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Prigerson Et Al 2021 History and Status of Prolonged Grief Disorder As A Psychiatric Diagnosis
Prigerson Et Al 2021 History and Status of Prolonged Grief Disorder As A Psychiatric Diagnosis
Prigerson Et Al 2021 History and Status of Prolonged Grief Disorder As A Psychiatric Diagnosis
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Contents
1. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
2. THEORIES OF GRIEF AND ASSOCIATED PATHOLOGIES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
2.1. Mourning and Melancholia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
2.2. Normal and Pathological Grief . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
2.3. Attachment and Loss . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
2.4. Stage Theories of Grief . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
3. PROGRESS TOWARD PROLONGED GRIEF DISORDER AS A
DIAGNOSTIC ENTITY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116
3.1. Distinguishing Grief from Bereavement-Related Depression . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116
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1. INTRODUCTION
Grief is a nearly universal, largely unavoidable, painful part of life that has its origins in the sev-
ering of meaningful relationships. For as long as people have loved and then lost objects of that
love, there has been grief. For as long as there have been mothers and fathers, sisters and brothers,
grandparents, children, lovers and friends, there has been grief. In the vast majority of cases, grief
is most intense immediately after a loss and thereafter subsides over a period of months. However,
a significant minority of bereaved people can become stuck in a state of chronic mourning. For
these individuals, intense grief may persist for years and become dysfunctional and even danger-
ous, putting those afflicted at a significant risk of self-harm. Although most bereaved individuals
adjust to life in the wake of a significant loss, prospects of serious adverse outcomes among those
with problematic adjustments highlight the need for accurate, sensitive detection of mourners in
profound psychic pain.
In this article, we begin by introducing psychiatric theories of grief. We cover psychoanalytic,
attachment, and stage theories of grief and the distinctions that have been made between the nor-
mal and pathological variants of grief. Next, we summarize the data that support the inclusion
of prolonged grief disorder (PGD) as a new diagnostic entity in the International Classification of
Diseases (ICD) and the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM). We discuss
PGD diagnostic formulations that led to and resulted in the ultimate criteria set that the Amer-
ican Psychiatric Association (APA) Assembly approved for inclusion in Section II of DSM-5 text
revision (DSM-5-TR) as a new mental disorder. We also discuss key aspects of PGD: its etiology,
outcomes, and proven as well as promising (yet to date unproven) novel interventions to reduce
the distress and dysfunction associated with it. We end with some directions for future research.
Our overall aims are to provide historical context concerning the distinction between normal and
pathological grief and the course of grief resolution, to give an update on the status of PGD as a
new mental disorder, and to provide guidance regarding promising topics for future study of and
intervention for PGD.
to another object (cathexis). Melancholia resulted from a destabilized libido: The libido could
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be destabilized by narcissistic identification with the love object, ambivalent fixation (a love–hate
relationship), or rejection. In other words, the roots of melancholia were theorized to lie in past re-
lationship experiences that generated unresolved conflict between the mourner and the deceased
person. The unstable libido then “introjected” against the ego, causing the deterioration of self-
esteem that Freud claimed distinguished melancholia from mourning.
In further characterizing melancholia, Freud [1953 (1917), p. 125] noted that the mourner felt
a “profoundly painful dejection, abrogation of interest in the outside world, loss of the capacity to
love, inhibition of all activity, and a lowering of the self-regarding feelings to a degree that finds ut-
terance in self-reproaches.” These symptoms that Freud described as melancholia resemble many
of those in the current formulation of PGD criteria to appear in DSM-5-TR (APA 2021) (see
the sidebar titled DSM-5-TR Criteria for Prolonged Grief Disorder). For example, the literature
on PGD reveals nuanced manifestations of the melancholic person’s low self-esteem: a sense of
meaninglessness or purposelessness without the deceased person and a sense of identity distur-
bance (the mourner’s sense of role confusion and feeling that at least a part of his or her self has
died along with the deceased person) are among PGD’s symptom criteria in DSM-5-TR. Freud
believed that the melancholic mourner could be prone to hallucinate about such a reunion and
become psychotic; those with PGD are known to avoid reminders of the reality of the death and
to engage in reveries about reuniting with the deceased, if not actual auditory or visual hallucina-
tions (Prigerson et al. 1995b). Although Freud described emotional pain resulting from unavail-
ability of the love object in both mourning and melancholia, he considered a defining feature of
melancholia to be ambivalence resulting from a conflict between a decathexis—the withdrawal of
libidinal interest, a disinvestment of emotional energy—and a libidinal drive to remain connected
to and invested in the love object. This conflict could manifest itself as the painful yearning for the
deceased (the defining symptom characteristic of PGD) and the seemingly countervailing PGD
symptoms of emotional detachment, identity confusion, and avoidance of reminders of the death.
Furthermore, the Freudian notion of cathexis is consistent with the primacy of strong emotional
dependency on, though not ambivalence toward (van Doorn et al. 1998), the deceased as a cardinal
risk factor for PGD onset ( Johnson et al. 2007).
With respect to associated features and outcomes of melancholia, Freud [1953 (1917), p. 128]
described “sleeplessness and refusal of nourishment. . .by an overthrow of. . .that instinct which
constrains every living thing to cling to life.” These observations accord with data from the
Family Health Project and the Yale Bereavement Study demonstrating that sleep disturbances
and appetite disturbances are significantly associated with meeting diagnostic criteria for PGD
(Prigerson et al. 1997, 2009). Freud also identified suicide risk among those with melancholia,
which he explained by theorizing that a mourner’s narcissistic attachment to the deceased could
C. Since the death, at least 3 of the following symptoms have been present most days to a clinically significant
degree. In addition, the symptoms have occurred nearly every day for at least the last month:
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1. Identity disruption (e.g., feeling as though part of oneself has died) since the death
2. Marked sense of disbelief about the death
3. Avoidance of reminders that the person is dead (in children and adolescents, may be characterized by
efforts to avoid reminders)
4. Intense emotional pain (e.g., anger, bitterness, sorrow) related to the death
5. Difficulty reintegrating into one’s relationships and activities after the death (e.g., problems engaging
with friends, pursuing interests, or planning for the future)
6. Emotional numbness (absence or marked reduction of emotional experience) as a result of the death
7. Feeling that life is meaningless as a result of the death
8. Intense loneliness as a result of the death
D. The disturbance causes clinically significant distress or impairment in social, occupational, or other im-
portant areas of functioning.
E. The duration and severity of the bereavement reaction clearly exceeds expected social, cultural or religious
norms for the individual’s culture and context.
F. The symptoms are not better explained by major depressive disorder, posttraumatic stress disorder, or an-
other mental disorder, or attributable to the physiological effects of a substance (e.g., medication, alcohol)
or another medical condition.
Copyright 2020 American Psychiatric Association, all rights reserved. Reprinted with permission.
transform into intense self-hatred and a self-destructive impulse. It has been shown repeatedly
that mourners who meet criteria for PGD are at an increased risk for suicide (e.g., Latham &
Prigerson 2004, Maciejewski et al. 2016).
Later work distinguished PGD from major depressive disorder (MDD; i.e., Freud’s melancho-
lia), generalized anxiety disorder (GAD), and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) secondary to
bereavement (e.g., Boelen & Prigerson 2007; Boelen & van den Bout 2005, 2007; Boelen et al.
2003, 2007; Maciejewski et al. 2016; Prigerson et al. 1995a, 1997, 1999a, 2009) and showed that
in terms of relationship style, emotional dependency on the deceased person is a more common
and relevant risk than ambivalence (e.g., Johnson et al. 2007, van Doorn et al. 1998). Neverthe-
less, Freud’s articulation of the broad distinctions between normal and pathological grief laid the
groundwork for later diagnostic formulations. His analysis also established relinquishment of the
attachment to the deceased person (in Freudian terms, decathecting from the love object) and
receptivity to new attachments (cathexis to another) as goals of grief therapy.
of reminders of the reality of the death). Nevertheless, a case can be made that the intellectual
roots of the disorder that became PGD grew from the seeds planted by Freud in “Mourning and
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Melancholia.”
a recent article, David B. Feldman (2017), a psychology professor, described challenging his un-
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dergraduate students to name the five stages of grief. In this informal test, he found that even
students who had not taken a psychology class could correctly name the five stages of grief in
proper sequence without hesitation. The stages of grief not only have become a well-known
psychological theory but also have been applied to a diverse set of other significant losses that
evoke strong emotional responses, from marital breakups (Gray et al. 1991) to job loss (Galbreath
2018, Jenkins et al. 2014). The stage theory of grief has been taught in medical schools for
decades (Downe-Wamboldt & Tamlyn 1997), has been featured in television shows such as
Grey’s Anatomy, and is referenced on the National Cancer Institute’s website on loss, grief, and
bereavement (https://www.cancer.gov/about-cancer/advanced-cancer/caregivers/planning/
bereavement-hp-pdq). It is hard to dispute that the stages of grief have been embraced by both
medical authorities and the general public.
Nevertheless, the stage theory of grief has had its detractors. Many psychologists (Bonanno &
Boerner 2007, Feldman 2017, Stroebe et al. 2017) and authors (O’Rourke 2010) have criticized
the stage theory, asserting that grief is nonlinear and that mourners may return to earlier states
and experience recurrent themes. Parkes (1998, p. 856) argued that with the passage of time,
the intensity and frequency of the pangs of grief tend to diminish, although they often return with
renewed intensity at anniversaries and other occasions which bring the dead person strongly to mind.
Consequently, the phases of grief should not be regarded as a rigid sequence that is passed through only
once. The bereaved person must pass back and forth between pining and despair many times before
coming to the final phase of reorganisation.
In this way, stages—or what we prefer to call states—of grief should not imply that resolution
precludes reexperiencing each proposed psychological state.
In 2007, we set out to test the stage theory using data from the Yale Bereavement Study
(Maciejewski et al. 2007). Data from this study were less than perfect: Subjects entered at varying
times after their loss and had to be grouped into uniform temporal “bins,” grief-stage indicators
were assessed using single items, and participants were mainly white widowed persons in New
England. Nevertheless, the results revealed that on average, each of the proposed states of grief
peaked (i.e., was maximally expressed) in the exact order that Kübler-Ross had proposed. The
likelihood that this would happen by chance was miniscule (p < .008). These results thus provided
the first empirical support for the notion that grief reactions or states, on average, unfold in ways
consistent with the stage theory as proposed by Kübler-Ross.
Furthermore, our empirical test of the stage theory revealed that the positive grief indicator of
acceptance of the loss increased directly in proportion to the decline in negative grief indicators
(e.g., disbelief, anger, depression). In other words, changes in grief over time from loss mirrored
DIAGNOSTIC ENTITY
3.1. Distinguishing Grief from Bereavement-Related Depression
In the early 1990s, as a young sociologist, H.G.P. (this article’s first author) pursued postdoc-
toral work at Western Psychiatric Institute and Clinic’s Late-Life Mood Disorders research unit.
Charles (“Chip”) Reynolds, a geriatric psychiatrist and bereavement researcher, was lab director.
Reynolds led weekly research meetings in which bereaved patients’ responses to interpersonal
psychotherapy and the tricyclic antidepressant nortriptyline were reviewed and cases were dis-
cussed. At one of these meetings, H.G.P. noticed that while symptoms of depression appeared
responsive to these antidepressant treatments, symptoms of grief did not. When asked why this
might be the case and whether there should be concern about the persistently high grief scores
among the studied patients, the psychiatrists in the room responded that high levels of grief were
not a concern for psychiatrists as they did not indicate a worrisome bereavement reaction. They
explained that bereavement-related depression, in contradistinction to grief, was an important tar-
get of psychiatric intervention. In fact, the psychiatrists expressed their belief that grief was the
normal, if not healthy, adaptive reaction to loss—a view that was consistent with Freud’s notion
of mourning and part-and-parcel to grief work. When Reynolds was asked what evidence existed
to demonstrate that intense grief was benign (if not adaptive in the sense of a mourner’s need-
ing to work through grief—a sort of no-pain, no-gain ethos—to adjust to the loss), he responded
that he was unaware of any study that addressed this question. He encouraged H.G.P. to explore
how the symptoms of grief might distinguish themselves from symptoms of bereavement-related
depression. We (H.G.P. and P.K.M.—this article’s senior author) set out to do precisely that.
We began by seeking to determine whether, among the bereaved subjects in Reynolds’s studies,
symptoms of grief (e.g., yearning, searching, preoccupation with thoughts of the deceased, crying,
disbelief about the death, feeling stunned by the death, lack of acceptance of the death) loaded
on a coherent grief factor that was distinct from a bereavement-related depression factor (e.g.,
depressed mood, psychomotor retardation, apathy) (Prigerson et al. 1995a). We found that the
symptoms of grief formed a factor that was indeed separate from depression. We thus had an
answer to our first question of whether the symptoms of grief could be distinguished as a separate
psychological entity from the symptoms of depression.
But we still needed to address the “So what?” question. The fact that the symptoms of grief
appeared to be a distinctive psychological response to loss did not mean that they were necessarily
pathological. To address this question, we sought to determine whether grief symptoms predicted
enduring dysfunction over and above symptoms of bereavement-related depression; we found
that they did. The results indicated that the baseline assessment of what we were then calling
would need ample evidence to support our contention that grief symptoms at significantly high
levels, persisting 6 months or more postloss, were distressing, disabling, and meriting of clinical
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intervention.
Before studies of this grief-related disorder could be conducted, however, there needed to be
a psychometrically sound measure of what we were then calling complicated grief. To address
this need, H.G.P. and P.K.M. developed and tested the Inventory of Complicated Grief (ICG)
(Prigerson et al. 1995b). In contrast with Faschingbauer and colleagues’ (1977) Texas Revised
Inventory of Grief, which was designed to measure normal grief, the ICG was designed to measure
pathological grief. We started with the items that had emerged as a coherent, distinctive symptom
cluster predictive of enduring dysfunction (i.e., the symptoms identified in Prigerson et al. 1995a).
To these we added other symptoms described in the literature on grief, such as those described
above by Freud, Lindemann, and Bowlby, and symptoms of normal grief described by Zisook et al.
(1982) and Faschingbauer et al. (1977). The additional symptoms included avoidance of reminders
of the deceased, pain in the same part of the body as that of the person who died, loneliness, anger
over the loss, envy of others who have not lost someone close, a feeling that life is meaningless,
an inability to care about others or feelings of distance from significant others, survivor guilt, and
auditory and visual hallucinations of the deceased.
In addition to traditional psychometric tests of reliability and validity, we used the TETRAD
II analytical software (P. Spirtes, R. Scheines, C. Meek & C. Glymour, unpublished software) to
filter out depressive symptoms and yield a pure measure of complicated grief symptomatology.
Nineteen ICG items produced a highly internally consistent scale (Cronbach’s α = 0.94) that was
stable across a 2-week test–rest period (r = 0.80). Respondents with ICG scores greater than 25
were found to be significantly more impaired in general, social, mental, and physical functioning
and to have more bodily pain than those with scores below that threshold (Prigerson et al. 1995b).
Equipped with a psychometrically sound measure of complicated grief distinct from both nor-
mal grief and bereavement-related depression, the field could then advance because it had sur-
mounted the apples-and-oranges problems in grief measurement that had undermined the in-
terpretability and comparison of prior results. Thus, the ICG was novel because it had isolated
symptoms of pathological grief from those of normal grief and bereavement-related depression,
and, furthermore, results of studies that used it to assess complicated grief could be accumulated
and compiled to build an evidence base regarding whether this set of symptoms captured a distinct
mental disorder worthy of clinical diagnosis and treatment.
for complicated grief. Workshop participants then drafted a provisional criteria set.
The first preliminary test of these consensus criteria used the best available data at that time:
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Zisook and colleagues’ San Diego Widowhood Project data (Prigerson et al. 1999b). Receiver
operator characteristic analyses tested the performance of the proposed criteria on 306 widowed
respondents at 7 months postloss. Results indicated that three of four separation distress symp-
toms (yearning, intrusive thoughts about the deceased, searching, loneliness) had to be endorsed
as at least sometimes true and that four of the final eight symptoms of what we then referred as
traumatic distress (purposelessness or feelings of futility about the future; emotional numbness;
disbelief; feeling that life is empty or meaningless without the deceased; feeling that a part of one-
self had died; a shattered worldview—lost sense of security, trust, or control; assuming symptoms
or harmful behaviors of the deceased person; excessive irritability, bitterness, or anger related to
the death) had to be endorsed at least as mostly true. This algorithm produced criteria with a
sensitivity of 0.93 and a specificity of 0.93 for a diagnosis of what we were calling at the time trau-
matic grief. These results, which suggested that the consensus criteria had satisfactory operating
characteristics, pointed the way toward further refinement of the criteria set.
Notably, one of the experts who had participated in the consensus criteria workshop, Mardi
Horowitz, had also formulated criteria for complicated grief disorder. Horowitz, a leading author-
ity in stress response syndromes, had played an important role in the DSM’s inclusion of PTSD.
He and his colleagues published a report in 1997 in which they developed and tested an algo-
rithm for diagnosing complicated grief disorder (Horowitz et al. 1997). The symptoms included
the following, assessed 1 year postloss: “intensive intrusive thoughts, pangs of severe emotion,
distressing yearnings, feeling excessively alone and empty, excessively avoiding tasks reminiscent
of the deceased, unusual sleep disturbances, and maladaptive levels of loss of interest in personal
activities” (Horowitz et al. 1997, p. 904). Importantly, Horowitz et al. found that subjects who met
criteria according to this algorithm did not overlap significantly with those bereaved subjects who
had met criteria for MDD.
For us (H.G.P. and P.K.M.), the next step would be to conduct a field trial of the provisional
consensus criteria for disordered grief, extended to include Horowitz’s symptoms to ensure that
we would not miss potentially informative items.
for PGD, each candidate algorithm was specified in terms of one common, mandatory symptom
(yearning); a specific set of n other, nonmandatory symptoms; and some minimum number of
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nonmandatory symptoms within this set, k, required to satisfy the symptom criterion for PGD.
Each candidate algorithm was then evaluated with respect to a criterion gold standard diagnosis—
having a grief intensity score above a specified cutoff score, where the cutoff point was chosen
to provide maximum agreement between gold standard diagnoses and those made on the ba-
sis of clinical judgment. Based on the Yale Bereavement Study data, the optimal, most efficient
symptom-diagnostic algorithm (i.e., symptom criterion) required yearning and at least five of the
following nine symptoms: avoidance of reminders of the deceased; trouble accepting the death;
a perception that life is empty or meaningless without the deceased; bitterness or anger related
to the loss; emotional numbness; feeling stunned, dazed, or shocked; feeling that part of one-
self died along with the deceased; difficulty in trusting others; and difficulty moving on with life.
After analyzing the results for the temporal subtypes of PGD, we proposed that bereaved indi-
viduals who after 6 months postloss met this symptom criterion in association with functional
impairment met full criteria for a diagnosis of PGD. We then found that PGD, as proposed, was
distinct from other mental disorders (i.e., MDD, PTSD, and GAD) and predictive of future psychi-
atric diagnoses (MDD, PTSD, or GAD), suicidal ideation, functional disability, and low quality of
life.
Thus, we had produced a criteria set for PGD that could accurately and reliably identify be-
reaved subjects at heightened risk of enduring distress and dysfunction. The results supported the
psychometric validity of the criteria for PGD that we proposed for inclusion in the DSM and that
appear in ICD-11.
. . .it seemed apparent that more research was needed before data supporting specific diagnostic
criteria for a bereavement-related disorder could satisfy DSM-5’s rigorous standards for inclusion
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of a new diagnosis.”
By contrast, the ICD-11 Workgroup on Stress-Associated Disorders, chaired by Andreas Maer-
cker, a psychiatrist with expertise in traumatic stress, found the available evidence for PGD suffi-
ciently compelling to recommend its inclusion as a new mental disorder. As Maercker et al. (2013,
p. 202) wrote:
Prolonged grief disorder is a new diagnosis being proposed for ICD-11, which describes abnormally
persistent and disabling responses to bereavement. It is defined as a severe and enduring symptom
pattern of yearning or longing for the deceased or a persistent preoccupation with the deceased. This
reaction may be associated with difficulties accepting the death, feelings of loss of a part of oneself,
anger about the loss, guilt, or difficulty in engaging with social or other activities.
Maercker et al. went on to note that studies from Western and Eastern cultures had supported the
validity of these criteria and asserted that it was time to recognize PGD as a mental disorder in its
own right. Thus, the ICD-11 workgroup chose to move forward with the same name (prolonged
grief disorder) and largely the same criteria set validated in Prigerson and colleagues’ (2009) PLOS
Medicine report.
The DSM, in the position of catching up to the ICD, then sought to harmonize with the PGD
criteria included in ICD-11. In June 2019, the DSM-5-TR Workgroup led by Paul Appelbaum
held a meeting in New York City that invited relevant thought leaders in psychiatric diagnosis
(Philip Wang, David Brent, Kenneth Kendler, Thomas Widiger, Ellen Leibenluft, Katharine
Phillips, Roberto Lewis-Fernández, Kimberly Yonkers, Michael First, and Saul Levin) to discuss
the evidence in support of a bereavement-related disorder from the two leading adult research
groups (M. Katherine Shear and Chip Reynolds; Holly Prigerson and Paul Maciejewski) and
experts in child bereavement (Robert Pynoos and Christopher Layne). We (H.G.P. and P.K.M.)
made our case (our presentation can be found at https://endoflife.weill.cornell.edu/advanced-
directives/dsm-5-tr-consensus-criteria-prolonged-grief-disorder), Chip Reynolds pre-
sented case histories of bereaved adults whom his team had diagnosed with PGD, and Christopher
Layne presented his data on child responses to bereavement.
At the end of the meeting, committee members drafted provisional criteria based on these pre-
sentations; the research groups were then tasked with evaluating these provisional criteria using
extant data. Specifically, we were asked to determine the number of the eight items needed to
meet the diagnostic threshold for Criterion C of the diagnostic formulation (i.e., identity disrup-
tion, disbelief about the death, avoidance of reminders that the person is dead, intense emotional
pain related to the death, difficulty with reintegration into life after the death, emotional numb-
ness as a result of the death, feeling that life is meaningless as a result of the death, and intense
advanced-directives/evaluation-performance-prolonged-grief-disorder-diagnostic-criter
ia-dsm-5-tr, and https://endoflife.weill.cornell.edu/advanced-directives/presentation-
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reward system. A further study suggested that oxytocin signaling is altered in PGD (Arizmendi
2018). Animal studies have shown that oxytocin signaling in the NAc is vulnerable to the effects
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of separation from a partner (Bosch et al. 2016). Taken together with anecdotal support for the
efficacy of naltrexone, an opioid antagonist typically used to treat addiction, in alleviating symp-
toms of PGD reported for three refractory mourners (personal communication of a psychiatrist
to H.G.P.), the literature suggests a potentially distinctive reward-related etiology. We speculate,
therefore, that PGD may be best classified as a disorder of attachment precipitated by a disruption
of the reward system.
ized (i.e., uniform and agreed-upon) and validated measures to assess pathological grief, there is
a pressing need to put these results into their appropriate cultural and historical context. For ex-
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ample, woefully little attention has been paid to cultural variation in the expression of grief or the
role of faith communities and religious beliefs in its resolution. The unprecedented number of
casualties of the global coronavirus pandemic, and its impact on the way people die and grieve in
the current era, is likely to have a profound impact on the risks and outcomes of PGD for years to
come. Research is needed to determine how grief, and bereavement adjustment more generally, is
affected by the infection control measures surrounding the illness and death of a loved one. The
role of telemedicine in health care delivery, both with respect to end-of-life care discussions be-
tween health care providers, patients, and family members and also with respect to psychotherapy
in the provision of bereavement care, seems a topic worthy of future study. And lastly, research is
needed to investigate the potential harms and benefits of the use of social media and online inter-
ventions as a means of combating social isolation in general and of reducing symptoms of PGD in
particular. Studies should address the role of technology in promoting as well as preventing and
resolving symptoms of enduring and disabling grief.
Although we have come a long way toward advancing understanding of the parameters that
define pathological responses to the death of a significant other, there is a long way to go to
improve the precision and generalizability of this diagnosis and the efficacy of treatments for it.
We believe the field is on the right track and are confident that, guided by informative, relevant,
and useful theories of grief resolution and evidence to light the way, the future for those affected
by PGD is bright.
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The authors are not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that
might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review. The views expressed are those of the
authors and not necessarily those of the supporting institutions.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This work was supported by grants from the US National Cancer Institute (CA197730 and
CA218313), the US National Institute on Minority Health and Health Disparities (MD007652),
the US National Institute of Nursing Research (NR018693), the US National Institute on Aging
(AG049666), and the US National Institute of Mental Health (MH121886).
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