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Crossing the qualitative-quantitative chasm I: Hybrid geographies, the spatial turn, and
volunteered geographic information (VGI)
Daniel Sui and Dydia DeLyser
Prog Hum Geogr published online 28 February 2011
DOI: 10.1177/0309132510392164

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Progress report
Progress in Human Geography
1–14
Crossing the qualitative- ª The Author(s) 2011
Reprints and permission:
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quantitative chasm I: 10.1177/0309132510392164
phg.sagepub.com
Hybrid geographies,
the spatial turn, and volunteered
geographic information (VGI)

Daniel Sui
The Ohio State University, USA
Dydia DeLyser
Louisiana State University, USA

Abstract
This report, the first of three, reviews methods and methodological approaches, qualitative and quantitative.
In an effort to look beyond the qualitative-quantitative divide, two geographers with different methodological
background and expertise write together. This first report reviews works under the broader context of hybrid
geographies, the spatial turn, and the recent explosive growth of volunteered geographic information (VGI).
The works reviewed seek to combine methodological approaches in creative ways, or to create other hybrid
research methods, all to address the challenging problems of our times – problems that often demand synergy
in methodology, holism in ontology, plurarism/open-mindedness in epistemology, and embracing diversity.

Keywords
hybrid geography, methodology, methods, mixed methods, neogeography, qualitative, quantitative, spatial
turn, volunteered geographic information (VGI)

I Introduction: Beyond the
qualitative-quantitative divide
With this first in a series of three reports we
begin an entirely new progress report, one set
to cover qualitative and quantitative research
methods together, along with the methodologies
that ground them and the approaches that seek to
integrate them. We write together in an effort to
bury the qualitative-quantitative divide in our
discipline (and in the social sciences and huma-
nities more broadly) and we contend that this
divide has hindered cooperation, collaboration,
and constructive engagement of diversity (Curtis
and Riva, 2010; Walker, 2010). In this first
report we focus on work that seeks to mix meth-
ods and/or methodologies, as well as on work
that seeks to transcend the differences between
methods and methodologies. This should not
be confused with single-minded advocacy for
such work as the methodological way forward.
Corresponding author:
Daniel Sui, Department of Geography, The Ohio State
University, 1036 Derby Hall, 154 North Oval Mall,
Columbus, OH 43210-1361, USA
Email: sui.10@osu.edu

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2 Progress in Human Geography
Future reports will highlight qualitative and
quantitative approaches that do not seek to meld
approaches, but attempt instead to carry out their
own methodological work well. Across the three
reports we seek to recognize the diversity of
approaches current in geographical scholarship,
but also to propose that we move beyond the
methodological divide that has hindered that
scholarship. Our goal is to inject tolerance, strive
for synergy, and embrace diversity in our meth-
ods and methodologies in order to address crea-
tively the complex problems of our time.
Such a broad embrace is (and long has been)
common in more introductory texts (Gomez and
Jones, 2010; Kitchin and Tate, 1999; Montello
and Sutton, 2005) and throughout the history of
geography. Yet, though this is a vibrant time of
publication on methods and methodologies in
geography, that broad-spectrum view remains
elusive in work that seeks to engage issues of
methods at a higher level, where, with few excep-
tions (Cope and Elwood, 2009; Crampton, 2010),
recent advanced texts in geography are, perhaps
necessarily, specialized (Bivand et al., 2008;
DeLyser et al., 2010; Hay, 2010; Longley et al.,
2010; O’Sullivan and Unwin, 2010) even as others
place a growing emphasis on mixed methods for
synthesis and holistic understanding (Carpenter
et al., 2009; Tashakkori and Teddlie, 2010).
On the surface, the qualitative-quantitative
divide appears as different methodological
approaches. Yet it may also reflect a much deeper
division in human intellectual endeavor and
knowledge production, akin to C.P. Snow’s
‘chasm’ between scientific and humanistic
knowledge (Snow, 1993). In such situations,
divides can be just that: divisive. If our research
and our discipline are to survive and remain rele-
vant, we must move beyond divisiveness. This is
not to say that we must set aside all divisions and
differences, for such diversity and debates on fun-
damental issues are productive – whether for an
academic discipline or a democracy (Fineman,
2009). This can be a fruitful time for methodologi-
cal engagements that might better serve
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geography as an interdisciplinary field (Baerwald,
2010). In the following section we outline the
broader context for such engagements.
II Geography’s new turn to
synthesis and holism
Geography as a discipline has oscillated between
analytical and synthetic paradigms (Harvey,
1997; Turner, 1989). During the first decade of
the 21st century, along with geographers’ cur-
rent and recent turns to specific domains and
approaches (e.g. the critical turn, the cultural
turn, the relational turn, the computational turn,
the communicational turn, the mobilities turn,
the performative turn, etc.), one turn deserves
particular attention here: the turn to synthesis
and to holism. At least three trends over the past
10 years provide broader context for this syn-
thetic and holistic turn.
First, there are calls for a unified geography as
the new disciplinary identity (Matthews and
Herbert, 2004), for a new synthesis (Gober,
2000), and for studying our planet not bit by bit
but all at once (Clarke, forthcoming). As a con-
ceptual framework, hybrid geographies propose
to practice this new synthesis in geographic
research: Whatmore argues that ‘it is both more
interesting and more pressing to engage in a
politics of hybridity . . . in which the stakes are
thoroughly and promiscuously distributed
through the messy attachments, skills and inten-
sities of differently embodied lives whose every-
day conduct exceeds and perverts the designs of
parliament, corporations and labour’ (Whatmore,
2002: 3). For Rose (2000: 364), hybrids ‘trans-
gress and displace boundaries between binary
divisions and in so doing produce something
ontologically new’; this notion is echoed by
Kwan (2004:759) who recognizes two major
divisions within geography: the partition between
physical and human geography, of nature from
society; and the separation of spatial-analytical
geographies, which attempt to create a mode of
disembodied geographical analysis, from social,
Sui and DeLyser
cultural, and political geographies. For these
scholars, hybrid geographies seek to integrate in
grounded practices elements thought to be
incompatible or conflicting. Hybrid geographies,
also sometimes known as boundary projects,
challenge existing boundaries and forge creative
connections within geographies – physical and
human, critical and analytical, qualitative and
quantitative – aiming to integrate perspectives
on space, place, flow, and connection.1
Second, the first decade of this century has wit-
nessed a spatial turn across the physical sciences,
social sciences, and humanities, with scholars
from different disciplines challenging issues from
a spatial perspective. Space has become an inte-
grating theme across the social sciences – evi-
denced by emerging spatially integrated social
sciences (www.csiss.org) – and scholars across
the humanities have made GIS and spatial analy-
sis integral parts of their research methodologies
(Bodenhamer et al., 2010; Fisher and Mennel,
2010; Knowles, 2008; Scholten et al., 2009; Warf
and Arias, 2008). Economist Paul Krugman was
awarded the 2008 Nobel Prize for his work in eco-
nomic geography. And recent work by mathema-
ticians, physicists, computer scientists, and
ecologists in complex networks, visual analytics,
and spatial modeling has enhanced geography’s
quantitative toolbox.
This spatial turn has not been confined to the
Ivory Tower. Policy-makers have realized the
crucial importance of space and place in under-
standing the complexity of the world’s problems,
seeking solutions to these problems that will
work well under diverse local circumstances –
the World Bank (2009) framed last year’s world
development report entirely from a geographical
perspective, concluding that alleviating, and
eventually eliminating, poverty problems must
start with reshaping the world’s economic geo-
graphy. In the USA, the Obama White House has
urged all federal agencies to develop place-based
policies (Orszag et al, 2009).
Third, there is the merger of new means of
understanding spatial data with new ways of
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3
creating and acquiring it. The first decade of this
century saw the rapid development of Web
2.0 technologies along with major advances in
GeoWeb and geospatial technologies, including
traditional geographic information systems
(GIS), remote sensing (RS), global positioning
systems (GPS), and location-based services
(LBS). This is an unprecedented moment in
human history: we can now know where nearly
everything, from genetic to global levels, is at all
times. These technological advances can be
brought to bear on the corresponding data ava-
lanche – the vast amounts of user-generated con-
tent and volunteered geographic information
(VGI) that pours out as individuals become sen-
sors, gathering and disseminating data about
their environments and themselves in increasing
spatial-temporal detail.
Advances in geospatial technologies during
the past 10 years have enabled ordinary citizens
with little formal training to participate in the
production of geographic data and knowledge
through diverse forms of user-generated content
and VGI. ‘Neogeography’ has emerged as a
descriptive and analytical tool for large numbers
of people outside of academia, a process cata-
lyzed by digital mapping technologies and the
social-networking practices of Web 2.0 (Batty
et al., 2010). The rise of neogeography during
the past five years has contributed to the explo-
sive growth of a diverse array of geo-tagged
data, and stimulated a new mode of knowledge
production via crowdsourcing (Goodchild,
2009). Neogeography and VGI may not mean
much when viewed at the individual level, but
interesting patterns may emerge when the vast
amount of fragmented individual-level data is
aggregated and synthesized.
III Recent efforts in geographic
synthesis: A step toward
consilience?
This section reviews recent efforts towards
geographic synthesis that reflect the three trends
4 Progress in Human Geography
outlined above. All these efforts aim to move
beyond the qualitative-quantitative divide, and
a narrow view of geographical scholarship. For
each ‘hybrid’ we give a synoptic overview, and
offer more detailed discussion on methods and
methodologies in representative case studies.
1 Hybridizing physical and human
geography
Although geographers following the cultural/
political ecology tradition have for decades
worked on topics that link physical and human
geography, the growth of hybrid geographies has
drawn an increasing number of human and phys-
ical geographers (who normally would practice
either one exclusively) to cross the physical-
human divide. Neil Smith (1998) speculates on
the emergence of what he called El Niño capital-
ism – both literally and metaphorically – noti-
cing the striking similarities in the rhythms of
El Niño/Southern Oscillation (ENSO) and capit-
alism’s periodic crises, and striving to link them
in a causal chain. El Niño capitalism remains
controversial, and others dispute the extent
ENSO has affected US macroeconomic
performance. Using data for ENSO fluctuations
and the rates of US inflation and economic
growth over the 1894–1999 timespan, Berry and
Okulicz-Kozaryn (2008) explore whether there
has been any co-cyclicality between the two phe-
nomena and whether aperiodic ENSO shocks
have had any impact on these macroeconomic
parameters. They discerned no co-cyclicality or
aperiodic shocks, concluding that while ENSO
may briefly influence the performance of particu-
lar sectors of the economy in particular regions,
such locally important effects ‘vanish into the
noise surrounding macroeconomic trends in an
economy as large and complex as that of the
USA’ (p. 625).
Leichenko et al. (2010), however, attempt to
relink the current global financial crisis to global
climate change using a double-exposure frame-
work. Their empirical results from California’s
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Central Valley support the link between global
climate change, global financial crisis, and how
those are manifested from global to local levels.
Meanwhile, Gober et al. (2010a) saw that global
climate change presented an uncertain future for
urban water planners, particularly in desert areas
(like metropolitan Phoenix where they situated
their work). The potential local impacts of
large-scale processes like global climate change
were difficult for urban planers to grasp and
apply, so Gober et al. (2010b) downscaled global
climate models to the size of metro Phoenix,
applying those together with urban-runoff predic-
tions and inputting the data into WaterSim, an
integrated computer-based modeling program
that could simulate scenarios for Phoenix’s water
resources based on different projected climates,
water-management policies, and water-usage
demands. The model enabled the suspension of
politicized decisions relating to global climate
change, in order to show how endangered a
resource the city’s water would be under even
optimistic scenarios, while also revealing
that adaptive policies encouraging residential
conservation could lead to long-term water sus-
tainability even under the worst climate-change
scenarios.
It is not only human geographers addressing in
new ways topics typically thought physical
(Campbell, 2009; Yusoff, 2009, 2011); physical
geographers have also embraced topics more tra-
ditionally human (Frazier et al., 2010; Mark et al.,
2010; Valdivia et al., 2010). The study of globa-
lization, as Clifford (2009) suggests, need not
be the exclusive domain of human geographers
or social scientists: physical geography has
always been global at heart, and globalization
must be seen historically in the global export of
western science – including physical geography
– that underpinned colonial resource exploitation.
Inspired by Allan Pred’s work (1984) on the
formation of place, Phillips (2001) highlights the
primacy of place in human impacts on the envi-
ronment, and contingency of place has been a
dominant theme in his recent publications
Sui and DeLyser
(Phillips, 2009a, 2009b). In a parallel to human
geographers’ efforts to examine economic
impacts of global climate change, physical geo-
graphers have studied the environmental conse-
quences of the rising divorce rate. Yu and Liu
(2007) tracked carbon footprints of couples in
12 countries who married and then either
divorced, stayed married, or divorced and remar-
ried. Because divorced couples typically require
two residences, Yu and Liu found that energy
consumption, water usage, and the amount of
space occupied per person all increased dramati-
cally with divorce.
In hydrological modeling, Odoni and Lane
(2010) advocate an approach that is knowledge-
theoretic rather than data-theoretic in order to
capture the richer sources of information avail-
able to the modeler. Such sources include third-
party reports, personal recollections and diaries,
old photographs and press articles, and opinions
which have been, by convention, either excluded
from analysis, or simply added into descriptions
of model results at the point of dissemination and
consultation. This framework represents an effort
by physical geographers to embed qualitative
data as an integral part of their quantitative mod-
els: as they argue, the production of scientific
knowledge comes to include not just scientists
and specialists, but also those people for whom
model predictions make a material difference’
(p. 151).
Continental philosophy has likewise become a
source of methodological reflection for physical
geographers. Using Nietzsche, Comrie (2010)
aimed to engage physical geographers and fellow
physical scientists to reconsider their roles as
scientists. Debunking the mystique of science and
the misconception of seeing science as indepen-
dent of people and society, Comrie showed that
science gains its power by the ways we attach
meaning to it and its findings: we should thus act
on our ability to bestow that power. Comrie chal-
lenges physical geographers to overcome their
trained tendency toward detached environmental
science and instead fashion a new physical
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5
geography that includes meaning and action.
Mistry et al. (2009), drawing from their work on
water quality in Guyana, traced their journey as
physical geographers from top-down experts to
participatory facilitators – addressing issues of
reflexivity and positionality often (mistakenly)
thought only of concern to human geography.
2 Mixing qualitative and quantitative
methods
The interdisciplinary nature of geography
(Baerwald, 2010) can foster a methodological
hybridity in the mixing of qualitative and
quantitative methods and methodologies. Recent
work features sophisticated mixed-methods
approaches that cross the divide between
spatial-analytical and social-critical approaches
(Barker, 2009; Brown et al., 2008; Collins,
2009; Elwood, 2010; López-i-Gelats et al.,
2009; Schuermans and De Maesschalcka, 2010;
Travlou et al., 2008; Tschakert, 2009; Velazquez
et al., 2009; Zulu, 2009), revealing the binary
between such approaches as pseudo rather than
real (Barnes, 2009). Critical geography need not
be qualitative and can use numbers (Schwanen
and Kwan, 2009) – after all, Karl Marx used quan-
titative methods extensively. But, as Elwood
(2010) points out, thoughtful mixed-methods
research must bridge not only methodological but
also epistemological and philosophical divides.
‘Cherished theoretical principles’ may ‘become
renegotiated’: Bergman et al. (2009: 265) seek
nothing short of a ‘methodological reinterpreta-
tion of what employing mathematical arguments
could mean within larger, postpositivist theoreti-
cal projects in critical human geography’.
Mixed-methods research offers human geogra-
phers the opportunity to identify appropriate roles
for different methods (Elwood, 2010). In transport
geography this may involve exploring how con-
text affects human travel behavior. Zolinik’s
(2010) multilevel, mixed-methods approach to the
criticisms of quantitative methods in transport
geography shows that quantitative modeling (at a
6 Progress in Human Geography
single level) can complement qualitative analysis
(across multiple levels). Goetz et al. (2009) exam-
ine recent transport-oriented research in highly
cited geography journals, revealing that geogra-
phical research on transport topics is more preva-
lent and (though often influenced by civil-
engineering approaches) reflects a wider range
of epistemological and methodological
approaches than frequently assumed. They pro-
pose a critical-transport-geography research
agenda that calls for the greater integration of
qualitative analysis into predominant
quantitative-modeling approaches.
Perhaps most dramatic in mixed-methods
research in human geography is the development
of qualitative GIS (Aitken and Kwan, 2010),
which, along with participatory GIS, feminist
GIS, and critical GIS, works to reconceptualize
GIS as more than only quantitative in terms of
data, analysis, and representation. Emerging in
response to critiques that characterized GIS as
rooted in positivist epistemologies and most sui-
ted for quantitative techniques associated with
the discredited spatial science (Wilson, 2009),
qualitative GIS reveals that GIS, from its incep-
tion, ‘has been more than quantitative’ (Cope and
Elwood, 2009: 171). Using mixed/hybrid meth-
ods in representation, mode of analysis, and con-
ceptual engagement, qualitative GIS embraces
non-cartographic forms of data, qualitative anal-
ysis, and multiple modes of representation (Cope
and Elwood, 2009).
Furthermore Knigge and Cope (2006, 2009)
show how the inductive, iterative analysis prac-
tices of grounded visualization can engage scale
in GIS as both a cartographic representation and
a sociopolitical construction. Elwood (2009),
drawing from her work on grassroots GIS prac-
tices, demonstrates how cartographic representa-
tions generated in a GIS might be engaged to
produce multiple and different understandings of
neighborhood, negotiating the meanings and char-
acteristics associated with neighborhood as flex-
ible and fixed, and engaging them as both
material and imagined space. And Aitken and
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Craine (2009) show how a non-representational
reading of GIS-based representations can illumi-
nate greater insights into affective and emotive
politics than more traditionally technical readings.
3 Archival ethnography
Ann Laura Stoler (2009) urges a move away
from ‘treating the archives as an extractive exer-
cise’ (p. 47), advocating applying ethnographic
sensibilities to archival research. This shift, from
‘archive as source’ to ‘archive as subject’ (p. 44)
is not entirely new (Darnton, 1984; Ginzburg,
1982), but this hybrid form of research has been
forwarded by a number of geographers. As
Ogborn (2009: 18) advises, ‘We can examine
archives . . . [by] asking ourselves ‘‘what forms
of communication are they?’’ – both when they
were created, and in communicating between
past and present’. Lorimer and Philo (2009) do
just that in their endeavor to allow ‘more disor-
der’ into the archive through their investigation
of the haphazardly kept and collected archive
of their own geography department. They point
out that ‘the researcher needs to be suspicious
of the apparent order, and instead seek out
‘‘cracks’’ in the façade’ because a ‘disorderly
archive need not yield a disordered account, nor
must an ordered archive yield an orderly one’:
the ‘most conventionally ordered accounts . . .
may also be the ones that miss what is most
important’ (Lorimer and Philo, 2009: 229, 250).
Lambert (2009) employs an ‘ethno-historical
approach’, identifying blanks within the written
record to ‘understand the identities and histories’
of enslaved witnesses and excavate their knowl-
edge from colonial archival traces (p. 48), demon-
strating how even ‘the unsaid’ can ‘become
evidence’ (p. 58). Others, like Cameron and Mat-
less (2010), also found things thought not acces-
sible in archives. Studying an ecological field
course in the UK, they showed how even ignor-
ance itself (in this case the ignorance of local agri-
cultural practices that course participants had
mistaken for natural processes) must be ‘achieved
Sui and DeLyser
and sustained’ and how this ‘ongoing operation’
can be revealed in the archives.
Neither must non-humans be left from the
archives, though their tracks can be difficult to
trace. Lorimer and Whatmore (2009) draw on
‘emerging techniques’ in ‘embodied re-enac-
tive’ historical geography in their study of ele-
phants and an elephant hunter in 19th-century
Ceylon: scrutinizing the hunter’s published
works, journals, and sketches; examining the
hunter’s clothing, equipment and rifle crushed
by an elephant; and conducting fieldwork at the
sites of Sri Lanka hunts, re-reading key texts in
situ as a partial means to understand the archives
from a more-than-human perspective. Nor must
the archive be understood as merely a textual
realm. For Ogborn suggests ‘understanding a
world of practice as simultaneously a world of
communication (rather, perhaps, than represen-
tation) can provide a way forward for historical
geographers to explore practices without simply
turning our backs on what we have learned about
the world through texts’ (Ogborn, 2009:19). So
too must the understanding of archival practices
extend to those doing archival research. Bailey
et al. (2009) detail the ‘backstage production’
of their work in a Methodist archive, writing a
group-autoethnography-in-an-archive because
‘research methods and reportage cannot be
abstracted from the practices and experiences
of the researchers’. Similar to Mistry et al.
(2009) above, they encourage ‘the development
of an enlivened geography in which practitioners
acknowledge their voices’ (Bailey et al.,
2009:265, 258, 266).
4 Activism, applied geography, and
academia
Community engagement, either in the form of
Participatory Action Research (PAR) (Reason
and Bradbury, 2007), or applied geography
(Pacione, 1999), draws on strong traditions in
the social sciences and humanities, and involves
different hybridizations of research, pedagogy,
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7
participation, political action, and caring. Geo-
graphers working in this area, like the Automo-
mous Geographies Collective (2010), reject the
‘false distinction between academia and wider
society’, seeking instead ways to research and
engage collectively, in part by recognizing the
‘emancipatory potential of education, research
and publications’ (pp. 245, 263). Evans et al.
(2009) advocate a ‘fusion’ of methods across sub-
fields previously thought unconnected, arguing
that such linkages can be useful particularly in col-
laborative, community-based work, where they
can help recognize indigenous peoples as the
authors, not objects, of knowledge (see also Jazeel
and McFarlane, 2010). And Gibson-Graham
and Roelvink (2009: 343) advocate a hybrid
research collective of human and non-human
actants to stimulate ‘world-changing processes’.
Part of the challenge, as Askins (2009) points
out, is that although our research, teaching,
learning, and activism are shaped by emotions,
this is often under-acknowledged. She urges
academics to make time and space for emotions
in every stage of research. But emotions, accord-
ing to Brown and Pickerill (2009) are linked to
the very sustainability of activism, for activism
is sustained through emotional engagements and
emotional reflexivity. The meanings and prac-
tices of emotional reflexivity must be examined
by researchers in the context of the different
spaces of activism, for spaces themselves may
hinder or enable emotional reflexivity in acti-
vism. Such awareness, they argue, can be a first
step to sustainability of activism.
Another avenue for activist work seeks to link
activism and involvement explicitly with peda-
gogy (see Boyer, 1990), drawing students into
academic and community practice. Mountz
et al. (2008) linked their course with a local
community-service center, allowing research
questions and class projects to emerge organi-
cally through dialog, and only then asking to col-
laborate with organizations whose work
resonated with the themes that had emerged, and
thus ‘laying a framework for ‘‘meaning
8 Progress in Human Geography
making’’outside the classroom’ (p. 228). Course
evaluations, community partners, and presenta-
tion attendees all responded positively to the proj-
ects, yet the time and energy commitments of the
course ‘proved overwhelming’ for many even
while it also became a ‘defining part of . . . [their]
lives’ (pp. 233, 235). Despite the challenges, inte-
grating Participatory Action Research with teach-
ing, as Pain (2009) points out, links theory to
practice, and enables conceptual and methodolo-
gical learning to be situated both in and out of the
classroom (see the symposium on this topic:
Cope, 2009; Elwood, 2009; Kindon and Elwood,
2009; Moss, 2009).
5 Mashing up paleo- and neogeography
The explosive growth of volunteered geographic
information (VGI) has precipitated a possible
new divide – the so-called neogeography versus
paleogeography (Sieber et al., 2009; Sui, 2009a).
If neogeographers are those with little or no for-
mal geographic training who contribute geo-
graphic information on a voluntary basis using
the technologies loosely known as Web 2.0,
then, by implication, professional geographers
are paleogeographers. While this division is
used only loosely and sometimes sarcastically,
it has been on the increase.
Many forms of synthesis in the context of
VGI applications can be described as mashups
(the term, borrowed from the music industry,
originally referred to a composition created by
blending two or more songs). In the context of
Web-based applications, a mashup may have
multiple meanings (Sui, 2009b). At the func-
tional/service level, a mashup may be a Web
page or application that combines data or func-
tionality from two or more external sources to
create a new service. In terms of content, a
mashup can be a digital media file containing a
combination of text, maps, audio, video, and ani-
mation, which recombines and modifies existing
digital works to create a derivative work. The
term implies easy, fast integration, frequently
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using open APIs (Application Programming
Interface) and data sources to produce some-
thing new. A growing number of companies,
including Google, Microsoft, Yahoo, and Map-
Quest have developed products and services that
enable their users to develop their own APIs for
this purpose, and millions of Web users have
developed creative applications. But a mashup
is more than a technical advance – its signifi-
cance lies in its promotion of a new habit of
mind towards synthesis and hybridity.
Mashing up neo- and paleogeography has
opened new avenues. Liu and Palen (2010) pre-
sented a qualitative analysis of the design and
creation of crisis-map mashups to describe emer-
gent neogeographic practices in emergency man-
agement and disaster relief. They analyzed the
circumstances that led to mashup creation, data
selection, and design choices vis-a-vis spatial
and temporal information representation. Using
Ushahidi and New Orleans repopulation maps
as case studies, they further discussed the impli-
cations of emergent neogeographic practices to
illustrate benefits gained by merging profes-
sional/paleo and participatory/neo geotechnolo-
gies for crisis mapping, and the opportunities
provided by the blending of the two for improve-
ment of geographic and cartographic literacy.
Zook et al. (2010) document the role of mash-
ing up neo- and paleogeographic information in
the Haiti relief effort. They focused on four
mashup efforts in particular: CrisisCamp Haiti,
OpenStreetMap, Ushahidi, and GeoCommons.
Both Liu and Palen, and Zook et al. found such
mashups via online mapping sites a key means
through which individuals could make a tangible
difference in the work of relief and aid agencies
without being physically present in Haiti.
Goodchild and Glennon (2010) use forest-fire
mapping as a case to examine the potential for
VGI in time-critical scenarios, further demonstrat-
ing the power of crowdsourced online mapping.
User-generated content (UGC) and VGI in
particular are also increasingly becoming an
important data source, often mashed up with
Sui and DeLyser
more traditional sources for geographic
research. Cidell (2010) reported the use of con-
tent clouds (summarizing the contents of a doc-
ument by depicting the words that appear most
often in larger, darker type within the cloud) as
a method of exploratory qualitative data analysis
using primarily online information. When uti-
lized as a form of qualitative GIS, content clouds
provide a powerful way to summarize and com-
pare information from different places on a sin-
gle issue. Using Dell Computer’s customer blog
(direct2Dell), which reveals communicative
behavior directed both at seeking objective
information and locating subjective experiences,
Poon and Cheong (2009) show how blog data
can be used to examine complex intersubjectiv-
ity in economic geography. Other economic
geographers have used blog data to examine
agglomeration effects and the dominance of
major metropolitan areas as information hubs
(Jones et al., 2010; Mould and Joel, 2010).
O’Loughlin et al. (2010) have utilized data from
WikiLeaks and the Afghan war to reveal micro-
geographies, conflict diffusion, and clusters of
violence in Afghanistan. Adding to the literature
using geospatial technologies in human-rights
monitoring (AAAS, 2010), Madden and Ross
(2009) have mashed up multiple sources of
online and offline interviews and personal
narratives to illuminate patterns of genocide,
human rights abuses, and atrocities in northern
Uganda.
IV Conclusions
This report has reviewed broad trends that, from
a methodological perspective, could have trans-
formative effects on the practice of human geo-
graphy. Although they embrace divergent
approaches and methodologies to address com-
plex issues, they also converge around a (re)turn
to synthesis and holism in their aims. Hybridiz-
ing, remixing, and mashing up conceptual fra-
meworks, data sources, and modes of analysis
as these works do may provide a means to cross
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9
the methodological, epistemological, and
philosophical chasms that have divided human
geography. And, while the most common
hybrids involve combining the statistical analy-
sis of population data with interviews of a
smaller number of people, or supplementing GIS
with qualitative data, we have endeavored to
show some of the breadth in hybrid methods
used by geographers – there are others we have
not discussed, such as collaboration between
geographers and artists (Ahlqvist et al., 2010;
Askins and Pain, forthcoming; Nabulime and
McEwan, forthcoming). It is nevertheless true
that a worrisome percentage of the works we
searched for this report do not describe the meth-
ods and methodologies employed – whether
hybrid or not. Even so, the application and suc-
cess of these hybrid geographies and mixed-
methods approaches demonstrates that what
were once perceived as methodological, episte-
mological, and philosophical chasms not only
can be, but have been, bridged.
More than 30 years ago, Feyerabend (1975:
305–306) argued that ‘everywhere science is
enriched by unscientific methods and unscien-
tific results’, and that the very division
between science and non-science was detri-
mental for true understanding. Consistent with
Fayerabend’s embrace of all methods, Wolch
(2003) advocated radical openness itself as a
method. Radical open-mindedness, coupled
with an engaged pluralist approach – as out-
lined by Barnes and Sheppard (2010) – can
be a fruitful way forward.
Mixing methods, as done by those whose
work we have cited here, is but one way of
engaging the multiple voices present in the
sites and communities where our research is
placed. All methods simultaneously enable and
disable, and mixing methods is not the only
way to approach methodological challenges.
Nor would we wish to undermine the com-
plexities and challenges in adopting a syn-
thetic/holistic approach in research. As Wyly
(2009) has noted:
10
how can we ever find the time to master the dizzying
array of traditions and techniques required to create
truly hybrid geographies, without giving up the
depth that comes with specialization in social theory
or spatial econometrics or feminist ethnography or
participant observation or policy analysis or the list
goes on? (Wyly, 2009: 319)
Institutional culture may discourage transdisci-
plinary research (Wainwright, 2010), and yet,
as Turner (1989) argued, single-minded syn-
thetic approaches do not necessarily serve the
discipline well. Instead, balanced specialist-
synthesis approaches adapted to each new
situation may be the most successful methodolo-
gical framework. Our future reports will examine
methods, new and old, that seek to engage either
qualitative or quantitative approaches, striving to
do them each well and meld them creatively
wherever and whenever needed.
Note
1. Efforts toward hybridity have been supported at the fund-
ing level as well. The US National Research Council
(NRC, 2010) identified a transdisciplinary area they term
‘the geographical sciences’ – with a deliberate plural
because of the diverse theoretical and methodological
framework scholars in different areas follow in their
geographical practices; and the US National Science
Foundation established a new program funding projects
focused on coupling natural and human system dynamics
(http://www.nsf.gov/funding/pgm_summ.jsp?pims_id¼
13681); such mandates accelerate synthetic efforts and
practices of hybrid geographies.
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