The Isneg (Isnag) Tribe of the Philippines: History, Culture, Customs and

Tradition [Cordillera Apayao Province Indigenous PeopleThe Isneg (Isnag) Tribe

of the Philippines: History, Culture, Customs and Tradition [Cordillera Apayao
Province Indigenous People

The Isneg, also Isnag or Apayao, live at the northwesterly end of northern Luzon, in the upper half of the
Cordillera province of Apayao. The term “Isneg” derives from a combination of is, meaning “recede,” and
uneg or “interior.” Thus, it means “people who have gone into the interior.” In Spanish missionary
accounts, they, together with the Kalinga and other ethnic groups between the northern end of the
Cagayan Valley and the northeastern part of the Ilocos, were referred to as “los Apayaos,” an allusion to
the river whose banks and nearby rugged terrain were inhabited by the people. They were also called “los
Mandayas,” a reference to an Isneg word meaning “upstream.” The term “Apayao” has been used
interchangeably with “Isneg,” after the name of the geographical territory that these people have
inhabited for ages. The province of Apayao, however, is not exclusively peopled by the Isneg. There has
been a large influx of Ilocano over the years. From Cagayan, the Itawit have entered and occupied the
eastern regions. The Aeta inhabit the northern and northeastern parts of the province. And then there
are the Kalinga, a major group in the province south of Apayao.

The Isneg have always built their settlements on the small hills that lie along the large rivers of the
province. This whole territory used to be two sub-provinces, Kalinga and Apayao, when the whole of the
Cordillera region was still a single political subdivision. The Kalinga group occupies the southern half of
the consolidated province. With the former capitol located in Tabuk, Kalinga, much of the economic and
political activity in the province was concentrated in this southern half. Sharing the same territory with
the Isneg are the Aggay, about whom little has been written.

To the northwest of the province, occupying mostly parts of the mountainous eastern border of Ilocos
Norte, live the Yapayao. The Yapayao are descended from the Apayao group that fled Spanish colonialism
and settled at the source of the Bolo River, deep in the mountains of Kalinga and Apayao. This group
eventually split into two: the Isneg, who moved downstream, and the Apayao, who remained by the Bolo
River source. The Yapayao is a subgroup of the upstream Apayao who later moved to Ilocos Norte,
specifically to the two towns of Dumalneg and Adams.

In 1988, the Isneg were estimated to number around 45,000. In 2000, their population in Apayao was at
32,451, comprising about 33% of the predominantly Ilocano province. Municipalities occupied by the
Isneg include Pudtol, Kabugao, Kalanasan, and Conner. Two major river systems, the Abulog and the
Apayao, run through Isneg country, which until recent times has been described as a region of dark
tropical forests, endowed with other natural resources. In one early account, the Isneg were described as
of slender and graceful stature, with manners that were kindly, hospitable, and generous, possessed with
the spirit of self-reliance and courage, and clearly artistic in their temperament.

History of the Isneg People

The Isneg’s ancestors are believed to have been the proto-Austronesians who came from South China
thousands of years ago. Later, they came in contact with groups practicing jar burial, from whom they
adopted the custom. They later also came into contact with Chinese traders plying the seas south of the
Asian mainland. From the Chinese they bought the porcelain pieces and glass beads, which now form part
of the Isneg’s priceless heirlooms.

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An Apayao family (A Philippine Album, American Era Photographs 1900-1930 by Jonathan Best. The
Bookmark, Inc., 1998.)

The Isneg have been known to be a head-taking society since recorded history. The colonial regime of the
Spaniards sought to curb this practice and to fully Christianize the mountain people. The Spaniards were
able to put up three missions in 1610, but these were abandoned in 1760.

A Christian mission was established in Capinatan in 1619. In 1625, the first of a series of short-lived
uprisings began. The Isneg of Capinatan and those of nearby Fotol—now Pudtol—staged a rebellion, led
by their chiefs Don Miguel Lanab and Alababan. They entered the convent, where Alababan beheaded
one of the two priests, Lanab severely wounded the other, and three more Isneg rebels finished him off.

In 1631, Father Geronimo de Zamora resumed mission work among the Isneg upstream among the
Mandaya and rebuilt the Capinatan church the following year. A short-lived uprising arose in 1639—the
commander of the Capinatan-Totol garrison had punished an Isneg woman, who was of noble rank.
Already resentful of Spanish oppression, the members of her village and those of neighboring ones
attacked and burned down the garrison, killing all 25 soldiers in it. They allowed the priest to evacuate,
taking church objects and garments with him. They then burned down the church and convent before
fleeing into the mountains.

An Isneg, Juan Manzano also known as Magsanop, partly led the Ilocos Revolt of 1660-1661. The campaign
to eradicate Christianity began with the murder of the missionary friars in Bacarra and Pata. The rebels
drank wine out of the skullcap of Father Jose Arias of Bacarra in an old ritual. Then they destroyed Christian
religious objects, and Manzano ordered a return to the native religion. The more faithful Isneg converts
aided the local authorities in suppressing the rebellion. Manzano and his co-leaders were executed, their
heads severed and displayed. In 1662, the Augustinians reached the Isneg up the Bulu River from Bagni
and freed them from taxes as a reward for their nonparticipation in the Manzano rebellion. Father Pedro
Jimenez erected two stone churches in Pudtol and Capinatan, Apayao, prior to his Cagayan Valley
assignment in 1677. He returned to Apayao in 1685 to reestablish peace pacts between feuding villages,
namely, the Mandaya and the Christian converts in the colonized towns. Peace had been broken by
Darisan, an Isneg from Kabugao, who killed a Spaniard and a Filipino in the guard post of the Capinatan
garrison in Pudtol. Jimenez successfully restored the Capinatan-Totol mission. In 1688, the Archdiocese of
Manila formally recognized his church in Nagsimbanan, Kabugao.

Governor-General Valeriano Weyler exercised no real power in the two military camps he set up in Apayao
and Cabagboan. Spanish military occupation in Apayao failed despite the Spaniards’ use of treacherous
tactics. In 1888, Lieutenant Medina’s expedition to the Kabugao area was welcomed by a feast given by
Onsi, the local chief. The feast ended with the brutal killing of 17 unarmed Isneg, including the host
himself. The Isneg retaliated by killing a party of Ilocano traders. This could also be related to the Isneg
attack on Dingras and Santa Maria, Ilocos Norte, in the same year. Three years later, Father Julian
Malumbres was sent to Apayao to resurrect the abandoned mission. Before this, the Apayao’s
commandant, Captain Enrique Julio, captured several prominent Isneg by inviting them to a feast in
Guinobatan, Pamplona. One was killed, several wounded, and the rest imprisoned. Father Malumbres
failed to reconcile with the Isneg who were misinformed that he had been the traitor. His two servants
were killed, and Malumbres never returned to Apayao. The Isneg defeated the Spaniards in a decisive
battle in 1895.

During the American regime, Blas Villamor was appointed commander of a Philippine Constabulary post
at Tawit and was charged with the responsibility of curbing the head-taking activities of the Isneg. The
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Isneg practice of head-taking came to an end in 1913 when the Constabulary subdued them in the Battle
of Waga.

In 1908, Apayao had been made a sub-province of the newly created Mountain Province, covering what
is now the Cordillera region. In 1913, the sub-provincial capital was transferred to Kabugao. A company
of soldiers, including Isneg recruits, was assigned to maintain peace and order and to intercede in disputes
that would have otherwise resulted in “revenge expeditions.” Soon after, basic education was introduced,
with English as the medium of instruction.

During World War II, northern military operations against the Japanese were launched from the Kabugao
headquarters of the Cagayan-Apayao Forces (CAF), a guerrilla organization headed by Captain Ralph
Praeger of the former Philippine Scouts. By 1943, CAF had suffered devastating losses, but Captain Praeger
was grateful for the reported thousands of Isneg who were willing to join the guerrillas, especially after
President Manuel Quezon, then exiled at Lake Saranak, New York, praised their continued support.

Other Isneg also joined American and Filipino guerrillas who operated in Cagayan Valley and south
Cordillera. Although the practice of head-taking had been outlawed a generation before, the war revived
the practice, with the hill people, including the Isneg and Yapayao, presenting Japanese heads and ears as
proof of their contribution to the Allied war effort. Their exploits, including their collection of Japanese
skulls, would later become the subject matter of their chants in postwar social gatherings. After the war,
most of them would become pensionados who received money from the US government for their wartime
service. To the Isneg, this meant an assurance of education and a better future for their children in a
province that was eager to rise from the ravages of war.

Kalinga and Apayao, consolidated as a single province in 1966, became part of the Cordillera Autonomous
Region (CAR) in 1987. In 1995, the two distinct geographical locations were reverted into separate
provinces with the enactment of Republic Act 7878. At present, Apayao’s municipalities include
Kalanasan, Conner, Flora, Pudtol, Luna, Santa Marcela, and the provincial capital, Kabugao.

The Isneg are adversely affected by the armed conflict between the Philippine government and the
Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP). In 1986, the Philippine government adopted a nationwide
hamleting strategy that had been used by the American government in the Vietnam War. In December of
that year, ten months after the EDSA People Power Revolt in Metro Manila, a battalion of soldiers entered
the village of Kelayat, which the military claimed had been infiltrated by the New People’s Army, the
military arm of the CPP. At least one Isneg woman died as a result. Similar incidents happened at Marag
and Paco Valleys the following year, resulting in the mass evacuation of Isneg as well as Atta families who
also resided in these areas.

In the same year, 35 Yapayao families—176 individuals in all—were forcibly evacuated from the mountain
village of Saliksik in Pagudpud, Ilocos Norte, to the lowland town of Dumalneg, which was also populated
by Yapayao. In 1990, the evacuees gradually resumed cultivating their kaingin farms around Saliksik,
traveling the 10-kilometer distance daily, sometimes temporarily staying in makeshift shelters in their
kaingin fields. By 1992, they had moved back to Saliksik. Within the same year, after a 10-year application,
most of the families who had resettled in Saliksik qualified for Certificates of Stewardship from the
Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR), giving them legal rights to farm their land for
the next 25 years, renewable for another 25 years.

Isneg Tribe Way of Life

The Isneg’s main staple is rice, which they have traditionally produced in abundance. This is raised through
slash-and-burn agriculture. There has always been a surplus every year, except in rare instances of
drought or pest infestation. The Isneg’s main source of sustenance is dry rice culture, which is suitable for
the semi-mountainous and tropical, vegetal terrain of Apayao. This is what they have in common with the
Kalinga, the Gaddang, and the Bugkalot (Ilongot). Other culture groups in the Mountain Province practice
terraced wet-rice culture, a combination of dry-rice and wet-rice culture, or root-crop agriculture in
addition to rice cultivation. Unlike other Cordillera peoples, both the Isneg and the Kalinga almost never
resort to root crops as a substitute for rice. In times of meager harvests, they would resort to trading their
locally made products like hats, baskets, and pots, with people from other areas for rice.

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 Isneg farmer, 2014 (Edwin Antonio, ilocandiatreasures.com)

Apart from rice, other crops raised are corn, taro, sweet
potato, sugarcane for making basi (sugarcane wine),
bananas, yams, and fruit orchards. Tobacco and coffee have
become principal crops in Apayao since the 1960s. The
tanap (plains along the river) of Binuan are known to yield
high-quality tobacco. Twenty percent of Cordillera’s tobacco
and 25% of the whole region’s non-Arabica coffee originate
from the municipalities of Calanasan, formerly Bayag, and
Kabugao. Planting, weeding of the fields, harvesting and
storing of rice, as well as the planting of yams and other
tubers, are all preceded by appropriate rituals and
ceremonies albeit now greatly simplified and minimized.

A standard ritual is simply to leave a ritual offering of

mamaen or betel chew in one spot of the uma (farm). The chew is composed of betel nut, lime, and water.
Before planting, the family offers a sacrificial chicken or a boiled egg, depending on what they can afford.
A dead relative who appears in one’s dream must be offered a ritual meal of rice and other items of food
to prevent them from disturbing the uma. Before harvest, the farmer uses a rakem (single-bladed knife)
to cut eight-inch long palay stalks so that he can tie them into a two-inch thick bundle. He leaves this
bundle in the granary to invoke the spirits and to ensure an ample supply of seeds for the rest of the year.

There are Isneg equivalents for the calendar months, according to the various stages of the koman
(planting field) activities in Karagawan, Kabugao: In January, kihing (cool weather) is for planting tobacco
and vegetables; in February, uku, when wild animals are less active, is for clearing the koman; in March,
kiyang, when animals start to appear, is for burning the koman; in April, ludaw, when buds of fruit trees
start to grow, is for planting rice and clearing burnt wood; in May, bakakaw is the beginning of planting;
in June, kitkitti, when it is hotter and more humid and fruits have ripened; in July, banaba (showery) signals
the beginning of the rainy season, and the planting and weeding of the rice field; in August, akal is for
collecting wood washed ashore by swollen rivers; adaway, in September, is when crops grow fast; in
October, bisbis (sprinkling water) is how fibers for bundling palay are prepared; in November,
kamadoyong (sound of heavy rain) is when palay is harvested before rivers are flooded; and loyya (sad),
in December, cold days are for filling the granary with rice, and for planting root crops and tobacco.

As the men cut the trees and clear the field for swidden preparation, so the women plant the rice grains
in the kaingin field. With a gaddang (dibble), a sharply pointed stick of hard wood, they make a hole in the
ground four inches deep, take a handful of rice grains from a belt bag, drop these into the hole, and sweep
the soil over the hole to cover it. Second crops are planted next: okra and beans at the borders of the
uma; patola (gourd) and ampalaya (bitter melon) at tree stumps, over which these vine plants can climb.

The hard manual labor required by the kaingin system is eased by the cultural practice of abuyog or
ammuyo, a reciprocal exchange of labor and goodwill between at least two families. The host farmer
serves the lunch and snacks to his guest workers. In the practice of inkaruan, a creditor agrees to let a
debtor pay off his debt with an equivalent amount of work. In recent times, however, the Yapayao,
because they are neighbors to lowland Ilocano farmers, prefer to hire themselves out as day laborers for
the cash payment.

The Isneg have preserved an elaborate economic culture centered around the concept of land ownership.
According to their traditional view, the ownership of land is absolute, governed by an unwritten law of
property relations. This law is respected and recognized, enforced and defended by generations of Isneg.
Life is materially associated with the land, the forests, and the rivers. The recognized owner of a piece of
land has exclusive rights over its natural resources and its fruits. According to Isneg custom law, land is
acquired and owned in three ways: the first-use or pioneer principle; actual possession and active
occupation; and inheritance.

The first-use or pioneer principle is applied by an individual or clan on the following types of terrain: the
bannuwag (swidden); the sarra or angnganupan (forest and hunting grounds); and the usat or angnigayan
(water and aquatic resources). Part of the land that can also be claimed for ownership is the land space
called nagbabalayan (from balay, meaning “house”), where the owner or his family and clan have resided,
and which they have planted with coconut, palm, and fruit trees. Land acquired through possession and

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occupation includes the swidden farm, residential land, and fishing grounds. All these categories of land
can also be acquired through tawid (inheritance).

However, indigenous people’s custom law is not necessarily compatible with Philippine laws on land
ownership. An Isneg farmer and his family may suddenly be evicted from their ancestral land by someone
with legal claims to the property. A modern solution for hill people like Isneg farmers is the acquisition of
a Certificate of Stewardship from the Department of Environment and Natural Resources, which grants
them the legal right to use their land for 50 years.

For the Yapayao of Saliksik, the national government’s intervention has brought about changes in their
age-old farming methods and lifeways. Slash-and-burn cultivation on the steeper slopes are
supplemented by plow farming in the flatter parts of the field, which are converted into wet rice paddies.
A natural irrigation system is fed by the river nearby. In the swidden system, second crops were limited
to yams, ginger, and anahaw (pandan palm). Relatively permanent fields, however, have led to a
diversified farming system. This has produced a variety of crops such as coconut, betel nut, coffee, as well
as fruits such as jackfruit, guyabano (soursop), avocado, banana, and citrus. Hence, the farmers’ harvests
are not only for their own subsistence but also for the commercial market.

The Saliksik Yapayao’s absorption into the national cash economy has also resulted in their absorption of
its worldview. Land is perceived as a permanent and inexhaustible source of wealth and security. Synthetic
fertilizers and pesticides are now in standard use. After 1992, three farmers in Saliksik each owned a hand
tractor, which they rented out for cash. More families own a motorbike, which transports their goods to
the market, instead of the men walking to the market with their meager surplus on their shoulders or the
women carrying these on their heads. A greater premium has been placed on the children’s education,
the goal being to finish high school.

The Isneg Tribal Life

Isneg society did not develop a form of village leadership strong enough to be recognized as an indigenous
political authority by all Isneg communities in the region. A possible reason for the absence of a centralized
rule is the small size of villages or hamlets, and thus the small population of males that could be harnessed
to form an army strong enough to bring other villages under its control. For ages, Isneg warriors engaged
in small-scale ambuscades, not in full-blown tribal war. The taking of a few heads during a raid was in
retaliation for some previous wrong or misdeed and not for the conquest of territory. Slavery was
unknown, so there was no need to capture people.

Isneg head axe, University of the Philippines Anthropology

Museum, 1970 (Filipinas Heritage Library)

Law and order is maintained by a panau wen (council of elders),

which arbitrates and settles disputes among family or village
members, and imposes penalties and sanctions on wrongdoers.
In the settlement of cases, jars, beads, rice, and animals are used
to pay fines or damages. The council is headed by a mengal,
more recently called the sarikampo (from the Spanish maestro
de campo), who is chosen for his seniority, wisdom, and
eloquence. Traditionally, his leadership is measured by the
number of head-taking forays he has successfully led.

The mengal may later become kamenglan, the bravest of the

brave—the ultimate goal of a human being. The mengal truly
enjoys enormous prestige, being a warrior of proven courage. In the past, the mengal wore a red scarf
around his head. His arms and shoulders were tattooed to signify that he had taken several enemy heads
in battle. He would sponsor the say-am for his people, a lavish feast during which he was expected to
recount his martial exploits.

Head taking was itself an elaborate ritual. The warrior killed the enemy before cutting off his head with a
special axe called an aliwa. After a day or two, he offered the severed head to the village mengal, and the
community celebrated his achievement with a patong (ritual feast) of pigs and drinks, and much singing
and dancing. The head-taker performed a dance while holding up the severed head; then, with much
oratorical flourish, he regaled the crowd with stories of his head-taking exploits. Afterward, the head was
skinned and stripped down to the skull. This was given to the village’s most respected metalsmith or bolo
maker, who placed it among other skulls on a rack inside his house. This was why the bolo maker’s house
was called ballawa (a place of skull preservation).

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Isneg Customs and Traditions
The Isneg woman traditionally gives birth in a kneeling position, using a mushroom as a talisman to ensure
a successful delivery. The umbilical cord, cut with a bamboo sliver, is mixed with the rest of the afterbirth,
tied up with ginger and herbs, and buried in a coconut shell under the house.

Isneg family (National Geographic, 1912, Mario Feir Filipiniana Library)

The formation of the Isneg family begins with the rites of courtship. The girl’s parents allow this to take
place in their house, in their presence. If the suitor has become acceptable to the girl’s parents and to her,
he may be allowed to sleep with her. This may last for several nights, and it is likely that a sexual
relationship takes place, after which the couple’s parents engage in the manadug or discussion of terms
of marriage. The arrangement is called agyan ya lalaki if it is decided that the couple should live with the
parents of the woman, gimanlid if with those of the man, and dinoyan if with both sets of parents
alternately. Recent years have shown, though, that young Isneg couples prefer sumang nga balay
(independent residence).

Also discussed in the manadug is the amount of the tadug (bride-price), which includes Chinese jars or
plates, bolos, beads, animals, Ilocano cloth, and coconut trees. The tadug is substantially higher if the
couple opts for the gimanlid arrangement. The man may be required to work for the family of the girl for
a year or so. This usually happens when the tadug is high but the man is a “desirable acquisition.”

Among the Yapayao, the old way is child betrothal, no longer practiced now. This is arranged by the two
families when the children are two or three years old. The wedding is held when they reach puberty,
between 12 and 14 years of age. Negotiations for the bride-price are conducted between the two families.
The girl’s parents can express their disappointment with the bride-price by ceremoniously cutting a bua
(betel nut), which has been wrapped in cloth. Negotiations are hence deferred for another day. The bride-
price might consist of all or any of the following: manding (a Chinese heirloom bead); aliwa (head axe);
quen or ken (wraparound skirt); ules (blanket); carabao; and a plot of land. The officiant of the inapugan
(wedding) is a panau wen, a council elder chosen for his eloquence. The wedding ceremony centers on a
betel chew, which is composed of the apug (lime) and a bua. A child between five and eight years old
holds out these two ingredients, and the couple each takes any one of these, thus signifying the
inseparability of a married couple. A grand feast follows. The bride’s parents and her clan go to the
groom’s house to receive the last item of the bride-price. The newlyweds spend their first night in the
groom’s house and their second day and night in the bride’s house. The young couple lives with the bride’s
parents until they are ready to live on their own.

Isneg society permits polygyny, but not polyandry. In the husband’s succeeding marriages, it is the first
wife who acts as the pamo-noan (negotiator) for the manadug (bride-price), thus replacing her husband’s
parents in this role. Either the common husband may have the wives live under the same roof or he may
build separate dwellings for them. Adultery, however, merits some punishment. The culprits are marked
with a sign of their misdeed with a knife cut on their arm or leg, which would leave a permanent scar. The
male lover must pay the woman’s husband a mariapa (small Chinese jar) or money.

The common practice of division of labor based on physical strength and gender is evident. The man
prepares the clearing for planting. He also engages in hunting, fishing, and the building of houses and
boats. Where the metal plow has been introduced in recent times, plowing has been added to his schedule

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of activities. The woman plants, weeds, harvests rice, prepares the meals, maintains vegetable gardens,
and rears children. In the old days, the man built high fences around the house yard to protect the family
from enemies and head-taking groups. Since head-taking has ended, these fences are now built low.

In adherence to Isneg custom law governing ownership, husband and wife retain their rights to their own
prenuptial properties, while assets acquired jointly by the couple become conjugal properties. These can
also be lost or disposed of as damages or fines paid for crimes or offenses committed by any member of
their family or clan.

Throughout the year, rituals play a central role in the social life of the Isneg. Their rituals are often very
festive occasions. Everyone in the Isneg community prepares and looks forward to the feasts observed
during the year, which are related to the most important events in the Isneg’s life: marriage, illness, death,
harvest, farewells, political negotiations, or honoring family members for achievements.

An important special ritual is the say-am, which is performed before an assembly of people, for important
social occasions, such as a successful headhunt in the past, the removal of mourning clothes, and other
events left to the discretion of wealthy families. The outlay in terms of food preparation is enormous and
can only be afforded by the rich. To these occasions, shamans and distinguished members of the hamlet
such as the warriors are invited. Only one shaman may officiate in the rituals. These occasions, undertaken
between long intervals of time and in various places, have been the only group celebrations among the
Isneg. These give a larger meaning to their life, unite them, and impart a sense of identity.

In recent years Apayao has been recorded as having the lowest crime rate in the Cordillera region. In 2013,
the Philippine Information Agency recognized it as CAR’s safest province.

Isneg Religious Beliefs and Practices

The spiritual world of the Isneg is populated by more than 300 anito (spirits), who assume various forms.
There are no gods or hierarchical deities in the otherworld of the Isneg—only good or bad spirits.

An anito figure, circa 1900, attributed to Apayao (Alpha Sadcopen, The

Field Museum, Cat. No. 109425)

The chief spirits are Anlabban, who looks after the general welfare of
the people and is recognized as the special protector of hunters; Bago,
the spirit of the forest; and Sirinan, the river spirit. They may take the
form of human beings or former mortals who mix with the living who
reside in bathing places. They may be animals, with the features of a
carabao, for example, and live in a cave under the water. They may be
giants who live somewhere in the vicinity of Abbil. They may be spirits
guarding the foot and center of the ladder going up the skyworld, seeing
to it that mortals do not ascend this ladder. Most of these spirits,
however, are the souls of mortals and exhibiting human traits when
living as mortals. Some spirits can bring hardship into the life of the
Isneg. One such spirit is Landusan, who is held responsible for some
cases of extreme poverty. Those believed to be suffering from the
machinations of this spirit are said to be malandusan (impoverished).
But the Isneg are not entirely helpless against these scheming spirits.
They can arm themselves with a potent amulet bequeathed to mortals
by the benevolent spirits. This amulet is a small herb called tagarut,
which grows in the forest but is hard to find.

At harvest time, a wide assortment of male and female spirits attends to the activities of the Isneg,
performing either good or bad works that affect the lives of people. There are spirits who come to help
the reapers in gathering the harvest. They are known as Abad, Aglalannawan, Anat, Binusilan, Dawiliyan,
Dekat, Dumingiw, Imbanon, Gimbanonan, Ginalinan, Sibo, and a group of sky dwellers collectively known
as the llanit. On the other hand, there are spirits who prefer to cause harm rather than help with the
harvest. These are Alupundan, who causes the reapers’ toes to get sore all over and swell; Arurin, who
sees to it that the harvest is bad if the Isneg farmers fail to give her her share; Dagdagamiyan, a female
spirit who causes sickness in children for playing in places where the harvest is being done; Darupaypay,
who devours the palay stored in the hut before it is transferred to the granary; Ginuudan, who comes to
measure the containers of palay and causes it to dwindle; Sildado (from soldado, meaning “soldier”), who
resembles a horse and kills children who play noisily outside the house; and Inargay, who kills people
during harvest time. When inapugan, a ritual plant, is offered to Inargay, the following prayer is recited

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by the Isneg farmer: “Iapugko iyaw inargay ta dinaami patpatay” (I offer this betel to you, Inargay, so that
you may not kill us) (Vanoverbergh 1941, 337-39).

Between the living Isneg and this pantheon of spirits is the shaman whose function as intermediary is
indispensable. The dorarakit or anitowan (shaman) is almost always a woman. She has to undergo a long
training, starting from early childhood. She intervenes for the recovery of afflicted persons, performing
suitable rites and appealing to particular spirits. In the maxanito ritual, the dorarakit becomes a mataiyan
(the one who is ridden upon) or possessed by either an anito or a kaduduwa (spirit of the dead). She also
performs séances or propitiatory rituals so often necessary to gain the favor or sympathy of these spirits.
Her functions differ from that of the medicine man in other ethnic cultures who uses parts of plants and
trees in preparing a remedy for a sick person. The daughter of a priestess may become a dorarakit, one
who performs the role of shaman and magician and who is entrusted with the making of tanib (amulets),
which ward off evil spells.

Many rituals are connected with the agricultural cycle, the daily life on the swidden, which includes
clearing, planting, and harvesting. Nature provides signs and portents that signal the start of specific
activities. There are rituals related to life in the swidden, to rice, and to the community as a whole.

Before choosing a piece of land for his kaingin, the Yapayao watches for signs that warn him off the area
such as the sight of any kind of snake, whether venomous or not, or the squealing of a deer. A monitor
lizard is a portent of an illness in the family or a poor harvest; a kingfisher, of an impending disaster in the
kaingin. On the other hand, the Yapayao farmer has a simple ritual for testing the viability of a piece of
land: He leaves a piece of ginger on a tree in the land and returns for it in two days. If it is still there, then
he can start to clear the land. However, Yapayao farmers who have shifted to plow farming of wet-rice
paddies claim that such omens are no longer significant to them.

Three signs indicate that clearing work on the swidden can begin: The red bakakaw herb comes out, the
tablan (coral tree) is in bloom, and the leaves of the basinalan tree fall to the ground. This is around
February to March. Then, the lumba tree begins to bear fruit, and it is a sign that the dry days have begun,
that is, time for burning the swidden. A good harvest is portended by the rising of a little whirlwind from
the burned field. This, it is said, is the spirit Alipugpug. This wind fans the fire that moves across the burning
field which never goes out of control “because swidden culture has its own ecological wisdom.” Before
burning, the Isneg clear the swidden very carefully, taking care not to harm certain plants, such as the
amital vine, which must not be uprooted; the lapatulag tree, which is a protection against rats; and the
lubo herb, which must not be killed, lest a death befall the offender’s family. The clearing burned, a few
seeds of rice are cast into the wind, and a prayer is offered to the spirits. The farmer and his family gather
charred wood that has not been completely burned. This will be used for fuel, to be used during the
harvest. Three days before rice is planted, the agpaabay ceremony is observed. A man and a woman
scatter rice grains across the field to warn rats not to eat them. The woman returns in the afternoon to
make an offering to the spirits of the field. She bores a hole into the ground and drops a few seeds into it.
Then she covers the hole with taxalitaw vine leaves and the sapitan herb. This is to ensure that the crops
will be healthy. For the whole night and all throughout the next day, she cannot hand out anything to
anyone, and no one is allowed to enter her house. On the third day, other women take up the chore of
planting. They carry dibble sticks with which they bore holes in the ground. Coconut shells full of seeds
are tied to their waists. It is taboo for children to make noises, because they would likely disturb the spirits:
the paxananay, who watches over the planting, and the bibiritan, who kills people when roused to anger.
In September, the rice is ready for harvesting. It is then cooked with the fire of the stored charred wood
from the burned clearing; thus, the cooking of the rice completes the ritual cycle of the swidden.

There are several rituals performed in connection with the harvest of rice. These usually begin with the
killing of a pig as an object of sacrifice, accompanied by communication with the spirits, performed in the
form of prayers by the dorarakit or the maganito (shaman). In the pisi, the ritual offering of food to the
spirits, rice pudding is offered to Pilay, the spirit of the rice, who resides on the paga, a shelf above the
Isneg hearth. The old woman who performs this utters the following prayer: “Ne uwamo ilay ta
ubatbattugammo ya an-ana-a, umaammo ka mabtugda peyan” (Here, this is yours, Pilay, so that you feed
my children fully, and make sure that they are always satisfied) (Vanoverbergh 1941, 340).

Another ritual is performed right in the fields where the harvest is going on. The amulets inapugan, takkag
(a kind of fern), and herbs are tied to a stalk of palay, which are later placed in the granary before the
other palay. Again, these are reserved for Pilay. In case a new granary is built and the contents of the old
granary transferred, the spirit’s special share is also transferred to the new place. It is never consumed.
An illness in the family during the time of harvest occasions a ritual called the pupug. The shaman catches
a chicken and kills it inside the house of the affected family. The usual prayers to the guardian spirits of
the fields are recited, after which the household members partake of the meat of the sacrificial animal.

8
Isneg House and Community
Isneg architecture differs markedly from that of the other groups in the Cordillera. The difference lies
mainly in the boatlike design of the Isneg house. Apayao in the northernmost part of Luzon is the only
region in the Cordillera with a navigable river, and among the mountain people of the north, only the
Isneg are natural boatpeople and boat builders. A typical Isneg house resembles the traditional Isneg boat
in some ways. The boat called barana’y or bank’l is made up of three planks: a bottom plank that tapers
at both ends and two planks on both sides, carved and shaped in such a way as to fit alongside the bottom
plank. The roof of the Isneg house suggests an inverted hull, and the floor joists when seen from the
outside appear to have the shape of a boat.

Isneg octagonal house built circa

1915, photographed in 1983,
Butbut, Apayao (Trix Rosen)

The Isneg house is called binuron. It

is regarded as the largest and
among the most substantially
constructed houses in the
Cordilleras. The binuron is a
multifamily, one-room, rectangular
dwelling supported by 15 wooden piles, with a clearance from the ground of about 1.2 meters. It measures
about 8 meters long, 4 meters wide, and 5.5 meters from the ground to the roof ridge. The walls slant and
taper downward. Its atap (roof) is gabled, in contrast to most Cordillera dwellings, which have pyramidal
or conical roofs. A tarakip, an annexlike structure, is built at one end. It is as wide as the house itself, with
a slightly higher floor but a lower roof. Some houses feature a tarakip at both ends. The Isneg use wood
for the sinit (posts), anadixiyan (girders), toldog (joists), and dingding (walls); and thatch or bamboo for
the roof. An interesting feature of the Isneg house is the way the bamboo roof is constructed. Lengths of
bamboo tubes are split in two, and these are laid in alternating face-down-face-up arrangement, their
sides interlocking. Several rows are laid on top of one another like shingles. Thus, they form a continuous
wavelike link and effectively keep out rainwater. Sometimes, a layer of grass thatch is laid on top of this
bamboo arrangement for added protection.

The Isneg binuron is an example of the northern style of Cordillera architecture because it is gabled,
elevated, and elongated. Its floor and roof are entirely supported by two completely independent sets of
posts. The floor itself has slightly raised platforms along the sides. This is the opposite of the southern
house, the roof of which rests on the walls of the square cage constituting the house proper and which in
turn is supported by posts that reach no higher than the floor joists.

Although the Isneg house may seem small, there is ample space inside because it has no ceiling. One looks
up to see the interior side of the bamboo roof. Because the walls slant outward toward the roof, the space
inside also expands. Another interesting and practical feature of the binuron is its roll-up floor made from
long reeds strung or woven together. These are laid on top of a floor frame made up of lateral and
longitudinal supports. Once in a while, the reed floor is rolled up for washing in the nearby river. The walls
of the house are but planks fitted together, all of which can be removed so that the binuron can be
converted into a platform or stage with a roof, to be used for rituals, ceremonies, and meetings. For
windows, a number of wall planks are removed to provide the needed openings; thus, they are not
structured frames cut out of the walls but are part of the walls themselves.

As swidden farmers, the Isneg build their family house as close as possible to their uma. Thus, when the
Yapayao of Saliksik were relocated to Dumalneg, they would build sigay (makeshift shelters) on their
kaingin fields to avoid making the daily, 10-kilometer trek between Dumalneg and Saliksik. When the
famillies started trickling back to Saliksik after five years of residence in Dumalneg, they built only
makeshift homes of bamboo and grass thatch at first. Eventually, they built sturdier family homes though
still made of bamboo.

Another important architectural work in Isneg society is the alang (rice granary). Building big granaries
remains an important part of Isneg material culture because in the Cordillera communities, the granary

9
shelters not only the annual harvest of grains but also the benign spirits like the balawan (female granary
spirit), which is invoked to guard the treasure of food they contain. These granaries are provided adequate
protection, mainly with rat guards found on the upper part of the posts that may be disc-shaped or
rounded plate, knob- or pot-shaped, or cylindrical. The contemporary Yapayao’s granary is small, about
four square meters, but built more solidly than their family house. The structure is elevated three feet
above the ground by posts that have a rat guard attached to each. Traditional wooden rat guards have
been replaced by ones made of galvanized metal sheets. The granary is enclosed by walls of dried tree
bark, and its roof is thatched with cogon grass. A shed similar to the granary stands in the middle of or
beside the kaingin to serve as the farmer’s resting place. A fence of sharp, pointed bamboo stakes encloses
the uma so as to keep predators like boars and monkeys away.

Rituals likewise accompany the building of houses in Apayao. From the initial act of looking for suitable
wood in the forest to the final completion of the binuron, the Isneg act according to traditional beliefs.
Some of the customs and practices that the Isneg follow are also faithfully observed in other Cordillera
communities. The labag is a tiny red or brown bird that the Isneg observe and listen for when they are
about to gather timber to build a house. If it flies across or opposite one’s path, or if it emits an extended
series of chirps with pauses in between, it is a bad omen and one should postpone one’s plans for the day.
If the bird flies along one’s route, or if it emits a speedy and continuous chirping, it is a good omen. A
chicken’s bile sac may also be examined for signs of approval before cutting a tree down. The appearance
of a rainbow, a sneeze, and a death in one’s community are signs of misfortune.

Having built the house, an owner will now host the most important ritual in Isneg life: the say-am. First, a
male dancer is selected for the dance performance. Then the female shaman offers betel nuts and throws
rice grains to the spirits, in an act of propitiation, in case any kind of transgression has been committed at
the place where the house has been built. The ceremony also serves to call the spirits to watch over the
family. At a corner of the hearth inside the house, rice is planted and covered with ash. Offerings of
homemade sweets to the spirits follow.

Isneg Traditional Costume

Unlike other groups, the Isneg have no traditional or indigenous knowledge of cloth weaving or pottery
making. Instead, they have procured articles of clothing, pots, and other materials from the lowland
Ilocano traders, in exchange for their honey, beeswax, rope, baskets, and mats.

Isneg couple in their indigenous costumes, 2014 (Roel

Hoang Manipon)

Nevertheless, Isneg women have been known to favor

colorful garments for their traditional costume. These
consist of both small and large aken, a wraparound
piece of blue cloth with narrow red or white horizontal
stripes. The small version is for everyday use, while the
large one is for ceremonial occasions. The aken is
usually kept in place by the bahakat. Around six feet
long, this strip of cloth is wrapped around the waist
over the aken and also serves as a carrier for small
articles. The women also wear the badio, a short-
waisted, long-sleeved blouse, which is either plain or
heavily embroidered, and the laddong (head scarf).
The usual colors for these articles of clothing are blue and its various shades often with narrow stripes in
red and white.

Menfolk, on the other hand, have a traditional dress of dark-colored, often plain blue, G-string called abag.
On special occasions, this is adorned with an iput, a lavishly colored tail attached to the back end, which
generally consists of a thick tuft of long fringes. They wear an upper garment called bado, which has long
sleeves and reaches down to the waist. The colors are usually grayish blue, although sometimes the Isneg
also wear them in red and dark blue, occasionally in black or purple.

On festive occasions, men and women wear their distinctive costumes. The men wear their abag loincloth
with decorative beads and tassels, a long-sleeved jacket—usually green, the festive color of choice, or

10
sometimes dark blue or red—and an embroidered headpiece. The women wear long-sleeved dark blue,
sometimes red or orange, jackets; striped or plain navy blue aken skirt; and embroidered headpiece. Into
these turbans they may tuck pompoms or flowers for accent.

Isneg elders, 2016 (facebook.com/TarakiAkTarakiKaTarakiTayoAmin)

Among the Yapayao, the men’s baag (loincloth) is traditionally woven on a back-strap loom and
dyed black or dark blue. The women’s quen (wraparound skirt) is multicolored and woven on the same
loom. In 1992, the older-generation Yapayao of Saliksik were observed to still don their traditional
garments for their daily wear. They also had gisi (tattoos) on their arms and necks. Presently, the Yapayao
ordinarily wear the conventional clothes of the lowland people. However, they put on their traditional
garments during the fiesta of Dumalneg and their community rituals.

Isneg men also sport the sipatal or sipattal, a necklace/breast piece indicating one’s social status.
The sipatal, worn exclusively during special occasions, has two parts: the sipatar (necklace or collar) and
the bissin (pendant). The sipatar is composed of around 14 beaded strings that are bound side by side by
several strips of wood or carabao horn to produce a flat necklace. The bissin consists of several cut shells,
adorned with multicolored glass, agate, or ceramic beads. Men also wear the abungot (turban), which is
a long blue cloth wrapped around their head. The linijot is a ceremonial turban that comes either in plain
red or in half red and half blue. This headpiece is embellished with leaves from the bangog (ylang-ylang
plant), dulaw (feathers), and several saaban (string of beads).

The only decorative art that the Isneg have developed from earliest times is tattooing. There are
names for the various types of tattoos. There are tattoos for men and tattoos for women. Isneg males
tattoo their forearms down to the wrist and the middle part of the back of their hands. This basic type is
called hisi, generally black in color and of no particular design. The andori is the more ornate type, which
appears on one or both arms, on the inside. It begins from the wrist and runs all the way to the biceps and
the shoulders. The design is composed of mainly wedges, diamonds, and angular lines.

The andori used to symbolize the status of an Isneg male who has killed any number of enemies.
The more he killed, the longer the andori on his arms. This type is largely gone now, having been
associated with the practice of head-taking. Another type is the babalakay (spider), which is tattooed in
front of one or both of a man’s thighs. This is either a cross-shaped figure with twiglike extensions at the
ends or several lines radiating from a small imaginary circle, suggesting an arachnid but also rather sunlike
in appearance.

The women decorate themselves with one of three types of tattooing. One is the andori, which
the Isneg woman is allowed to have on her arms if her father has killed any number of enemies in battle.
She may have the balalakat tattoo on her throat and on either or both of her thighs, sometimes also on
her forearm. Or it may be the tutungrat, a series of broken lines at the back of her hands, sometimes
accompanied by some dots or short, parallel, straight lines tattooed at the back of her fingers.

11
 A sample of an Isneg sipatal (Photo by Masato
Yokohama, Form and Splendor: Personal Adornment of
Northern Luzon Ethnic Groups, Philippines by Roberto
Maramba. The Bookmark, Inc., 1998.)

While the Isneg do not produce much basketry, they

fashion some articles of useful application, such as
spearheads, tattooing instruments, axes (aliwa for the
men and iko for the women), and protective rain gear.
Of the last item, there are two kinds. One is the
killohong, a round hat made from palm leaves, strips of
rattan, or bamboo, or sometimes carved out of a dried
gourd, with a head-fitting structure attached inside. Another is the ananga, a kind of raincoat made of
palm leaves. This gear has a woven base which closes in around the neck, while the tops of the leaves
extend all around the body like an open fan, leaving only the front of the body partially exposed to the
rain. Mats are woven from anahaw or pandan palm, which is grown as a second crop for this reason.

Isneg Folk Riddles and Folktales

Isneg oral tradition is rich in folk riddles. Many of these are structurally simple but elegant: two
lines with a few syllables and rhymes at the end, presenting an enigma that must be guessed. Like most
folk riddles, those of the Isneg encompass practically every aspect of human experience: men, women,
children, the human body, ailments and defects, actions, food and drink, dress and ornament, buildings
and structures, furniture and implements, animals, plants, the natural environment, and natural
phenomena. Some examples of their rhyming riddles follow (Vanoverbergh 1976; 1960):
Apel Iggat
Awan na di mamilgat.

(The thigh of Iggat,

Which all scrape at. [Honey])

Bulinawan ka Gannad
Lipuliput amlad.

(Black stone at Gannad,

surrounded by little fishes. [Mortar])

Tabiyo-o dalen silay;

Dalenko makibabbay.

(A man on the mountain

A plainly visible liver. [A bottle of coconut oil])

Tolay a bantay;
Masisilag na agtay.

(There are two canoes

Only one man rides them. [A pair of shoes])

Other Isneg riddles have been recorded only in English translation (Vanoverbergh 1976):

They are many following one another, and each one carries a nest. (Aeta)

Someone is weeding all the time without any reason. (A person rowing a boat)

12
One singit post for the whole town. (Mayor)

A basket full of pipes, one smells bad. (Mayor)

It dances on the floor and has no sound, it dances on the rock and resounds. (A blacksmith’s hammer)

A very large bunga tree with only two branches. (Carabao)

Half a bamboo, it can be seen from afar. (Rainbow)

A small rooster going to America and coming back the same day. (Telephone or airplane)

We cannot say it except at the time of harvest. (Riddle)

The Isneg have stories and fables that explain events and phenomena, and relationships between people
and their surroundings, or which are simply meant to be humorous and entertaining.

“Why Birds Steal People’s Grains” (Illustration by

Dominic Agsaway)

There is a story about why birds steal people’s grains.

Long ago, a man had no grains, and he went hungry.
Birds came and offered to give him seeds of rice and
corn from a certain rock in a faraway place. The man
was supposed to plant these then share the harvest
with the birds. He agreed, whereupon the birds
fetched the seeds. The man planted the seeds but
reneged on his promise to share the harvest. Since that perfidy, rice birds have been attacking the rice
plant and crows have been damaging the corn as a punishment for the man who broke his promise.

Another tale is set in the proverbial “time of plenty” and relates why rice grains became so small
people had to work hard to harvest them. Once upon a time, when people were still kind and gentle, they
enjoyed an abundance of rice, which did not need to be planted nor harvested. Innumerable giant rice
grains simply appeared and rolled toward them. A woman and her daughter began building a rice granary
that could hold the nonstop arrival of rice onto their doorstep. As they worked, the rice grains kept rolling
toward them, until the mother angrily struck one and ordered it to stop coming where it wasn’t wanted.
The grain shattered into a thousand tiny pieces, which then vowed never to go to people again. From then
on, people have had to labor hard to get rice.

The Isneg explain the origin of things and natural phenomena in their stories. The sal-it (lightning)
is created when the man holding the world makes fire with his flint and steel so he can light up his cigar.
When this zigzag of fire hits people, it eats their brains; when it strikes trees, it eats the pests on them.
The addug (thunder) is the roaring sound made by boulders in the sky when these are carried along by
the flow of rainwater. The yagyag (earthquake) occurs when a giant eel and giant crab beneath the earth
fight each other, and the eel’s tail hits the pillar supporting the earth.

The art of tattooing began when a tattoo-covered man taught it to Halossab in a dream. Upon
waking, Halossab sold his tobacco harvest to buy ink and 15 dagum (needle), which he used to tattoo
himself. His neighbors envied him for the beauty of his tattoos, and they paid Halossab a chicken each to
be tattooed the same way. The Isneg’s art of tattooing explains the distinctive colors of the iguana and
the crow. Iguana and Crow were good friends who agreed to tattoo each other. Crow tattooed Iguana
very carefully, giving him a speckled look; but Iguana, who was lazy, merely poured black paint all over
Crow.

The Isneg have their version of the “star maiden” story. Enoy has a farm planted with sugarcane
and bananas. For three consecutive nights, three women visit Enoy’s farm to enjoy its produce. Enoy does
not catch them until the third night, when the three women remove their clothes and wings so they can
bathe. Enoy sits on the youngest woman’s clothes and wings while the other two fly away. Ayo, the
13
youngest sister, is persuaded to live with Enoy, and they have a child together. One day while Enoy is out
hunting, Ayo discovers her wings tucked in a crack in the wall of Enoy’s house. Quickly she shuts the doors
and windows and flies away. When Enoy arrives, their son tells him where Ayo has gone, and Enoy,
carrying his son, goes after her. The houses in Ayo’s place are made of bulawan beads. When she sees
them in her house, Ayo welcomes Enoy and their son with a meal.

Sillam-ang is the Isneg parallel to the Iloco legendary hero named Lam-ang. While Sillam-ang’s
mother was still pregnant with him, his father was killed in a headhunting foray. As soon as he was born,
Sillam-ang could talk, while a male chick that hatched at the same time crowed. One day, Sillam-ang went
in search of his father, whose dried-up head he found in an Igorot town. All the residents of the town
threw their spears at him, and he caught them all with his mouth. However, with a single throw, his spear
ran through all his enemies because it was being guided by a young female Aran spirit. Sillam-ang took his
father’s head home and placed it in the family mortar with his rooster companion, and his father’s life
was restored.

Isneg folktale about Gisurab’s odd-looking rooster

(Illustration by Dominic Agsaway)

Gisurab the giant is a recurring character in a

series of humorous Isneg folktales. One day,
Gisurab builds a fish trap on his riverbank.
Meanwhile, on another side of the river,
Agippagippaw takes a dainty bite from a bunanag
fruit, but she loses it and it gets caught in Gisurab’s
trap. Taking his rooster with him, Gisurab goes in search of the owner of the fruit. His rooster leads him
toward the side of the river inhabited by people. They laugh at the one-feathered, one-winged, one-eyed,
one-legged, and one-beaked rooster. It sees their large teeth and knows the owner of the bunanag fruit
is not among them. It arrives at another village where the women are pounding rice. They, too, laugh at
the rooster, which again notices their big teeth. Finally, it lands on the riverbank where Agippagippaw
lives. She smiles at the rooster. It sees her dainty teeth and goes to tell Gisurab that it has finally found
the owner of the bunanag fruit. Gisurab invites Agippagippaw to go with him and he makes a raft on which
he places all her hogs, dogs, and chickens. They sail toward the crocodile den, where Gisurab takes the
hogs under the water. Here, he and the crocodiles eat the hogs. They do the same with the dogs. Finally,
while he is under the water with the chickens, Agippagippaw calls on her brother Dalawiggan, who is
sitting atop a rock, to put down his ladder. She climbs to the top of the rock. Gisurab now wants to eat
her, so he calls on his friends the crocodiles to lie one on top of the other so he can reach Agippagippaw.
But as he steps on the crocodiles, they fall down, and they have to do it all over again and again. A variation
to the ending of this story goes thus: When the woman realizes what Gisurab is up to, she prays and a
ladder appears. She climbs the ladder and ascends to the sky, where Gisurab cannot reach Maria.

Another recurring character in the Isneg folktales is Ipngaw, the trickster. In one tale, Gisurab leaves a jar
full of bananas, which Ipngaw tries to steal, but his hand gets stuck in the jar. Gisurab comes, and Ipngaw
pretends to be dead, so Gisurab throws him away. Ipngaw flees, with Gisurab in pursuit. Taking a stump,
Ipngaw enters Gisurab’s nose, where he smokes the stump. With Gisurab in pain, Ipngaw escapes once
again. Another version of this tale has Ipngaw eating Gisurab’s basketful of bananas and replacing them
with rocks. The deception gives Ipngaw ample time to escape.

Isneg Songs
Some Isneg possess skills in traditional oral arts, such as the magpayaw (shouters), the singers of the
oggayam or ugayam and other songs,and the debaters who joust with anenas (oral poetry). There are
others held in esteem as musicians, such as those who display prowess in playing the difficult gorabil
(bamboo violin).

14
Isneg ritual, 2015 (April Rafales)

Music plays an important part in social intercourse. Once a young man has decided on who to
court, he starts wooing with his baling (nose flute) or his orbao (mouth harp). Or he might sing to her a
dissodi (courting song). On solemn occasions such as burials, feasting precedes the actual rites. The food
is provided by the dead person’s relatives. During this feast, gongs are beaten, and the community
participates in dancing and the drinking of basi.

Isneg women performing planting dance, 2015 (April

Rafales)

Isneg songs, called buybuyas, may be classified into

five types, according to their naral (tune) and the
occasion in which they are performed: dewas, salen
dumay, ugayam, adu-duit, and ag-axi. The dewas and
the salen dumay songs are performed in chorus
during the say-am. What distinguishes the salen
dumay from the dewas is that the former is sung at a
higher pitch, and the boys and girls alternate in the
singing of the verses and the refrain.

The Isneg have different terms for the same types of

songs, depending on which district of the province they come from. The ugayam or inannas are non-
occasional songs and can thus be sung anytime. Mamabay, literally “to court the girls,” is a courtship or
love song. The inannas, from the root word nannas, meaning “girl,” may also be a courting song. The ag-
axi, from axi, meaning “speech,” is a way of talking that is set to a tune. A mamabay, or parts of it, may be
sung like an ag-axi. The adu-duit, also called maxapatpatan, meaning “to talk, to chatter,” dandannay, or
palpaliwa, are ballads or narrative songs with rhymed verses, and are sung for pastime by anyone of any
age, the elderly and children alike.

A man named Uwil from the village of Bolo, Kalinga-Apayao, provides the following sample of a dewas
(Vanoverbergh 1960):

Salsalí-dummây dummáãy To-tó-tuganto-tuwé tuwé No ináto-yo ímao

tuweto-to-tó
Salsalí-dumdúm dumewas Paninna(n)mo kiyó runátko
Sallen dumay dumáay
No maweyã-ka Banag No ibabá-yo imao
ippayko ya paniyóo
Panalá-nã-ka bakará Paninná(n)mo kiyó napiyá na
Taximmatóñko kiyá ilalbétmo uräy-o
Panamdammanko kenká
Oxoogâyam oxogãyáman No mawêka kanná Aparri

15
Pangátannã-takoli No maweka kanna bolowan A heap of vegetables

Panamdammãnko kiyá piya Pangatanna ka bulawan Was drowned Mary crossing

urây mo the water
Panamdammanko kenka.
Asín suká gattín lãyá Turning (among the waves)
thrown away (with the
Umadãyyókãyo na burowa
(Salsalí-dummây dummáãy
boat)
Bantayka siwayanan
Salsalí-dumdúm dumewas
Caught her at Awitta
Pagdardarnan a lalpaan
When I go to the Ibanag
Below the Waga River
Nalimat mariya nagbatta
Get me a bakara headband
Cover me please with dry
Kalimutta nebutta
For my remembrance of you leaves
Sina-paw awitta
To-tó-tuganto-tuwé tuwé O bilele bilele innas ayus
Ka ambaw waxa tuweto-to-tó idummo dewas simbam

Ta-banda-man ka da-nag Sallen dumay dumáay balolo genas

O bilele bilele innas ayus When I apply my You feign your love all the
idummo dewas simbam handkerchief time

balolo genas It is my sign for your coming But never mind

Maglibakayo wala Oxoogâyam oxogãyáman Oxoggayam ogayaman

Nam uray mape nala If I raise my hand I go to my house

Oxoggayam ogayaman It shows you my anger I see silalay plants

Maweya pekanna balay If I lower my hand Oogayam ogayaman ogayam

Sinnanko pe silalay
Oogayam ogayaman ogayam
ogayaman
Magpatuliya no iddem
Ya taxematon naya bulan
ogayaman
It shows you my good mind
I shall come back if you give
When you go to Aparri
If you tell me in what month
Buy me a canoe
Oogayam ogayaman
For my remembrance of your
good mind Oxoogayam oxogayaman

Oogayam ogayaman Salt vinegar iron ginger Oka garlic the last comes first

Oxoogayam oxogayaman Go away Buroa [a half-bird When you go to Boloan

half-man being]
Oka bawan palali mud-udi Buy me bulawan beads
mon-onna You are a mountain covered
For my remembrance of you.)
with taro

There are two general types of dance among the Isneg: the taduk and the talip .In both dances,
the girls and the boys have specific roles to play. Generally, only unmarried girls take part in dancing. The
same three or four girls take turns, repeatedly. On the other hand, most of the boys and men, married as
well as unmarried, are expected to join the circle. Those who display skill, especially in the fast-beat talip,
win the applause of the crowd.

There are other specialized dances for festive occasions. Balengente is a festival dance that starts
with a brave warrior shouting and performing movements that dramatize his successful head-taking foray.
The villagers follow him and join in the feasting as the warrior dances with the head of his enemy.

There are many variations of the courtship dance. In one version, a ceremonial blanket is flapped
by the female like the wings of a bird in flight. The man’s movements, on the other hand, resemble those
of a fighting cock springing into the air. The pingpingaw (swallow) imitates the movements of this swift
bird, again with the use of colorful blankets. Turayan (flying bird) is a dance similar to the Bontoc version
of the same name. In this, three dancers, two women and a man, imitate the movements of the turayan
as it flies, glides, and swoops. The dancers move about with their arms outstretched, simulating birds in
flight.

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