Jamaat-i-
Research J. Humanities and Social Sciences 2012; 3(4) 409-421
Islami is committed to the establishment of an Islamic
state. Islamization of the state means the establishment of
a system in which an individual is required to conduct his
social, economic and political life according to the
principle and terms of Quran and the Sunnah. It believes
that religious and politics go together. There is no
dichotomy between religion and politics according to
Islam. Religion and politics are the two faces of the same
coin. Religion serves man’s soul, politics serves man’s
body. Body and soul make a man.14
Jamaat-i-Islami and Kashmiri Sufi identity
(Kashmiriyat):
The Jamaat as a popular Islamic movement, to some extent
opposed the Sufism, which believes in the miracles of
saints. Jamaat insisted that Muslims should closely abide
by the Quran and the Sunnah of the Prophet. However, it
did not condemn the schools of jurisprudence, although it
insisted that Muslims need be bound by the precedents of
the medical Faqihs and could exercise their independent
judgement (Ijtehaad) in accordance with the Quran and
Hadith in order to apply Islam to matters on which the
scriptural corpus was silent. For the Jamaat-i-Islami, Islam
was an all-embracing world-view that governed every
aspect of believer’s personal as well as social life.15The
establishment of an Islamic state, ruled in accordance with
the Shariah was seen as central to the Islamic mission.
Jamaat-i-Islami opposed to Sufism but only to what it
found as an un-Islamic elements in popular Sufism. For
them, Islam was a call for political assertion in a context of
perceived Muslim powerlessness as well as a call for
personal piety and dedication to the God’s will. Jamaat-i-
Islami steered clear of open confrontation with the
defenders of the cults of the saints. Its approach in
nullifying Shirk and advocating Tauhid was of tactical
compromise. It refrained from openly condemning popular
Sufism as un-Islamic although this way implicit in the way
that it understood Islam.16 Instead of directly attacking
Sufism, the early ideologies of Jamaat-i-Islami in Kashmir
attempted to present a form of Sufism which they saw in
accordance with the Shariah and a means for Islamic
revolution to bring state of society under the Islamic law.
For instance, in late 1994, while addressing the first large
organized rally of Jamaat-i-Islami in Srinagar, Said-ud-
Din, the then Jamaat’s Amir (President),declared that the
Jamaat’s message was not a new one, but rather a revival
of the original mission of Mir Syed Ali Hamdaani, which
had aimed at rescuing the Kashmiris from Shirk and
Biddat and to Usher in the Islamic revolution, for He had
taught that Islam was not to be restricted to just a few
limited rituals. Thus the image of the Sufis of Kashmir
was sought to be subtly transformed from world-
renouncing mystics into ardent activities of the Islamic
revolution and brave crusaders of true monotheism.17
482
Dr Mohd Shafi Bhat
The Jamaat-i-Islami’s attitude to the cults of the Sufi
shrines did not seem to have made for its popular
acceptance. While sections of the Kashmiri Muslim
middle class could readily identify with the Jamaat’s
message of reform, tied in as it was with an activist spirit
for political assertion, it proved incapable of reaching out
to vast numbers of ordinary Kashmiris in whose lives cuts
that centred on the shrines of the saints continued to play a
pivotal role.18Despite its gradual growth from the 1950
onwards, the Jamaat had to contend with considerable
resistance from several quarters within the Kashmiri
Muslim community. Many Muslims associated with the
popular Sufi tradition saw it as a part of a wider Wahabi
nexus. Its message of Islamic reform, with its insistence
that Muslims should go directly to the Quran and Sunnah
of the Prophet for guidance, by passing the authority of the
Sufi Saints and denying the intermediary powers that were
attributed to them, was seen as an attack on cherished
beliefs by practitioners of the cults that had developed
around the graves of the Sufi. It was also felt to be a threat
to the authority of the custodians of the shrines, the class
of Pirs, who commanded great respect among the ordinary
folk. Allegations were levelled against the Jamaat-i-Islami
by what is called monopolists of religion, promoting
wrong beliefs (bad ateyqad) and of denying the Sufis
(Auliya ullah ke Munkar). However, the Jamaat-i-Islami
responded to these allegations with tact. It saw many of its
critics as simply motivated by a threat of their own
interests because of its increasing influence. Qari Saif-ud-
Din noted that some selfish Mullahs, for whom religion is
a means for livelihood, were opposing the party for their
own petty interests. The political opponents of Jamaat-i-
Islami were branding it as anti-Sufi in order tomalign its
image, fearful of its growing popularity.19
Despite their opposition to popular Sufism, Jamaat-i-
Islami recognised its potential as a resource for political
mobilisation. This was most clearly illustrated in the
controversial affair of a sacred relic, the hair of the Prophet
(Moi Muqaddas) housed at Hazratbal (Srinagar) which
suddenly disappeared from its repository in late December
1963. The relic was an object of the deep reverence and
devotion among the Kashmiri Muslims, a tangible
connection between them and the Prophet. Although theft
of Holy relic was looked upon un-Islamic by Jamaat-i-
Islami, they swiftly responded to the mass movement that
erupted in the wake of its disappearance. Soon the
agitation for the recovery of the relic developed into a
popular upsurge for freedom and political self-
determination for the people of the state. Jamaat-i-Islami,
among other Muslim religious groups was most active in
leading the agitation.20The incident of the missing relic
brought back the Mullahs after five decades to the centre-
stage of politics. Kashmiri political leaders set up the
Awami action Committee to carry on the struggle and put
Research J. Humanities and Social Sciences 2012; 3(4) 409-421
forward their demands in which Jamaat-i-Islami was
represented by Qari Saif-ud-Din spearheading the agitation
for the recovery of the holy relic and linking it to a broader
struggle for political self-determination. Senior Muslim
leaders including Jamaat leaders toured the Kashmir valley
to mobilize public support, demanding that the matter of
the missing relic be urgently taken up in the UN Security
Council and that the UN dispatch a team to investigate the
whole affair and to pressurise India to abide by its promise
to allow the Kashmiri’s to determine their own political
future.21 In this way, although opposed in principle to the
popular Sufism, Jamaat-i-Islami showed itself quite
willing to selectively draw upon it for enhancing their own
popularity and political interests.22
Restructuring Kashmiri Identity:
Jamaat-i-Islami stresses the religious identity of
Kashmir’s. Jamaat-i-Islami also lays stress on conceding
the right of self-determination in compliance with the
provisions of 1948 UN resolutions. It makes a point that
accession was not permanent and India with the passage of
time, made it as a permanent feature of Indian constitution.
To Jamaat, it was Jawaharlal Lal Nehru who in a broadcast
on Nov 2, 1947, stated “we have declared that the fate of
Kashmir is ultimately to be decided by the people. That
pledge we have given not only to the people of Kashmir
but to the world”. Over the years, terms of the accession
have been diluted and Article 370, which defines the
special status of Kashmir’s relations with India, last most
of its protective clauses with the centre acquiring powers
to make this Article defunct.23
Jamaat-i-Islami believes in establishing a truly responsible
government in the state on the principles of Islam. The
most important issue in Kashmir politics has been the
issue of accession of the state to India. Jamaat-i-Islami
considers the Kashmir issue a living issue and wants to
solve the tangle as soon as possible because this problem
involves, among other problems, so many humanitarian
problems. The Jamaat-i-Islami wants the government of
India to fulfil its promise of seeking the consent of the
people of Kashmir regarding the accession of the state
with India or Pakistan and as such as it does not consider
the accession of Kashmir to India final and irrevocable. It
defines the Kashmiri identity by virtue of the majority of
the population being Muslim. It is argued by Jamaat-i-
Islami that the Kashmir rightly belongs to Pakistan and
that the partition of 1947 has left this matter unresolved.
Thus, Jamaat-i-Islami asserts the pro-Pakistan and pro-
Islamist identity of Kashmir’s.
Jamaat-i-Islami stresses that Kashmir history was written
anew in which the 1931 movement was characterised as an
Islamic movement by the Muslim majority populace to
free Kashmir from Dogras and to make it a part of the
483
Dr Mohd Shafi Bhat
Islamic world. Jamaat-i-Islami sees the struggle as a war
between Muslims and others, does not accept the notion of
a separate Kashmiri national identity, and propagates that
Kashmiri Muslims are a part of the worldwide Ummah
(unity). It seeks to displace the Kashmiri struggle for a free
Kashmir in favour of an Islamist agenda incorporating
Kashmir into Islamic Pakistan as a part of the broader
Islamic project. Islamic agenda of Jamaat-i-Islami focuses
mainly on Kashmiris freedom from Indian control (regards
its control as occupationary); the struggle is Jihad, the goal
of which is merger of Kashmir with Pakistan and
establishment of an Islamic state.24 For Islam to be
preserved and promoted, it is necessary for Kashmir to be
separated from India and be with Pakistan. This is the
initial step towards eventual unity of all Muslims. Thus,
Jamaat-i-Islami holds that Kashmiri identity will only be
preserved and safe in merger with Pakistan. The freedom
struggle is movement for Islamization of Kashmir. The
movement is not a war of liberation but a Jihad (Holy war)
between Islam and forces of disbelief (Kufr), and justified
it on Indians denial of right of self-determination.
However, this Islamic ideology of Jamaat-i-Islami has
been severely criticised by many Islamic scholars and has
been described as un-Islamic.
Jamaat-i-Islami negates the supra-religious Kashmiriyat as
the basis of Kashmiri identity. While banking on
territorial, sub-nationalism stresses religious component of
Kashmiri identity which contrives them to join Pakistan in
true tradition of the Millat (The Muslim Unity). Jamaat-i-
Islami foments on, in part with Pakistan, Islamization of
Kashmiri identity. The Islamic identity of Jamaat-i-Islami
got inspiration from the Islamic revolution in Iran, the
emergence of militant Islamic groups fighting against the
Soviet Occupation in Afghanistan and the enormous
increase in the schools, madrassas and institutions geared
to Islamic teachings. For instance by 1975, Jamaat-i-Islami
had set 125 Islamic schools with an estimated enrolment
of 17,000 students. The youth wing registered its presence
on the University and college campuses in Kashmir valley
by articulating the demands of students and by organising
debates, lectures and seminars on religo-political
themes’.25
Jamaat-i-Islami and Kashmir issue or Kashmiri’s
Right of Self-determination:
Jamaat-i-Islami rejects secularism and socialism. It
denounces what it calls Indian Colonialism and
Brahmanical imperialism in Kashmir. Specifically,
Jamaat-i-Islami of Kashmir sees itself as a part of a wider
Islamic movement encompassing the Ikhwan-ul-
Muslimeen (Muslim brotherhood) in the Arab World
particularly in Egypt, Jammat-i-Islami of Pakistan and
Islamic revolution in Afghanistan. Jamaat-i-Islami holds
that the most important issue in Kashmir politics has been
Research J. Humanities and Social Sciences 2012; 3(4) 409-421
the issue of accession of state to India. Jamaat is of the
view that Jammu and Kashmir state is a disputed state.
The accession of the state to India is temporary and as
such is subject to the ratification by the people. Jamaat
holds that this condition has been recognized by the
United Nations also. On the basis of United Nations
resolution, Jamaat-i-Islami maintains that the people of
Kashmir still retain the right of self-determination to
determine the issue of accession by the people themselves
is a right which the government of India should concede to
them so that Kashmir issue is resolved once for all.
Jamaat-i-Islami holds that the right of self-determination is
a basic thing and no one can deny it. Unless and until the
Kashmir issue was decided according to the wishes of the
people of the state, India has no right even to convene any
conference or hold any meet to organize any sport of
international level on the territory of Kashmir. It was on
this contention that on October 12, 1983, Syed Ali Shah
Geelani, leader of the Jamaat State Legislative Party,
reiterated at a press conference that the international
cricket match between India and West Indies was illegal as
it was held on the disputed territory of Jammu andKashmir
state. He added that since the Kashmir issue was
unresolved, the match amounted to a blatant violation of
international law.26
Jamaat-i-Islami is of the contention that the accession of
Jammu and Kashmir with India is not final. It was
personal desire of the Maharaja Hari Singh to accede to
India and the people’s views were not taken into
consideration. Since 1947, the Kashmir has been
converted into its colony by India. Jammat-i-Islami is in
favour of the theory of self-determination for the
settlement of the Kashmir problem. Jamaat holds that
accession was temporary and provisional. But with the
passage of time, India made the accession permanent and
regards Kashmir as its integral part which is totally
baseless. Jamaat-i-Islami also opposed the Sheikh
Abdullah who made the power. It is to be mentioned here
that the arrest of Sheikh Abdullah in 1953, gave an
opportunity to the Jamaat to build up its strength, but its
success came mostly with the organization of madrassas
on a large scale. While speaking on the Governors address
in the State Legislative Assembly on September 12, 1977,
Syed Ali Shah Geelani, a member of the Jamaat-i-Islami
said, “Accession of Kashmir to India made in1947, under
extraordinary circumstances, was temporary and
provisional. It was founded on the provision that the
people of the State will be given an opportunity to decide
freely whether they would like to join India or Pakistan, as
soon as normally is restored in the state”.27 In the 26th
annual conference of the Jamaat-i-Islami, a resolution was
passed regarding the Kashmir issue. The resolution stated
that, “This all State Conference of Jammat-i-Islami Jammu
and Kashmir reiterates the demand that, in the wider
484
Dr Mohd Shafi Bhat
interest of mankind and in accordance with the spirit of
Shimla Agreement, some solid, definite and direct steps
may be taken for solving the Kashmir issue so that
permanent peace is ensured in the sub-continent, friendly
relations are established between the two brotherly
countries and the families divided in the two parts of the
state unite again. In this behalf, greater responsibility lies
with the government of India”.28
The state Jamaat-i-Islami holds the view that the state of
Jammu and Kashmir has historically remained
independent except in the anarchical condition of the
late18th of the first half of the 19th century or when
imported in the vast empires set up by the Mauryas, the
Mughals, and the British. All these empires included not
only present day India and Pakistan but some other
countries of the region as well. Until 1846, Kashmir was
part of the Sikh empire. In that year the British defeated
the Sikhs and sold Kashmir to the Gulab Singh of Jammu
for Rs.7.5 million under the Treaty of Amritsar. Gulab
Singh and his successors ruled Kashmir in a tyrannical and
repressive way. The people of Kashmir, nearly 80% of the
population being Muslims, rose against Maharaja Hari
Singh’s rule. In 1934, the Maharaja gave way and allowed
limited democracy in the form of a Legislative Assembly.
However, unease with Maharaja’s rule continued.
According to the instrument of partition of India, the rulers
of princely states were given the choice to freely accede to
either India or Pakistan or to remain independent.
However, they were advised to accede to the contiguous
domination, taking into consideration the geographical and
ethnic issues. The principally Muslim population, having
seen the early and convert arrival of Indian troops, rebelled
and things got out of the Maharaja’s hands. The people of
Kashmir were demanding to join Pakistan. The Maharajas,
fearing tribal warfare eventually gave way to the Indian
pressure and agreed to join India by signing the
controversial Instrument of Accession on October 26,
1947. This was spelled out in a letter from the Governor
General of India, Lord Mountbatten, to the Maharaja on
27, Oct 1947. In the letter, accepting the accession,
Mountbatten made it clear that the state would only be
incorporated in to the Indian union after a reference had
been made to the people of Kashmir. Having accepted the
principle of plebiscite, India has since obstructed all
attempts at holding a plebiscite.
In 1947, India and Pakistan went to war over Kashmir.
During the war, the Kashmir issue was taken to United
Nations on January 1, 1948. On January 1, 1949, the U.N.
helped enforce ceasefire between the two countries. It was
an outcome of a mutual consent by India and Pakistan that
the UN Security Council (UNSC) and UN Commission for
India and Pakistan (UNCIP) passed several resolutions in
years following the 1947-48 war. The UNSC resolution
Research J. Humanities and Social Sciences 2012; 3(4) 409-421
of April 21, 1948, which is regarded as one of the
principle UN resolution on Kashmir, stated that “both
India and Pakistan desire that the question of the
accession of Jammu and Kashmir to India or Pakistan
should be decided through the democratic method of
free and impartial plebiscite. “Subsequent UNSC
resolutions of August 3, 1948, and January 5, 1949
reinforced UNSC resolutions. Since the so controversial
accession was made, Jamaat-i-Islami is demanding that the
plebiscite be held to determine the will of the people so
that people can enjoy the right of determining their fate,
which is a basic right. It passed several re-solutions for the
right of self-determination of the Kashmir people.
Construction of Kashmiri Muslim Identity:
Jamaat-i-Islami’s concept of Muslim identity (nationalism)
is drawn from the Islamic Holy constitution. Jamaat-i-
Islami believes that when Islam began, almost every
existing society was descended from the same race. The
first and main concept behind the idea of nationalism
introduced by Islam was to break up the classes that make
someone superior to others by virtue of wealth. To
denounce the distinction that existed between the noble or
clergy of the layman, adhering to certain socio-political
and ideological thought. This is the most important factor
in the concept of Islamic Identity. The other two major
factors , language and historical heritage, are carefully
designated, the Arabic language was chosen to be the
official language of the Islamic holy constitution and the
historical events were chosen to represent the history
of mankind with, of course , the events associated with
the prophets lifetime. This socio-political and ideological
thought with one official language and common historical
heritage, constitute a certain political unity and entity
dubbed as the Islamic nation. This distinctive identity,
following Quranic verses and Sunnah, is referred in Quran
and declaration of Madina (verse - 1). Declaration of
Madina states that, “This is a Declaration (Kitab )of
Mohammad, the Messenger of God, to operate amongst
the faithful (minimum) and the submission to God (
Muslim) from amongst the Quraysh and the people of
Yathrib (Madina) and those who may follow and join them
(by being Muslims) and take part with them in Jihad,
verily they constitute one nation distinct from all other
people.”29 This distinctive identity of Muslims, as
advocated by Jamaat-i-Islami is also mentioned in Quranic
verses. It is mentioned in Quran that, “Verily, this notion
of yours constitute our nation and I am your God,
therefore worship me alone.” 30 It is also stated that,
“Verily this nation of yours constitute our nation and I am
your God, be cautious of me (God).”31
Jamaat-i-Islami holds that the Declaration of Madina and
the two Quranic verses assert one absolute fact that the
Muslims by the definition of their constitution are always
485
Dr Mohd Shafi Bhat
our nation or our distinguishable political unity (Ummah).
The adherence of the system, the language of their
(Muslims) Islamic Holy constitution and the historical
events related by the Holy Islamic constitution are the
major attributes of this, the history of their prophet and his
companies’ significantly distinguished Muslims from all
other nations. Thus, a Muslim who has accepted Islam as
the systematic theory for his life must consider himself
accordingly as integrated part of this earthily, the Islam
nation. Even though he may live outside Islamic territorial
jurisdiction, he nevertheless owes certain duties and
obligations towards his nations as the Nation does to him.
The membership in a society based on shared race, colour,
geographical site, language and historical heritage does not
constitute as great as bond or produce a homogeneous a
society as the attribution of an ideal belief. Muslims
belong and adhere to a certain systematic theology, one
nation. The nationality of those who vehemently submit,
dedicate and devote their lives to the Islamic system
revealed by God to the prophet Mohammad must be
Muslim. Their patriotism should be oriented to their
system in the first place to fulfil the most important aspect
of nationalism, the brotherhood (common identity) of
Islam.32
The concept of nationalism or Muslim identity was
originally crystallized by the Islamic Holy constitution to
fuse all contingent and divergent ethnic groups existing
into our socio-political system for the world. Jamaat-i-
Islami believes that the believers of Islam, according to the
Holy constitution of Islam, should identify themselves
only as a Muslim which is the only citizenship to which
they must be affiliated, the word Muslim, used in the
Islamic Holy constitution to identify the believers of God,
has been the attribute of such believers even before the last
Islamic message existed. All prophets mentioned in the
Holy Quran and their followers including Jews and
Christians were dubbed as Muslims. The Holy Quran
declares the fact and emphasizes that Muslims is the only
identity which God himself attributed to those who
submits to this alone since the revelation started. The
Islamic State must attribute all its citizens to Islam as the
only identity, which distinguishes them forever from all
nations. It is mentioned that in Holy Quran that, “ And
exert yourself in the cause of God with ultimate on
cleavable effort, He has appointed you and will never
deceive you by means of religion (Islam) the tenet of your
Father Abraham. He (God) has named you Muslims in this
message as the named His Worshipers long ago.”33
Jamaat-i-Islami and Electoral Politics;
Jamaat-i-Islami is a well-knit, well-organized and
disciplined politico-religious organization. It has
developed an infrastructure for widening its base and
preaching its ideology in almost all the areas of the
Research J. Humanities and Social Sciences 2012; 3(4) 409-421
Kashmir Valley. In early 1900s Jamaat-i-Islami
established a network of schools under a separate trust
(Falah-i-Aam Trust) with the objective of spreading its
influence. The product of these institutions further inflates
its support base. The Jamaat-i-Islami, at present is also
running a weekly (Moomin) as a part of its campaign
ideology. In addition it has been running study circles in
different parts of the valley.
Jamaat-i-Islami did not took part in electoral politics for
twenty years. It first took part in the Panchayat elections of
1968 and since thus the party took part in every election
that followed Parliamentary Elections of 1971, Assembly
Elections of 1972, Bi-Elections of 1975, Parliamentary
Elections of 1977, besides Panchayat Elections of 1977
and the Municipal Elections of 1978. In 1971
Parliamentary Elections, it filed nominations for all the
three seats in Kashmir valley and one in Jammu. Jamaat-i-
Islami contested for 22 seats and won five seats. In Bi-
Elections of 1975, following the Kashmir Accord, Jamaat-
i-Islami was the only party to contest against Sheikh
Abdullah and Mirza Afzal Beg, candidates from
Ganderbal and Devsar constituencies respectively, but the
party could not make any headway. The party could not
fight the Parliamentary Elections of 1977 because it was
banned but it fielded an independent candidate. The
Jamaat-i-Islami did not enter into any electoral alliance
with any party during this election. Janta Party had sought
its alliance but it could not materialize as Janta Party
wanted Jamaat-i-Islami to fight the Elections under the
flag andsymbol of Janta Party, which was not acceptable
to Jamaat-i-Islami. However, the party supported the Janta
Party candidates in the constituencies where it had no
candidates of its own. The party approached Maulana
Farooq of Awami Action Committee to seek his support
but Maulana Preferred to support the Janta Party rather
than Jamaat-i-Islami. The youth Organization and Islamic
Study Circle were the only organisations that supported
the Jamaat-i-Islami.
In 1983, Jamaat-i-Islami contested for 26 seats but could
not win a single seat and was completely routed. Though
the party was very popular in areas like Baramulla,
Anantnag and Pulwama, it did not take fare well in the
elections there also. In the quest of achieving its goal of
capturing political power, Jamaat-i-Islami entered into an
alliance of likeminded religious groups operating in the
Kashmir Valley. The outcome of the alliance was the
formation of Muslim United Front (MUF) in September
1986. Besides Jamaat-i-Islami, the MUF included Ummat-
i-Islami, led by Qazi Nisar, Muslim Ithad of Maulana
Abbas Ansari, People’s Conference of Abdul Gani Lone
and National Conference (Khalida Faction) although it
joined the Hashim United Front, Jamaat-i-Islami
maintained its banner of the new outfit only for fighting
486
Dr Mohd Shafi Bhat
the elections of the State Legislature. The Assembly
Election of 1987 was described by MUF as a contest
between Islam and Secularism. During the election
campaign, the politics was described as an inseparable part
of religion. However the issue of accession was not raised
in the election manifesto. The election of 1987 was
described as the fight for the restoration of Kashmiri
special identity, dignity of the people of state. The
cassettes played in the election campaign glorified Islam
and spoke of Nizam-i-Mustafa. Jamaat-i-Islami criticized
the secular system as according to Jamaat-i-Islami it
neither allows Islam to flourish nor ensures safety and
security of life of Muslims. Secularism has become mere a
sling, propaganda or a window showpiece. The election
manifesto of Jamaat-i-Islami revealed that Jamaat-i-Islami
stands committed to:
a) play a forceful and fearless oppositional role in the
Assembly till it has assumed the power to rule;
b) play an effective oppositional role in the Assembly
with a view to end the political uncertainty in the state
and to ensure the preservation of its identity;
c) expose all such conspiracies in and outside the
Legislature as would, dangerously and
unconstitutionally, be practiced to convert the
majority character of the state into minority one and
oppose any such measure as will permit the settlement
of non-state subjects in the state;
d) present its constructive suggestions for purpose of
bringing about good relations between India and
Pakistan and, in this respect, propose both the
countries to settle down all their disputes amicably for
ensuring a peaceful feature;
e) continue its efforts to make Jammu and Kashmir a
welfare state and to strongly oppose all such measures
as will damage the character and infuse the faith of
the people thereof;
f) oppose all the black laws which empower the
government to curb the freedom of people;
g) continue its struggle for the eradication of such laws
as are detrimental to the freedom of speech ,
expressions and the press;
h) protect the rights of the minorities and to strengthen
the brotherhood and communal harmony in the
state.34
Jamaat-i-Islami, 1987 Elections, Rise of MUF and the
Question of Kashmiri Identity:
The events following 1975 period and the forces that got
created during this phase were bound to influence the state
in a decisive manner. One of the significant developments
in the politics of the state of Jammu and Kashmir was the
emergence of religo-political organization called Muslim
United Front (MUF). It came into existence in September,
1986. In the beginning it was a conglomeration of fourteen
parties and groups, all of them bound together by their
Research J. Humanities and Social Sciences 2012; 3(4) 409-421
single claim that they are dedicated to the preservation of
Muslim identity of Kashmir. But most of these groups and
parties had hardly ever figured in the state politics of
Kashmir and they had no contribution in political, socio-
economic spheres of Kashmir. In fact they were the most
unknown forces in the public life. Soon after its formation,
there occurred difference and disagreements among its
constituent parts over certain important issues such as the
accession of the state to India, but some of its parties like
the People’s Conference, Indian Muslim League and
National Conference (Khalida faction) left it in its early
formative period. In fact, prior to this, the fundamentalist
groups which joined the Front had operated separately and
had never projected collectively as an alternative to the
National Conference (NC). In view of certain new
developments around the mid-1980s, these groups came to
believe that the situation was quite favourable for
strengthening their position and becoming a formidable
rival to the running National Conference in the Kashmir
Valley, if not in the state. The Rajiv-Farooq Accord of
1986, which was the combination of the political dialogue
between Rajiv Gandhi and Farooq Abdullah, was labelled
as a step to diminish the spirit of Kashmiri Muslim
identity. This also provoked anti-India attitude which
percolate even down to the common people particularly in
the Muslim dominated Valley.
Besides the Accord, the growing scenario in India in
general and the neighbouring state of Punjab in particular,
the occurrence of communal riots in Anantnag in
February, 1986 and the processions of Kashmiri Pandits
against Kashmiri Muslims in New Delhi contributed in the
formation of MUF. This led them to think that their further
existence was not safe under the present system. They
thought to organize themselves and fight those forces who
were bent up to extinct their identity. So in order to protect
the Muslim identity, its culture and to safeguard its
religion, the Muslims of Anantnag formed an organization
called Ummat-e-Muslimah and this contributed one of the
important members of Muslim United Front (MUF). The
MUF had its own constitution. The flag of MUF consisted
of Holy Quran and rehal in its middle. Based on the
principles of the Holy Quran and Sunnah, the MUF stood
for the protection of the Muslim identity. The aim of the
Front was not to associate with any un-Islamic
organization and take part in any kind of political activity
thereof. It kept a way open for itself to indulge into
political activity at any time it like to do. The front also
aimed at reviving the basic teachings of Islam in Kashmir
andremoving unnecessary controversies among different
schools of thought.35
MUF organized itself to struggle for the protection and
safeguarding the Islamic brotherhood and the social,
cultural and political identity of Muslims. The Front aimed
487
Dr Mohd Shafi Bhat
to take all possible and practical measures to see that the
spirit of unity among Muslims remained alive, that the
brotherhood and unity among the Muslims at every stage
of their collective life was promoted and every such
attempt as may damage the Muslim unity was vigorously
foiled. Moreover, the Front aimed to promote co-
ordination among its member organizations and provide
for effective measures to be taken to solve controversial
issues in time in the interest and for the protection of
Muslims community as a whole. It included in its
objective the organisation of an effective social reform
movement with a view to establish an Islamic society
based on the Islamic values. With regard to minorities, the
Front shall be under obligation to see that the Muslims are
protected according to tenants of the Holy Quran and to
continue its organized struggle against any such attempt
calculated to crush the Muslims and deprive them of their
social, religious, cultural and political rights shall continue
to remain an important objective with the Front.
The major groups which had been banned organized
under the umbrella of Muslim United Front in September
1986 were Jamaat-i-Islami, Umaat-e-Islam, and Ittehad-ul-
Muslimeen. The other constituents of the MUF were the
Tahafuz-e-Islam units of different districts in the valley.
These units were essentially Jamaat-i-Islami outfits.
Initially, the People’s Conference and some other units
like National Conference led by G.M.Shah had also
expressed its solidarity with the Front. However, later
on they fell out on the election-eve because they could
not be adjusted under the growing influence of the
Jamaat-i-Islami. Jamaat-i-Islami was more interested in
ascertaining the co-operation of Qazi Nisar and Molvi
Abbas Ansari to extend possible help, support in achieving
its political objectives. Since Qazi Nisar and Molvi
Ansari considered Shrines as effective powerful
centres, they were found more suitable to the Jamaat-i-
Islami than A. G. Lone and G. M. Shah. The Jamaat had
not been acceptable to the people in general in Kashmir
mainly because of its too radical approach to religion. For
instance, it is not beholden to Shrines, an attitude totally
unacceptable to Kashmiri in general and Muslims in
particular. It is this weakness which the highly scheming
Jamaat leadership had sought to cover by roping in leaders
like Qazi Nisar and Abbas Ansari who regarded Shrines as
effective power canters. During the 1987 Elections, with
the exception of Qazi Nisar and Abbas Ansari, the Front
virtually remained a Jamaat affair. Jamaat-i-Islami had
taken a quota of 24 seats on its own name and 16 other
constituencies in the name of its satellite organizations.
The MUF remained dominated by the Jamaat-i-Islami.
After a minute look at the ideology and constitution of
MUF and Jamaat-i-Islami, one may conclude that MUF
was another name of Jamaat –I - Islami. However the two
organizations were different from each other. MUF was a
Research J. Humanities and Social Sciences 2012; 3(4) 409-421
broad based organization which was brought into being for
the achievement of that very objective which the Jamaat -
i-Islami had failed to achieve single handed and the
objective being to fight for rights of Muslims and resist
repression of Muslims. However, the Front declared that it
was not formed with a view to harass non - Muslims. In
the light of repressions wrought on Muslims during the
Governors rule, the need to protect the identity of Muslim
community, their social and cultural life in the state of
Jammuand Kashmir, was felt inevitable. The basic
constitution of MUF was that religion is an integral part of
politics and the MUF evolved an Islamic ideology. Hence
Islamization of Kashmir. Islamization provided not only as
a potent issue but also a powerful instrument .36The
establishment of Nizam-i-Mustafa was the ultimate aim of
the MUF. Like Jamaat-i-Islami, MUF declared that it shall
be guided in its mission, its outlook and line of action by
the principles of Holy Quran and the Sunnah. The MUF,
like Jamaat- i- Islami also did not believe in the
parliamentary democracy, secularism and socialism.37
The 1987 elections were fought on emotive issues like
Kashmiri identity, Muslim solidarity, Nizam-i-Mustafa,
end of family rule and settlement of Kashmir issue. The
Muslim identity was mobilized by MUF, a broad coalition
of Islamic groups, in which Jamaat-i-Islami played a
significant role. The main objective of Jamaat-i-Islami in
this election was to safeguard the interests of Kashmiri
Muslims. Kashmiri youth formed the bulk of the support
base, primarily because the Jamaat-i-Islami had deeply
penetrated educational institutions (as it continues
presently). The ideology of Jamaat-i-Islami fevered upon
reviving the fundamentals of Islam and ushering the
Nizam-i-Mustafa, and an Islamic state. It insisted that
Kashmir’s accession to India was not final and demanded
self-determination while openly advocating accession to
Pakistan. The Jamaat-i-Islami sought to Islamize the
Kashmiri’s identity in a radical and fundamentalist
manner.
The MUF does not recognize the finality of Kashmir’s
accession to India. They hold the view that accession is of
temporary in nature. Thus MUF challenged the accession
of Jammu and Kashmir to India. For them Kashmir is still
a dispute territory and this dispute could only be
solved only by India and Pakistan in consultation with
the people of Kashmir. MUF openly declared that the war
for securing rights to Kashmiri Muslims were not against
Hindus, Sikhs or Congress. This is a fight for restoration
of rights of Kashmiri Muslims. MUF demanded that
people of Kashmir should be given the right to exercise
their right to self-determination, a right which they have
been promised by both India and the United States
Organization as far back as 1948. But when the Muslims
fight for their rights, the fight is being dubbed as a game of
secessionists and fundamentalists. On the basis of
programme which the MUF presented to the masses, it
488
Dr Mohd Shafi Bhat
standed committed to protect Islamic brotherhood,
national, cultural and religious identity of Kashmiri
Muslims, maintain peace and communal harmony in
the state and treat the minorities as a sacred trust in the
hands of MUF, ensure practically the implementation of
the Shimla Agreement, removal of political uncertainty
in the state, resolve all outstanding issues between
India and Pakistan in consultation with the people
Jammu and Kashmir state, ensure permanent peace and
restoration of basic civil rights of the people and to hold
elections with the principles of democracy and Islamic
law of Awkaf-i-Islami and control of the assets thereof.
Although the support base of the Jamaat-i-Islami came
close to disintegration after the execution of Pakistan’s
Prime Minister Bhutto by 1987, the Jamaat was strong
enough to alarm the Indian authority. Having run in 1972
election, when it was allowed to take five seats because it
was not seriously considered a contender for power, the
Jamaat had been thrown into disarray by the 1979
upheaval. Under the leadership of the Syed Ali Shah
Geelani, the Jamaat-i-Islami steadily worked towards
restoring its influence and propagating religious education
through madrassas. This proliferation was intended to give
depth to the Jamaat-i-Islami’s support base. Kashmiri
madrassas ( schools or Muslim religious seminaries) run
by the Jamaat-i-Islami became a potent influence on
young minds and played a critical role in nurturing the
religious mind-set of young Kashmiri’s by the close of
the 1989, when the insurgency erupted in Kashmir.
Jamaat-i-Islami and tie up with Armed Struggle
The year 1989 began on a deceptively hopeful note. The
violent agitation that began in 1989 had largely local roots,
thus sharpened resentment against Indian leadership. After
1989, the social fabric of Jammu and Kashmir underwent a
drastic change. Kashmir has seen many political
movements, upheavals and turmoil but hardly has there
been an iconoclastic upsurge. The upsurge or militant
uprising left its impact on every aspect of life. Language,
literature, poetry, culture and folk fore could not keep
itself away from its magnetic field. The dismissal of
Farooq Abdullah in July 1984, the forced marriage of
National Conference and Congress in November 1986
and the March 1987 elections that were blatantly rigged
against the eleven-party MUF contributed to the
alienation turning to violence. Most tragically, Kashmir’s
in general were convinced that freedom which the
Indira-Sheikh Accord of 1975 and subsequent elections
had promised, was inaccessible. The people had decided
that freedom would never be given to them. To win it, they
had to seize it. This gave rise to different groups with
different conceptions of Kashmiri identity. Jamaat-i-Islami
used its militant wing, Hizbul-Mujahedeen, to pursue its
pan-Islamic and pro-Pakistani ideology in Kashmir.
Jamaat-i-Islami of Jammu and Kashmir actively involved
Research J. Humanities and Social Sciences 2012; 3(4) 409-421
itself in the militancy through its armed wing, the Hizbul
Mujahideen. The Falah-e-Aam Trust was created in 1988
to run Jamaat-i-Islami Schools following a ban on the
Jamaat. Jamaat-i-Islami rejected the entire political
framework as hopelessly corrupt, denounced Indian
authority over Kashmir as illegitimate and thus launched a
struggle to overthrow it. However it should be noted here
that the hiatus between the Indian state’s democratic
federal principles and Jamaat-i-Islami’s rejection of
Indian secularism and socialism has been evident since
the inception of the Kashmir question. Thus Jamaat-i-
Islami by fating its pro-Pakistan militant wing, emerged as
a dominated political ideology to fight for the cause of
self-determination for Kashmiri’s. Hizbul Mujahedeen
backed and supported by Jamaat-i-Islami of Jammu and
Kashmir, thus emerged as the representative of Jamaat and
crusader for merger of Kashmir with Pakistan. Jamaat-i-
Islami thus stood for the Islamization of Kashmiri identity.
Hizbul Mujahedeen (HM), the militant wing of Jamaat-i-
Islami, took advantage of the existing Jamaat-i-Islami of
Jammu and Kashmir network and apparatus to attract
young minds in the valley of Kashmir. In December 1989,
its leadership, particularly Jamaat-i-Islami launched a
massive recruitment drive. In late 1990s, HM cadre
accounted for 65 percent of violence in the valley. It was
primarily directed against pro Indian political activists,
security forces and even those advocating independent
Kashmiri identity. HM was aimed at secession of Jammu
and Kashmir through armed struggle and merger with
Pakistan. HM operated in Kashmir valley as well as in
other parts of India in the pattern of the pan-Islamic
organization. Encouraged by the increased armed strength
of HM and continuing support from Pakistan and
fundamentalist organizations, the Jamaat-i-Islami Jammu
and Kashmir started consolidating its grip over the
organization. Since early 1990, the HM craved exclusive
control over the armed struggle in Jammu and Kashmir.
As a result it started to outmanoeuvre other outfits. This
led to frequent clashes with other organizations
particularly JKLF.
The militant movement was an indigenous, mass
movement, of (different objectives with different
ideologies), was captured by a smaller, well-armed, well
trained and committed group of militants who perceived it
in terms of waging an Islamic jihad (holy war). The
insurgency, which was a result of socio-economic
conditions of Kashmiri’s that motivated the Kashmiris to
resort of violence. The political context in the Kashmir
valley was qualitatively different from that in Jammu and
Ladakh. Historically, the non-Kashmiri regions had sought
complete integration of Jammu and Kashmir with the
Indian Union. They had consistently and stringently
opposed Kashmir’s special status enshrined in Article 370
of the Indian constitution. On the other hand, Kashmiris
489
Dr Mohd Shafi Bhat
guarded its special identity as an instrument for mobilizing
the people. Mobilization also took place by issuing
statements, distributing pamphlets, seminars and by other
means as well. Thus within a short span, the underground
militants siege had transformed into a popular mass
movement. Mirwaiz Molvi Farooq observed that, “people
have realized that the secular, nationalist parties are all
lies. They are not in power to help the qaum or awam.
They are here only for self-aggrandizement and for power.
People had lost faith in democracy and were attracted by
the militants and their armed solution to the problem;
because they felt that they at least were prepared to die for
Kashmir”.38
Jamaat-i-Islami of Jammu and Kashmir remained, at least
at the political level a marginal force in the Kashmir
till1980s, but with the launching of the armed struggle in
1989 it came to play a central role in Kashmir politics. It
forcefully sought to present the armed struggle as a jihad
between Islam and disbelief (Kufr), thereby challenging
the Kashmiris nationalists definition of the struggle as
one between the Kashmiri nation and the Indian state.
The Jamaat-i-Islami sees the struggle as a war between
Muslims and others and is bitterly critical of the notion of
separate Kashmiri national identity. Rather, it insists that
Kashmiris are simply a part of the worldwide Mushin
Ummah, not a nation of themselves, for, according to it,
Islam and nationalism are incompatible with each other.
Hence, it argues that the mission of the Kashmiri struggle
to set up an Islamic state and to make Kashmir a part of
Muslim Pakistan. The Jamaat-i-Islami’s efforts at
restructuring the framework of discourse within the
Kashmiri struggle sought to express itself has, from the
early 1990s, been given further impetus by the growing
intervention in Kashmir of Islamist groups based in
Pakistan.39 These groups tend to see the Kashmiri struggle
not simply as a jihad between the Muslims of Kashmir and
the Indian state, but as a holy war between the Muslims of
world on the one hand and the Hindus as on entire
community, in league with other disbelieving enemies of
Islam, on the other.
From the 1990 onwards, the Kashmiri struggle underwent
through a dramatic change. It seeks to locate this struggle
for discursive hegemony within the broader socio-political
context to see how and why the Kashmiri nationalist
discourse is increasingly giving way to an Islamic one,
with the nationalist goal of a free Kashmir into Pakistan
and in favour of the Islamic agenda of incorporating
Kashmir into Pakistan and establishing an Islamic state,
their pride and part of a wider global project. JIJK thus
presents its Kashmir case for a jihad in Kashmir and thus
advocates its case for the accession of Kashmir with
Pakistan. The armed struggle launched by Jammu and
Kashmir Liberation Front( JKLF) for the independence of
Research J. Humanities and Social Sciences 2012; 3(4) 409-421
Kashmir found mass support among Kashmiri
Muslims, disillusioned with Indian rule and with the
subversion of democratic institutions in Kashmir. The
MUF initially hesitated in joining the armed struggle,
directing its four representatives within the state assembly,
including Syed Ali Shah Geelani, chief ideologue of
Jamaat-i-Islami, to retain their seats so as s to be able to air
the grievances of the people. However, the rising tide of
the JKLF-led struggle soon proved too much for the
MUF high command to ignore and in 1989 it instructed
its members in the assembly to resign and join the armed
struggle , Jamaat-i-Islami now decided to fully immerse
itself in the militant movement and in 1990 it set up its
own militant wing, the Hizbul Mujahedeen(HM). Given
the immense popularity of JKLF among the Kashmiri
Muslims and the mass support for its goal of an
independent, democratic and secular Kashmir, Jamaat-i-
Islami and Hizbul Mujahedeen had to struggle against
great odds in putting forward their agenda of making
Kashmir a part of Pakistan and establishing an Islamic
state. Despite the immense odds that the Jamaat-i-Islami
had to contend with, mobilised people through
publications, mass meetings, public rallies and the work of
the activists, to convince the Kashmiris that the solution
to the crises lay in the project that they were advocating , a
counter to both India and demands for independent
nationhood. In this manner, a shift was sought to be made
in the terms within which the liberation struggle was being
waged. Islam, not Kashmiriyat, and accession to Pakistan,
not an independent Kashmir, were now presented as
solution to the Kashmir question. The destruction of Babri
Masjid (1992), rapid rise of Hindutva forces and dangers
to Muslim lives, dignity and identity, further conceived the
argument of Jamaat-i-Islami that the struggle being waged
in Kashmir was one between Kufr (disbelief) and Islam.40
The HM and its parent political party, the Jamaat-i-Islami,
held the view that the Kashmiri identity had always an
Islamic stand. Through the prism of religion, history was
written anew, in which the 1931 anti-monarchy agitation
was rechristened as an Islamic movement by the Muslim
majority populace to free Kashmir from Dogras and to
make it a part of Islamic world. Sheikh Abdullah was
projected as a willing victim of the Hindu Congress’s
conspiracy and the National Conference, under the
influence of communists and Qadianis, had forced the
Kashmiri Muslims to accede to India. The central purpose
of recasting the discursive framework was to question,
discredit and displace the political agenda of Kashmiri
nationalists led by the JKLF and provide a religious
rationale for advocating Kashmir’s accession to Pakistan.
Thus, Jamaat-i-Islami focuses on placing the Kashmiri
struggle within an Islamist paradigm. One of the Chief
ideologue of Jamaat-i-Islami S.AS. Geelani believes that
the Muslim worldwide Ummat (unity) is one monolithic
ideological community, pontificated together on the basis
490
Dr Mohd Shafi Bhat
of aquida (common belief) and Iman (faith), which sees no
difference of colour, race, language, caste, tribe or family.
Territorial nationalism is the bane of Muslims. He insists
that nationalism is a poisonous philosophy which the
enemies of Islam have deliberately sought to infect
Muslims in order to divide and weaken them.41Islam
makes a clear distinction between Watan Dosti (love for
their country), which it allows, and territorial nationalism
or Watan Parasti (nation worship), which it clearly forbids.
Nation worship based on the principle of my nation, right
or wrong, leads to group prejudice, a quality of jahiliya, an
age of utter darkness. Geelani’s critique of territorial
nationalism is aimed at justifying Kashmir’s accession to
Pakistan on religious grounds.42
Jamaat-i-Islami sees Kashmiri Muslims through the
Islamic lens. The Muslim Qaum (nation) does not take into
account the state’s Islamic or linguistic minorities.
Kashmiris are considered as the elements of the Muslim
Ummat and this justifies Kashmir’s accession to Pakistan
as being in the Ummat’s interests. The highly emotive
terminology of jihad (holy war) was used for mobilizing
the cadre in the name of Islam. A Mujahid was described
as a conscious young man who believes in Islam and is
ready to sacrifice his life and property for Nizam-i-
Mustafa. The motivational literature mobilizing the cadre
used symbols and metaphors of Islam extensively. Jamaat-
i-Islami leaders used Islamic fables to mobilize the people.
In fact, the Islamist framework had successfully altered the
terms of the militant’s movement’s discourse in
establishing an alternative school of thoughts and a pre-
accession body. However, it was precisely due to strict
adherence to Islamic ideology that the Jamaat-i-Islami
found militant wing Hizbul Mujahedeen difficult to
expand its social base and lacked popular support in the
valley. Kashmiri people supported the HM in the fight
against India but its pure ideological polarization between
the JKLF’s goal of Kashmir banega Khudmukhtar
(Kashmir will be independent) and the Hizbul
Mujahedeen’s demand of Kashmir banega Pakistan
(Kashmir will become Pakistan) divided the militant ranks
sharply and intensified the fragmentation of the
movement.
JIJK and Pakistani Quest for Identity:
Jamaat-i-Islami, upholding the medieval thought structure
as its guiding star, stands for tolerance, non-violence,
mutual accommodation and good-will. However the
organization directly linked with the Jamaat-i-Islami of
Pakistan, consistently worked for realization of Pak-
objectives in Kashmir, both political and religious. With
Muslims as the predominant section of the populace, it
made inroads into the entire polity of Kashmir with a
design to realize secession of Kashmir from the Indian
Union by whipping up religious ferny for Jihad. The
Research J. Humanities and Social Sciences 2012; 3(4) 409-421
establishment of massive plethora of schools led to the last few years, JIJK is more concentrating in gaining its
creation of mass school teachers, falling into the trap of lost ground and have shifted their policy on Kashmir
Jamaatist programme. Highly motivated and viciously question by calling for political means to be explored to
biased, they brain-washed the growing mind-set of the solve the vexed Kashmir problem.
blooming buds at an early age. Jamaat-i-Islami cared more
for the Islamic identity of Kashmiris and less for the REFERENCES:
Kashmiri identity (Kashmiriyat).43 They showed more 1.
concern for Islamization of Kashmir and wanted to join
Pakistan for religious affinity. The main reason of
2.
Kashmiri separateness, from Indian Union, according to
Jamaat-i-Islami of Kashmir (JIJK) is that, “India has gone 3.
out of its way to protect and nourish the Kashmiri identity.
The alienation of Kashmiris is because of the treatment 4.
meted out of them by the Indian leadership since 1947.
5.
Kashmiris feel that the Indian behaviour has been
6.
atrocious in that it has chosen to ignore them 7.
completely.”44 8.
9.
CONCLUSION:
10.
Jamaat- i- Islami has been making a concerted effort to 11.
reorient the outlook of Muslims. From the historical point 12.
of view, it becomes clear that the origins of JIJK were
located in the growing urge in the early decades of the
twentieth century among the Kashmiri Muslims for 13.
14.
democratic freedom, socio- economic emancipation and
assertion of their identity. JIJK saw the salvation of people 15.
in Islamic system alone, an Islam cleansed of the trappings
of centuries of the local cults and superstitions associated 16.
with what was seen as un- Islamic, an activist and
17.
politically assertive expression of the religion that they
18.
could relate to in the rapidly changing circumstances of
the modern world. With its advocacy of a universalistic 19.
vision of Islam coupled with its enthusiasm for modern
education, JIJK promised a pristine Islam as well as a form
of religion that could cope with the demands of modernity 20.
and facilitate entry into modern structures. JIJK believes 21.
Islam as the best of all religions and real emancipator of
man. Islam presents to all mankind a social system of 22.
justice and piety based on creed and morality. In post-
1947 phase, JIJK mobilised people through its chain of 23.
schools, libraries, vast literature in every nook and corner 24.
of the state. Because of its stand on the political status of
Jammu and Kashmir, JIJK gained immense popularity in 25.
Kashmiri society, especially in the wake of political events
of 1953 and 1963 respectively. Disillusioned with Indian 26.
rule over Kashmir, JIJK began veering for the right of self-
27.
determination for Kashmiri’s. Immense popularity and
mass support for JIJK cannot be accounted for in terms of 28.
religious sentiment, for JIJK’s political stance on the
Kashmir issue has also been a major factor for its ready 29.
appeal in Kashmir. JIJK’s tie up with armed struggle in
30.
1989 has proved to be of great import for its future role in 31.
the state. The marginalisation of JKLF and emergence of 32.
pan- Islamist groups has paved a way for JIJK to play a
crucial and active role in the politics of the state. From the 33.
491
Dr Mohd Shafi Bhat
Ashiq Kashmiri, Tehreeki Islami Jammu Wa Kashmir: 1947 Se
1989 Tak, Srinagar: Markazi Maktaba Jamaati Islami Jammu
Wa Kashmir, Vol. II, 1991, pp. 35- 36
Shafi Shadai, Ek Tehreek, Ek Tehreek, Srinagar: Talau
Publications, 2010, Vol. I, pp. 11- 12
Qari Saif ud Din, Wadeye Purkhar, Srinagar: Markazi Maktaba
Jamaat- i- Islami Jammu Wa Kashmir, 1979, pp. 31- 32.
G.M.Wani, Kashmir Politics: Problems and Prospects, New
Delhi: Asish Publishing House, 1993, p. 114
Constitution of JIJK, Article 2
Ibid
Constitution of JIJK, Article 4
Ibid, Article 5
G.H.Shah, State Politics in India, New Delhi: Independent
Publishing House, 1989, p. 36
Constitution of JIJK, Article 6
Ibid
Ashiq Kashmiri, Tehreeki Islami Jammu Wa Kashmir: 1947 Se
1989 Tak, Srinagar: Markazi Maktaba Jamaati Islami Jammu
Wa Kashmir, Vol. II, 1991, p. 13
Ibid, pp. 14- 15
Y.R.Sharma, Political Dynamics of Jammu and Kashmir,
Jammu: Radha Krishnan Anand, 2000, Vol. I, pp. 157-158
Lakshman, Trouble in Paradise, Illustrated Weekly of India,
March 10, 1985, p. 9
S.A.S. Geelani, Nawai Hurriyat, Srinagar: Talau Publications,
1998, p. 10
Ibid, pp. 12- 14
Y.R.Sharma, Political Dynamics of Jammu and Kashmir,
Jammu: Radha Krishnan Anand, 2000, Vol. I, pp. 258-259
Aparna Rao (Edited), The Valley of Kashmir: The Making and
Unmaking of a Composite Culture, New Delhi: Manohar
Publishers, 2008, pp. 635- 636.
Narinder Singh, Political awakening in Kashmir, New Delhi:
H.K.Publications, 1992, pp. 81- 82
S.A.S.Geelani, Rudadi Qafas, Srinagar: Al Huda Publishing
House, 1993, Vol. I, P. 5
G.H.Shah, State Politics in India, New Delhi: Independent
Publishing House, 1989, pp. 38- 39
Narinder Singh, Political awakening in Kashmir, New Delhi:
H.K.Publications, 1992, pp. 78- 79
Maya Chadha, Ethnicity, Security and Separatism in India, New
Delhi:OUP, 1997, p. 61
G.M.Wani, Kashmir Politics: Problems and Prospects, New
Delhi: Asish Publishing House, 1993, p. 114
G.H.Khan, Freedom Movement in Kashmir, New Delhi: Light
and Life Publishers, 1980, p. 468
Majid Siraj, Towards Peace in Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh,
New Delhi: Manas Publications, 2001, p. 17
Qari Saif ud Din, Wadeye Purkhar, Srinagar: Markazi Maktaba
Jamaat- i- Islami Jammu Wa Kashmir, 1979, pp. 59- 62.
S.A.S.Geelani, Nawai Hurriyat, Srinagar: Alhuda Publishing
House, 1993, 9. 21
Al Quran, Chapter No. 21, Verse No. 92
Al Quran, Chapter No. 23, Verse No. 5
Verghese Koithara, Crafted Peace in Kashmir: Through a
Realist Lens, New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2004, pp. 57- 58
Al Quran, Chapter No. 22, Verse No. 78
Research J. Humanities and Social Sciences 2012; 3(4) 409-421 Dr Mohd Shafi Bhat

34. Narender Singh, Political Awakening in Kashmir, New Delhi:

H.K.Publications, 1992, pp. 86- 87
35. Y.R.Sharma, Political Dynamics of Jammu and Kashmir,
Jammu: Radha Krishnan Anand, 2000, Vol. I, pp. 155- 156
36. S.A.S.Geelani, Tehreek- i- Hurriyat: Jawanaani Millat Ke
Naam, Srinagar:Tehreek-i- Hurriyat Jammu and Kashmir, 2000,
pp. 189- 190
37. Y.R.Sharma, Political Dynamics of Jammu and Kashmir,
Jammu: Radha Krishnan Anand, 2000, Vol. I, pp.258- 259
38. Tavleen Singh, Kashmir: A Tragedy of Errors, New Delhi:
Viking Publishers, 1995, p. 113
39. Zafarul Islam Khan, Wounded Valley: Kashmir Valley Today,
New Delhi: News From India Publications, 1995, p. 45
40. Yoginder Sikand, Changing Course of Kashmiri Struggle: From
National Liberation to Islamist Jihad, EPW, January 20, 2001,
pp. 218- 220
41. S.A.S.Geelani, Hijrati Shahadat, Srinagar: Al Huda Publishing
House, 1993, Vol. I,pp.3- 4
42. S.A.S.Geelani, Rudad- i- Qafas, Srinagar: Al Huda Publishing
House, 1993, Vol.I, p.3
43. Aparna Rao (Edited), The Valley of Kashmir: The Making and
Unmaking of a Composite Culture, New Delhi: Manohar
Publishers, 2008, pp. 635- 636.
44. Ibid, pp. 637- 640

492