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Educational Psychology Review, Vol. 10, No. 2, 1998
INTRODUCTION
155
1040-726X/98/0600-0155$15.00/0 O 1998 Plenum Publishing Corporation
156 Wentzel and Wigfield
ACADEMIC MOTIVATION
of how good they are at the task (Stipek, 1984). These beliefs also predict
children's achievement in different subject areas.
Taking math as an example, when students think they are competent
at math—and expect to continue to do well in it—they also tend to achieve
better in math (Eccles et al., 1983; Meece et al., 1990). Meece et al. (1990)
examined how 7th through 9th grade students' math ability beliefs and ex-
pectancies for success predicted their subsequent math performance. Even
when controlling for previous math performance, students' ability beliefs
strongly predicted their expectancies for success in math, which strongly
predicted their subsequent mathematics performance. In fact, the linkages
of ability beliefs and expectancies to subsequent achievement were stronger
than the direct link of previous achievement to subsequent achievement.
Bandura (1986) proposed that individuals' efficacy expectations, or their
beliefs that they can accomplish a given task or activity, are a major de-
terminant of activity choice, willingness to expend effort, and persistence.
For instance, when students think they can accomplish an assignment in
an English class, they are more likely to choose to do it, to keep working
on it when they encounter difficulty, and to ultimately complete the as-
signment successfully. Bandura distinguished efficacy expectations from
competence beliefs primarily in terms of level of specificity. He argued that
efficacy beliefs about particular tasks are better predictors of students' be-
havior than their more general competence beliefs (see Bandura, 1997; Pa-
jares, 1996; Schunk, 1991 for further discussion of efficacy beliefs and their
relations to student performance).
locus of control. Connell and Wellborn (1991) extended this work into a
broader theoretical framework that links competence and control beliefs,
and that also includes the needs for autonomy and relatedness see also
Skinner, 1995; Skinner and Belmont, 1993). (This work is discussed in more
detail later.) The crucial implication of this work is that students who be-
lieve they control their achievement outcomes tend to do better in school,
and they persist when encountering difficulties.
SOCIAL MOTIVATION
For the most part, social motivation has been studied in terms of psy-
chological processes that motivate social behavior and socialization expe-
riences that motivate social as well as academic behavior (see Juvonen and
Wentzel, 1996). In the following section, the specific role of social-motiva-
tional processes in influencing academic motivation and subsequent aca-
demic performance is discussed. We consider school socialization
experiences later.
Social-Motivational Processes
situation (Austin and Vancouver, 1996; Dodge, Asher, and Parkhurst, 1989;
Ford, 1992, 1996; Pervin, 1983). This focus on goal content, or on what
students are trying to achieve at school, encompasses the entire range of
possible student objectives, in contrast to academic goal orientations that
focus specifically on why students are trying to achieve academically.
Two important assumptions derived from a goal content perspective
are that individuals are likely to pursue more than one goal in a particular
situation, and that goals can emanate either from the individual or from
the context (see e.g., Austin and Vancouver, 1996). Therefore, although
used infrequently to study motivation at school, a focus on the content of
students' classroom goals is valuable in at least two respects. First, this defi-
nition draws attention to the multiple goals that students try to achieve at
school and the fact that among these goals are often powerful social con-
cerns. For instance, the pursuit of goals to establish and maintain social
relationships appears to be an important school-related activity for adoles-
cents (Allen, 1986; Ford, 1982). High-school students also have reported
trying to achieve social goals to have fun, and to be dependable and re-
sponsible, as well as academic goals to learn new things and to get good
grades (Wentzel, 1989). When the issue of goal priorities has been explored
in young adolescents, pursuit of goals to behave in socially appropriate ways
tends to be more frequent than pursuit of either learning-related goals or
goals to socialize with peers (Wentzel, 1991b, 1992).
Second, academic motivation and achievement represent socially de-
rived constructs that cannot be studied in isolation of culture and context
(Eccles, 1993; Maehr, 1984; Sivan, 1986). It follows that being successful
at school will be dependent on the pursuit of goals that extend beyond a
students' idiosyncratic interests to include those that reflect the interests
and concerns of other individuals (e.g., teachers) or groups (e.g., a class
or cooperative learning group). Students' goals will most likely contribute
to their academic achievements to the extent that they match the motiva-
tional and behavioral objectives of the classroom. In fact, successful stu-
dents do tend to pursue goals that are valued by others, including social
as well as academic goals (Hanson and Ginsburg, 1988; Wentzel, 1989).
Intersections Between Social and Academic Goals. What is the motiva-
tional significance of social goal pursuit for understanding academic out-
comes? One possibility is that the number and types of social and academic
goals that students choose to pursue, and how they coordinate their efforts
to achieve them, can have a profound effect on their overall motivation to
achieve academically. In support of this notion is research on academic
performance and the sets of social and academic goals that students try to
achieve in school. For instance, Wentzel (1989) demonstrated that high
achieving high school students reported frequent pursuit of academic goals
162 Wentzel and Wigfield
(i.e., to learn new things, to understand things), although less frequent pur-
suit of these goals did not distinguish the lowest achieving from average
achieving students. However, an unwillingness to try to conform to the so-
cial and normative standards of the classroom uniquely characterized the
lowest achieving students. The low achieving students also reported fre-
quent pursuit of other types of social goals such as to have fun and to
make and keep friendships. Results of a second study of middle school
students were similar in that social and academic goal pursuit differed as
a function of students' levels of academic achievement (Wentzel, 1993).
Findings indicated that 59% of the high-achieving students reported fre-
quent efforts to achieve both social and academic goals, whereas only 38%
of the average achievers and 34% of the low-achieving students reported
similar levels of effort to achieve these goals.
The results of these studies indicate that academic performance can
be explained, in part, by the sets of goals that students pursue. Moreover,
social and academic goals appear to be related to each other in an inte-
grated fashion. The challenge remains, however, to identify precise ways
in which motivation to achieve social goals can influence academic moti-
vation and accomplishments. Two possibilities will be considered: social and
academic goals are linked hierarchically, and social and academic goals are
part of a network of complementary goals.
One way that students might coordinate social and academic goals is
to organize them in hierarchical fashion. In this case, social and academic
goals become related causally, the direction of influence being determined
by students' beliefs about why things happen at school (see Austin and
Vancouver, 1996; Pervin, 1983; Skinner, Chapman, and Baltes, 1988). With
respect to relations between social and academic goals, the concept of goal
hierarchies is particularly helpful for understanding ways in which pursuit
of multiple goals might have both a positive as well as negative impact on
efforts to achieve academically. For instance, social goals to please one's
parents might result in pursuit of goals to do well academically. This par-
ticular goal hierarchy would most likely facilitate academic accomplish-
ments, especially if students have the requisite skills to excel intellectually.
Social-academic goal hierarchies, however, do not always insure positive
academic outcomes. Although studies of goal content indicate that pursuit
of goals to behave in prosocial ways and to do what one is supposed to
do related positively to academic outcomes (Wentzel, 1991a, 1993), other
studies indicate that when these social goals are linked hierarchically to
academic goals, the results are not always positive (Wentzel, 1993).
Findings from a recent study of young adolescents (Wentzel, 1993) il-
lustrate this point. In this research, it was suggested to students that they
can try to get good grades in school for many reasons. They were then
Academic and Social Motivation 163
asked to complete the following statement: "When you try to get good
grades in school, it's mostly because . . .." Students could answer with one
of three choices: "that's what you're supposed to do at school" (social re-
sponsibility goal); "you like to show how smart you can be" (evaluation
goal); or "learning is fun and exciting" (mastery goal). Note, therefore, that
pursuit of a valued social goal (to behave responsibly) was assessed as part
of a goal hierarchy in which efforts to earn classroom grades is linked caus-
ally to efforts to behave responsibly.
Based on their responses, students were assigned scores reflecting
either a social responsibility, evaluation, or mastery goal hierarchy. Most
students reported trying to get good grades because "that's what you're
supposed to do" (social responsibility hierarchy). Moreover, academic per-
formance differed significantly as a function of goal hierarchies, with stu-
dents who reported a mastery goal hierarchy earning significantly higher
grades and standardized test scores than students who believed getting
good grades resulted in the achievement of either evaluation or social re-
sponsibility goals. Results were robust over time, with goal hierarchies as-
sessed in 6th grade predicting GPAs and test scores in 7th grade.
These latter findings are especially intriguing in their suggestion that,
in contrast to goal pursuit in and of itself, hierarchical belief systems that
link academic success to other non-intellectual goals might play an impor-
tant role in sustaining (or undermining) levels of student performance over
time. From an attributional perspective, students who try to get good grades
because "that is what you're supposed to do," might view the achievement
of academic success as an act of compliance. If so, it is likely that these
students will not be intrinsically motivated to achieve and over time will
stop trying to do so (see Lepper and Hodell, 1989). Additionally, students
who try to excel academically because they wish to be socially responsible
might be at risk for less than optimal performance if their academic
achievements do not eventually lead to the social outcomes they seek.
A second way that students might coordinate social and academic goals
is to organize them in complementary fashion. In this case, having multiple
reasons for trying to achieve academically (reasons that are not necessarily
related in causal fashion) might also be adaptive for motivating academic
achievement. For instance, when a learning activity is less than stimulating
or interesting to students, reasons other than "learning because it's inter-
esting" might be needed to motivate performance. In such cases, multiple
social as well as task-related reasons for achieving, such as wanting to learn
because "it's what I'm supposed to do," "it will get me a job some day,"
"it will please mom and dad," or "it will impress my friends" can provide
a powerful motivational foundation for promoting continued engagement,
if not interest. However, it is possible that pursuing a number of goals might
164 Wentzel and Wigfield
self concept (Felner et al., 1985; Goodenow, 1993; Harter, 1996; Mar-
joribanks, 1985; Midgley et al., 1989; Wentzel, 1994).
CONCLUSIONS
elusion has not yet been generated by the field. Issues of construct validity
have been explored with respect to intelligence, with studies generally sup-
porting a conclusion that social and academic intelligence represent sepa-
rate domains of intellectual functioning (Ford and Tisak, 1983; Marlowe,
1986). Similar work must begin in the area of motivation if advances in
the understanding of links between social and academic motivation are to
continue.
Second, even if academic and social domains generally are distinct,
motivation constructs within each domain may vary in their generality or
specificity. As mentioned earlier, Duda and Nicholls (1992) found that stu-
dents' goal orientations in academic and sports were relatively similar and
general; students with ego goals in one domain also were ego-oriented in
the other. By contrast, students' competence and efficacy beliefs seem quite
domain-specific (see Bandura, 1997; Eccles et al., in press; Pajares, 1996).
Wigfield (1997) provides a more detailed discussion of this issue.
Another issue is how individuals coordinate goals across multiple do-
mains, especially when one considers the potentially negative motivational
effects of competing, incongruent goals across family, peer, and classroom
contexts often experienced by minority children (Phelan, Davidson, and
Cao, 1991). Children from minority cultures often are expected to adapt
to normative expectations for behavior that are inconsistent with those es-
poused by their families and communities. For instance, Ogbu (1985) de-
scribes how failing to achieve academically can be interpreted by some
minority children as an accomplishment rather than a failure. In such cases,
noncompliance with the majority culture's institutional norms and standards
for achievement can lead to acceptance within the minority community but
social rejection and academic failure at school. Ways for students to nego-
tiate and accommodate these powerful, conflicting social influences suc-
cessfully are not easily found but also deserve our undivided attention.
Researchers need to explore further how different classroom and in-
terpersonal contexts influence students' academic and social motivation. As
we have discussed, these contexts can impede as well as facilitate motiva-
tion. The complex but important interplay of students' motivation in dif-
ferent social settings and contexts clearly deserves closer attention. This
kind of work poses important challenges to researchers. Different ap-
proaches can be taken in this area. Ethnographic studies can provide rich
descriptions of classroom environments and their effects on students (e.g.,
Oldfather and McLaughlin, 1993). Quantitative approaches relying on hi-
erarchical linear modeling (HLM) also can contribute important informa-
tion. In such studies, both student-level and classroom-level effects can be
examined (see Bryk and Raudenbush, 1992). For instance, Anderman and
Young (1994) found—using HLM—that there were individual differences
Academic and Social Motivation 171
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