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Aphasiology
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The production of stereotyped

neologisms in aphasia: A case study
a
Gerhard Blanken
a
Research Program in Neuropsychology and Neurolinguistics,
Institute for German Language, Department of Neurology
Freiburg University , Germany
Published online: 29 May 2007.

To cite this article: Gerhard Blanken (1993) The production of stereotyped neologisms in
aphasia: A case study, Aphasiology, 7:6, 551-568, DOI: 10.1080/02687039308248630

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 APHASIOLOGY, 1993, VOL. 7, NO. 6, 551-568

Case Study
The production of stereotyped neologisms
in aphasia: a case study

GERHARD BLANKEN
Research Program in Neuropsychology and Neurolinguistics, Institute for
German Language; and Department of Neurology, Freiburg University,
Germany
Downloaded by [University of Auckland Library] at 06:00 06 December 2014

(Received 19 October 1992; revision received 12 Februaty 1993; accepted 18 February 1993)

Abstract
This case study describes the speech production of the aphasic patient, T. W.,
whose oral speech is characterized by frequent stereotyped neologisms. In his
spontaneous speech, particularly content words were replaced by neologisms,
whereas function words were largely retained. In oral naming, the occurrence
of neologisms was linked to target frequency. T. W.’s relatively good
performance on those word-finding tasks not requiring overt speech speaks
against an anomic blockage of word form access as the basis of his neologisms.
T. W.’s writing to dictation of both words and non-words showed no
recognizable similarities to his stereotyped oral output. For this reason it is
concluded that the basis of T. W. ’s stereotyped neologisms is modality specific
and subphonemic. It is argued that the relationship between subphonemically
generated stereotyped neologisms and lexical variables such as word class and
word frequency cannot be accounted for by strictly modular models of
language processing, but is in agreement with predictions of models incor-
porating assumptions of the interactive network approach.

Introduction
Fluent phonemic neologisms are mainly observed in a subgroup of Wernicke’s
and conduction aphasics. Whereas some aphasic non-word productions share
partial phonological similarities with their targets and are referred t o as ‘phonemic
paraphasias’ or ‘target-related neologisms ’, others show no recognizable relation-
ship and are therefore known as unrelated or ‘abstruse neologisms’ (Lecours
1982). The basis of neologism production is controversial, however.
The so-called ‘conduction theory’ attributes non-word productions (as well as
formally related word substitutions) t o the same mechanism as that leading t o
single phonemic errors (see e.g. Lecours and Lhermitte 1969, Kertesz and Benson
1970, Lecours 1982). According t o this theory, unrelated neologisms arise as a
result of an accumulation of segmental-phonemic errors, which can distort the
target word beyond recognition.

Address correspondence to: Gerhard Blanken, Ph.D., Deutsches Seminar, Freiburg University,
Werthmannplatz, D-W-7800 Freiburg, Germany.

02667038/93 $1000 0 1993 Taylor %I Francis Ltd.

 552 Gerhard Blanken

The most detailed account of unrelated aphasic neologisms is the ‘anomia

theory’ of Butterworth (e.g. 1979,1985) and Buckingham (e.g. 1987, Buckingham
and Kertesz 1976). They view the production of abstruse neologisms as an adaptive
reaction to compensate for severe blockages in accessing lexical forms. In his
single case study, Butterworth (1979) found that 51 YOof the neologisms recorded
followed a hesitation pause compared to 18% for real words. Moreover, since
the phoneme distribution of the abstruse neologisms did not correspond to the
normal English phoneme frequency, Butterworth postulated a so-called ‘ random
phoneme generator’. In cases of completely blocked word form retrieval this
device releases random, but phonotactically regular phoneme chains for produc-
tion. Buckingham (1987) attempted to build the ‘random generator’ into Garrett’s
(e.g. 1982) speech production model, situating it between the ‘functional level
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representation ’ and the ‘positional level representation ’ (see Buckingham, in press,

for more details).
An alternative approach to this study of non-word productions in aphasia has
been taken by Ellis and collaborators (Ellis 1985, Ellis et a/. 1983, Miller and Ellis
1987). They reject the possible existence of a random generator, since they do
not expect to find such a function in the healthy or impaired cognitive system.
Instead, within the framework of Stemberger ’s (1985) interactive activation model,
they assume phonemically distorted items to result from insufficient or partial
activation of entries in the phonological lexicon rather than from total blockages
in word form access.
Research to date has concentrated on phonemic neologisms as being largely
-unpredictabledistortions of target items. However, stereotyped phenomena have
also been reported for neologisms and neologistic jargon, respectively.
On the basis of a longitudinal study of an aphasic patient, Green (1969)
concluded that the patient’s ‘neologisms and jargon episodes are in large part
stereotypic’. Fifty-two out of 275 neologisms recorded for this patient could be
+ +
described by the formula /a, a, 3/ /r/ /C/. Buckingham and Kertesz (1974)
reported the case of a fluent aphasic B. F., whose neologisms appeared to be
related to the word ‘fish’ (B. F.’s last name was ‘Fisher’) as the following example
demonstrates: ‘We used to nish. I used to fp on a fed batter on jesh island. I
alwaysfeshist in broad England.’ The authors noted that ‘forms which appear to
be related tofsb occur at many points in this patient’s speech, even on interviews
a year apart’ (p. 54). Buckingham and Kertesz (1976) described stereotyped patterns
in additional patients producing neologisms (see pp. 29-30). Furthermore,
Lhermitte et al. (1973)’ as well as Lecours and Rouillon (1976)’ reported so-called
‘predilection neologisms’ which could be varied in structure to a certain extent.
Likewise, 0 ’Connell (1981) described an aphasic with neologistic jargon and
found that, ‘the patient showed a “preference” for several speech sounds’ and
‘that sound productions were not random’. All these observations verify that
stereotyped features can occur in the neologisms of fluent aphasics which can be
accounted for neither by the ‘anomia theory’ in general, nor by the ‘random
generator device’ in particular.
On the other hand, extremely stereotyped speech production has been observed
in patients with speech automatisms (recurring utterances) (see e.g. Lebrun 1986,
Code 1989, Blanken 1991b, for reviews.) Such verbal stereotypies can make up
the main portion of the patient’s output for a period of months or even years.
The speech automatisms of many patients consist of one and the same recurrently
 Stereooped neoiogisms in aphasia 553

produced neologism. However, a subgroup of these patients has been known to

be able to phonologically vary their neologistic forms to a certain degree. For
example, the patient D. E. (see Blanken et al. 1990) could vary his most frequent
or core automatism form /vedi/ to /vidi/, /veti/ and /viri/.
In the present study an aphasic patient, T. W., is described, whose oral
productions exhibit both neologistic and stereotyped features. The observations
and experimental results are discussed in relation to current cognitive-neurolin-
guistic accounts for neologistic and stereotyped speech of aphasic patients.

Case report
The neurolinguistic status of the patient has already been described in Blanken
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e t a/. (1990) and will only be briefly summarized here. T. W., a right-handed
70-year-old man with a college education, suffered an ischaemic insult involving
the territory of the left middle cerebral artery 8 months prior to this investigation.
The CT scan disclosed a left-sided lesion in the post- and precentral gyri and the
inferior basal frontal gyrus. At the time of the case study the patient was able to
write legibly with his dominant right hand.
T. W. ’s speech performance was examined by means of the Aachen Aphasia
Test (AAT) (Huber et al. 1983). T.W. was classified as a Wernicke’s aphasic
(99.2% and 0.8% global aphasia) according to the computer-based assignment to
one of the four standard aphasia syndromes (using the ALLOC program of the
AAT). However, his clinical profile was rather reminiscent of severe conduction
aphasia. His performance on the AAT subtest ‘repetition’ proved to be severely
impaired. In contrast, the ‘comprehension’ part revealed only mildly impaired
performance, and his auditory comprehension on the single-word level was nearly
always successful. In spite of some behavioural similarities with conduction
aphasics, a clear-cut classification of T.W. was not possible. His stereotyped
neologistic oral output, a symptom not associated with any syndrome of aphasia,
will be described below.
T. W. ’s spontaneous speech was marked by a large number of unrecognizable
non-word productions and intermittent jargon. His utterances were articulated
fluently, but interrupted by frequent attempts at self correction and target
approximations. The patient spoke slowly and tried to control his speech
production. No tendency towards overproduction or logorrhoea was observed.
Single-word production for comparable target items was examined by means
of the Comparative Analysis of Linguistic Functions (CALF) (see Blanken et a/.
1990). Both oral and written naming were relatively well preserved (20/30 correct,
respectively). Repetition was poorer than naming (14/30 correct responses were
obtained for nouns and 11/30 for function words) and was severely impaired for
phonologically noun-matched pseudowords (3/30). In repetition of pseudowords,
significantly more grossly deviating neologistic responses occurred (23/30) than
in repetition of real nouns (6/30). In writing to dictation, no correct responses
were made for nouns, function words or pseudowords.

Spontaneous speech
The analysis of spontaneous speech was based on a conversation between the
author and T.W. lasting about 10 ‘minutes,which was videotaped and transcribed.
 554 Gerbard Blanken

Table 1. Samples of T.W.’s spontaneous speech

I (Interviewer): Was haben Sie denn damals fur eine Ausbildung gemacht?
T. W.: ja ja es ist jetzt abet /‘esgele ‘sisgele ‘frosgelel konts ‘kantskel/ und . /‘vesgel/
[Sprung im Gesprach]
I: Welche Dinge bereiten Ihnen denn heute noch am meisten Schwierigkeiten?
T. W.: gerade das eh . /‘gesgelel/ des kann also ein bipchen /‘traisgul/ wenn also . nur schli
schriftlich ist es /‘gretsgiil/

(Translation of the above interview)

I: What kind of training did you have at that time?
T. W.: yes yes but is now I‘esgele ‘sisgele ‘frosgelel konts ‘kantskel/ and . /‘vesgel/
[change of subject]
I: What kinds of things have been causing you the most problems?
T. W.: just that eh. /‘gesgelel/ that can (be) a little /‘traisgul/ if so . only wri written it is I‘gretsgiill
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During this period the patient uttered a total of 705 syllables. Samples of T. W.’s
spontaneous speech are given in Table 1.
However, along with T. W. ’ neologistic utterances, some answer were correct
and comprehensible, for example; ‘das ist gar nicht so einfach’ (That’s not so
easy), ‘wahrscheinlich ein vielleicht zwei Tage’ (probably one, maybe two days)
or ‘Ich weij nicht mehr’ (I don’t remember).
An especially striking aspect of the phonologically distorted speech was the
recurrent form /gel/, /gelel or /gelel/, that could be varied to some extent (e.g.
to /gal/, /gul/ or /kel/). These stereotyped forms (referred to as ‘gel-suffixes’
below) were almost exclusively produced as an appendix of the neologistic
utterance (e.g. /ka’desgel/, I‘sketsgell, /do’geskel) and were observed throughout
the 6-week study.
Table 2 shows the analysis of T. W.’s spontaneous speech production in the
interview. The analysis focused on phonological errors. Because of the incom-
prehensibility of large portions of T. W. ’s utterances, potential semantic errors
could not be reliably identified.

Table 2. Analysis of TW’s spontaneous speech in a conversational setting (syllables;

percentages)

Content words 16.74 Neologisms with gel-suffix 1461

Function words 51a06 Neologisms without gel-suffix 8.51
Proper names 058 Phonemic paraphasias 1*98
Yes/No 2.55 Fragments, word discontinuations
Fillers (uh, hmm) 227 and non-classifiable elements 1.70

Tables 1 and 2 show that whereas T.W. could access function words quite
efficiently,he only rarely produced content words (as nouns, verbs, and adjectives).
Apparently, the neologisms were mainly produced at those points where content
words have been expected. This finding is compatible with earlier observations
of neologistic jargon production (e.g. Caplan e t al. 1972, Butterworth 1979,
Buckingham 1981, Lecours 1982, Butterworth and Howard 1987, Miller and Ellis
1987). The majority of T. W. ’s neologisms contained gel-suffixes (e.g. tradesgel,
misgul, vesgel). Very few of the phonologically distorted target words could be
identified by the interlocutor and could be classified as phonemic paraphasias
(e.g., /teubingen/ for Tiibingen(city in southern Germany) ;/broses/ forgrojes (big)).
 Stereooped neologisms in aphasia 555
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Figure 1. Results of the 75-item naming task (in percentages). The response classification comprises
correct responses (Corr), phonemic paraphasias (PhonP), neologisms (Neo), neologisms with
gel-suffix (NeoS), verbal paraphasias (VerbP), perseverations (Pers) and fragmentary or non-
classifiable responses (Other).

The fact that the highly stereotyped gel-suffixes were nearly always produced
as an appendix to a neologism is unusual and has-to the author’s knowledge-not
previously been reported for any other aphasic patient. Within the neologistic
part prior to the suffix the phonological variability was markedly greater.
Nevertheless, these parts also contained manifest stereotyped features as the
phonological analysis below will demonstrate. Furthermore, T. W. ’s neologisms
without any gel-suffixes also showed clear-cut stereotyped features.
In the following, T.W.’s naming performance is described in detail. Then a
phonological analysis of his neologisms is given which will make their stereotyped
features explicit.
Oral naming
In an oral naming task, T. W. was confronted with 75 object pictures, whose
names were taken from three ranges of frequency (from Ruoff 1981). Words
having more than 20 occurrences per 500,000, such as Blume (flower), Tisch
(table), Sonne (sun) were considered frequent. Words like Pilz (mushroom), Frosch
(frog) and Pinsel (paintbrush) having one to three occurrences were classified as
mid- to low-frequency. Words which were not listed in Ruoff’s lexicon (e.g.
Luchs (lynx), Floss (raft), Trommel (drum)), were classified as rare. All of these
latter words could be assumed to belong to the vocabulary of every competent
native speaker of German. Only mono- or bisyllabic targets were used.
Figure 1 shows the results for T.W. ’s first responses only. It is clear from the
figure that the frequent items were named more successfully than the other target
 556 Gerhard Blankn
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Figure 2. Distribution for four response types (correct, phonemic paraphasias, neologisms,
neologisms with gel-suffix) in T.W. ’s naming sequences (totals of sequence position; percentage)
(see Figure 1 for abbreviations).

words. The correct responses (Corr) and the partially correct responses (Phon)
combined indicate significantly better performance for frequent targets as opposed
to those of mid- to low frequence (x2 = 3.94, d.f. = 1, p < 0-05) or rare ones
(1’ = 6-65, d.f. = 1,p < 0.01). At the same time, neologism production increased
as frequency decreased (high versus mid- to low frequency: x2 = 436, d. f. = 1,
p < 0.05; high versus rare frequency: x2 = 5-55, d.f. = 1, p < 0025).
It is important to note that at no time did T.W. make omissions or responded
with the phrase ‘ich we$ nicht’ (I don’t know), in other words, reactions which
have frequently been reported for anomic aphasics were not exhibited. Instead,
T.W. consistently attempted to produce a well-directed oral response.
T.W.’s naming performance on the AAT and the CALF had already shown
his tendency to produce more than one naming attempt for a picture. That is
why the present naming experiment was conducted free of time pressure and the
subsequent picture was not shown until the patient had completed the naming
sequence. In order to investigate whether T.W. was able to approximate the target
in a number of steps up to 10 positions in his naming sequences were analysed.
As a methodical preparation of the transcribed responses the following measures
were taken prior to the analysis:

1. deletion of all function words, numbers and interjections;

2. deletion of all comments;
3. deletion of single sounds and attempts after single sounds;
4. segmentation of the sequence in units of words length;
 Stereotyped neologisms in aphasia 557

5. classification of the units, determined in the manner described above,

according to the response classification in Figure 1 ;
6. enumeration of the units or naming steps, respectively, for each sequence.
Figure 2 shows the relative frequency of four major response types for each
of the 10 positions. The figure demonstrates that an approximation to the target
word was no longer possible in naming sequences longer than five steps.
Conversely, it is clear that the probability of a correct or near-correct response
was especially high for the first attempts. It must be added that T. W. discontinued
his naming efforts as soon as he made a correct response, and only continued the
sequence in the case of significantly deviant responses.
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Phonological anahsis

Corpus
The phonological structure of T.W. ’s neologisms is described in this section.
Only responses that showed no recognizable formal relationship to the target
word were included. That is, the analysis focused on abstruse neologisms, which
occurred in the spontaneous speech described above and in the 75-item naming
test. In addition, all abstruse neologisms that T . W. produced in a verbal fluency
task’ were analyzed. In this latter task, T. W. was asked to list as many items as
possible from the following nine semantic categories : animals, countries, musical
instruments, tools, colours, fruits, articles of clothing, body parts, and occupations.
The task was administered on two different occasions, both without time limit.
The three different tasks (interview, naming, and verbal fluency) were separated
by a period of at least 1 week. A total of 374 neologisms was investigated, 144
of which were neologisms with a gel-suffix and 230 without.

Gel-surffixes
Fifty-two (36.1%) out of 144 gel-suffixes were uttered in the standard from /gel/.
The rest were phonological variations, some by means of reduplication (see Table
3). Aside from the 144 gel-forms in suffix position, eight further instances were
recorded. In four cases the gel-forms were uttered after pauses; that is without
a direct neologistic context. In four other cases the neologisms followed the
introductory context des is, which probably corresponds to the High German das
ist (that is).
In the spoken language of southwest Germany, T.W.’s speech variant, the
syllable /gel/ is a frequently used particle of speech. It is often added to the end
of an utterance, usually with question intonation, and is supposed to elicit
agreement from the listener. The function of this particle can be compared to
High German nicht or nicht wahr, English ‘tag questions’ (e.g., is it/ isn’t it) and
French n’est-ce pas. It is important to stress that T.W.’s gel-suffixes did not fulfil
the pragmatic function of such speech particles. Moreover, with few exceptions
’Because T.W.’s oral speech production for this task was for the most part incomprehensible, the results of
this test can hardly be interpreted from a semantic-lexical pont of view. This task served solely to extend the
empirical basis of the phonological analysis of T.W.’s neologisms. However, it is important to note that despite
his neologism production, T.W. was able to refer to concepts of objects, and made this clear by gesturing and
miming.
 558 Gerbard Blankn

Table 3. Frequency of stereotyped suffixes and their phonological variations (percentages

in parentheses)

52
22
17
11
6
6
5
4
21
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t/kel/, /keles/, /ke/, /gelelgel/, /pfel/, /geles/, /tell, /le/, /sell, /gilsch/, /gelelel/, Itsel/, /gelesge/, /gilgil/, /gelgel/,
/gegel/ and /lelel/.

they occurred directly following, or incorporated into, a neologism, exclusively

in an unstressed syllable position and without question intonation.

Neologisms
In order to establish whether the phonological structure of T. W. ’s neologisms
is stereotyped and, e.g., not merely determined by chance, the occurrence of
phonological segments in T. W.’s neologisms was compared to that of the sound
distribution of intact speech. The analysis was limited to word-initial consonants,
consonant clusters and vowels/diphthongs as well as post-initial vowels/diph-
thongs. The database for the normal onset distribution was calculated by analysing
the 1149 most frequent mono- and bisyllabic German nouns as listed in Ruoff’s
frequency dictionary (1981). The distribution for the post-initial vowels and
diphthongs was based on the 342 most frequent monosyllabic and the 709 most
frequent bisyllabic nouns (omitting vowel-initial items) (according to Ruoff 1981).
Table 4 shows the order of frequency in which phonological segments are used
in both the database and in T. W.’s neologisms with and without gel-suffixes.
T. W.’s neologisms clearly do not adhere to the segment frequency for German,
but denote rather marked ‘preferences’ for certain sounds. The preferred
neologism onsets included predominantly the velar plosives /g/ and /k/ as well
as three consonant clusters which contained them (e.g. /gr/, /kr/ and /sk/). In
fact, these five sound patterns constituted approximately half of all neologism
onsets (4748% for neologisms with suffixes and 52.16%for those without suffixes).
Table 4. Comparison of the initial sound distribution (single consonants, consonant clusters
and vowels/diphthongs) and post-initialvowel/diphthongdistributionof T. W. ’8 neologisms
with the real nouns of the database (taken from Ruoff, 1981) (in percentages)

Database Neol. Neol. Database Neol. Neol.

+ gel - gel + gel - gel
(n = 144) (n = 230)

1. /b/ 7.22 0.69 261 Monosyllabic: n=117 n=110

2. /f/ 6.88 1.39 2.61
3. /h/ 6.52 0.69 087 1. la/ 17.54 11.11 16.36
4. /m/ 644 4.86 217 2. /a:/ 1082 - 091
 Stereotyped neologisms in aphasia 559
6.01 17.82 3. /ail 9.06 1.71 091
5.92 3.91 4. IU1 8.48 0.85 9.09
435 3.04 5. /i:/ 7.6 - 091
418 652 6. /i/ 702 427 10.00
40 087 7. lo/ 673 15.38 28.18
40 261 8. /e:/ 6.43 - 1.82
392 2.6 1 9. /el 6.14 52.14 13.64
383 - 10. lo:/ 5.85 2.56 273
296 043 11. Iau/ 556 - 545
252 1.74 12. lu:/ 5.26 - -
209 2.61 13. /oil 1*46 085 091
1.74 0.43 14. /ii/ 088 - 1.82
1.48 0.87 /u:/ 088 0.85 1.82
1.48 5.22 15. lo/ 029 940 5.45
1.48 - 16. lo:/ - 085 -
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1.48 1087
1.31 -
1.31 087 BisyLIabic: n = 20 n = 91
1.22 -

1.04 - 18.19 4000 12.09

1. /el
1.04 087 2. la/ 1213 25.00 21.98
1.04 087 3. /i:/ 8.74 - 220
096 043 4. /e:/ 7.48 - 440
0.87 - 5. /a:/ 719 - -
-
087 6. 1. 691 15.00 27,47
087 1.74 7. /u/ 649 - 1.10
078 13.04 8. /i/ 437 - 3.30
078 1.30 9. lo:/ 409 - 10.99
0.69 0.87 10. /u:/ 395 - 2.20
0.69 087 11. /oil 324 - 1.10
069 - 12. /ii:/ 296 - 2.20
061 043 13. /ii/ 254 - 1.10
061 1.30 14. /6/ 1.41 15.00 330
061 - 15. lo:/ 085 - 3.30
0 61 - 16. /ail - - 1.10
052 1.30 17. /au/ - - 2.20
0.52 -
043 043
043 -
035 043
035 043
035 -

026 -

0.26 -

026 -

026 043
017 -

0.17 043
0.09 043
009 043
009 043
009 -

009 -
009 -
- 3.91
- 043
- 043
 560 Gerhard Blanken

Furthermore, T. W. ’s usage of initial consonant clusters was extremely high (with

44.3% of all non-suffixed neologisms and 33.3% of all suffixed neologisms)
compared to the database (only about 21%). Again, clear preference for certain
clusters and omission of others were observable here. On the other hand, a number
of sound patterns that are listed as frequent in the database are rarely found in
T. W. ’s speech production (e.g., /h/, Is/,/st/,or It/)and many of the less frequent
sound patterns do not show up in T. W.’s neologisms at all.
Comparing the neologism onsets with and without suffixes reveals some
noteworthy quantitative differences. The most remarkable is the constrast in the
distribution of the initial /d/, which is, with more than 20%, by far the most
frequent onset of the suffixed neologisms, but at the same time introducing less
than 1% neologisms without a suffix. Also striking is the crossed distribution of
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/k/ and /g/, that is, the preference of the voiced velar plosives in the neologisms
with gel-endings and the parallel favouring of the unvoiced variation in the
neologisms without appendix. Taken as a whole, the initial plosive /d/ seems to
have a value as a predictor that a gel-suffix will follow. Likewise, the voiced
plosive /g/ seems to trigger the gel-suffixes more frequently than the non-sonorous
variant /k/.However, voicing without the feature of plosivity has no influence
on the suffix formation, as the examples /b/ or /v/ show.
Significant divergences form the normative data were also observed in the
post-initial vowels and diphthongs. T. W. ’s neologisms with suffixes showed a
clear preference for lo/, lo/ and /el, the latter being produced by far the most
frequently for both mono- and bisyllabic neologisms. The /el preference drops
sharply for monosyllabic neologisms without a suffix and is no longer present
“for bisyllabic items without a suffix. In the short neologisms the vowels /o/and
/o/ are clearly overrepresented, and /a/, /o/and lo:/ stand out in the longer
neologisms.
Moreover, the observed stereotyped features do not seem to be accounted for
by the principle of simplification. For instance, simple sounds like the bilabial
plosive /b/ or the bilabial nasal /m/ do not belong to T. W.’s preferred sound
inventory. The simplification hypothesis is also inconsistent with the patient’s
increased production of initial sound clusters.
T. W. ’s speech production was generally compatible with the rules of German
phonology. However, it is striking that some of the stereotypically used sound
clusters (e.g. /sk/, /skr/, and /skl/) do not occur in native German words but only
in loan and foreign words.
In summary, the phonological analysis allows three conclusions, First, T. W. ’s
neologistic utterances do not reflect the frequency of sounds in the database.
Second, they are not composed at random. Third, there are clear pathological
‘preferences’ for or ‘avoidances’ of certain sound pattens. Thus, T. W. ’s obvious
tendency to activate only a limited set of his phonological inventory in his
neologistic utterances justifies speaking of stereotyped neologisms.

Neographias and neologisms

Did T. W. produce his stereotyped neologisms in written output as well? There
was no shred of evidence that supported this conjecture. Table 5 shows T. W.’s
first 10 responses in writing to dictation of nouns, pseudowords and function
words in the CALF. In the three writing tasks, numerous gross deviations from
 Stereooped neologisms in aphasia 561

the target items were observed and can be considered neographias. Next to these
responses are the results of T.W’s performance on oral repetition of the same
stimuli which include some neologisms. A comparison of the phonemes and
graphemes used demonstrates that there are n o similarities between the error
patterns of the two modalities, and that the stereotyped features of oral speech
are not reproduced in written production. In view of the two totally different
output patterns, it can be assumed that the basis of T.W.’s stereotyped neologisms
is not supramodal or multimodal in nature but modality-specific, that is, restricted
to the oral modality.

Table 5. Comparison of T. W.’s written a n d oral output pattern

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~~

Target word Writing to dictation Oral repetition

Real words
Nase (nose) Rufung /no:ze/
Bart (beard) Prunein /gurk)
Glocke (bell) Glocker +
Kopf (head) Rufer +
Geige (oiolin) Puo. +
Zunge (tongue) Patie +
Waage (scale) Wohing /vi:ge/
Hund (dog) Wohe luntl
Brett (board) Paten +
Faden (thread) Ferten +
Non-words
Burt Wakeub /bonk/
Zenge Zierusch / fe1sg e1/
Kirb Ziera /kregel/
Nuse Hoteo /gronsgel/
Ducke Zierab / kresgel/
Kipf Abat /kints/
Eu Hela +
Geuge Wuche /gronsgel/
Pfaufe Hofet /konsgel
Fo:ss Bilot /grants/

Function words
Oder (or) Aber (but) +
Mit (with) Hotte /skais/
Auf (on) war (was) +
Entlang (along) war wer (was who) aitlai
Wed (because) Deren (whose) +
Denn (because) Stiel (handle) /ganl
Uber (orw) wander
Nachher (ufterwards) Helf zu (help to) /naisher/
Bevor (bqore) Bund wer (union who) /gensge’/
Derweil (meanwhile) was zu (what to) /ferlel/

Do word-finding difficulties underlie T.W. ’s stereotyped neologisms?

Butterworth, Buckingham and others advocate the hypothesis that abstruse
neologisms are generated when form-based retrieval from the lexicon is blocked.
Does this also hold for T.W.’s stereotyped neologisms? In order to investigate
 562 Gerbard Blanken

this question, T.W. was confronted with two naming tasks that did not demand
overt speech production.

Picture-rbyming task
T. W. was successively shown 20 cards, each depicting three objects. The item
on the left side of the card was named aloud by the investigator (e.g. Fiscb (fish)).
The patient’s task was to choose between the two objects on the right side,
namely between the word that rhymed (which was randomly placed at the top
or at the bottom) in this case Tiscb (table) and a phonologically dissimilar word
(in this case Scbub (shoe)). All of the rhyming words had the same or lower
frequency than the non-rhyming words. T. W. was asked to first name the object
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silently before pointing to the rhyming word. The experiment was conducted
twice. On the first trial the patients made 3/20 errors; on the second trial (1 week
later) he scored perfectly (see Blanken et al. 1990).

‘Silent ’ rating versus ‘overt ’ naming

The second task consisted of a naming test whose 64 target words were controlled
for onsets and word length. There were three groups of 16 mono-, bi-
and trisyllabic words each, as well as 16 compound nouns of three or four syllables.
The initial letters, K, P, T and Z were distributed equally among the four word
groups. The majority of the target words (38/64) were of low frequency (0-2 per
500,000 words after Ruoff 1981 ; e.g. Zebra, Propeller). Only 7/64 target words
had a frequency of more than 10 per 500,000 (e.g. Telefon (telephone), Korb
(basket)). The pictures were presented in random order.
In the first session, T.W. was asked to relay information about the target word
without naming it aloud. For this purpose the patient was shown a letter card
and a word-length card along with each picture. The letter card contained the
four initials of the target words (K, P, T, 2).The word-length card consisted of
four straight lines with one to four fat dots representing the number of syllables
(see the ‘tip-of-the-tongue’ study by Goodglass e t al. 1976, for a similar method).
T. W. was asked to point to the initial sound or letter and the number of syllables
on the cards which corresponded to that of the target word. Alternatively, if he
was uncertain, he was asked to indicate that he wished to decline making a choice
by shaking his head. Working with the cards was practised in a number of pre-trials
until T.W. showed that he understood the task. Only first responses, excluding
self-corrections, were counted. One week later, T.W. was presented the same
pictures in the same order. This time he was asked to name the objects out loud.
Again, only his first responses were taken into account.
Table 6 shows the results. Altogether 47/64 of the initial sounds in the ‘silent’
version of the task were correct in contrast to 25/64 phonological realizations of
the items in the ‘overt’ version of the task. Even when one takes into account
that the choices were limited to five possibilities in the ‘silent’ task, and corrects
for this by subtracting 20% of the chance responses from the total correct, the
difference proves to be significant (x2 = 5.319; d.f. = 1 ; p < 0025). Furthermore,
word length could be indicated more often on the card than it could be realized
‘overtly’ (43/64 versus 33/64; x2 = 6-47; d.f. = 1 ; p < 0.025).
 Stereotyped neologisms in aphasia 563

The high number of correct responses, especially for the mono- and bisyllabic
words of the ‘silent’ version, provides evidence that T.W. can retrieve important
word-specific information from the lexicon. The result of the picture-rhyming
experiment also support the claim that T.W.’s main problems are not in the
domain of lexical retrieval.

Table 6. Comparison of the correct responses in the ‘silent’ rating task and in ‘overt’ oral
naming (only first responses) (percentages)

Number of syllables
Task Unit 1 2 3 Compounds Total
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‘Silent ’ Initial sound 21.9 23.4 188 9.4 734

Number of Syllables 21.9 18.8 18.8 7.8 67.2
‘Overt’ Word 125 125 63 1.6 328
Initial sound 141 12.5 9.4 3.1 391
Number of syllables 17.2 20.3 109 31 51.6

Discussion
This case study described an aphasic whose oral speech was replete with
stereotyped neologisms. In the following discussion the attempt will be made to
narrow down the cognitivelinguistic basic of T. W. ’s stereotyped neologisms
and to discuss their occurrence in the context of related phenomena, in particular,
abstruse neologisms and speech automatisms.
For abstruse aphasic neologisms it has convincingly been suggested that they
must be seen in connection with severe word-finding or word-activating
disturbances. More specifically, it has been proposed that they are generated by
a particular subsystem of the normal human speech processing system-the
‘random generator ’-which is able to produce random phoneme or syllable chains
and which can be put into operation in cases of blockages of word form access
as in aphasic anomia. A number of reasons speak against accepting this account
for T.W.’s stereotyped neologisms as well. First of all, it is totally unclear why
the ‘random generator’ should also be able to produce stereotyped sound patterns.
Stereotypically composed utterances form the opposite of productions expected by
a random generator. Furthermore and most crucially for the anomia hypothesis,
one must be able to demonstrate that T. W.’s stereotyped neologisms were in
fact preceded by severe word-finding blockages. In T. W. ’s case this key prediction
is not corroborated. First, on tasks not requiring overt speech (picture-rhyming,
word rating), he proved to have a high degree of ‘silent’ knowledge about the
sought-after words. Second, his frequent self-corrections and approximations
verify that stereotyped neologisms could arise despite the presence of certain
notions of lexical target forms. Third, omissions and hesitation pauses, which
anomia patients are known for, did not belong to his typical behaviour. Fourth,
stereotyped neologisms also occurred in oral repetition, especially for pseudowords
(see the results of the CALF). All of these findings are not compatible with the
assumption that blocks of word form retrieval underlie T.W. ’s stereotyped
neologisms.
 564 Gerbard Blanken

The so-called ‘conduction theory’ is equally at a loss to explain his stereotyped

productions. The basic idea of this approach is that a lexically specified morpheme
is distorted by means of segmental errors (e.g. substitutions, additions, deletions,
transpositions of phonemes) to such an extent that a neologism arises rather than
a phonemic paraphasia. This approach cannot shed light on how targets, that can
differ considerably in length and in phonological structure, are replaced by segment
chains rigid in form and recurrent in nature. Furthermore, according to this
theory, not only correct and neologistic productions would be expected in T.W.
but also a large proportion of phonemically only slightly distorted utterances,
that is phonemic paraphasias. This was not the case for T.W. Only 2% of the
words in his spontaneous speech showed phonemic paraphasias.
In the following, two proposals are made: first, that T.W.’s stereotyped
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neologisms cannot be accounted for in analogy to abstruse neologisms, but rather

to speech automatisms (recurring utterances) ;second, in order to attain an adequate
account, the assumptions of interactive network theories (such as the ‘spreading
activation’ theory, the interactive activation theory, and the connectionist theory)
must be called on.
In contrast to phonemically varying abstruse neologisms, speech automatisms
are high-grade stereotyped and repetitively produced utterances. They too can
consist of neologisms; however, little or no form variation is possible. As early
as 1861, Broca ‘localized’ the arisal of speech automatisms to a relatively peripheral
and modality-specific planning stage. Broca ’s hypothesis has recently gained
support by studies on written production of automatism patients (see Blanken e t
al. 1989, 1990). The observation that, in some of the patients described, writing
of words and even of pseudowords was possible, indicates that oral automatisms
can be generated in the presence of relatively retained higher linguistic abilities (or
‘inner speech’) suggesting a subphonemic basis of automatism production. More
specifically, Blanken (1991b) made the proposal that automatisms could be
retrieved as complete and ready-made speech motor programmes on the level of
the ‘articulatory buffer’ (see Levelt’s speech production model, 1989) and that
this system can no longer be reprogrammed by new linguistic material according
to the speaker’s intentions leading to recurrent productions.
In addition, no evidence was found for the present case that the basis of
T. W. ’s stereotyped neologisms was supra- or multi-modal in nature. His writing
did not show any similarity to the stereotyped features of his oral production, not
even when writing pseudowords. In addition, no gel-suffixes occurred. Thus, the
observations on T. W.’s written output are so far compatible with an automatism
account of T. W.’s oral neologisms. On the other hand, and in contrast to the
(subgroup of) automatism patients referred to above, writing to dictation was so
severely disturbed in T.W. that further observations concerning the potential
processes of his phonological system were precluded. However, one has to take
into account here that (again in contrast to automatism patients) T.W.’s oral
output was by no means fully stereotyped, and that completely correct responses
were often possible. Thus, wherever his neologisms stemmed from, his oral output
system was in principle able to produce correct speech.
The hypothesis regarding .the arisal of stereotyped speech as mentioned so far
has an obvious weakness: it cannot explain why the majority of automatism
patients suffers from severe aphasic disorders (see e.g. Jackson 1879, Code 1982,
Poeck et a/. 1984, Blanken eta/. 1990, for corresponding observations). To address
 Stereotyped neologisms in aphasia 565

this problem, Blanken and his collaborators suggested a two-fold cause of speech
automatisms. On the one hand, automatisms can be caused by relatively isolated
disturbances below the phonemic level. In these cases of minor aphasia, ‘inner
speech’ and writing by phonological mediation can be relatively spared. O n the
other hand, automatism production can also be triggered by more central types
of impairments. For these cases it has been suggested that severe central aphasic
disorders lead to deficits of control of more peripheral processes, e.g. subphonemic
operations, giving rise to similar symptoms as in patients of the first type, This
assumption, according to which the production of stereotyped speech depends on
the degree of residual higher linguistic control, is able to account for observations
of task-dependent dissociations within the oral speech production of severely
aphasic patients with speech automatisms (see Kremin 1987, Blanken et a/. 1988,
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see Blanken, 1991b for discussion).

The performance pattern of the case at hand, T. W., can substantiate the latter
of the two hypotheses just mentioned. In fact, the case of T.W. provides strong
evidence of lexical influences on his neologism production. First, the analysis of
spontaneous speech showed a clear part-of-speech dissociation: whereas the
content words were frequently distorted, function words could be produced fairly
well, reflecting a pattern well known in aphasics with abstruse neologisms. Second,
in oral naming, word frequency proved to be a factor for predicting neologisms.
Third, in oral repetition of pseudowords, neologisms increased sharply as
compared to the repetition of phonologically similar real nouns. Any attempt to
explain T. W. ’s stereotyped neologisms must take these part-of-speech, word-
frequency and word-status effects into account.
There are two further observations which speak in favour of a relationship
between T. W. ’s stereotyped neologisms and his higher linguistic functions. First,
his speech production was marked by great fluctuations in performance. In contrast
to the very limited output of automatism patients, T. W. was able to produce a
great number of correct words and utterances both in spontaneous speech and
in experimental tasks. In oral naming, for instance, he was able to produce 30%
of the frequent items correctly as opposed to only about 14% of the rare ones
(see Figure 1). If the disturbance were located near the motor output processes,
such a high degree of fluctuation between errors and correct responses (especially as
a function of target frequency) would not be predicted. Second and again in
contrast to patients with speech automatisms, T. W.’S neologisms showed a
considerable degree of phonological variability. Both observations indicate that
T. W. attempted to control his speech, and that in many instances he achieved
full or partial success. Both the high fluctuation and variability of
T.W.’s performance are more likely to be expected based on the premise that
temporary higher-level linguistic processing disturbances cause the activation
levels of subphonemic processes to fluctuate, than by the assumption of a direct
and real destruction of speech mechanisms near the articulator.
The current discussion on the structural and processing characteristics of the
human speech production system (see Levelt 1989, for a detailed presentation and
discussion) is keynoted by the debate between advocates of modular theories (e.g.
Fodor 1983, Garrett 1982, 1989, Levelt e t af. 1991) and supporters of interactive
network theories (e.g. Dell 1986,1988, Martin and Saffran 1992, Stemberger 1985).
Modular models conceive speech production as information transfer between
highly specialized discrete and autonomous processing components. These
 566 Gerhard Blanken

components are irresponsive to information which is not in their domain of

specialization. According to modular theories, subphonemic error processes
cannot be influenced by lexical factors, since they are assigned to different
modularly organized processing components.
Interactive network theories model speech production as a bidirectional spread
of activation (feedforward and feedback) through a number of hierarchically
organized network levels (e.g. the semantic, lexical, phonemic and subphonemic
levels) in which individual units of adjacent levels are linked by connections. The
selection of target units is described as a function of the activation level or strength.
Frequently used units can be activated more easily because of higher resting level
of activation. The highest activated units (or selected items) have the best chance
of influencing both adjacent levels.
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In contrast to modular models, interactive models predict that the activation

processes of the various levels can influence each other. Miller and Ellis (1987)
(see also Ellis e t af. 1983) used this principle to explain the phonemic paraphasias
(or target-related neologisms) of their patient, R.D. They propose that insufficient
or partial activation of lexical units was responsible for their patient’s segmental
errors. Infrequent target words were especially prone to word-form distortion
because of their low resting level of activation, whereas words of higher frequency,
such as many function words, could be produced correctly. In view of Stemberger’s
network model (1985), the authors conclude that lexical activation problems can
lead to weakened activation of the phoneme level thus inducing phonemic errors.
Speaking more generally, on the basis of interactive network theories, one can
challenge the assumption of a transparent relationship between the locus of the
impairment of the aphasic error type (see Bub e t a/. 1987, Blanken e t af. 1989,
Martin and Saffran 1992). In network models, impairments of a higher level of
language processing can cause disturbances on a lower level.
In order to understand the occurrence of T.W.’s neologisms it is necessary to
base the explanation on a non-transparency between the type of error and the
locus of the disturbance. There was a clear relationship between T.W. ’s stereotyped
neologism production and lexical variables such as word frequency, word type
and word status. In contrast to the cases reported by Ellis and Miller, in which
there were activation problems of directly adjacent levels, namely the lexical and
phonemic levels, it is plausible that T.W. ’s activation problems have long-range
effects of subphonemic processes. In other words, extreme activation deficits and
fluctuations on higher levels of speech production can trigger symptoms on
non-adjacent lower levels.

Acknowledgements
The author thanks the staff members of the Schmieder Clinics, Gailingen, for
their cooperation, especially Roman Doppler and Monika Pollrich. The help of
Markus Bader and Matthias Moriz with the transcription and the database is
gratefully acknowledged. The author also thanks Jiirgen Dittmann and Claus
Wallesch for reading and commenting on the manuscript. Further, I am indebted
to Hugh Buckingham who-while not concurring with all that is said in the
paper-gave me valuable and critical comments on the earlier draft. Special thanks
go to Debbie Johnson who provided the English version of the text. Finally, I
am grateful to Dr J. Rahmelow of the HochschulVerlag for permission to publish
 Stereot_ped neologisms in aphasia 567

an English version of my German article (Blanken 1991a). The present study was
supported by grant Di-359/2 from the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft.

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