International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 76–84

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ijdrr

Children and cultural influences in a natural disaster: Flood response in

Surakarta, Indonesia
Heather Taylor a,n, Robin Peace b
a
Joint Centre for Disaster Research, Massey University, Wellington, New Zealand
b
Research and Evaluation, School of People, Environment and Planning, Massey University, Wellington, New Zealand

art ic l e i nf o a b s t r a c t

Article history: This paper reports on a study that explored, described and sought to understand the social effects of
Received 9 April 2014 flood events on children's lives. The study had a particular emphasis on eliciting the ideas and per-
Received in revised form spectives held by the children themselves. The research was undertaken in a community living along the
8 April 2015
Bengawan Solo River in Central Java, Indonesia where flooding was a frequent and sometimes devas-
Accepted 8 April 2015
tating occurrence. A pragmatic, constructivist social science approach informed mixed methods data
Available online 21 April 2015
collection and thematic analysis. This paper reports specifically on the influence of culture that emerged
Keywords: as part of the overall findings. Four influential cultural elements are identified and presented here: the
Children cultural practise of gotong royong (or ‘mutual help’), the role of local government, the influence of re-
Disaster
ligion, and the social position of children in the Indo-Javanese culture. Children's priorities and actions
Culture
undertaken during the flood event were found to reflect their cultural context and the constraints these
Indonesia
Flooding conditions place on their lives. Gotong royong, the local government structure and religion were found to
Cultural issues lower children's vulnerability and increase their resiliency. Cultural practises and values promoted the
Religion inclusion of children in the disaster response and enabled them to act within their capabilities.
& 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction
Children have been exposed to disaster situations – both nat-
ural and man-made – for as long as they have been occurring. As a
consequence of being an integral part of society, any event that
affects a society will affect the children in it, whether directly or
indirectly.
Children are considered more vulnerable to disasters than
other social groups due to their “physical size, levels of psycho-
logical and behavioural development, and complete or partial
dependence on adults for various forms of support and protection”
([62], p. 372). Furthermore, since children are undergoing rapid
development in their mental, social and physical capacities their
risk is even greater because of the long-term implications of their
vulnerability [4,60]. Children's social position within the family
and community, which is controlled by cultural factors, also has a
bearing as they may have limited power to influence decisions
that affect their lives and therefore their vulnerability [4,21,59].
Though children can represent a vulnerable group, they are
equally a highly resilient group [4,9]. Weissbecker et al. (2008)
n
Correspondence to: 122 Townshend Rd, Subiaco, 6008, WA, Australia.
E-mail address: htaylor.jcdr@gmail.com (H. Taylor).
[60] define resiliency as “the capacity to survive and adapt within
the context of significant adversity or crisis” (p. 43); while Hes-
tyanti [13] defines it as “the ability to fight back and recover from
disruptive life changes … [which] … involves processes that pro-
mote the ability to ‘struggle well’ and overcome difficulties within
significant adversities after trauma” (p. 304). Both of these defi-
nitions draw attention to the active nature of the ‘resilient’ in-
dividual and his or her capability to influence circumstances.
Children are known to be active and make contributions that assist
their families and communities prepare for and recover from
disasters [3,9,23,32,38,40,41,48,55].
Children's activities, however, are constrained by the social
structures of the environment in which they live [30]. The social
and cultural context of children's lives influences how a disaster
affects them because it determines how children are perceived,
their role in society and how they are able to participate and
contribute in a disaster setting [32,60]. Therefore, children's ex-
periences, resiliency, and vulnerability will vary “across groups,
cultures, and contexts” ([46], p. 11). The issue of how culture af-
fects a child's vulnerability, resilience and ability to contribute is,
unfortunately, poorly understood and has not been explored in
depth within current literature [1,4,46].
Much of the existing research on children in disasters has been

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijdrr.2015.04.001
2212-4209/& 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
 H. Taylor, R. Peace / International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 76–84
conducted in developed countries on wealthy populations and
there is little empirical data about affected children in multi-
cultural contexts [27]. Within the field of international develop-
ment, there is a large body of experiential knowledge concerning
children in developing nations, but there are very few studies that
include a detailed analysis of how cultural and contextual setting
influences their experiences (apart from poverty). Successful,
systematic incorporation of cultural issues into disaster interven-
tions has also been limited, in spite of advancements in research
and practise [27,49]. More culturally and contextually grounded
exploratory studies and empirical knowledge are therefore needed
to better understand how disasters affect children in order to more
effectively mitigate negative impacts.
To address this deficiency, an exploratory or small-scale pilot
research study involving children between the ages of nine to
thirteen who live near the Bengawan Solo River in Central Java,
Indonesia was undertaken to explore, describe and understand the
social effects of flooding on children. The study focused on chil-
dren's experiences of the disaster event from three broad per-
spectives: the social and cultural context, the geographic and cir-
cumstantial context and the notion that children are social actors.
This paper discusses the results of this study that pertain to the
children's cultural context and its influence on their experiences of
the disaster event. More specifically, it focuses on practises of
mutual aid, the role of local government, the influence of religion
and the social position of children in the Indo-Javanese culture.
2. Disasters and culture
The relationship between a society and its natural environment
is largely driven by its culture: that is, how a society views nature
influences how it interacts with nature. An understanding of cul-
ture is therefore seen to be crucial when studying how people
behave in the face of natural disasters because their behaviour is
governed by social and cultural values [29].
There is agreement across several disciplines such as social and
cultural anthropology [10,16,33,42,52], cultural theory [8] psy-
chology [43,44] and sociology [37,46] that people's behaviour is
not solely tied to the “threat” of the hazard event, but “the danger
is rather filtered by an individual's perception of the world, which
varies according to social values, religious beliefs, community
traditions and attachment to place” ([29], p. 274). In the case of
this research study, the Indonesian and Javanese culture strongly
influenced how the community operated during the flood, in that
community traditions, religious beliefs and social values were
manifest in data gathered from the both the child and adult par-
ticipants. Before discussing aspects of these cultures that are
pertinent to the results, it is appropriate to establish what we
mean by the word culture in this context.
2.1. Culture
The daily use of the term ‘culture’ has resulted in its meaning
becoming somewhat ambiguous. Various definitions have been
used to describe it: “the way of life developed by a people in
adaptation to the environment and social conditions that they
collectively face” ([12], p. 57); “a shared meaning system found
among those who speak a particular language dialect, during a
specific historic period, in a definable geographic region” ([56], p.
19); “the rules for living and functioning in society” ([34], p. 10);
and “a combination of interdependent, gradually changing ele-
ments – including assumptions, beliefs, values, practises and in-
stitutions – that is distinctive to a particular society” ([6], p. 27).
Each of these definitions offers a slightly different perspective and
insight to the scope of culture, but collectively, it can be said that
77
culture is a set of shared values and modes of social interaction
held by a society.
A key feature of a culture is that it is embedded in what is often
referred to as a ‘worldview'. A worldview acts as the lens through
which people see the world around them: they “are sets of beliefs
and assumptions that describe reality” ([25], p3). The philosophi-
cal questions concerning life, death, God, the universe, nature,
suffering and the purpose of life are answered here [20,34,36] and
it defines truth, reality, ethics and morality. Out of this set of as-
sumptions about the world, flow the values, attitudes and beliefs
of a person, or of a culture when they are shared by a collective.
There is argument that religion comprises a significant influence
on a person's worldview as it shapes many of the values and be-
liefs of an individual [17,20,50]. Religion, however, is not the only
influence on the formation of a worldview as social, cultural, po-
litical and philosophical factors also affect the development of a
person's worldview. Indeed, cultural heritage played a dominant
role in this instance.
Laungani [28] offers a concise description of the elements or
features that define a culture and categorises five of these features
as being essential requirements of a culture. They are (p. 35):
1. “[a] past history, …
2. [r]egulated political, legal and social systems and communica-
tion networks …
3. [a] dominant, organized religion, …
4. [a] set of core values and traditions … including … norms of
personal, familial and social conduct …
5. [and … a]rtefacts unique to that society”.
This list acts as a useful tool, and as will later be demonstrated,
three of these features – core values and traditions, government
structures and religion – contributed to shaping the children's
experiences of flooding.
2.2. Indonesian and Javanese culture
Indonesia ties together thousands of islands and over two
hundred ethnic groups with their different languages under a
national banner. Consequently, its culture is diverse and complex.
As the research study was conducted in Surakarta, located on the
island of Java, much of the culture described here is Javanese. It is
the dominant culture in Indonesia, as Java is the centre of gov-
ernment and the most populous island [58]. All of the child par-
ticipants are ethnically Javanese and speak both Javanese and
Bahasa Indonesia, the main national language.
Religion is a central feature of life in Indonesia and Java. Islam
and Christianity are the two faiths adhered to by the child parti-
cipants, 72 percent and 28 percent respectively as determined
from the first questionnaire. A belief in one God (monotheistic)
and the need for religious tolerance is pronounced in the national
ideology, Pancasila, as one of the first of five tenets of Indonesian
society [39]. Islam is the dominant and pervasive religion in In-
donesia (86% of the population), though other religions, such as
Christianity, Hinduism, Buddhism and Confucianism, are officially
recognised by the government [18]. Nevertheless, Beatty [5] points
out that “Islam is not simply one option among many: it is a
constant factor, albeit differently felt and appreciated according to
personal history and predilection” (p. 8). Stonebanks [54] clarifies
this in saying that there is a distinction between Islam as a re-
ligion, Muslims as “followers of Islam” and “the cultural associa-
tion of being born into a family or community of a Muslim culture”
(p. 298). Hence, whether or not an individual is a follower of Islam,
its influence is inescapable if one is a part of Muslim-dominant
culture such as Indonesia.
There is a very strong cultural heritage in Java, and for many it
78 H. Taylor, R. Peace / International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 76–84
has a greater influence on their worldview than the dominant
religions [2]. The Javanese worldview is based on the idea that
“individual[s], society, nature and the cosmos are inseparably
connected and are ideally in a state of harmonious balance” ([51],
p. 277). The ensuing idea of social harmony is one the strongest
element of Javanese culture [35]. In the same way, the hierarchical
social order that exists in Java is derived from the Javanese
worldview of an “ordered” cosmos according to mythology ([2], p.
7).
The idea of social harmony extends to Indonesia as a whole.
The nation's motto Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Unity in Diversity) is
based on the concept of “harmony and balance” [35]. Two of the
other tenets of Pancasila, “a just and civilised humanity” and “so-
cial justice for all” ([53], para. 6) capture the strong presence of
“mutual help, mutual understanding, and tolerance” within In-
donesian society and human relations ([35], p. 130).
The foundational institution of the society, and Islamic culture
[28], is the family. Children are the centre of social attention in
Javanese culture, even before birth [24]. The concept of a child in
Javanese culture, however, is different from Western culture. A
child is not considered to be an individual under five or six years of
age ([45]; K. W. Yuniarti, personal communication, March 4, 2010).
Peacock [45] explains that “[p]rior to age 5 or 6, the child is con-
sidered immature; he is during Djawa or ‘not yet Javanese,’ and he
is during ngerti or ‘not yet capable of understanding’ (p. 57). A child
is doted on and heavily protected during this time. “After that he is
suddenly a cultured Javanese” ([45], p. 57). There is no word for
adolescent in Javanese; instead, a child becomes a young adult and
is treated as an adult (K.W. Yuniarti, personal communication,
March 4, 2010). The “once spontaneous and laughing child adopts
the docile, restrained, formal controlled demeanour of his elders”
([11], p. 107). As children grow, they learn the concepts of self-
control and obedience [35]. Consequently, Javanese children are
typically very “well behaved, obedient, quiet and shy” in social
settings [35].
In summary, the Indo-Javanese culture can be described as a
“relatively open and socially mobile” but nonetheless very hier-
archical society ([35], p. 101) that is marked by a desire for social
harmony and encourages mutual understanding, mutual assis-
tance and tolerance. These qualities, and the centrality of religion
and family, create the cultural context in which the researched
community and the children live. The concept of ‘mutual help’ or
gotong royong is central to the findings of this research and will be
described in detail later.
3. Research study
The pilot research study involved a community living in an
urban village in the Municipality of Surakarta (colloquially known
as Solo or Solo City) that was inundated by a moderate flood event
in late December 2007. The flood event which began in the eve-
ning of December 25, 2007 led to the death of 71 individuals from
landslides and six others from flooding in a neighbouring district
[15]. In Solo City, no fatalities were reported, but at least 6600
houses were inundated [14,15,63]. Twelve villages in the city's five
sub-districts were affected. The flood event, which was a series of
three consecutive floods (December 25, 26 and 27), lasted ap-
proximately one week with most of the waters receding by De-
cember 31.
Surakarta is located on the island of Java, the world's most
populous island, with a population density of 1000/km2. This in-
creasingly dense population has, over the last century, led to sig-
nificant changes in land use, rapid urbanisation and environ-
mental degradation, all of which have increased the vulnerability
of the society to natural hazards. Of the various hazards present
(volcanic eruptions, earthquakes, drought, flooding and landslide),
flooding poses the largest risk. Flooding and landslides are com-
mon due to rapid run-off from steep mountainous (volcanic)
slopes into the low lying plains during the monsoon season. This
effect is amplified in the Surakarta area which has seen much of
the forest cover on the surrounding hills cleared for agriculture or
housing purposes. In addition, concrete or paved road surfaces
areas have increased replacing ground cover that previously was
able to absorb run-off from heavy rains.
The increase in frequency and extent of flooding within the last
two decades nationally has spurred the Indonesian government to
take active steps to reduce flood impacts [57]. There is also a
growing awareness in the society as a whole of the influence of
human behaviour on the natural environment and correlated
disasters [31,51].
4. Methods
In order to gain an understanding of children's experience of
the flood event, this research worked with the perspectives of the
children themselves, giving them opportunities to speak, write
and draw about their experiences. Children are the “best autho-
rities on their own lives” and are more than capable of expressing
their views ([7], p. 6). Speaking with children directly is a very
effective way to learn how disasters affect their lives and how
impacts can be minimised. In addition, when taking children's
views into account it is also necessary to consider “the ways in
which children are viewed in order to gain a proper understanding
of their opinions” ([32], p. 321); therefore the perspectives of
significant adults in their lives were also sought.
4.1. Participants
The research was conducted in a low income neighbourhood
that sits along the banks of the Bengawan Solo River in Surakarta
City. The principal participants were 32 children aged nine to
thirteen years old (unsolicited 50–50 gender spilt). Several adults
who held significant roles in the children's lives, such as parents
(6), school teachers (2), school principals (2), and local govern-
ment community leaders (5) were also interviewed. Other in-
dividuals (42) within the community also participated in the re-
search as interviewees in the child-run interviews.
4.2. Data collections methods
The data was collected using a mixed method design, with an
emphasis on multiple qualitative data collection tools. Interviews
and group interviews were the two principal methods employed.
A range of other techniques, including short questionnaires and
child-centred data production techniques, (such as drawing,
priority listing, child-run interviews, designing flood-safe com-
munity plans, and film and audio recording) were used in con-
junction with the group interviews. All interviewing was recorded
and subsequently transcribed and translated into English for the
analysis.
The interviews of adults and the group interviews with chil-
dren were conducted by an Indonesian-speaking field assistant
and the author. The interviews with adults were conducted in the
interviewee's home, or, in the case of school staff, their place of
work, and the group interviews with the children took place after
school hours in the local community leader's home. The adult
interviews took place over the same time frame as the group in-
terviews with the children. In Phase 2, children led their own in-
terviews with family and associates in the local community in
venues chosen by the children for convenience.
 H. Taylor, R. Peace / International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 76–84
Fifteen adults, including community leaders, local school
principals and teachers and parents, were interviewed in Phase
1 to gain factual data about the flood event and adult perceptions
of the children's experiences. These data complemented the data
gathered from and by the children. As the role of children is the
focus in this paper, detail of the child-centred aspects are dis-
cussed here.
Focused group interviews with the children were held with the
same children in both of the research phases, September 2009 and
February 2010. There were eight groups in Phase 1 (32 children)
and seven groups in Phase 2 (24 children). Not all the child par-
ticipants in Phase 1 were available in Phase 2 so fewer were in-
volved in the second round. Each group had between two and five
members. In the Phase 1 interviews, the children discussed their
personal experiences of the flood event, drew a picture about the
flood and completed the first of the two questionnaires, which
gathered biographical data. During the Phase 2 interviews, the
children were asked what they knew about flooding prevention
and mitigation, their capabilities in a flooding situation, and the
barriers inhibiting them from acting. They generated a collective
list of the ten most important items/activities during a flood event
and discussed the development of their FSC flood-safe community
plans. In the two hour time slot, they also completed a ques-
tionnaire to validate their verbal responses.
In relation to developing the FSC Plans, the child participants
were tasked with using their own experience and knowledge to
develop a plan, as a group, to minimise the impacts of a flood in
their community. The children were also invited to interview
parents and other community members to elicit further informa-
tion and ideas The groups were given a week to collectively create
their plan and each participant had two days within this time
period to conduct their interviews using a small digital voice re-
corder. The plans were presented to the research team in the
second session.
4.3. Analysis
These multiple methods produced data in a variety of forms,
which required analytic processes that allowed a comprehensive
picture to emerge from the data. The individual adult and child
group interviews comprised a significant portion of the textual
data collected, but the other data forms – the children's FSC plans,
their drawings, priority lists and responses to questionnaires were
accorded equivalent value as the findings were developed and,
collectively, the range of methods allowed for triangulation be-
tween oral, visual, and collaborative activities. The findings re-
ported in this paper were drawn largely from the child group in-
terview transcripts, but other activities heightened children's
awareness of their roles and involvement in disaster mitigation.
Thematic qualitative analysis was determined to be the most
suitable approach for the research's primary analysis [26]. The
transcripts and diagrams were read and reread and colour coded
manually to identify emerging themes. The iterative manual pro-
cess was able to cope with the large amount of data, but also be
sensitive to the context in which it was gathered. Since the data
could not be studied in its original language, the focus needed to
be on the overall themes and ideas, not the semantics or syntax,
which were lost in the translation process. In addition, the aim of
this type of analysis was “to describe how thematic contents are
elaborated by groups of participants, and to identify meanings that
are valid across many participants”; an essential attribute for this
analysis ([22], p. 66). A basic descriptive statistical analysis was
also used to process the priority lists.
79
4.4. Ethical considerations
Ethical issues were encountered in this study at a number of
levels: the project involved children who were affected in a natural
disaster and who lived in a developing country. The age of the
participants, the sensitivity of the subject matter, cultural differ-
ences and socio-economic imbalances between researcher and
participants all required careful attention and consideration. Sig-
nificant cultural and language learning and consultation was un-
dertaken by the field researcher (author 1) who spent 5 months in
Solo before beginning the data collection. Consultation was also
undertaken with child psychologists in both in New Zealand and
Indonesia.
The approaches used to enter the researched community and
select participants were effective and culturally appropriate, lar-
gely facilitated by a community leader or Bapak. The introduction
by the Bapak to the community granted a level of access and trust
that would have been near impossible to obtain by any other
means. Relationships with the children were developed by offering
free English classes. Sensitivity to the subject matter was handled
by creating a safe group environment for the children. The ever
present adult-child power barrier was partially overcome by the
field researcher's foreignness and limited language abilities.
In general, this research appeared to be well-received by the
researched community and had a positive impact on their children
and community, according to comments made by community
leaders, parents and children.
5. Results
The research revealed that the flood event highlighted the role
of traditions, institutional structures and values that are a part of
the local Indo-Javanese culture and the children's daily lives. First,
the traditional Javanese practise of gotong royong, (meaning ‘mu-
tual help') within a community, emerged strongly. The children
were aware that the community worked together to support the
affected residents and tackle the effects of the floodwaters. Sec-
ond, the traditional village system of local leadership, which has
evolved into very well-defined local government organisation, was
also highlighted in the responses. Third, religious beliefs appeared
to shape the participants' worldviews and were used to explain
the deeper reasons for the flood's occurrence. Religious practises
also motivated people to assist others. Fourth, and finally, the
position children hold within in their families influenced what
activities they did during and following the flood, and who they
assisted most. Each of these cultural practises was highlighted by
the flood event and influenced children's behaviour and response
to it.
5.1. Specific cultural practises – gotong royong
The traditional Javanese cultural practise gotong royong moti-
vated an extensive response by the city to the flood. Gotong royong,
meaning “mutual help” ([35], p. 136), is birthed from the tradi-
tional concept of community members' obligation to seek the
general welfare of the village. It appears that this orientation in-
spires a strong volunteer culture. Many neighbours and other ci-
tizens who did not live in the flooded area helped affected re-
sidents. Neighbours and relatives assisted each other in cooking
for others, sharing housewares, and helping save or move
possessions.
We had gotong royong from the community, the one was
flooded and the one was not, everyone worked together, and
there was also food aid …
80 H. Taylor, R. Peace / International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 76–84
(Bapak 1, male, n/a)1
The reciprocal nature of gotong royong is demonstrated well by
one particular group of people. A community leader spoke of the
assistance offered to the Solo riverbank community by volunteers
from an area affected by the May 2006 earthquake in Yogyakarta,
50 km away. These volunteers had been assisted following the
earthquake by members of the riverbank community and came to
return the favour.
There was an earthquake in Klaten, I can't remember which
month, and the community especially [this RW], they helped
the people in Klaten. And so in 2007, the people from Klaten
came here to help. So they helped each other. That's the first
thing I know.
(Community Leader 4, male, n/a)
Significant amounts of aid and assistance were offered by other
citizens and organisations motivated by this cultural custom. The
extensive assistance offered to affected residents came in the form
of food, material goods and services and originated from a wide
variety of sources. The provision of clean water from the health
department was critical.
Churches, mosques, the local army detachment and some in-
ternational non-governmental organisations provided clothes,
groceries, school equipment, blankets, tents, and eating utensils.
The practise of gotong royong also drew participation from the
children in the community. Some of the child participants assisted
in cleaning their local school after the second flood, saying it was
‘communal work’, or ‘kerja bakti’ (the Bahasa Indonesian term for
the Javanese gotong royong). The children responded without
question to requests to assist and bought their own mops.
This example reveals how gotong royong promotes the re-
cognition of the children's agency. One of the school principals
mentioned that they had asked the children to come help, at-
testing to idea that adults believe children are capable. Further-
more, gotong royong provided children with the opportunity to
express their agency and contribute to their community's response
and recovery.
5.2. Local government organisation
The well-defined local administrative structure of Indonesian
communities played a key role in the flood response.
Figure 1 outlines the current structure of Indonesian government.
The provincial, regency/city and sub-district levels are governed by
regional government while the lower three levels are ruled by a
leader/chief (ketua) chosen by the people (“Administrative …,”
2009). These leaders are generally referred to as Bapak (meaning
Father) and are elected for a five year term.
The lowest two levels of government, Rukun Warga (RW) and
Rukun Tetangga (RT), were of interest because of their especially
local nature which enables face-to-face interaction with govern-
ment on a level that is atypical in most Western countries. In
normal daily life, this structure allows community needs to be
heard and addressed. Residents come to the Bapak's home if they
have concerns about the community and some municipal admin-
istrative work is also done by the Bapak.
The average Rukun Warga is composed of  700 households
and a Rukun Tetangga of 60–70 households. All of the families
involved in the research lived within two neighbouring RTs within
a larger RW, with the exception of one participant who was the
cousin of another participant and lived nearby (2–4 km). Every
1
All of the names of the participants and the research team have been changed
to protect the privacy of these individuals. Naming convention: (name, gender,
age).
child could identify and knew their Bapak RT.
The local leadership of the RTs and RWs, the Bapak RWs and
RTs, was instrumental in several aspects of the flood response.
They were the individuals who operated the traditional warning
system. The child participants recalled awakening the night of the
first flood to the sound of the kenthogan (traditional Javanese
bamboo or wooden instrument) and the Bapak RT shouting
“Banjir! Banjir!” (Flood! Flood!).
The Bapak also formed a committee to take care of the flood
response and those affected. A coordination post was set-up for
the larger RW (composed of several RTs) and the local sports
building was transformed into an evacuation centre and public
kitchen. The Bapak had authority to make such decisions and the
community responded to their authority.
The local leadership provided information to the community
and coordinated incoming assistance. A child participant said the
Bapak RT gave information about the flood to community mem-
bers promptly on the evening the flood occurred.
Similarly, one parent spoke of gathering at the Bapak RT's home
to find out information and receive assistance. Both parents and
community leaders commented in their interviews that there was
ample help and that it was delivered very smoothly by those in
charge and that it was coordinated from multiple sources – from
the mayor, the government, the church, and the heads of the RT
and RW.
The existence of a local community structure that is trusted and
respected was invaluable in preventing chaos during the flood.
Local government structures supported an attitude of self-reliance.
Families took care of their own affairs, but they did so alongside
neighbours and under the broader guidance of the Bapak. The
distribution of aid through local channels also provided a sig-
nificant amount of social support for the children as it strength-
ened pre-established relationships and promoted community self-
efficacy.
Another benefit of leadership at such a local level is that vul-
nerable or struggling community members are difficult to over-
look, and as a result their needs are addressed. One example of
this in the flood event was the community evacuation plan in
which, according to several of the Bapak interviewed, the elderly
and children were prioritised.
This type of local leadership contributes to decreasing chil-
dren's vulnerability by perceiving and addressing their special
needs.
5.3. Religion
As a result of the pervasive cultural importance of religion,
there is a shared worldview, irrespective of religion, that humans
alone do not control the world and there is higher power(s) at
work. This worldview was revealed in discussions about how or
why the flood happened. Several of the views offered referred to
God, or to fate (as something that would be determined by God).
In one of the group interviews, the answer to the question of
how and why the flood happened was simply that it was “fate”.
Although the comment was made with a somewhat flippant
manner, it points to a deeper cultural worldview.
Jo : How did the flood happen?
Tukul : I don't know
Jo : I don't know?
Kantel : Ask the guard at Wonogiri dam, he would know.
Carli : Fate.
Rooney : Fate, pak.
(Tukul, male, 12)
(Kantel, female, 11)
(Carli, male, 13)
 H. Taylor, R. Peace / International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 76–84
(Rooney, male, 13)
(Jo, male assistant 1, n/a)
Another two participants, when discussing whether a flood
could happen again, made reference to a higher power, God, being
in control:
Jo : It's possible to flood again?
Dela : God willing no
Romeo : Depends on God
(Dela, female, 10)
(Romeo, male, 9)
(Jo, male assistant 1, n/a)
These comments attest to a deeply-held cultural worldview
that the spiritual world does affect the physical world in which
humans live. Recognition of the spiritual world, and humanity's
limited control, however, does not mean that the participants and
the community believe that they have no responsibility or cap-
ability to prevent disasters, and that all is left to fate. The religion
teacher at one of the local schools described how he speaks of the
human causes of flooding in his lessons when discussing moral
deeds:
I explain about good and bad deed, I slip them in. Like how
the flood happened because of human recklessness.
(Teacher 2, male, n/a)
Both Islam and Christianity require believers to be responsible
for their actions, which extends to flood prevention and risk re-
duction. Even here, spiritual practises appear. Interviewees talked
of practical or physical ideas to prevent flooding, but they also
made reference to prayer.
2
Number one … pray and be grateful to Allah SWT
nothing would happen.
(mother–intv by Jesika, female, n/a)
An interesting example of the ingrained belief in prayer in the
society's psyche is one child's response to one of the field assis-
tants' explanation of flood prevention and risk reduction. When
trying to make the point that a flood may not be preventable but
the risk of it happening can be reduced, the field assistant first
explained that the flood cannot be prevented. Before he was able
to say the “only” option is to “reduce the risk of it happening”, the
boy interrupted (or rather tried to finish his sentence) saying that
prayer is the only option.
Dimas : But do you think natural disaster can be prevented?
Donal : Cannot
Ricirit : Can
Dimas : How?
Ricirit : It's easy, plant trees.
Dimas : Plant trees, but still it didn't prevent. One day there
will be heavy rain, it will be the same. We can only …
Ricirit : Pray.. pray..
Dimas : Reduce the risk of happening …
(Donal, male, 10)
(Ricirit, male, 12)
(Dimas, male assistant 2, n/a)
The same spiritual conviction which turns people to prayer in
2
SWT is appended after Allah by most Muslims. It is an acronym for the Arabic
“Subhanahu Wa Ta’ala”, which translates to mean “The most glorified, the most
high” [19].
81
times of trouble also allowed the residents to see good that came
as a result of the flood. One father spoke of the government re-
location of floodplain residents as being a gift from God in spite of
the troubles the flood caused.
flood gave us troubles, as the victims from that flood, for ex-
ample, we must leave the house we lived in because it was
flooded quite high. But we are also grateful to God because He
has other plans. The disaster became gift from God. Because at
the moment, especially for us who live in the riverbank, are
being relocated by the government and are given houses, offi-
cial certified lands, this is what I meant with God has its own
plan. Behind this disaster there was gift.
(father – intv by Melati, male, n/a)
The religious worldview and beliefs of the participants appear
to not only provide explanations for the events that occur, but also
enable them to view the flooding event in a positive light, seeing
the good that came from the disaster. In the Indonesian context, it
could be argued that religion would also aid psychological coping
and recovery following a disaster.
The practical application of religious beliefs in the flood event
context was shown by the generous donations by churches and
mosques to flood-affected residents: shoes and books were men-
tioned by the children as having been provided for them.
In addition, religious facilities, such as the mosque, were also
mentioned as being places of refuge.
The donation of school supplies allowed children to return to
school with the necessary supplies and thus enable the con-
tinuation of normal routines, which is believed to contribute to
restoring children's “sense of safety and normalcy” ([60], p. 47).
Similarly, religious facilities provided shelter to those in need.
5.4. Children's familial role
… that Children are viewed as being an integral part of the family and
society, having rights but also responsibilities. During the flood,
the majority of their contributions were made from the position of
their familial role as a child, maintaining the cultural notion that
the family is the foundational social institution of Javanese, In-
donesian and Islamic culture [28].
The children contributed to their families by helping their
parents. Many of the activities that the children listed involved
saving possessions or cleaning. Many gathered belongings to-
gether in order to evacuate them, and then helped carry them.
Children spoke of loading and lifting sacks of belonging, carrying
mattresses, radio, and TVs.
The cleaning process they assisted with entailed mopping the
house floors, washing clothes or mattresses. The length of time
spent cleaning up varied between two hours to one or two days
Child participants also helped parents by with cooking, wash-
ing dishes, taking care of siblings, erecting tents, and setting up the
house after the flood receded.
The children mentioned also helping relatives, friends and
neighbours, but priority was given to parents. One participant
expressed her intentions to help others, but that her responsi-
bilities to her parents came first.
6. Discussion
The results of this research indicate that cultural practises do
influence children's resilience, vulnerability and capabilities.
6.1. Gotong royong
The practise of gotong royong, which relies on the collective
82 H. Taylor, R. Peace / International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 76–84
efficacy of community members, recognises that children are able
to contribute to the community and enables them to do so. The
example of children helping clean the school points directly to this
practise. The children's abilities were acknowledged, respected
and utilised in the recovery effort through the tradition of gotong
royong. Bartlett's [4] premise, that “respecting children's capa-
cities” and enabling their active participation reduces children's
vulnerability and increases their resilience, is borne out in the
cultural practise of gotong royong, which not only provides an
outlet for children to use their abilities and contribute to their
community, but also increases their resilience.
The compelling way in which gotong royong emerged in this
study as a culture practise that increased children's resiliency and
allowed them to exercise their agency in a disaster situation ad-
vocates for further research into this practise. The benefits of go-
tong royong in post-disaster recovery have been noted by others
[61]. In addition, research of similar practises in other cultures and
their influence on children in disaster situations would be
valuable.
6.2. Local government organisation
The culturally specific organisation of local leadership meant
that there was a pre-existing chain of command through which
larger community decisions were made when the flood event
occurred, and therefore aid provisions could be easily distributed.
The local leadership structure appeared to provide a stable en-
vironment during the flood event, and helped ensure safety for the
children. The children knew, trusted and respected these leaders,
and were aware that their welfare and that of their families was
being tended to as well as was possible. The Bapak, for their part,
ensured that “kids and elderlies were prioritised” (Bapak 3, male, n/
a) during the evacuation and demonstrated that the local gov-
ernment was able to contribute to lowering the vulnerability of
children. It could be argued that similar efforts to prioritise chil-
dren's needs are common in most disaster situations [21]. How-
ever, in this instance, those in charge could be held accountable
because they were known personally by the community in a way
that is only possible with this level of devolved responsibility. The
extent which devolution affects children's resilience may be an
area for future research.
6.3. Religion and worldview
Religion and the culture's holistic worldview governed the way
in which the flood event was perceived by the children. The ac-
knowledgement of the spiritual world, and humanity's limited
control, however, did not mean that the participants and the
community believed that they had no responsibility or capability
to prevent disasters. The human influence on flooding was re-
cognised and participants believed that there were practical ac-
tions they could take to prevent flooding or reduce its risk. These
actions were both physical and spiritual; for instance, the spiritual
practise of prayer was often mentioned. Religion also aided psy-
chological coping and recovery following a disaster because it
engendered gratitude in participants for the positive outcomes of
events. Religious institutions increased children's resilience by
providing a place of refuge, continuing regular religious services
and donating school supplies for the children so they could return
to school, all of which restored their sense of security and
normalcy.
The role of religious institutions in disaster recovery has been
noted in several studies. Hestyanti's [13] study in Aceh included
external factors of how children found to be resilient were “able to
do religious practise routinely” (p. 303). The continuation of re-
ligious services during the flood event gave the child participants
the opportunity to do this and provided a stable environment. A
study by Peek et al. [47] concluded that religious organisation can
offer children “emotional support, and a sense of normalcy … and
play[] an important role in fostering resiliency among children” (p.
408). The continued presence of religious organisations and their
activities during the flood maintained one of the integral elements
of the children's daily lives. If children's beliefs are ignored in a
disaster context, a significant aspect of their lives is discounted
and possible coping mechanisms found in religion [60] are
undermined.
This study reveals that religion should not be seen as a barrier
to actions in the disaster context, but as a way to provide moti-
vation to people to act. The example of the religion teacher ex-
plaining the cause of flooding in terms of good and bad moral
deeds gives further motivation to those listening because flood
prevention then becomes a moral issue, not only a practical one.
Moreover, religious beliefs prompted religious institutions, such as
churches and mosques, to respond to the needs created by the
flooding. The donations of school supplies and provision of shelter
by religious institutions were noted by both children and adults.
The motivation that religious beliefs provide for actions in both
prevention and response activities in a disaster context is worth
further investigation.
6.4. Children's familial role
Many of the children's contributions during the flood event
were primarily through their familial role. Helping their parents
stood out strongly as a priority, even over helping others. The
assistance provided to parents, and the fact that it was prioritised,
reveals how children's agency was influenced by cultural para-
meters, which encourages a strong commitment to family and
obedience to parents.
The influence of cultural is well recognised in the on-going
discussion of the role of children in disaster risk reduction (DRR)
activities and recovery efforts. The “failure to consider cultural
aspects”, as Manyena et al. [32] have noted, can “affect children's
participation [in DRR], sometimes to the extent of harming family
relations” (p. 305). These researchers, and Ensor [9], have dis-
cussed how the social construct of childhood plays a role in chil-
dren's involvement and participation in disaster-related activities
since the position of children is culturally defined. In this Indo-
Javanese context, where the social structure is more hierarchical in
nature and family is a central element, children would be likely to
obey their parents and place family first in their actions, which
was the case here.
Helping their families is likely to be a high priority for children
involved in a disaster event. This study showed that families' re-
coveries were swifter as result of the children's contributions and
that helping can be cathartic for the children. Any post-disaster
programme that did not take in account children's perceived re-
sponsibility to their family and their desire to assist them may not
be as effective, and could in fact affect family relationships.
7. Conclusions
The cultural context of the children involved in this study in-
fluenced their experience of the flood event, guided their response
to it, and in this case, increased their resilience. There is a sense
that particular aspects of Indonesia's non-western culture ampli-
fied the capacities of children and your people to cope. Particular
cultural traditions were identified as lowering children's vulner-
ability and increasing their resiliency. The local government or-
ganisation contributed to lowering children's vulnerabilities by
providing them with a stable and supportive environment. The
 H. Taylor, R. Peace / International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 76–84
localised nature of the government structure held community
leaders to account and enabled them to recognise and attend to
vulnerable members of the community such as the children. The
study demonstrates how religion played a positive role in the
children's experience and that it can increase children's resilience.
It also recognised how cultural practises and values (i.e. gotong
royong and the priority of family) promoted the inclusion of chil-
dren in the disaster response and enabled them to act within their
existing culturally defined roles and capabilities.
The question that remains is whether these cultural levers that
make a difference to children's resiliency in Indonesia are the only
ones we should look to, or whether there are other cultural levers
in other contexts that may also bring benefit to families and
communities in post-disaster situations. If strong family ties, no-
tions of discipline in the family context, religious motivations for
taking responsibility, and highly devolved local government are
key to supporting child resilience then how would or could this be
replicated elsewhere?
Some of the bigger lessons from this research are that culture,
including religious belief and family and community organisation,
does matter and this is an area where disaster research activities
could be even more sharply focused.
The way in which these cultural practises were identified as
contributing to children's resilience and participation in activities
surrounding natural disaster events suggests that further attention
and analysis of the cultural traditions of areas that are frequented
affected by natural disaster events would be useful. Cultural ele-
ments will always present themselves during these events. If
properly understood, cultural practises could be harnessed to en-
hance children's resilience and provide of an outlet through which
they can contribute. At the same time, acknowledgement should
be given to how the cultural and social constraints of children's
social position in the community affect their involvement.
Acknowledgements
The authors wish to acknowledge the valuable contributions of
David Johnston and Douglas Paton to the larger research study.
The research for this paper was financially supported by the NZAID
Postgraduate Field Research Award.
References
[1] L. Gibbs, C. Mutch, P. O’Connor, C. MacDougall, Research with, by for and about
children: Lessons from disaster contexts, Glob. Stud. Child. 3 (2) (2013)
129–141.
[2] B. Anderson, Mythology and the Tolerance of the Javanese, Cornell Modern
Indonesia Project, New York, 1965.
[3] Agnes Babugura, Vulnerability of Children and Youth in Drought Disasters: A
Case Study of Botswana, Child., Youth Environ. 18 (1) (2008) 126–157.
[4] S. Bartlett, The implications of climate change for children in lower-income
countries, Child., Youth Environ. 18 (1) (2008) 71–98.
[5] Andrew Beatty, Varieties of Javanese Religion, Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, 1999.
[6] M. Brannen, C. Gomez, M. Peterson, L. Romani, L. Sagiv, P. Wu, People in global
organizations: culture, personality, and social dynamics, in: H. Lane,
M. Maznevski, M. Mendenhall, J. McNett (Eds.), Handbook of Global Man-
agement: A Guide to Managing Complexity, Blackwell, Oxford, 2004,
pp. 26–54.
[7] CCC. A Right to Participate: Securing Children's Role in Climate Change
Adaptation. Brighton: IDS/Children in a Changing Climate, 2009.
[8] Mary Douglas, Risk and Blame: Essays in Cultural Theory, Routledge, London,
1992.
[9] Marisa O. Ensor, Displaced once again: honduran migrant children in the path
of Katrina, Child., Youth Environ. 18 (1) (2008) 280–302.
[10] Virginia García-Acosta, Historical disaster research, in: S.M. Hoffman,
A. Oliver-Smith (Eds.), Catastrophe and Culture: The Anthropology of Disaster,
School of American Research Press, Santa Fe, NM, 2002, pp. 49–66.
[11] H. Geertz, The Javanese Family: The Free Press of Glencoe, Inc (1961).
[12] Handel et al., 2007 Gerald Handel, Spencer E., Cahill, Frederick Elkin, Children
83
and society: the sociology of children and childhood socialization: Los An-
geles, Publishing Company, CA: Roxbury, 2007.
[13] Yohana Ratrin Hestyanti, Children Survivors of the 2004 Tsunami in Aceh,
Indonesia: A Study of Resiliency, Ann. N. Y. Acad. Sci. 1094 (2006) 303–307.
[14] F. Hidayat, Floods and Climate Change—Observations from Java, Center for
River Basin Organizations and Management, Solo, Indonesia, 2009.
[15] Hidayat, F., Sungguh, H. M., & Harianto. (2008, September 1–4). Impact of
Climate Change on Floods in Bengawan Solo and Brantas River Basins, Indonesia.
Paper presented at the 11th International Riversymposium Brisbane, Australia.
[16] Catastrophe & Culture: The Anthropology of Disaster, in: Susanna M. Hoffman,
Anthony Oliver-Smith (Eds.), School of American Research Press, Santa Fe, NM,
2002.
[17] Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World
Order, Simon & Schuster, New York, 1996.
[18] Indonesia, 2011. CIA World Factbook 2011. Available from: 〈https://www.cia.
gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/id.html〉 (retrieved
19.04.11).
[19] Introduction to Islam, 2011. Al-Islami.Com. From: 〈http://www.al-islami.com/
islam/allah.php〉 (retrieved 12.06.11).
[20] Satoshi Ishii, Donald Klopf, Peggy Cooke, Worldview in intercultural com-
munication: a religio-cosmological approach, in: L.A. Samovar, R.E. Porter, E.
R. McDaniel (Eds.), Intercultural Communcation: A Reader, 12 ed.,Wadsworth
Cengage Learning, Boston, 2009, pp. 28–35.
[21] Jabry, A (Ed.). Children in Disasters: After the Cameras Have Gone. London:
Plan UK, 2002.
[22] H. Joffe, L. Yardley, Content and thematic analysis, in: D. Marks, L. Yardley
(Eds.), Research Methods for Clinical and Health Psychology, Sage, London,
2004, pp. 56–68.
[23] J.G. Klein, L. Huang, After all is lost: meeting the material needs of adolescent
disaster survivors, Am. Mark. Assoc. 26 (1) (2007) 54–59.
[24] Koentjaraningrat, Javanese Culture, Oxford University Press, London, 1985.
[25] M. Koltko-Rivera, The psychology of worldviews, Rev. Gen. Psychol. 8 (1)
(2004) 3–58.
[26] K. Krippendorff, Content Analysis: An Introduction to Its Methodology, Sage
Publications, Inc, Thousand Oaks, CA, 1980.
[27] A. La Greca, W. Silverman, E. Vernberg, M. Roberts, Children and disasters:
future directions for research and public policy, in: A. La Greca, W. Silverman,
E. Vernberg, M. Roberts (Eds.), Helping Children Cope With Disasters and
Terrorism, American Psychological Association, Washington, DC, 2002,
pp. 405–423.
[28] Pittu D. Laungani, Understanding Cross-Cultural Psychology, Sage Publica-
tions, Inc, London, 2007.
[29] Franck Lavigne, Benjamin, Juvin De Coster, François Nancy, Flohic, Jean
Christophe Gaillard, Texier, Pauline, Junun Sartohadi, People's behaviour in the
face of volcanic hazards: perspectives from Javanese communities, Indonesia,
J. Volcanol. Geotherm. Res. 172 (3–4) (2008) 273–287.
[30] G.K. Lieten, Children, Structure and Agency: Realities Across the Developing
World, 1 ed., Routledge, New York, 2008.
[31] A. Makin, Mythical Perceptions of Nature and Survival, The Jakarta Post. Re-
trieved from: 〈http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/11/08/mythical-
perceptions-nature-and-survival.html〉 (08.11.10).
[32] Siambabala Bernard Manyena, Maureen Fordham, Andrew Collins, Disaster
resilience and children: managing food security in Zimbabwe's Binga district,
Child., Youth Environ. 18 (303–331) (2008).
[33] J.T. McCabe, Impact of and response to drought among Turkana pastoralists:
implication for anthropological theory and hazards research, in: S.M. Hoffman,
A. Oliver-Smith (Eds.), Catastrophe and Culture: The Anthropology of Disaster,
School of American Research Press, Santa Fe, NM, 2002, pp. 213–236.
[34] Edwin R. McDaniel, Larry A. Samovar, Richard E. Porter, Understanding in-
tercultural communication: the working principles, in: L.A. Samovar,
T. Parsons, E.R. McDaniel (Eds.), Intercultural Communication: A Reader, 12
ed.,Wadsworth Cengage Learning, Boston, 2009, pp. 6–17.
[35] Ratna Megawangi, Marian F. Zeitlin, Nancy D. Colletta, The Javanese family, in:
M.F. Zeitlin, R. Megawangi, E.M. Kramer, N.D. Colletta, E.D. Babatunde,
D. Garman (Eds.), Strenthening the Family: Implications for International
Development, United Nations Univeristy Press, Tokyo, 1995.
[36] Yoshitaka Miike, Harmony without uniformity: an asiacentric worldview and
its communicative implications, in: L.A. Samovar, R.E. Porter, E.R. McDaniel
(Eds.), Intercultural Communication: A Reader, 12 ed.,Wadsworth Cengage
Learning, Boston, 2009, pp. 36–47.
[37] Dennis S. Mileti, Disasters by Design: A Reassessment of Natural Hazards,
Joseph Henry Press, United States Washington, D.C, 1999.
[38] T. Mitchell, K. Haynes, W. Choong, N. Hall, The role of children and youth in
communicating disaster risk, Child., Youth Environ. 18 (1) (2008) 254–279.
[39] M. Morfit, Pancasila: the Indonesian state ideology according to the new order
government, Asian Surv. 21 (8) (1981) 838–851.
[40] Jodi Morris, Van Ommeren, Belfer Mark, Saxena, Shekhar Myron,
Benedetto Saraceno, Children and the sphere standard on mental and social
aspects of health, Disasters 31 (1) (2007) 71–90, http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/
j.1467-7717.2007.00341.x.
[41] K. Morris, M. Edwards, Disaster risk reduction and vulnerable populations in
Jamaica: protecting children within the comprehensive disaster management
framework, Child., Youth Environ. 18 (1) (2008) 389–407.
[42] Anthony Oliver-Smith, Anthropological research on hazards and disasters,
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 25 (1) (1996) 303–328, http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/an-
nurev.anthro.25.1.303.
84 H. Taylor, R. Peace / International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 76–84
[43] Douglas Paton, Gail Kelly, Petra T. Burgelt, Michael Doherty, Preparing for
bushfires: understanding intentions, Disaster Prev. Manag. 15 (4) (2006)
566–575.
[44] Douglas Paton, Saut Sagala, Norio Okada, Li Jang, Petra T. Bürgelt, Chris
E. Gregg, Making sense of natural hazard mitigation: personal, social and
cultural influences, Environ. Hazards 9 (2010) 183–196.
[45] J.L. Peacock, Muslim Puritans: Reformist Psychology in Southeast Asian Islam,
University of California Press, Berkley, CA, 1978.
[46] L. Peek, Children and disasters: understanding vulnerability, developing ca-
pacities, and promoting resilience—an introduction, Child., Youth Environ. 18
(1) (2008) 1–29.
[47] L. Peek, Jeannette Sutton, Judy Gump, Caring for children in the aftermath of
disaster: the church of the brethren children’s disaster services program,
Child., Youth Environ. 18 (1) (2008) 408–421.
[48] Plan, Indonesian Children's View on Disaster Risk Reduction, 2008, Retrieved
from: 〈http://www.childreninachangingclimate.org/database/plan/Publica
tions/PlanIndonesia-RMIT_ChildrensViewDRR_2009.pdf〉.
[49] A. Rabalais, K. Ruggiero, J. Scotti, Multicultural issues in the response of chil-
dren to disasters, in: A. La Greca, W. Silverman, E. Vernberg, M. Roberts (Eds.),
Helping Children Cope with Disasters and Terrorism, American Psychological
Association, Washington, D.C, 2002, pp. 73–106.
[50] Intercultural Communication: A Reader, in: Larry A. Samovar, Richard
E. Porter, Edwin R. McDaniel (Eds.), 12 ed.,Wadsworth Cengage Learning,
Boston, 2009.
[51] Judith Schlehe, Cultural politics of natural disasters: discourses on volcanic
eruptions in Indonesia, in: M. Casimir (Ed.), Culture and the Changing En-
vironment, Berhahn Books, New York, 2008, pp. 275–299.
[52] Judith Schlehe, Anthropology of religion: disasters and the representations of
tradition and modernity, Religion 40 (2) (2010) 112–120.
[53] R.M. Sijabat, Pancasila is Better than no Ideology, Experts Say, The Jakarta Post.
Retrieved from: 〈http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/06/01/pancasila-
better-no-ideology-experts-say.html〉 (01.06.10).
[54] Christopher Darius Stonebanks, An islamic perspective on knowledge,
knowing and methodology, in: N.K. Denzin, Y.S. Lincoln, L.T. Smith (Eds.),
Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies, SAGE Publications, Inc,
Thousand Oaks, CA, 2008.
[55] Thomas Tanner, Shifting the narrative: child-led responses to climate change
and disasters in el salvador and the Philippines, Child. Soc. 24 (4) (2010)
339–351, http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1099-0860.2010.00316.x.
[56] Harry C. Triandis, Culture and Social Behaviour, McGraw-Hill, New York, 1994.
[57] UNISDR, Indonesian President Recognized as “UNISDR Global Champion for
Disaster Risk Reduction” at Global Platform Opening Ceremony. United Na-
tions International Strategy for Disaster Reduction Secretariat (UNISDR), 11
May, 2011. From 〈http://www.unisdr.org/archive/19883〉 (retrieved 04.07.11).
[58] Adrian Vickers, A History of Modern Indonesia, Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, 2005.
[59] Tricia Wachtendorf, Bethany Brown, Marcia C. Nickle, Big bird, disaster mas-
ters, and high school students taking charge: the social capacities of children
in disaster education, Child., Youth Environ. 18 (1) (2008) 456–469.
[60] Inka Weissbecker, Sandra E. Sephton, Meagan B. Martin, David M. Simpson,
Psychological and physiological correlates of stress in children exposed to
disaster: review of current research and recommendations for intervention,
Child., Youth Environ. 18 (1) (2008) 30–70.
[61] P. Wilson, D. Reilly, Joint Evaluation of Their Responses to the Yogyakarta
Earthquake, CARE, Catholic Relief Services, Save the Children and World Vision
Indonesia, Yogyakarta, 2007.
[62] Sammy Zahran, L. Peek, Samuel D. Brody, Youth mortality by forces of nature,
Child., Youth Environ. 18 (1) (2008) 371–388.
[63] Muhammad Zein, A Community-Based Approach to Flood Hazard and Vul-
nerability Assessment in Flood Prone Areas: A Case Study in Keluarahan Sewu,
Surakarta City-Indonesia, Unpublished master’s dissertation, Gadjah Mada
University, Yogakarta, Indonesia, 2010.