WHEN SPIRITUALISM ARRIVED IN SPAIN (1853-1888):

CONFRONTATION WITH THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE FIRST

INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS1

Annette Mülberger
Centre for History of Science (CEHIC)
Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona

1. THE WAVE UNFOLDING ACROSS THE HOMES OF SPAIN

1.2. The first ‘turning tables’ and messages from beyond
The news of knockings and turning tables which circulated through several
countries in Europe, also reached Spain2. In 1853, the newspapers reported these
surprising happenings in France, and many were immediately intrigued by this new
phenomenon. One particular physician observed that “the passion, the delirium of the
Parisians for turning hats and tables […] had increased. It is not permitted to doubt the
existence of this strange phenomenon, because the successful proofs are too numerous”
(Gutiérrez de la Vega, 1953, cited in González de Pablo, 2006, p. 69). The news of the
experiences with tables spread quickly, reaching homes, cafés, social clubs, discussion
groups, gentlemen’s clubs and even the Royal Family. We find testimonies to the first
successful performances: “The first experience […] was verified this afternoon. Five
persons […] formed [a circle seeming] an ‘electric’ chain around a very heavy
ornamented mahogany dressing table. For half an hour nothing happened”. Suddenly,
after one of the people in the circle was substituted: “Five minutes after the change, the
table started to shake and immediately turn at great speed, throwing one of the ladies out
of the circle” (Gutierrez de la Vega, 1853, cited in González de Pablo, 2006, p. 71).
Together with these turning tables, theories about communication with spirits also
arrived. One of the first groups to be formed centered on this phenomenon was the

1
This text deals with a current which is called in French “le spiritisme” and in Spanish “espiritismo”. It is
a translation (containing part of the pictures) of the third chapter of the book: Mülberger, A. (2016). Los
límites de la ciencia: Espiritismo, hipnotismo y el estudio de los fenómenos paranormales (1850-1930)
(Madrid: CSIC). For the English version I have used the expression “spiritualism”, following the general
trend of the secondary literature. As the names of the spiritualists journals and societies are very telling, I
tried to offer a translation.
2
For information on the expansion of spiritualism and occultism in Germany, see Sawicki (2002), Treitel
(1999) and Wolffram (2006); and on the arrival and spread of spiritualism in the United States, see Braude
(1989) and Kerr & Crow (1983), and in Great Britain, see Oppenheim (1985). For information on
parapsychology (metapsychics) in Spain, see Mülberger & Balltondre, 2012, 2013.

1
“Spiritualist Society” (Sociedad Espiritista) founded in Cadiz in 1855 (Méndez Bejarano,
1929).3 Two years later, the group published its first text, entitled “Light and truth in
spiritism: opusculum on the truthful exposition of the phenomenon, its causes and the
presence of spirits and their mission”. The terminology used in the text and the place the
text was published, which was Gibraltar, clearly point towards a British influence (Abend,
2004). According to Méndez Bejarano (1929), the group dissolved because, on the
request of the local priest, an Inquisitorial trail (leading to an auto-da-fé) was held and the
first edition of the book was burned.
Through the publication of Kardec’s works in the 1850s, spiritualism acquired a
better defined ideological orientation. The books of that French pedagogue soon reached
the ports of Barcelona and Valencia. From there they spread over the entire peninsula,
having a notable impact on Spanish society. Meanwhile, the ecclesiastical authorities
observed the clandestine importation of spiritualist literature with certain concern. They
reacted quickly, demanding a second Inquisitorial trial. The process was instigated by the
Barcelona priest Antoni Palau i Térmens (1806-1862) and executed in 1861, in Barcelona,
by the local political and military forces. In total, some 300 spiritualist publications4 were
burned in Ciudadela Park (Parque de la Ciudadela). The books had been confiscated from
a steam ship that had arrived from France called “El Monarca”. The captain, Ramón
Lagier Pomares (1821-1897), transported fugitives of the regime and forbidden literature
in the ship’s hold. Reports of this event claim that the act had a totally contrary effect to
that which was originally intended: citizens coming to see what was happening shouted
“Down with the Inquisition!” and then took away with them bits of paper that were left
over from the flames5 (Horta, 2001; 2004). Curiosity regarding forbidden knowledge led
to it having a certain attraction among many people and increased the demand for
spiritualist literature.
The French publisher and writer Maurice Lachâtre (1814-1900) played an
important role in this story of clandestine importation. He was known for being a
freethinker and for his radical political ideas. Between 1857 and 1871, he took refuge in
Barcelona where he sold spiritualist books (Horta, 2001; Monroe, 2003, 2008). In

3
The text by Viña Carrascoso (2006) mentions as the first spiritualist organizations a spiritualist circle of
intellectuals established on the island of La Palma (one of the Canary Islands), as well as a second group
located in San Fernando and which later moved to Cádiz. This latter group is probably the one mentioned
by Méndez Bejarano (1929).
4
Horta (2004), on page 313, presents the complete list of books destroyed.
5
I will deal with the conflict between spiritualism and Church in more detail in part 2 of this chapter.

2
addition, one of the pioneers of spiritualism in Spain, José Maria Fernández Colavida
(1819-1888), should be mentioned here. He had personal contact with Kardec, who
introduced him to the “Book of Spirits”. Together with Lagier Pomares and with the help
of translations, Fernández Colavida actively promoted spiritualism throughout the
country, founding institutions, journals and societies. The clandestine publishing house
Imprenta Espiritista in Barcelona was instrumental in this work. In 1869, one of the most
important spiritualist societies came into being: the Barcelona Society for the Promotion
of Spiritualism (Sociedad Barcelonesa Propagadora del Espiritismo).

Figures 1 and 2.
On the left (1), a picture of J. M. Fernández Colavida (also called the “Spanish Kardec”) displayed
on his grave in Montjuïc Cemetery (Barcelona). On the right (2), the upper part of his grave stone.
Because he was a spiritualist, his grave was originally situated outside the walls of the cemetery.
The text on the stone says: “Here lies the bodily cover of a honorable man who in his last earthly
life was José Maria Fernández-Colavida (1819-1888)” (photographs taken by A. Guembe with
the permission of the CVSA).

With the help of that Society and various publications, a network of spiritualist
societies was build up all over the country. Propagation relied mostly on personal contact
and group meetings. Moreover, Spanish Kardecism was heavily rooted in urban and
industrialized zones (particularly in places with a harbor, where the forbidden literature
could arrive more easily). Some of the most important societies were the spiritualist
societies of Seville, Madrid and Barcelona. The movement expanded rapidly, soon also

3
reaching more remote parts of the country. By around 1873, there were 57 spiritualist
groups located in different cities and towns, some of which even hosted more than one
society (this was the case of Seville, Barcelona and Cadiz, for example) (see Abend, 2004;
for a list of Spanish spiritualist associations, see Actas del Primer Congreso Internacional
Espiritista (Proceedings of the First International Spiritualist Congress6), 1888; for
Catalan groups, see Horta, 2004).
Meanwhile, towards the end of the 1860s, many books and journals appeared,
such as: “The Spiritualist Judgement” (El Criterio Espiritista, 1867) founded by Alverico
Perón (pseudonym of Enrique Pastor y Bedoya); “Spiritualism” (El Espiritismo), directed
by Francisco Martí Bonneval; and “The Spiritualist Journal” (La Revista Espiritista)
founded by Fernandez Colavida in 1868, together with many others7 (see García
Rodríguez, 2006). The pages of the spiritualist press testify to contact between Spanish
and foreign spiritualists (mostly French groups). For most of the spiritualist associations,
Kardec’s work was central and they usually showed concern for moral and social issues.
The publications also include biblical citations and many transcripts of messages from
illustrious dead, such as Socrates, François Fénelon (1651-1715) and Huges (F. R. de)
Lamennais (1782-1854).

6
From now on abbreviated as Actas.
7
See also the list of 21 Catalan journals from the period presented by Horta (2004, p. 140), and the other
Spanish works and journals cited by Méndez Bejarano (1929).

4
Figures 3 and 4.
Two title pages of spiritualist journals of the time. Top (3), La Razón Espiritista (Barcelona,
October 3, 1903, vol. 1, no. 1); bottom (4) Hacia la Igualdad y el Amor, January 1921, vol 1, no.
1 (Biblioteca Pavelló de la República).

1.2. Heterogeneous leaders: M. Sanz y Benito, A. Torres Solanot and A. Domingo

Apart from the shared general characteristics outlined above, the different groups
presented a considerable degree of divergences when it came to interpreting biblical and
Kardecian texts. Small groups were often dominated by the ideology of one active leader
(often the editor of the journal; see, for example, the group “La Cabaña” reported by
Vilaplana, 2006). As in other countries, and especially France, spiritualist activities led
to the emergence of new revelations via different prophets. Therefore, despite Kardec’s
authority, the spiritualist journals of the era reveal a curious mixture of different
approaches, without much control by a national or international Federation or overall
supervision.
In Spain, spiritualism encountered a receptive environment among the working
class. Some groups adopted an ideology which was a mixture between spiritualist,
anarchist, naturalist and feminist ideas (Horta, 2001). A leaning towards Freemasonry,
for example, led to the foundation of the Grande Oriente Espiritista in 1891 (Álvarez

5
Lázaro, 1985). There were also complex and ambiguous connections between
spiritualism, theosophy, hypnotism8, mesmerism, Krausism, occultism and Cabalism.
Despite these different trends and due to their prestige within the movement, some
personalities adopted a central role which needs to be considered for a historical appraisal
of the movement and its development. Here, by way of example, I mention three such
figures, each representing a different type of spiritualism: Sanz, the philosopher and
Krausist academic; Torres Solanot, a Kartecian spiritualist, organizer and aristocrat; and
Domingo, a female medium and charismatic writer with a humble social background and
who emphasized moral and emotional aspects of spiritualism.
The philosopher Manuel Sanz y Benito (1860-1911) represents an academic
version of spiritualism (called in Spanish “espiritismo de cátedra”). He held lectures in
Metaphysics and Logic at the universities of Barcelona, Valladolid, and Madrid. From
early on he became a very active promoter of spiritualism and liberalism. As a liberal, he
thought that atheists should be considered to be as honorable as Catholics; but this did
not represent a widely accepted idea at the time. Sanz published a considerable amount
of material (see the list of twenty-five publications in Viña Carrascoso, 2006). Between
1877 and 1889, he published several papers in the journal “El criterio espiritista”
(mentioned above), edited by the Spanish Spiritualist Society (Sociedad Espiritista
Español), an organization for which he acted as delegate at the First International
Congress. In 1890, he published his most important book entitled “Spiritualist Science”.
His work represents a line of philosophical thought based on a mixture of idealism (more
precisely Krausism) and spiritualism. It was inspired by the Manuel González Soriano’s
book entitled “Spiritualism is the philosophy” (El espiritismo es la filosofía).

Figure 5.
Part of the title page of a spiritualist journal edited in the industrial city of Sabadell (Source and
permission: Biblioteca Pavelló de la República)

8
For more on the history of hypnotism in Spain see chapter 6 of Mülberger (2016).

6
 To get to know Sanz’ point of view, I will indicate some of the key ideas he
exposed at the First International Spiritualist Congress in 1888. In order to make his
position understandable, he started with a comparison: in the same way that physical force
exists materially insofar as it represents a state of matter, so the spirit is a limited being,
circumscribed by matter while at the same time it constitutes the animating force of that
matter. Matter constitutes the means or vehicle for performing acts. For spiritualism, man
is not a composition of two elements of different natures, spirit or soul and body, but only
one thing: an embodied spirit. The body, seen from this perspective, is only a temporary
means by which our spirit can relate to the external world. Our being is always one,
individual and indivisible, and preexists the organism. This preexistence explains the
psychological differences between individuals. In fact, all beings have the same origin
and all are equal in their essence or nature. The differences that we perceive among them
are only of state, of degree, according to their progress through the eternal process of
improvement. Therefore, incarnation would be "a simultaneous act of the development of
the being" (Sanz in Actas, 1888, p. 162).
To explain the gradual spiritual transformation that takes place during this process,
Sanz uses the metaphor of a diamond: when a diamond is extracted from rock it does not
shine. Only with time, after polishing, does it start to shine. This does not mean, however,
that we should consider that its nature has changed. He continues: "In the same way, the
spirit, through its existences and the essential development of its activity, becomes
perfected, its nature is polished, reflecting more and more the light of truth that sparkles
in the universe, but always remaining the same, essentially identical" (Sanz in Actas,
1888, p. 164).
His liberal attitude and his Krausist-spiritualist ideas were much contested at the
time. Thus, when years later, in 1893, Sanz was awarded the chair in metaphysics at the
University in Barcelona, a conservative (Catholic) sector of students was furious and
protested against his nomination. Fights broke out with a group of students who supported
Sanz. The events made a considerable impact in the local press in Barcelona (Viña
Carrascoso, 2006). When the student protests went on after Sanz had started lecturing, he
decided to resign and moved to the University of Valladolid, where he was able to pursue
his academic career without disturbance for the following fifteen years.

7
 The second person whose importance for effectively propagating Spiritualism in
Spain who I wish to consider is Viscount Antonio de Torres Solanot y Casas (1840-1902).
Torres Solanot was appreciated by his contemporaries for his highly cultured nature and
his excellent organizational skills. He was trained in law, but after finishing his studies,
he started travelling and working as a journalist. In 1871, he became acquainted with the
Society for Spiritualist Progress (Sociedad Progreso Espiritista) located in Zaragoza. It
was with this group that he initiated his formal studies of spiritualist doctrine (Viñas
Carrascoso, 2006). He directed the Spanish Spiritualist Society (Sociedad Espiritista
Española) in Madrid and published several spiritualist journals: in Zaragoza, “Spiritualist
Progress” (Progreso Espiritista); in Huesca, “The Iris of peace” (El Iris de Paz); in
Barcelona, the “Journal of Psychological Studies” (Revista de Estudios Psicológicos);
and above all, the already cited journal “The Spiritualist Judgement” (El criterio
espirista) in Madrid (Méndez Bejarano, 1929).
Along with other defenders and promoters of spiritualism, he tried to bring the
many spiritualist associations around Spain into contact with each other. For this reason,
a “General Center of Spiritualism” (Centro General del Espiritismo) was created in
Spain, of which he was vice president. Due to his prestige and his efforts in coordinating
the different spiritualist groups, he was named president of the First International
Spiritualist Congress in Barcelona (more on the Congress can be found in part 3 of this
chapter). In addition to his organizing tasks, Torres Solanot put much effort into
promoting spiritualism by summarizing the basic principles of the Kardecian doctrine in
a didactic way. Those principles consist mainly of a belief in: "God, the immortal
existence of the soul, the constant evolution of spirit and matter, the plurality of inhabited
worlds, the reincarnation of the spirit, sorrow and its prospective reward, universal
solidarity and love, work, charity and science as a way to God" (Torres Solanot in Actas,
1888, p. 180).
The third key figure in the history of Spanish spiritualism I will mention is Amalia
Domingo Soler (1835-1909). Originally a seamstress, she later became a fervent
spiritualist medium and prolific writer. Domingo was originally from Seville and had
spent much of her life in economic precariousness, beset by serious health problems. With
no inheritance to live from, no husband (she decided not to marry) and weak sight which
prevented her from continuing to practice needlework, she continually suffered due to a
lack of the basic means of subsistence. Finally, she found solace and support in
spiritualism, becoming one of its most charismatic leaders (Ramos, 2005).

8
 In her autobiography, Domingo explains that she was attracted to spiritualism
because of its ethical implications. Thus, she stated that from the beginning: "I believed
in the truth of spiritualism more than in its phenomena; [I appreciated spiritualism] for
the moralizing influence it exerts on the human character, customs and passions"
(Domingo, 2002, pp. 60-61). Right from the start, this attitude would frame her focus and
interest. For her, the empirical phenomena produced in the seances only mattered to the
extent that they enabled spiritualist communication. She was not in favor of public
exhibitions to win over supporters or to convince unbelieving scientists.

Figure 6.
Image of Amalia Domingo Soler

After her first contact with the movement through Torres Solanot, Domingo
arrived in Gracia9 in 1876, where she was welcomed by Lluís Llach. She at once began a
very fruitful collaboration with Llach, who at that time was the president of the “Good
News Spiritualist Circle” (Círculo Espiritista la Buena Nueva). In 1879, Domingo took
up the editorship of her own spiritualist magazine called “The light of the future” (La Luz
del Porvenir), written by women and directed exclusively at women10 (Correa, 2002).
The journal reported numerous messages from spirits, published reflections on moral
issues and made public announcements asking for alms for the poor or people affected by
some misfortune, as in the case of a major fire that broke out at a factory or due to the

9
At that time, this present-day district of the city of Barcelona was still an independent nearby town.
10
Due to censorship, the publication of the journal was prohibited after the first issue appeared. Therefore,
it appeared for some time under a different heading “The Echo of Truth” (El eco de la verdad) until it
reappeared in December of the same year (see number 40 of 1882 where this is explained).

9
consequences of a terrible earthquake which had struck Andalusia. Most of the writing in
the journal was signed by Amalia Domingo Soler and her friend Cándida Sanz de
Castellví, and they consisted mainly of poetry, short narratives, and essays.
During her life, Amalia Domingo devoted herself to spreading spiritualism
throughout Spain and the Latin American countries. Her publications include the
following books: “Spiritualism refuting the errors of Roman Catholicism” (El espiritismo
refutando los errores del catolicismo romano, 1880), “Remembrance of Father Germán”
(Memorias del Padre Germán, 1900), “Branches of Violets” (Ramos de Violetas, 1903)
and “I forgive you! Memoirs of a spirit” (¡Te perdono! Memorias de un espíritu, 1904).
Despite her weak health, Domingo was extremely active, arguing and fighting for the
dignity of women, for a new way to educate children, and for improved conditions for
workers. In order to gain influence in all these areas, she participated with a Masonic
organization called “Humanity” (La Humanidad) in the creation of the Mutual Relief
Association and in freethinker’s meetings. One of these meetings was organized by
Bertolomé Gabarró through the Catalan Confederation of Secular Education
(Confederación Catalana de Enseñanza Laica) with the aim of establishing a spiritualist
school. In addition, in 1889, together with Teresa Claramunt (an anarcho-syndicalist from
Sabadell) and Ángeles López de Ayala (a member of a Masonic Lodge), she founded the
“Barcelona Women’s Autonomous Society” (la Sociedad Autónoma de Mujeres de
Barcelona, see Correa, 2002, Álvarez Lázaro, 1985, Horta, 2001; information concerning
her life can also be found in her autobiography: Domingo, 1891).
Amalia Domingo preached an ethical spiritualism. Under the spiritualist motto
"Towards God, through charity and science" (Domingo, 1900, p. 30), she emphasized the
need for personal effort in order to face life’s trials and tribulations with dignity and
confidence; to gain strength for a life dedicated to consoling sad and abandoned souls.
Her method of giving hope and love to others consisted principally in supporting the sick
in hospitals and the poor in the streets. She wrote stories about tragic human destinies,
about souls that could only find happiness through spiritualist encounters (through
reincarnation and communication with the afterlife). With her stories she illustrated how
the actions we perform during life are not in vain, but connect different lives and have an
impact on subsequent existences. She wrote in a romantic and poetic style, developing a
spiritualism based on human love and fraternity. A contemporary of hers, the writer and
politician Mario Méndez Bejarano (1857-1931), appreciated her excellent diction and

10
rightly emphasized the "deeply sympathetic" tone of her writings (Méndez Bejarano,
1929, p. 532).

1.3. The spiritualist network expands

The previous notes on just three key figures are far from a comprehensive
summary of all the important promoters of the movement in Spain. Among others, I could
easily have added: Joaquín Bassols, Humbert Torres, Averico Perón, Fabian Palasí,
Quintín López, Víctor Melcior and Anastasio García López (for information on these and
other figures, see, for example: Abend, 2004; Horta, 2001, 2004; Méndez Bejarano, 1929;
Mülberger, 2016; Viña Carrascoso, 2006). A more complete history of Spanish
spiritualism should, of course, include all these figures, but it is not my aim here to
provide such work. For now, it is enough to mention some representative charismatic
leaders and move on to explore in more depth the social dimensions of spiritualism as
movement. As such, it established a framework for civic association and was a place used
by a considerable number of citizens for philosophical reflection.

Figure 7.
Photograph of a group of Spanish spiritualists. We see the medium (woman in the middle)
surrounded by members of the executive committee of a society called the Charity and Liberty
Center (Centro Caridad y Libertad). As the name indicated, the group was involved in the
humanitarian charity activity (see the journal Hacia la Igualdad y el Amor, vol. 33, p. 12).

11
Spiritualism reached all social classes. In contrast to Sharp’s (2006) observations with
regard to the French context, in Spain spiritualism was not only “a popular urban
religion”, but it also reached small towns and villages in the countryside. We have
information about spiritualist associations in various places of this kind. In Catalonia, for
example, spiritualist societies were not only created in Barcelona, but also in Lleida,
Tarragona, Sabadell, Terrassa and Girona. In Girona, the presence of spiritualists was
documented since 1882 and the society founded a journal called “The Solution” (La
Solución). Through promotional acts, the members of the society aimed to recruit for
more followers from other nearby towns and villages such as Blanes, Figueras, Fortià,
Palafrugell and Palamós. Even some small villages such as Pals had their own spiritualist
group. From an anthropological point of view, it is of interest to take a look at the rules
and regulations which show how these groups were organized. The group at Pas, for
example, which had been promoted by a pharmacist, held regular ordinary meetings for
study on Saturday afternoons. The aim was to study phenomena related to spirit
manifestations and how they applied to different sciences (physics, history, morals and
psychological disciplines). It was totally forbidden to express any polemical political
views, as well as to address religious or socioeconomic topics directly (Clara, 1988).
The journals edited by the different spiritualist societies show some similarities,
but also some striking differences. Sometimes, tensions and rivalries are even evident
between the various societies. In the journals, announcements are made and reports are
published concerning humanitarian charity activities. One such action was a lunch offered
to 200 needy poor people; another, the “first festival to dress up the naked” (Primer
Festival de vestir al desnudo), which was described as an emotionally intense event at
which 150 children received clothing (see figure 8, Hacia la Igualdad y el Amor, March
1921, vol. I, no. 8).

12
Figure 8.
A group of poor children who received clothing from charitable donations organized by the
spiritualist group (see figure 7) (source: Hacia la Igualdad y el Amor, vol. 33, p. 12).

The spiritualist journals report these humanitarian and fund-raising acts, but they
also contain writing on topics such as egoism, love, and meditation. In between the essays,
we often also find romantic poems and biblical texts about Jesus’s life. It is interesting,
for example, how the report of an event consisting of offering free meals to the needy
insisted on the fact that the act was characterized by “nobleness and simplicity”. The
people who cooperated were described as pleasant, attentive, devoted, and keen to
participate in the work they were doing, in sharp contrast to the, then very common,
“pseudo-charity” acts of high-society ladies.
Towards the end of the 19th century and during the first decades of the 20th,
Kardecian spiritualism had successfully entered Spanish society. It constituted a
productive way to generate knowledge and social activity which was attractive to many
because it offered a certain degree of liberty. Many citizens approaching spiritualism
came from the working class and the most humble social groups; but not all of them. We
also find highly qualified professionals (such as physicians, lawyers, company directors
and academics), as well as some aristocrats. What united them was open-mindedness
towards new practices and an interest in freethinking and modernity. The fact that Kardec
had adopted and incorporated Christian morality into his version of spiritualism, helped
it to spread throughout Spain. The words used by Monroe to describe the amalgam
between Catholicism and spiritualism in French society would, therefore, also be

13
appropriate for the Spanish case. He stated: “Catholicism had given the grammar, to
which many followers added the vocabulary of spiritualism” (Monroe, 2008, p. 142).
However, such a merge was far from smooth or easy. It led to serious confrontations
between spiritualists and representatives of the Church.

2. THE VOICE OF THE SPIRIT IS SATAN! CONFLICT WITH THE ROMAN

CATHOLIC CHURCH

2.1. Spiritualism and Catholicism

The anthropologist Horta (2001) pointed out that it has often been heterodox
thinking that has oriented the historical development of the Western world, forming one
of the most creative dynamics in our society. Nevertheless, the emergence of religious
and ideological “heterodox” groups has mostly been problematic. The reaction by some
members of the Catholic Church to spiritualism was quite immediate and severe. Sharp
(1999) noted that when “dancing tables” (as he refers to what I have been calling “turning
tables”) appeared in France, the Catholic Church at first remained silent. However, the
very moment the tables started to “talk”, i.e., when the movements or knockings were
interpreted as messages arriving from the spiritual world beyond the grave, the Church
started to take a more vociferous interest and condemn such activity. In November 1853
(six months after the beginning of this phenomenon), the bishop de Viviers (Monseñor
Guibert) circulated an open letter among clergy warning of the dangerous new practice
(Sharp, 1999).
In Spain, Catholicism had dominated as the official faith for centuries and many
wars had been fought with the aim of exterminating religious dissidence. Therefore, only
one year after Viviers’ letter of protest, a similar letter was prepared by the Archbishop
of Toledo (García Rodríguez, 2006). After such warnings from ecclesiastic authorities, it
would not be long before open confrontation would take root. Nevertheless, Kardec
himself put much effort into avoiding conflict, presenting his spiritualism as a kind of
philosophy, compatible with other religious faiths (for more information on Kardec’s
work and influence see Mülberger, 2016). Along very different lines, some of his French
followers displayed a clear anti-ecclesiastical attitude (Sharp, 1999). According to Abend
(2004), Kardecians in Spain followed the cautious strategy of the French leader more
strictly. In general, they avoided rupture with Catholicism, insisting on the Christian basis
and the reformatory aspiration of the spiritualist credo. Despite this, we do find some

14
spiritualist with outspoken anti-Catholic positions, such as José María Fernández
Colavida. Moreover, throughout the second half of the 19th century there was a growing
anti-Catholic feeling among the population, which, for example, led to the destruction of
altars and churches during the so-called Tragic Week of 1909.

2.2. Inquisition and political opportunities

A violent anti-ecclesiastical attitude was partly brought about as a reaction to the
previous fierce attacks the Church had made on spiritualism. This was done in a similar
way the latter had fought against any “heterodox” practice in the past (such as Muslims,
Jews, Protestants, occultists, etc.). As explained above, “The Spiritualist Society of
Cadiz” (founded in 1855) had immediately been dissolved (after, on publication of the
first edition of their book, an Inquisitorial trial was held). The second such act took place
in 1861 in Barcelona when Kardec’s books arrived. In 1867, a third one took place with
the burning of the work of Joaquín Huelves Temprado entitled “Notions of Spiritualism”
(Noción del espiritismo, see Méndez Bejarano, 1929). It is interesting that through these
actions, the Church in Spain was advancing the official denouncement of spiritualism by
the Holy See. Although in 1856, Pope Pius IX had asked the Roman Universal Inquisition
to take severe measures to combat spiritualism, it would take until 1864 for spiritualist
texts to be included in the Index Expurgatorum (ex regulo IX indicis, see Monroe, 2008;
Sharp, 1999). Moreover, only after several decades of confrontation between spiritualism
and Catholicism, in 1898, did Pope Leon XIII finally proscribe spiritualist practice and
threaten to excommunicate any person who participated in a seance.
The Inquisitorial auto-da-fé in Barcelona produced protests and indignation
among the population. Such a reaction was clear evidence of growing dissatisfaction
among the population with the authoritarian policy of the governmental and clerical
institutions. Seven years later, in 1868, this trend would take the form of the “Glorious
Revolution” (la gloriosa), which was followed by a short period of democracy in Spain
(known as “el sexenio democrático”, which ran from 1868 to 1874). The progressive and
liberal demands for universal suffrage and religious freedom were an essential element
of the social reform the different groups pursued. With this political change, a golden age
began for spiritualism. After the “Glorious Revolution”, religious freedom was officially
acknowledged in the constitution of Queen Isabella II. It included, although only to a

15
certain limited extent, the possibility to practice faiths other than Catholicism both
privately and publicly.11
Despite the new situation of relative permissiveness, it was certainly not a time of
full-scale liberty and tolerance in Spain. Even after the third Carlist War (1872-1876), the
presbyter Felix Sardà i Salvany (1841-1916) continued to declare spiritualist practice to
be “a very severe mortal sin” (Sardà, 1873, p. 32). Nevertheless, such sermons did not
stop the expansion of the movement. Precisely between 1868 and 1874, there was very
intense proliferation of spiritualist activities, as evidenced by the foundation of local
societies and the publication of numerous journals (see Méndez Bejarano, 1929). As
Méndez Bejarano (1929) states, “the fever was increasing each moment, the centers, the
books and the journals were multiplying, and the wave was even lapping up against
official spheres” (p. 519). With the metaphor of the “lapping up against official spheres”
he was referring to a specific political episode, which I believe is worthwhile to take the
time to explain in more detail.
Although in 1869 we encounter declarations such as that published in the journal
“The Judgment” (El Criterio), in which spiritualists declared themselves not to have any
political aspirations (Abend, 2004), four years later they attempted to influence the
country’s education policy. During the short period of the (First) Spanish Republic (1873-
1874), spiritualists tried to institutionalize their activities and teaching programs. On
August 26, 1873, five spiritualist members of Congress, led by José Navarrete, presented
to the Constituent Assembly a proposition in which they demanded the inclusion of
“rational belief” (which was another way of referring to spiritualism) to be included as a
subject in the official secondary school curriculum (Méndez Bejarano, 1929, pp. 519-
520; Roca, 1986). Nevertheless, before the new law could be put into practice, on January
3rd, 1874, a state coup overthrew the young Republic. With the restoration of the Bourbon
Monarchy, spiritualism was once again moved backstage. Spiritualists continued their
activities secretly, while the most visible defenders of spiritualism were sent to jail, had
to pay fines or went into exile. One of the victims was the former seminarist from Seville,

11
Article 21 stated: “The nation is obliged to maintain the faith and ministers of the Catholic religion. The
private or public practice of any other faith is guaranteed to foreigners living in Spain, only limited by the
universal rules of morality and rights. Should any Spanish citizens profess a religion other than the
aforementioned Catholicism, the same applies to them.” The wording of the law indicates that is was a very
hotly debated issue. See the original document at http://www.juspax-
es.org/uploads/documentos/5c2340ef34465140c4ead2ed8ca96144.pdf

16
Julio Fernández Mateos (1852-1920), who between 1881 and 1886 edited the spiritualist
journal “The Lighthouse” (El Faro, see Méndez Bejarano, 1929).

2.3. Demarcations and accusations: the confrontation between Vicente Manterola and
Amalia Domingo

During the Bourbon Restoration, some public debates took place between
spiritualists and Church authorities. One of the confrontations took place between Torres
Solanot and the Augustinian friar Conrado Muiños (Méndez Bejarano, 1929). Here,
however, I will deal by briefly laying out the main arguments appearing in another debate:
that between Amalia Domingo and the canon Vicente Manterola Pérez (1833-1891), a
conservative (Carlist) and dogmatic figure12.
Manterola was an ex-councilor in the Guipuzkoan provincial government, feared
for his powerful oratory skills and a staunch defender of the Catholic Spanish state13. In
1878, he started a campaign against spiritualism from the pulpit of the churches of Santa
Ana and Santa Monica in Barcelona (Vázquez, 2004). Domingo responded via a series of
articles. In this way, she started a bitter dispute that lasted into the next decade (Vilaplana,
2006). To argue as a Catholic against spiritualism was no mean feat, due to the number
of things the two doctrines had in common. The representatives of the Catholic Church
could not reject the idea of a spiritual life after death or the existence of the paranormal,
since Christian belief is based on the Bible, which postulates the existence of "miracles".
Nevertheless, for the Catholic Church, the signs of divine intervention must be identified,
judged and interpreted exclusively by ecclesiastical authorities, not by individual
believers themselves. Thus, the argument against spiritualist seances was based on
questioning the authorship of the phenomena, not on the possibility of their happening.
Adopting an argument that was widely used at that time (Abend, 2004), Manterola
noted that the author of messages from beyond the grave was the Devil, Satan, who was
trying to introduce dangerous ideas into the minds of unsuspecting people (Manterola,
1879). The response of the spiritualists to this accusation was to state that if a demon

12
For a more extensive report on the arguments exchanged in the discussions between A. Domingo and V.
Manterola, see Vilaplana (2006) and the digital book by César Bogo entitled “Amalia Domingo Soler: la
gran señora del espiritismo”: http://www.luzespiritual.org/Libro/La_gran_senora_espiritismo.pdf.
13
In his sermons he argued against modernism, German idealist philosophy (Krausism) and Marxism.
According to Estornés, there is a statue in the “Buen Pastor” gardens in Donostia (San Sebastián), which
became a meeting point after the Civil War where Carlists and Francoists paid tribute to him (see
http://www.euskomedia.org/aunamendi/91759).

17
existed, then it would have to have been created by God. However, it did not seem very
logical to them that an almighty God, characterized by his boundless kindness, would
create such an entity to the detriment of his children (see Kardec’s argument, 1857, p.
103).
Nevertheless, the canon cunningly went on warning of the moral dangers of
spiritualism, which, according to him, would invite people to commit suicide:
The day I was a spiritualist, and I assure you, it would not be for more than
one day, that very day I would cease to exist: why should the death penalty
matter to me? Why [should I] worry about how I would be judged by [other]
men, if those men remained here on this globe while my spirit flew through
unknown regions with the absolute certainty that the law of progress would
inevitably be fulfilled? (Manterola, 1879, p. 58)

In response, Domingo reminded him that, according to the spiritualists, it is necessary for
the spirit first to progress and to fulfill the test to which God subjects humans through
their life on earth.
On another occasion, Manterola attacked spiritualists by arguing that, in the same
way that a person can decay morally throughout life (especially if he or she decides to
join the spiritualist milieu), the theoretical possibility of a setback in spiritual evolution
also needs to be taken into account. Thus, the cleric created a new threat by saying that,
according to spiritualist logic, a spirit would also be able to reincarnate in the next life as
a lower being, becoming an animal (Manterola, 1879). This argument was undoubtedly
aimed at arousing unpleasant expectations and aversion against spiritualist theory among
people who were not so well informed on spiritualist doctrine. At the same time, such a
remark implies a rejection of (or more probably Manterola’s deliberately ignoring of) the
"law of progress" used by spiritualists to explain the dynamics of reincarnation. In
accordance with evolutionary thinking, the law states that there is continuous historical
progress, excluding the possibility of regression. Manterola's argument clearly exposes
the key role punishment played in the rhetoric of the apostolic Roman Christian theology
of the time.
The confrontation between spiritualists and Catholic theologians also involved a
discussion on contradictory interpretations of fragments of the Bible. In one of the
debates, for example, an attempt was made to determine when and why Catholicism
began to state that Jesus Christ is God’s son and, therefore, a superior being. The
spiritualists maintained that this distinction is not in accordance with even administration

18
by a just God, but was added later to the Bible. Manterola, in contrast, maintained that
this dogma was established at the moment of Christ’s death (Vilaplana, 2006).
These arguments are just a few examples of the theoretical resources that the
canon brought to bear against spiritualism. In his discourse, he tried to confuse and to
equate spiritualism with other "erroneous or threatening" beliefs that were circulating at
the time, such as pantheism, materialism and Protestantism. Amalia Domingo returned
the accusations. Thus, with regard to pantheism, she stated:
This can well be applied to Catholics, Mister de Manterola; because they,
after worshiping the entire Holy Family, as you well know, have raised up
altars to millions and millions of saints, to whom they render reverent
worship. [...]. Spiritualists, on the other hand, do not worship any other than
GOD (Domingo, 1880, p. 203, highlighted in the original).

2.4. The consequences of the debate: spiritualism as a “rational faith” going back to the
origins of Christianity

In fact, the reaction on the part of Church members is not surprising, if we take
into account the criticisms contained in Kardec’s writings. Spiritualists tried to show that
the Catholic Church had distorted the original teachings contained in the Holy Scriptures.
To achieve this, they cited as an example the prohibition (according to the Law of Moses)
of the cult of images; a law that Catholics did not comply with. Amalia Domingo went
further with her attack stating: "What is immutable does not admit appendices or additions
or supplements. If the Catholic dogma is the work of God, how can men dare to reform
it?" (Domingo, 1880, p. 123). Obviously, not just any man can reform it, and this is
precisely what she and her fellow spiritualists criticized in what they saw as the Church’s
inconsistencies. Representing a powerful and hierarchical institution, the Roman Catholic
Church exclusively allowed their own theologians to act as intermediaries between the
believer and the divine. In spiritualism, in contrast, no intermediary was needed14. If one
wished for help in spiritualist seances, support was expected from a guiding spirit or a
medium. In her writing, Domingo made repeated appeals to believers to establish direct
contact with God in intimacy. Such an approach would obviously do away with the main
function of the Catholic Church as the institution that manages, exclusively, the affairs of
human faith.

14
In this respect, they are similar to Protestants; with regard to the spread of Protestantism in Spain, see
Vilar (1994).

19
 In the writing of Amalia Domingo, we can also recognize a further very common
criticism of another “incongruence” in the Church’s actions or attitudes. On the one hand,
its representatives preach charity and humility, while, on the other hand, they accumulate
and defend their riches. At this point, it was important for Domingo to emphasize a huge
difference: the mediums taking part in spiritualist seances (unlike what happened in
popular exhibitions or shows) did not ask for money for establishing communication with
the spirits; while, in contrast, the Church makes regular economic demands for
contributions with various pretexts. Domingo reproached the Church, in addition, for the
cruelty of its past actions. Instead of forgiving, as Jesus did, the Church had condemned
and tortured thousands of people. Excitedly she exclaimed: "Remember that in the fires
of your Inquisition you have burned many human beings for the only crime of being
wise!" (Domingo, 1880, p. 167).
Finally, despite such criticisms, which spiritualism shared with other creeds such
as Protestantism, Domingo added that it is not her intention to eradicate the Catholic
Church. What she fought against was the aspiration of Catholicism to be the official and
the only religion, an imposition that, according to her, "has turned many into atheists"
(Domingo, 1880, p. 167). With such statements she presented spiritualism as an
alternative religion and a kind of reformed Christianity. Spiritualists, generally, did not
have temples or ecclesiastical hierarchy or established rites. They tended towards a
democratization or individualization of the faith, as well as a deinstitutionalization of
religion; a trend they considered consistent with modern times.
On the whole, it is clear that Amalia Domingo was not intimidated by the anti-
spiritualist sermons coming from the most conservative wing of the Catholic Church of
her time. On the contrary, it seems that the public confrontation helped her and other
spiritualists to capture public attention and explain in more detail their approach and the
differences between Catholicism and spiritualism.
Once her open debate with Manterola was settled, Domingo introduced the figure
of a Catholic priest into her writing. It was the voice of (or messages from) a dead Catholic
priest called “Father German” (Padre Germán), who had converted to spiritualism. In
1883, his spirit dictated his memories to a "talking" medium at the Barcelona Spiritualist
Center, La Buena Nueva. To preserve the valuable transmissions, Amalia Domingo took
notes in the seances and published the messages afterwards (Domingo, 1900). Through
these texts the superiority of spiritualist practice was outlined, and the appropriation of
Christian ethics was further developed. Based on “rational faith”, the texts insisted that

20
spiritualism represented an original and more humanist Christianity. At the same time,
criticisms were again raised against the Catholic Church as an institution.
The objective of the priest's communications from beyond the grave was to
unmask "the hypocrisies and the false religion of the Roman Church" (Domingo, 1900,
p. 4). Father Germán explained the secrets of the priest's confessions, to expose the
intimate and the moral hardships suffered by those who tried to follow the (absurd) rites
and the rules imposed by the Catholic Church. One of these norms was celibacy and the
vows of chastity for priests, considered unnatural by critics (not only spiritualists). Thus,
Father Germán felt some sympathy and understood the value of the Lutheran
Reformation. He declared the smallness of the church of men and the greatness of the
universal temple of God and exclaimed excitedly: "Priests without families are dry trees!
And God does not want the sterility of sacrifice; God wants nothing but progress and
universal love!" (Domingo, 1900, p. 15). This was precisely what spiritualists professed.
The example shows that mediumship offered spiritualists the possibility of giving
voice to members of the clergy, formulating criticism "from within". This was a common
strategy among spiritualists. Previously, in France, the spirits of theological authorities
such as Saint Augustine, or the apostle Saint Paul had appeared in seances, confirming
spiritualist ideas (Monroe, 2008). Such a method could be effective in seeking followers,
but, at the same time, unleashed the Church’s anger.
In general, the conflict between spiritualists and some representatives of the
Catholic Church forced the former to adopt the role attributed to them by the Church: that
of representing an alternative "rational faith", understood as libertarian religion. Faced
with Inquisitorial attacks, spiritualists sought support in other groups, which also suffered
marginalization and oppression from the powerful ecclesiastical institution. Such a trend
encouraged collaboration between spiritualists, Freemasons, anarchists and theosophists.
The writings of Amalia Domingo in defense of spiritualism, among which we also find
some poems15, show that, nevertheless, she felt strong and supported by her fellow
spiritualists and freethinkers. All of them expressed their impatience with the paternalism
and the moral and the psychological tutelage exercised by the Church in Spain,
demanding tolerance and respect for a Christian way of life, without threats and
punishment.

15
For an example of Domingo’s political poems see Mülberger, 2016, pp. 297-299.

21
2.5. The clash of spiritualists with the Church: a Spanish problem?
The conflict between Church and spiritualism did not only occur in Spain. Even
in a country with a more plural and tolerant tradition such as the United States, where
spiritualism had no clearly defined doctrine, confrontation took place. In the period
between 1850 and 1880 spiritualists were attacked and criticized by various American
religious groups, such as Swedenborg's followers, Protestants and Catholics. Spiritualism
also competed with Seventh Day Adventists and the General Church of the New
Jerusalem (Moore, 1977); groups which generally included in their sessions Christian
figures, interpretations of biblical quotations, and prayers.
Also, in Great Britain, some clerics employed the argument of Satan being the
author of spiritualist communications, as we can read in pamphlets published in the 1870s
(Oppenheim, 1985). Nevertheless, there was no official position. This left room for
different opinions and approaches. While some authorities within the Anglican Church,
such as the Archbishop of Canterbury, denounced all spiritualist activity, other priests,
such as the Reverend William Williamson Newbould, showed interest in the movement.
Interestingly, his sympathy for spiritualism was not viewed as conflicting with his
ecclesiastical position. Charles Maurice Davies is another example of an Anglican
clergyman who was convinced that spiritualism was compatible with Christianity.
The minister who most successfully represented this combination was Stainton
Moses, who wrote the most important text within British spiritualism: a collection of texts
grouped under the title “Spirit Teachings” (1883). In some of his writings (published
under a pseudonym), he denounced religious intolerance and called for a more
personalized religion; a religion that would provide, at last, the much-desired proof of
human immortality. Thus, empirical experience of the "miracles" of communication with
the spirits would "logically" lead to Christian faith. In this way, the cleric saw in the
phenomena of spiritualism the incentive needed to strengthen the Anglican Church.
According to him, the observation offered in seances could provide the sense of spiritual
immediacy believers needed to feel Christian faith (Oppenheim, 1985).
In France, the situation was just as conflictive as in Spain, although the
argumentative strategy of the founder of spiritualism did not coincide with that adopted
by Amalia Domingo. While I have already summarized her passionate and vehement
exchange of arguments and accusations, Kardec, in contrast, had avoided entering into a
defense by counterattacking, inevitably ending in a discussion of different interpretations
of tiny biblical fragments. According to Monroe (2008), Kardec adopted the "strategy of

22
silence and imprecision" in his answers, because he believed that any effort to clarify the
matter would have seemed heretical in the eyes of his opponents. He limited himself to
emphasizing that spiritualism aims at moral perfection, in order not to become trapped in
debate over theological questions. He appeared secure and calm: according to his law,
progress would be inevitable and, therefore, time would "purify" all controversial
religious faiths and dogmas.
A characteristic of the situation in Spain was that many ecclesiastics took for
granted a lack of knowledge and culture of the faithful. The high rate of illiteracy meant
that a large part of the population was considered ignorant and superstitious and,
therefore, easily seduced by new doctrines and promises. Therefore, following its policy
of tutelage, the Catholic Church demanded help from the state in the maintenance of
ecclesiastical precepts and commandments. At the same time, it prohibited the
manifestation of other faiths; but the Carlist wars fostered a growing demand, even among
Catholics, for religious tolerance. Religion was seen by an increasing proportion of
citizens as a private and personal affair. The population demanded freedom of thought
and press. Some more radical voices even demanded the suppression of religious orders
in an attempt to limit and marginalize the Church’s influence, which at that time still had
enormous power in the field of education and was ubiquitous throughout Spanish society
(Laboa, 1982).
In the beginning, as explained above, Kardec’s spiritualism was not presented as
an alternative religion to Catholicism, but rather as a philosophical (secular) movement,
whose Christian morality was compatible with Catholic worship. However, the pressure
exerted by a conservative sector within the Catholic Church forced spiritualist
associations to take on a social function as an alternative religion. At that time, the
fundamentalist wing of the Church developed a strong anti-liberalist stance16. For
example, Sardà’s sermons warned that "man cannot talk about what he wants. He cannot
even think as he wishes, because Catholicism legislates his words and thoughts” (Sardà,
1904, pp. 28-29). Faced with such an intransigent and authoritarian line from the
ultramontane Catholic clergy, the spiritualists emphasized their rational and modern
approach, criticizing the church as an institution and, thus, participating in free-thinking
and social reformism. Thus, the positions of Sardà and Manterola represent the voices of
the extreme conservative wing, not the position of the entire Catholic community in

16
Suarez Cortina (2014) noted that the Spanish Catholic Church was internally divided politically between
the Carlists and the Liberals.

23
Spain. Among Catholics, there were also more open minds. One of them was the Jesuit
Eustaquio Ugarte de Ercilla, who, in 1916, published a work on “Modern spiritualism” in
which he invited Catholics to approach spiritualism without any (negative) preconceived
ideas17.

3. “WE WOULD LIKE TO (...) DEMOLISH PRESENT DAY SOCIETY”: THE

ASPIRATIONS OF THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL SPIRITUALIST CONGRESS
(1888)

In spite of several intimidating Inquisitorial acts, such as the autos-da-fé and the
public confrontations, Spanish spiritualists were able to continue with their practices. In
order to unite their forces, it was important for them to become connected and to establish
a broad national network through federations. At the same time, they aspired towards
connection on an international scale. After several attempts in this direction, the
Federation of Spiritualists from the Vallés region (Federación Espiritista del Vallés) and
the Barcelona Centre for Psychic Studies (Centro Barcelonés de Estudios Psíquicos)
finally managed to organize the First International Spiritualist Congress, held in
Barcelona, in 1888 (see figure 9). It was not an event aimed at exhibiting mediums and
tricks, or at making money, but rather it aimed to foster a universe of political hope and
social aspirations, as well as to be a place for definition and exchange concerning
ideological projects and achievements (Horta, 2001).
The Congress took place during the Universal Exposition and in the very same
place where Kardec’s books had been burned twenty-seven years earlier. The call for
participation was a success. According to the minutes of the Congress, more than sixty-
seven representatives from a total of ninety-five societies, centers and associations met.
The report lists sixty-eight Spanish associations from different locations (Madrid,
Barcelona, Granada, Balearic Islands, Valencia, Malaga, Jaen, Lleida and others). Also
representatives from foreign associations attended the meeting, especially from France,
Belgium, Italy and the "overseas provinces" (Latin American countries). During the
Congress, the close collaboration and understanding between the first three of those
became apparent, as well as that between the Spaniards and the Latin American

17
Despite opposition and the public debates mentioned here, there was also a degree of syncretism of
Catholicism and Spiritualism. Some practitioners and priests informed of appearances of the Virgin Mary
and other similar phenomena. For information on one such episode in the 1930s in the Basque Country, see
Christian (1997); and for another in Alsace in 1870, see Klein (2007).

24
associations. The Congress welcomed people from Cuba, Chile, Brazil, Algeria,
Switzerland, Argentina, Gibraltar and Greece (Corfu) (Actas, 1888, for information on
this event and its impact, see Balltondre and Graus, 2016). As pointed out by Roca (1986),
the Congress brought together citizens with a wide range of professional and social
origins, predominantly from the middle and upper classes. Among the participants were
industrialists, editors, doctors, pharmacists, military officers and writers.

Figure 9.
Title page of the report on the First International Spiritualist Congress of 1888 in Barcelona
(Actas, source and permission: Biblioteca Pavelló de la República)

25
 The minutes of the Congress were signed by José María Fernández Colavida as
honorary president, the viscount of Torres Solanot and P. G. Leymarie as presidents, and
Amalia Domingo Soler as vice president, along with several others. The minutes show
the spiritualist aspirations and the effort made to establish common ground in the actions
of the different spiritualist associations. To this end, a linear historical account of the
movement was presented. It served to show the fulfillment of the "law of progress"; an
optimistic law that forecast the rise of the movement in form of a "triumphant march of
reason" and a progressive "conquest" of science. As proof of this development, they
referred to the fact that spiritualism had finally been demonstrated through the
investigations of Wallace, Crookes, Zöllner, Aksákov, Flammarion and the Society for
Psychical Research (1882); and, therefore, it had by now acquired the character of
"axiomatic truth".
The Congress referred constantly to Kardec. The fundamental motto of the
Congress was already announced on its title page of the Proceedings: “Towards God
through Love and Science!” Kardec’s bust presided over the room in which the speakers
expressed their respect for his work and his personality (see figure 10). One particular
quotation from his texts that was used by the speakers is especially revealing, because it
shows how they adopted “the logic of positive science” for the explanation of spiritualist
phenomena which have to be attributed to a cause by the following reasoning: "There is
no effect without cause. Every intelligent effect has an intelligent cause. The power of the
intelligent cause is due to the magnitude of the effect" (Actas, 1888, p. 3).
In conclusion, the Congress agreed to "affirm and proclaim the existence and
virtuosity of spiritualism as integral and positive science" (Actas, 1888, p. 201). The
participants insisted on the anti-dogmatic nature of the movement, stating that
spiritualism "does not impose a belief, [but rather] invites one to study" (Actas, 1888, p.
201). In this way, they invited everybody to study the doctrine of Kardec and recalled the
need for "a constant realization of the most severe public and private virtues through
practice" (Actas, 1888, p. 202). They added a call for tolerance: only vice, error and
human suffering should be fought, at the same time it is necessary to show deep respect
for other promoters of truth, even if they are not spiritualists.

26
Figure 10.
Photograph of delegates attending the First International Spiritualist Congress in
Barcelona (1888)

Euphorically, the secretary of the Academy of Rome, Giovanni Hoffman, declared

that for spiritualism a new historical period had begun, orienting its aspirations towards
social reform. "After an almost experimental period," he declared, "we must concern
ourselves today with the [new] social phase" (Actas, 1888, p. 124). After Kardec’s death,
the socialist Leymarie became a guiding figure. Following this trend, the Congress
stressed the importance of moral, social and political work. Hoffman declared that "it is
necessary to build a new citizenship (...), to work to renew the world" (Actas, 1888, p.
124). The Spanish politician and academic Joaquín de Huelbes Temprado was even more
forceful, presenting spiritualism as authentic social revolution. He said: "we would like
to demolish present day society and build it up again [from scratch]" (Actas, 1888, p.
182).
But along what lines was this change, or social revolution, planned by spiritualists
in 1888? The spiritualist intervention to regenerate humanity was aimed at reforming the
rights and the position of every single man and woman, using the slogan of the French
Revolution: freedom, equality and fraternity. They were optimistic:
The political revolution, the abolition of slavery, modern scientific
inventions, all these transcendent facts of our age are but precursors of the
new era to arrive on our planet. The spiritualist era; the fraternity of all people;
[the fraternity] of all worlds! (Navarro, see Actas, 1888, pp. 132-133).

Within this huge project, I can trace six basic lines of action. A first focus was the
field of education, where spiritualists defended the right of every citizen to receive a

27
formal education. They promoted integral, secular and joint education of both sexes. In
addition, they contributed effectively to the dissemination of knowledge through lectures
addressed to the general public, the (free) delivery of books, the creation of popular
libraries, reading groups and public talks. To reach all sectors of the population, they
proposed the formation of "leagues against ignorance". Along this line of thought, after
blessing the invention of the printing press by Gutenberg, P. G. Leymarie took the
opportunity at the International Congress to recall the success of the French League of
Education, which had been active since 1862.
The social project of spiritualists had as a second focus regularization of the
relations between employers and workers. Within an industrialized and capitalist setting,
they searched for and advocated new strategies to improve working conditions and the
lives of workers. For example, they felt inspired by the social project of Godin’s
"Familistery" (Familistère). Jean-Baptiste André Godin (1817-1888) had been an
industrialist and French philanthropist, who had died only a few months before the
Congress. Inspired by utopian socialism, in 1858 he had built in Guise (France) a "social
palace" for the workers of his factory. His intention was to provide reasonable working
conditions, salaries and decent and practical housing for working families. Workers were
now able to share in the company profits and received awards for their work. Families
had to manage daily life through commissions (to avoid the intervention of judges,
soldiers, priests and public administrators). Likewise, it was important to avoid all types
of intermediaries, who would unnecessarily increase the cost of acquisition of basic
goods. Taverns were replaced by libraries, as well as music halls and theatres. Good
coordination and the proximity of home and the workplace for the father, and of the
school for his children, were expected to facilitate daily family life. At the time of the
Congress, 1700 families were housed in the "palace" (Actas, 1888).

28
Figures 11, 12 and 13.
Three examples of poster used to invite citizens to participate at the Fifth International Spiritualist
Congress organized by the Spanish Spiritualist Federation (Federación Espírita Española) from
September 1st to 10th, 1934 in Barcelona (Source and permission: Biblioteca Pavelló de la
República).18

A third proposal supported by the spiritualists to improve the living conditions of

the most disadvantaged sectors of society was the creation of relief societies and mutual
societies. For example, they created the “Solidarité Spirite”, in Paris, or the philanthropic

18
The first poster (figure 11) says: “Helping the International Spiritualist Congress to its success means to
work for spreading spiritualism and to act one’s part in the duty to offer charity to HUMANITY as a whole”.
The second poster (figure 12) says: “SPIRITUALISTS: do not hide the light of the grain. If you want to
dignify this name, try to spread the LIGHT of your IDEAL, whole HUMANITY needs IT. Be a good apostle
of modern CHRISTIANISM”. And the poster on the bottom (figure 13) says: “From the far away America,
the mysterious India, from all European countries, there will be delegates coming to the SPIRITUALIST
CONGRESS next September. The Spanish spiritualists should act accordingly and give the impression that
they understand their responsibility in relation to the results of the Congress.”

29
association of mutual aid in old age, through disability, and for orphans and the sick in
need, called “Caja Allan Kardec” in Spain (Actas, 1888).
A fourth focus was the defense of laicism and secularization, and with it, the
eradication of Catholic rites from everyday life. Thus, spiritualists demanded the
possibility of civil registration of birth, civil marriage and the secularization of cemeteries
(Actas, 1888, p. 200).
Fifthly, they were interested in the rehabilitation of convicts in prisons.
Spiritualists rejected both the death penalty and life sentences, insisting that the offender
is a sick person who needs to be treated with love and respect. They thought that the
spiritualist credo, with its message of consolation and hope, emphasizing morality as a
personal task, would help delinquents and criminals to rehabilitate. Miquel Vives
(president of the Spiritualist Federation of the Vallés) proudly read a letter written by 32
former repentant delinquents who, thanks to spiritualism, had begun to work on their own
moral reform (Actas, 1888, p. 143).
A sixth and final focus of the social and political reform spiritualists aspired to,
was the defense of pacifism and cosmopolitanism. Along these lines, the Spanish and
Latin American group proposed the creation of peace leagues to spread the idea of
international arbitration in order to avoid conflicts that would end, most of the time, in
military intervention. One of the proposals was the parallel disbanding of all standing
armies in all nations. According to the spiritualists, one must fight against selfishness and
aggressive nationalism. The subdivision of humanity into different races, peoples,
cultures and nations has no meaning according to them. They preferred to emphasize
material and spiritual solidarity among all souls, including even the spiritual life of all
inhabited worlds.
Although the speakers were only highly cultured men, generally middle- and
upper-class members, the speeches were clearly directed to a wider sector of society and
to members of underrepresented groups. For example, one of the speakers (Ozáriz)
highlighted the intention of spiritualism to raise women’s dignity. Following this trend,
we find Amalia Domingo receiving an honorary position at the Congress as vice president
and delegate, although she was not granted the floor. Those who attended the Congress
also included Domingo’s collaborator and friend Cándida Sanz de Castellví, as well as
some Italian and French aristocrat ladies. Vives addressed these ladies specifically when
he reminded them that, according to spiritualism, not only should the body be adorned
but also the spirit. At a political level, Huelbes Temprado declared the predisposition of

30
spiritualism to accept among its ranks anarchists, “Fenians” (Irish Republican
Brotherhood), nihilists, “the children of the widow” (Freemasons) and all the humble, the
disinherited, the outcast and the dreamers (Actas, 1888, p. 182).
Finally, one of the main challenges of the Congress was to establish an organ of
coordination and organization among the various spiritualist groups. How was it possible
and best to combine a policy of tolerance (be this anarchism or laissez faire) and
autonomy for local organizations, with the establishment of a global network or
infrastructure that would coordinate and bring strength and unity to the movement? On
the one hand they insisted that spiritualism is the religion of democracy that would turn
(potentially) every woman and man into an apostle. On the other, the Spaniards proposed
the establishment of a universal spiritualist office to oversee the various communications
and credos that were generated in local centers and groups. This initiative led to some
protests, such as that of a character called “Captain Volpi” (Actas, 1888, page 219).
When at last a consensus was reached, it was to promote the confederation of
spiritualists, which would establish a network among associations and promote mutual
support, while exercising hardly any political power. The conclusion of the Congress
dictated that every follower must belong to a legally constituted Society. Likewise, that
each Society must maintain communication and relations with the Center for its location;
and each local center with the corresponding National Centre, either directly or through
the Regional Centers (Actas, 1888). Despite the demand for absolute freedom to profess
and practice spiritual doctrine in accordance with the principles of Universal Morality, at
the same time, the speakers at the conference underlined the need to be cautious and not
to accept, without previous examination, doctrines professed by individuals or collectives
which are not in accordance with the guidelines set by the Congress and the thinking laid
out in Kardec’s work.

4. CONCLUSION
Despite sporadic traces of Anglo-Saxon spiritualism, it was above all French
spiritisme that took hold in Spain, becoming a strong movement of secular spirituality
and social reform. Within the Spanish society of the end of the 19th century, longing for
ideological freethinking and social change (renewal), this perspective was able to attract
followers and expand successfully. Thus, spiritualism was perceived by many as a
positive experience, as a kind of liberation. Kardec’s doctrine freed Christians from the

31
yoke of hell, at the same time extending the experience of people far beyond the limits of
their organic life on planet Earth.
The motto of freedom, equality and fraternity shows the spiritualists' commitment
to the ideals of modern and liberal society, coined at the time of the French Revolution.
They also felt that they were part of the Enlightenment project, insofar as they expressed
confidence in progress and gave primacy to human reason as a guide for action. The
medium Cándida Sanz shows a kind of confidence in the final (historical) triumph, which
was very widespread among spiritualists. After thinking seriously about the miseries of
human existence (unemployed workers, homeless orphans, widows with no means, the
sick, etc.), she invoked the Almighty to remedy the many evils. In doing so, she heard the
voice of her consciousness stating:
When humanity has covered itself with the mantle of civilization, the fire of
progress will sweep away the bastard passions; the sun of justice will
penetrate the consciousness; the axe of freedom will break the chains of
oppression; intelligences will fly thanks to study, and the force of reason will
push them to the fulfillment of duty: nobility will replace egoism;
compassion, indifference; and moral and material clarity will be the
complement of social harmony (Sanz de Castellví, 1885, p. 82).

How will humans reach this stage? Mainly using two strategies: on the one hand, each
person must correct his or her own defects; and, on the other, the rich must deprive
themselves of what is superfluous and improve the management of their assets through
being more generous.
The Inquisitorial acts carried out by the Catholic Church just before the outbreak
of the liberal Glorious Revolution of 1868, instead of bringing an end to spiritualism,
fostered an interest in it and other forbidden cults. Years later, on October 9th, 1899, some
7,000 people gathered in the already crowded Ciudadela Park in Barcelona to
commemorate the 38th anniversary of the anti-spiritualist auto-da-fé. The Church’s attack
on spiritualism fostered an alliance between anticlerical groups, enforcing cooperation
between spiritualists, anarchists (anarcho-syndicalists), naturists and Freemasons. The
Spanish spiritualist groups aimed to renew Spanish society, although they did not reach a
clear consensus on how such a renewed society should look; nor did they develop a
common and precise program. They tried to distribute and foster hope and solidarity
among all social groups, including those who were born most humble in society; a
solidarity which was expected to transgress social and national borders and contribute to
a universal fraternity of souls. However, despite efforts to coordinate the movement made

32
by the Congress through the action of the national and the international Federations, the
spiritualist doctrines and rituals still remained quite heterogeneous.

Figure 14.
A photograph of an anticlerical meeting (called a “brotherhood meal”) organized on the
hill of Montjuïc, Barcelona (photographer: Josep Domínguez, no. 007604, Arxiu
Fotogràfic de Barcelona)

Despite this, at the International Congress it became clear that spiritualism

represented something more than a new secular religion. It aspired to become a
progressive and liberal social reform movement offering specific lines of action in areas
such as social rites (civil marriage, secularization of cemeteries, etc.). Due to the high
degree of interest in social reform within the fragmented Spanish society of the
nineteenth-century, education became a highly appreciated political instrument. In
education, the spiritualists requested coeducation of the sexes, and freedom of
consciousness and worship. The spiritualist program of social reform was characterized,
above all, by an opposition to Catholic rites and education, accompanied by a call for
social change. The sessions of the Congress stressed the need to:

33
 [...] build up a new citizenship. It is necessary to reconstruct and regenerate
the past, to work in renewing the world, in rejuvenating the vicious organism
[...] that is called Humanity; it is necessary to oppose with courage the current
that threatens to drown us in the depths of nihilism (Actas, 1888, p. 124).

These calls for social reform made by the spiritualists were in agreement in many
aspects with those from other freethinkers as anarchists, Freemasons, and Krausists.
However, we must bear in mind that, while defending the ideology of freethinking, in
practice the spiritualist teaching was based on a very specific credo, whose basic tenets
have been summarized in this chapter. Despite insisting on referring to themselves as
“secular”, spiritualists’ children received a vision of the world founded on the doctrine of
the plurality of worlds and reincarnation.
The talks given by some French and Spanish leaders at the International Congress
of 1888 revealed a shift in the orientation of spiritualism towards social and political
reform, leaving behind the former interest in scientific examination. According to Horta
(2001, 2004, p. 20), the aim of the Catalan spiritualist movement was a social revolution.
We have seen here that this was not so special to the Catalan spiritualists, but an
international trend, a phenomenon linked to the social tensions caused by
industrialization. So Sharp (2006), for example, explains that spiritualism had a markedly
Christian character in London, practiced, above all, by middle-class professionals,
intellectuals and people from the highest social levels. Outside the metropolis, and
especially in the north of the country (in the industrial communities of Lancashire and
Yorkshire), spiritualism spread among the members of the working class and lower-
middle class and there it acquired an anti-ecclesiastical character as well as fostering a
marked interest in social reform.
Apart from giving speeches calling for social regeneration, displacing the
authority of knowledge to mediums19 and exalting the power of the spirit, in practice,
above all spiritualism offered a place for human and moral support, an association united
by acts of charity. In the hands of Amalia Domingo, spiritualism seemed to be a balm to
alleviate human suffering. With the promise of an expansible past and future for the soul,

19
Monroe (2008) and Bacopoulos-Viau (2013) have observed that in the cases they have examined in
France, there are in general more reports on sessions with male mediums than female. They also insist on
the masculine authoritative role of the “director” who usually posed the questions and controlled the
situation. In the journals I have consulted in Spain, I have seen a great number of female mediums and not
all the sessions were directed by men. A detailed description of sessions held in Spain and dominated by a
man can be found in chapter 7 of Mülberger, 2016. For historical analysis more focused on this topic,
consult Balltondre y Graus (2016), Braude (1989), Oppenheim (1985, 1995), and Owen (1989).

34
beyond earthly life, it introduced a new dimension into miserable workers’ lives, filled
with suffering. But we should not forget that, despite Kardec’s careful and cautious
rhetoric, spiritualism and the production of knowledge in the seances posed a challenge
in several ways to the policy of traditional Catholic institutions and the widespread
religious faith in Spain. Through open discussions, spiritualists offered alternatives and
thereby contributed to a change towards a more liberal society. At the same time, they
prepared the way and strengthened other social projects and ideological proposals that
would emerge around the same time or soon after, such as, for example, socialism,
liberalism, feminism, theosophy, vegetarianism and naturism, among others.

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