1

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY.

The term ‘postcolonial’ is used technically to refer to a period after the end of colonial

rule in a region. It is this meaning that informs the definition of postcolonialism or rather

Postcolonial studies. Postcolonialism can be defined as a theoretical approach in various

discipline that is concerned with the lasting impact of colonialism on regions subjected to

colonial rule. ‘Postcolonial theory, so called, is not in fact a theory in the theoretical

sense, that is a coherently elaborated set of principles that can predict the outcome of a

given set of phenomena. It comprises instead a related set of perspectives, which are

juxtaposed against one another . . . It involves issues that are often the preoccupation of

other discipline and activities, particularly to do with the position of women, of

development, of ecology, of social justice, of socialism in its broadest sense’ (Young

2003: 6-7). Postcolonialism is an umbrella body that encompasses various concepts and

ideologies or other discipline, mostly intertwined, that serves as a theoretical tool to

analyse the impacts of colonial institutions during colonial rule and its social, cultural,

political and economic legacies on postcolonial states. The interconnected systems that

governs postcolonialism often has the nucleus of its critique in the history of imperialism,

which is usually described as a strategy whereby a state intends to extend its control
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forcibly beyond its own borders over other states; this control, apart from military

dominance, is mostly cultural and economic.

Habib (2005) observes that, imperialism is a means of bringing the blessings of a

superior civilization, and liberating them from their benighted ignorance. Clearly much

of this rationale rests on western enlightenment notions of civilization and progress.

(2005:738). Imperialism is often encouraged by the predisposition and belief in the

cultural dominance of Europeans over the ‘other’ cultures, thereby amplifying the

imperial rights to exploit the resources of the lesser civilization and the imposition of

European cultural values and ideologies on them. Bill Ashcroft et all (2013), quoting Said

(1993), remarked that “the rhetoricians of imperialism after 1880 ‘deploy a language

whose imagery of growth, fertility and expansion, whose theological structure of

property and identity, whose ideological discrimination between ‘us’ and ‘them’ had

already matured elsewhere – in fiction, political science, racial theory, travel writing”

(2013: 142). It is this narratives of imperialism that has informed the fabrication of

colonial discourses – these include fictional writings, travel documentations on the

Orient, religious teachings and academic institutions – which enabled the diffusion of

European ideologies through dominant agencies of communication and education that

was supported by economic and military dominance over the colonized race. Postcolonial

studies, therefore, is a body of concepts, theories, ideas and, most importantly, literature

that attempts to analyse, explain, respond to the socio-economic, political, cultural and
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psychological effects and impacts, on the colonized societies, of imperial, colonial and

neo-colonial rule.

Colonial discourses are often constituted of imperial narratives that perpetually

represents the colonial race as inferior feminine, unsuited to self government, thereby

setting them up for the paternal guidance of European imperial powers unto the path

towards civilization. Postcolonialism has always attempted to invert the worldview and

reverse the dominant European judgement, peculiar to the narratives propounded in

colonial discourses. Postcolonial literature, especially written by Africans, employed the

patterns of oral story telling, myths and traditions literary elements which are intricately

woven together with the style of writing that was prevalent in western discourses, to offer

an effective critique of colonial discourses and to establish and identity for subsequent

African literatures to cathect. It is important to note that while there are innumerable

quantity and quality of Postcolonial literatures that has been produced by writers from

different regions, that have been subjected to one form of colonialism or imperial rule;

the focus of this study will be directed unto literature written by Africans. Postcolonial

African literature is a term used to refer to the literatures and discourse produced ,by

Africans, with the use of African oral traditions and western form of writing, intricately

detailed with the themes that reflect the ideas and concepts that are inherent to

Postcolonial studies, in order to explore the African experiences before, during and after

colonialism in Africa.
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Postcolonial African writers like Chinua Achebe, NguigiwaThiongo, Okot. P. Bitek,

Leopold Senghor and Wole Soyinka have been known to notably and successfully

incorporate traditional oral techniques into their works, preserving the indigenous oral

elements while adapting it to written narrative forms; this fusion of written and oral

elements create unique narratives that contest the anthropological discourses that

considers the western culture as the legitimate basis of government, law, language, art

and literature. Achebe, for example, established his success as postcolonial writer with

his utilisation of oral literary traditions coupled with the comprehensive understanding of

organisational narrative and style to depict the cultural contact and clashes between the

Africans and the European cultures. He was able to utilise his characters, in all his prose

fictions, to represent the experiences of the colonized societies and how their experiences

are shaped by the socio-cultural impacts of colonialism during and after independence

from colonial rule. One of the central tenents of Postcolonial studies is the recognition

that colonialism was not merely a political or economic enterprise but also a process that

deeply influenced the culture, language and identity system of the colonized people.

Postcolonial theorist like Homi Bhabha, have argued that colonial powers exerted

dominance through various mechanisms such as their language, legal systems and

cultural norms. This imposition often resulted in the erasure and devaluation of

indigenous cultures, languages, knowledge, even to the extreme, the personal identity of

the colonized. Postcolonial writers like NguigiwaThiongo and Okot. P. Bitek, have

rigorously engaged, in their literary works, elements that deals with Postcolonial
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concepts such as fragmentation of cultures, the rootlessness of social identity and the

consequent sense of pessimism felt by the colonized in retrieving their cultural identity.

At the heart of Postcolonial studies, we find a strong focus on those who have become

victims of Eurocentric thoughts, attitudes, politics, exploitation and other unwarranted

intrusions (Bertens 2014: 73). Postcolonial studies which also consists of literature

derived from ‘subaltern’ knowledges, questions the basis of western discourses that

informed the general attitude of Europeans towards the other or subaltern world. It places

the subaltern individual first by analysing their experiences with colonialism; at the same

time, it explores the effects of the colonial institutions, derived and supported by colonial

discourses, and it’s strong influence on the socio-political, cultural and economic lives of

the colonized regions. Most recently, debates have been initiated by Postcolonial critics

to explore the colonial legacies and the possibility of a new form of colonialism; neo-

colonialism. Postcolonial studies have tried to explore, analyse and establish the link

between the legacies of colonialism and the different forms of neo-colonialism that have

pervaded the socio-political lives of the subaltern world since nominal independence in

the 1950’s. The socio-political, cultural, and economic legacies of colonial rule has given

rise to, and mostly supported, the complexities of dictatorship and neo-colonial

governances in the world, especially Africa. Postcolonial writers have employed different

elements of literary traditions to construct creative critics and literatures, that condemns

the roles of dictators in causing instability, while also analysing the complex effects, the
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phenomena of neo-colonialism, has had on the socio-political, cultural and mostly

economic development of the African continent.

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

This study intends to analyse the socio-political, economic and cultural effects of the

legacies of colonialism as embodied through literary elements in A Play of Giants by

Wole Soyinka. While there have been significant portion of studies that has engaged the

play, few have really observed the socio-political and economic elements that has

pervaded the post-independence period in Africa which the playwright tries to represent.

This study intends to add its quota to the field of literature by embarking of an objective

look at the Postcolonial elements embedded in A Play of Giants.

1.3 AIMS AND OBJECTIVES

The study is poised to explore the Postcolonial elements infused in Wole Soyinka’s A

Play of Giants. The objectives of this study are:

i. To examine how the playwright engaged Postcolonial concepts and ideas in the play.

ii. To explore how the playwright portrays the socio-political, cultural and economic

legacies ofcolonialism after independence in the play.

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iii. To scrutinize the play’s establishment of connections between dictatorship

governances and neo-colonial elements that characterize the post-independence era in

Africa.

1.4 JUSTIFICATION OF THE STUDY.

The justification for this study lies in the inquisitiveness to understand socio-political

and economic factors that have contributed to the downward spiral of Africa’s social,

political and economic development since it’s independence from colonial rule.

The research explores the gap between various research conducted on A Play of

Giants and it intends contribute its quota to Postcolonial studies on literary

documentations of past happenings in Africa, as it embarks on textual interpretations of,

deep, limited, and insightful, Postcolonial elements that are being represented in A Play

of Giants. The study also explores how the playwright tries to depict the nexus between

various endogenous and exogenous factors that have contributed to the deterioration of

African states.

1.5 SCOPE OF THE STUDY

The scope of the study will be limited to an objective analysis of elements represented

in A Play of Giants; a play written by Wole Soyinka, in order to offer a comprehensive

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understanding of Postcolonial concepts engage in the play. For useful insight to support

the research, books, journal and internet materials will be employed. The research will be

divided into four chapters – Introduction, Literature Review, Textual Analysis and

Conclusion.

1.6 METHODOLOGY.

The analysis of the play will be expressive in nature, with the study focusing on the

Postcolonial elements in the infused in A Play of Giants. In order to engage the

representations in the play successfully, the Postcolonial theory will serve as the

theoretical framework. The study will also review relevant books, journal and articles

that have opined on the play or Postcolonialism.

1.6 BIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR

Wole Soyinka is a name that resonates with intellectual prowess, literary excellence,

and political activism. As one of Africa’s most celebrated and influential figures,

Soyinka’s life and work have left an indelible mark on the realms of literature, theater,

and social change. Born on July 13, 1934, in Abeokuta, Nigeria, Soyinka’s journey has

been one of intellectual curiosity, artistic expression, and unwavering commitment to

social justice. With his profound insights, powerful words, and unwavering courage,

Soyinka has become a beacon of hope and inspiration for millions around the world.

Soyinka’s literary career can be characterized by his exploration of the complexities of

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Nigerian society, the struggle for independence, and the challenges of post-colonialism.

His early works, such as “A Dance of the Forests” (1960) and “The Swamp Dwellers”

(1958), showcased his ability to combine traditional African folklore with contemporary

themes and issues.

In 1965, Soyinka’s masterpiece “The Man Died: Prison Notes” was published. This

powerful memoir chronicles his experiences during his imprisonment for speaking out

against the Nigerian government during the Biafran War. The book not only highlighted

Soyinka’s personal struggles but also served as a scathing critique of political oppression

and corruption. Soyinka’s writing spans across genres, including poetry, novels, plays,

and essays. His works often explore themes of identity, power, justice, and the human

condition. Through his vivid and evocative language, Soyinka transports readers into the

heart of Nigerian society, shedding light on its complexities and contradictions.

Wole Soyinka’s contributions to literature and his relentless pursuit of social justice

have been widely recognized and honoured. In 1986, he became the first African to be

awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature, a testament to his literary genius and his profound

impact on the global literary landscape. In addition to the Nobel Prize, Soyinka has

received numerous other accolades, including the Agip Prize for Literature (1967), the

Anisfield-Wolf Book Award (1983), and the Right Livelihood Award (1994). These

awards not only celebrate his literary achievements but also acknowledge his role as a

cultural ambassador and advocate for human rights.

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Throughout his life, Wole Soyinka has been an outspoken critic of oppressive regimes

and a champion of democracy and human rights. From his early involvement in the anti-

colonial struggle to his vocal opposition to military dictatorships in Nigeria, Soyinka has

consistently used his voice to challenge the status quo and fight for justice. Soyinka’s

activism has come at a great personal cost. He has faced imprisonment, exile, and

constant threats to his life. During the Nigerian Civil War of 1967-1970, he was arrested

for being sympathetic with the secessionists and trying to appeal for a ceasefire between

the Nigerian government and Biafra administration. He was imprisoned until the end of

the war in 1970. He went into exile during the regime of Sani Abacha of Nigeria in 1994,

the military ruler who sentenced him to death in absentia while he was in exile. He

returned back to Nigeria after the death of Abacha in 1998.

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CHAPTER TWO

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 POSTCOLONIALISM

Postcolonialism, in a broad sense, is a term that defines the theoretical approach that

offers an effective critique of Eurocentric views, beliefs, attitude and the imperial (and

neo-imperial) political dominance, economic exploitation and socio-cultural denigration,

or subjugation, of the subaltern world. Various commentators have argued, on the issue of

‘subalternity’, that subaltern groups do not only constitute the colonized regions of the

world, as colonial imposure of class division and gender oppression exerts its influence

inherently both in the western countries and their colonies. In order to account for the

heterogeneity of these minority groups, and to avoid the rigid binary of ‘west’ and

‘Tricontinent’, embodying terms like subaltern offers a platform for studies on minority

experiences to cathect. Therefore postcolonial studies extend over diverse fields of

gender, race, class, and ethnicity. Before postcolonialism became an established

theoretical viewpoint from the perspective of the colonized, it origins can be traced to the

events pertaining to the anti-colonial struggles and activities of the 1950s that was

beginning to unfold in the Postcolonial states.

Postcolonialism as an anti-imperial political philosophy was manifested at the Bandung

conference of 1955. As highlighted by Young (2003), the conference consisted of ‘29

mostly newly independent countries’ in the rank of India, Egypt, Ghana and Indonesia,
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aimed with initiating ‘a new “third world” perspectives on political, economic and

cultural global priorities (17). The intended goal of this conference was to displace and

repudiate any form of ideological affiliation with, particularly Western capitalist

countries, Europe by the creation of the group of ‘non-aligned nations’. After the end of

World War II, the world was divided between two major European political systems, the

capitalist west (fronted by USA) and the communist Soviet bloc. The third world which

was made up of former colonies of imperial powers, constituted the non-aligned nations,

became the ideological battleground in which these two major powers campaigned,

openly and covertly, to exert political, economic and ideological influence. However, the

anti- imperial stance of these third world countries was considerably weak, notably

because of the disadvantaged economic and cultural legacies of colonialism and the

impotent political influence they exert on the politics of world affairs; these ideologies

gained traction and eventually shaped the polities of these countries. Ultimately, the

Third world became associated with political unrest and economic poverty, the countries

found themselves, using Young’s word, “a Gap” in which neocolonial countries pooled in

more resources to widen the gap.

The Bandung conference in Indonesia, nevertheless, became a milestone event which

was followed by the establishment of a global third world political alliance, resisting neo-

colonial politics. The Tricontinental conference of Havana, a philopolemic version of the

Bandung conference, brought together the continents of the global south (a term used to

refer to the continents of Africa, Asia, Latin America and Caribbean). The enormous
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importance of this conference on the emergence of Postcolonial theory, was encapsulated

in the statement of Young:

“The Tricontinental conference established a journal (simply called

Tricontinental) which for the first time brought together the writings of

‘postcolonial’ theorists and activists (Amilar Cabral, Frantz Fanon, Che

Guevara, Ho Chi Minh, Jean Paul Sartre), elaborated not as a single political

and theoretical position but as a transnational body of work with a common aim

of popular liberation” (Young 2003:17).

The establishment of this journal attempted an anthology of a transgressive version of

epistemic knowledge, that vehemently contest the system of knowledge that had been

produced and enforced by the discourses and narratives of western enlightenment. The

journal gave rise to the creation of self-definitive knowledges by the subaltern, the

colonial pariah and stereotyped caste, that engaged in a repudiating onslaught of

institutions and discourses that informs the perspectives against them, thereby reinforcing

the ideological basis of Postcolonialism.

Pioneering works of Frantz Fannon, Jean. P. Sartre, Chinua Achebe, George

Lamming and Wole Soyinka had a significant posthumous influence on subsequent

works of Postcolonial studies. However postcolonialism as an analytical theory was

influenced, heavily, by the publication of Edward Said’s phenomenal book, Orientalism

(1978). As Bertens remarked, Said’s study deeply influence the agenda of the study of
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non-western cultures and their literature and pushed it in what we now call Postcolonial

theory (Bertens 2014: 177). In the book, Orientalism, Said critically examined how

western text written during the period of enlightenment in Europe, constructed the

‘Orient’ through a system of loose but ideologically related western epistemology. He

asserts that, Orientalism as an epistemic knowledge that was specifically created ‘for

dominating, structuring and having authority over the Orient (Said 1978; 11). Frantz

Fannon in one of his seminal works, Black Skin, White Masks (1956), had explored the

psychological effects of the colonizer’s systems of cultural and racial stereotypes and

how it affected the psyche of both colonizer and colonized. He further posits that

colonized (Negro) and colonizer (white man) both behave in ‘accordance with a neurotic

orientation’ that is enslaved by the stereotypical concepts of superior and inferior races

(Fannon 1956; 1967: XXVII). It is adequate to say that ideas, salient in Fannon works,

on the psychological effects of the colonizer’s culture also impacted, albeit partially,

some concepts propounded in Homi Bhabha’s Location of Culture published in 1994.

Chinua Achebe and Wole Soyinka whom are early critics of continued cultural

imperialism in Africa after independence, in their literary works; Things Fall Apart

(1958) and The Interpreters (1965), also portrayed the cultural impact the British colonial

rule had on the socio-cultural identities of Africans. Other seminal publications of early

pioneers of anti-colonial thoughts and ideas are; Aimé Césairé’s DiscoursSur let

Colonialisme, George Lamming’s Pleasuresof Exile and innumerable numbers of anti-

colonial writers that are separated historically from the conception of Postcolonial theory,
 15

but whose work studies the social, historical and cultural effects of colonialism on the

colonized populace. Noticeable in these literary texts is the retour of indigenous literary

traditions, used by anti-colonial writers, in order to rid their cultural heritages of specters

of imperial domination; while some writers encouraged the exponential adaptations of

western ideals, conversely, to critique the flaws and fallibilities of western cultures.

Postcolonial studies attempts to change the way Europeans think, view and racialize the

different peoples of the world and to negotiate an equal identity that enhances

unprejudiced and uncolored relationship, in all spheres, between the people of

‘differences’ around the world. As Bertens (2014) intellectually acknowledges this view

by asserting that:

“All postcolonial theorists and critics would agree that they are engaged in a

reassessment of the traditional relationship between the metropolis and its

colonial subject and in the radical deconstruction – along with poststructuralist

or more traditional line – of the Imperialist perspective. They agree in their focus

on colonial (and neocolonial) oppression, on resistance to colonization, in

respective identities of colonizers and colonized, on patterns of interaction

between those subjectivities, on postcolonial migration to the metropolis, on

cultural exchanges between colonizers and colonized, on hybridity and on other

related themes” (Bertens 2014: 176).

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The Postcolonial theory has been fundamentally enhanced, with poststructuralist and

Marxist critique of imperialism, by critics to analyze the economic exploitation of the

colonized subjects. Postcolonial critics posits that capitalism, which is the essential force

that necessitated imperialist expansion, cannot exist without a continuously expanding

market. The necessity to create new markets urges imperial nations to subject all nations

to the adoption of the capitalist mode of production, extract resources from distant

colonies, increase demands for new products and entrench capitalist colonial labours for

production, thereby inventing a mirror image of itself on the colony. Colonialism is a

factor that is the exportation of internal social and class conflicts, inbuilt within the

structures of the metropolis, to the regions located at the periphery of the colonial empire.

Rafey Habib comments that , colonization benefited, predominantly, only an insignificant

percentage of their people and exploitation of workers is ‘internal to imperial nations as

well as extending beyond their frontiers’ (Habib 2014:739). The racial subjugation of

subaltern classes can Abe traced backed to the internal structures that governs the cultural

make up of the colonizers.

Gayatri Spivak in her outstanding essay, Can the Subaltern Speak (1998), emphasize the

need for, any form of postcolonial criticism or representation, an ethical and empathetic

engagement of the struggles and experiences of individuals that occupy subordinate

positions within the society, due to the rankings of their social class, race, gender or

colonial history. She believes that literature plays a major role in the creation of cultural

identity, however the oversimplification or essentialising of the ‘other’ should be

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avoided. Essentialism which is the view that all members of certain groups of people –

such as those with the same race, gender, age, or sexual orientation – have common,

essential traits inherent to the defining feature of the group. She insisted that a great deal

of attention should be paid to the differences and heterogeneity that governs the space of

‘otherness’. Bertens (2014), citing Spivak (1995), noted that “one result of this

attentiveness to differences is Spivak’s focus on the female subaltern, a very large – and

of course differentiated – category of among the colonized that, she argues, has

traditionally been doubly marginalized: ‘if, in the context of colonial production, the

subaltern has no history and cannot speak, the female subaltern as female is even more

deeply in the shadow” (2014: 186-7).

The idea she proposed entails that during the analysis of the experiences of the subaltern,

this analysis should also explore the perspective of the female subaltern, that could not

articulate their own experiences, in order to avoid cultural misrepresentation during the

identity construction. She ‘radically undermines all essentialist pretensions on the part of

colonizers and neocolonizers and it equally undermine the post-colonial fundamentalism

– and some of the absolutist leanings of theory – for which she has little patience for’

(ibid :188). Notably her ideas laid the foundation for the development of feminists

identification with postcolonial theory as proposed that theorizing a Post-colonial society

should start from the perspectives of the doubly marginalized – the female subaltern.
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2.1.1 MAJOR POSTCOLONIAL THEORISTS

i. Frantz Fannon:

Fannon was born in 1925 on the island of Martinique. He was a psychiatrist, theorist

and an anti-colonial activist. He served as a soldier in France, during WWII, against the

Nazis and he was notably recognized as a leading activist for the independence of Algeria

from France during 1954. Although, Algeria got independence after his death in 1962,

while alive he was a key editor for the Algerian National Liberation Front newspaper.

During his training as a psychiatrist in France, his experience of racism against the

people of color in France prompted him to write one of the influential works in the

history of anti-colonial struggles, Peau Noire, Masque Blanc (1952) – later translated, in

1967, after his death as Black Skin, White Masks. The book is an influential work in

postcolonial studies and critical race theory, that sheds light on the psychological

consequences of racism and the struggle for self-empowerment and decolonization.

Fanon’s ideas continue to inspire discussions about race, identity, and social justice.

Black Skin, White Masks is a book that explores the psychological and social effects of

colonialism and racism on Black individuals. In the book, Fanon discusses the experience

of Black people living in a predominantly white, Eurocentric society. He examines the

internalized racism and self-hatred that can develop as a result of colonization and the

imposition of white cultural norms. He indicated that these prejudices often act as

catalyst that sends a person of color on a path of inferiority complexes, psychological

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neurosis and sociopathy that is commonly found in colonized societies. Fanon argues that

the colonized person often adopts the values, language, and behaviors of the colonizer in

an attempt to gain acceptance and overcome the stigma associated with their Blackness.

Fanon analyzes the impact of racism on the psyche of Black individuals, focusing on

issues such as identity, self-perception, and the formation of racial consciousness. He

emphasizes the damaging effects of racism on mental health and argues that true

liberation requires rejecting the dehumanizing narratives imposed by the colonizer and

reclaiming an authentic Black identity.

However his most comprehensive work, that engaged, to a great extent, a direct attack on

colonialism was Les Damnés de la terre. It was published in 1961 but was also translated,

in 1963, as Wretched of the Earth. In the book, Fannon points out that colonialism is a

form of oppression that has caused immense suffering for the colonized people. He calls

for a revolution against colonialism and for the liberation of the colonized people that can

only be achieved through a violent decolonization. He insists that violence is a necessary

tool for the liberation of the colonized people. He believes that violence is the only way

to overthrow the oppressive colonial system and achieve complete decolonization of the

colonized people, which he believes is the only way to achieve true liberation.

He noted that decolonization must be accompanied by a radical transformation of the

social, economic, and political structures of the colonized society. Since every ‘effort is

made to bring the colonized person to admit the inferiority of his culture’, the colonizers
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have put in place social, economic, and political structures that will make the colonized

‘recognize the unreality of his “nation” and eventually acknowledge the ‘imperfect

character of his biological structure’ convincingly (Fannon 1963: 236). To avoid such

calamity, all the structures employed by the oppressor, to enforce authority over the

oppressed, must be dismantled and new concepts that doesn’t attempt to imitate the

colonizer must be explored.

Fannon encourages solidarity among the colonized, that embodies a unifying national

will, which he believes is essential for the liberation of the colonized people. However,

the colonised people must be consciously aware of nationalist sentiments that have ‘their

origins in ethnic or regional differences’ and, these type of sentiments should be naturally

opposed as it threatens the liberation of the colonised. This dangerous factors are often as

a result of an ‘entire tribe which is forming itself into a political party, closely advised’

and put in place by the colonialist (Fannon 1963: 118-9). He notes that this are the type of

institutions that the colonizer has put in place to, as remarked earlier, make the oppressed

recognise the impracticality of his nation. Therefore the people must eradicate any

structure that is an imitation of the oppressor’s culture as this will only perpetuate

division in all spheres regardless of modifications being done to it; for the colonised, it is

essential form a unified front in order to fight against colonialism and achieve liberation.

Frantz Fanon’s books are influential works of anti-colonialism, post-colonialism, and

critical race theory; his ideas sheds light on the psychological consequences of racism
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and the struggle for self-empowerment and decolonization. Fanon’s ideas continue to

inspire discussions about race, identity, and social justice. It examines the psychological

effects of colonization on the colonized, and argues that violence is necessary for the

colonized to gain their freedom. Fanon argues that the colonized must reject the values of

the colonizers and create their own identity in order to achieve liberation. He also

emphasized the role of the intellectual in the struggle for liberation, and the need for a

revolutionary consciousness among the colonized.

ii. Edward Said:

Edward Said (1935–2003) was a Palestinian-American scholar, literary critic, and

public intellectual who left an indelible mark on the fields of postcolonial studies, literary

criticism, and cultural theory. His life and contributions have had a lasting impact on how

we understand the complexities of identity, power, representation, and colonialism. Born

in Jerusalem under British mandate, Said’s formative years were marked by the

Palestinian struggle for self-determination and the establishment of the state of Israel. At

a young age, his family was exiled from their homeland, an experience that deeply

influenced his perspective on identity, displacement, and the politics of representation.

Said’s educational journey took him to prestigious institutions like Princeton, Harvard,

and Oxford. He specialized in English literature and became a renowned literary critic.

One of his most influential works, “Orientalism,” published in 1978, challenged

prevailing Western representations of the East. In this ground-breaking work, he argued

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that Western scholars had constructed a distorted and hegemonic image of the “Orient” to

justify colonialism and imperial domination. This marked the birth of postcolonial studies

as a discipline, interrogating the dynamics of power, knowledge, and cultural

representation in the colonial and post-colonial world. Orientalism is a seminal work on

cultural identity written by Edward Said. In the book, Said explores the Western

perception and representation of the East, particularly the Middle East, Asia, and North

Africa. Said argues that “Orientalism” is not just a scholarly discipline, but also a form of

cultural and political domination. For Said orientalism is a pervasive western discourses

derived from anthropologically created distinction made between ‘the Orient’ and ‘the

Occident’. This distinction is engaged as a point of departure for ‘ elaborate theories, epic

novels, epic social descriptions and political accounts concerning the Orient, its people,

customs, “mind,” destiny and so on’ (Said 1978:10-11). This construction justified

Western imperialistic policies and established a power dynamic between the East and the

West.

Said critiques the works of prominent Orientalists, including scholars like Bernard Lewis,

Joseph Conrad, Ernest Renan and Rudyard Kipling . He argues that their scholarship was

not impartial, but influenced by the interplay between knowledge and power, asserting

that Western scholars and intellectuals shaped the East’s image to reinforce colonial

domination. These representations were disseminated through various mediums, such as

literature, art, and academic writings, creating a distorted and monolithic view of diverse

Eastern cultures; particularly novels like Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness and
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Rudyard Kipling’s Kim, reflects and perpetuates Orientalist narratives and contributes to

the construction of the East as a mysterious and threatening “Other.” Said also

emphasizes that Orientalism is not a static phenomenon or an ‘airy European fantasy,’ but

a dynamic process of theory creation and cultural practices that has evolved over time

through ‘considerable material investment,’ as it extends beyond academia to influence

popular culture, media, and policy-making. He points out how media portrayals of the

non-western people, especially in times of conflict, reinforce western stereotypes and

justify interventionist policies in the world today.

Said’s work resonated deeply with the experiences of colonized peoples and was

instrumental in encouraging them to engage in counter-narratives that challenge Western

hegemony. His concept of “contrapuntal reading” encouraged readers to examine texts

within the context of historical and geopolitical complexities, enabling a richer and more

nuanced understanding of narratives. However, he cautioned against falling into the trap

of reverse essentialism, where the East constructs an essentialized image of the West;

because ‘there is a quantitative as well as qualitative difference between the Franco-

British involvement in the Orient and . . . the involvement of every other European and

Atlantic power’ (11).

Edward Said’s pioneering concepts in “Orientalism” laid the foundation for postcolonial

studies, inspiring scholars to critically examine the legacies of colonialism and their

impact on culture, politics, and society. His concepts of “Otherness,” “knowledge/power

 24

nexus,” and “cultural hegemony” became central to postcolonial theory, influencing

generations of scholars and intellectuals. The book has had a profound impact on post-

colonial studies, cultural criticism, and the understanding of how knowledge production

is intertwined with political and cultural domination. His emphasis on the

interconnectedness of knowledge, power, and representation remains vital in

understanding the global dynamics of the 21 st century. He encouraged and challenged

Postcolonial critics to question assumptions, to recognize the power structures that shape

our worldviews, and to engage with empathy and understanding across cultural and

geopolitical divides. His ideas continues to inspire discussions about representation,

identity, and the dynamics of power in today’s globalized world.

iii. Homi Bhabha:

Homi K. Bhabha, born on November 1, 1949, is an eminent postcolonial theorist, cultural

critic, and scholar known for the relevance of his contributions to the field of postcolonial

studies. His life and work have played a pivotal role in reshaping our understanding of

identity, representation, and cultural hybridity in a postcolonial world. Born in Mumbai,

India, Bhabha’s academic journey took him to Oxford University, where he completed

his doctorate in English literature. His early engagement with the works of Frantz Fanon,

Jacques Derrida, and Michel Foucault had a weighty effect on his interdisciplinary

approach to analyzing the complexities of colonial and postcolonial societies. Bhabha’s

 25

most influential concept is that of “third space,” which he introduced in his book “The

Location of Culture” published in 1994.

Homi Bhabha’s “The Location of Culture” is a seminal work in cultural studies and

postcolonial theory. Bhabha’s analysis revolves around the concept of “hybridity” and the

complex dynamics of power, identity, and representation that emerge in the context of

colonial and postcolonial societies. The concept of hybridity is an essential element in

understanding the cultural dynamics of postcolonial societies. Hybridity refers to the

blending, mixing, and intermingling of different cultural elements, identities, and

traditions that occurs when different cultures come into contact with one another. Bhabha

insists that ‘identification is never the affirmation of a pre-given identity, never a self-

fulfilling prophecy – it is always the production of an image of identity and the

transformation of the subject in assuming that image’ (64). Bhabha argues that colonial

encounters give rise to hybrid cultural forms that challenge fixed notions of identity and

disrupt the binary divisions between colonizer and colonized. Culture is a complex factor

that can be reduced to simple binary formations despite the colonizer’s cultural

hegemony over the colonized, as Adeife (2023) notes ‘it has no fundamental coherence,’

thus highlighting its hybrid nature. This lack of cohesion makes culture ‘a site of constant

struggle and change.’ (2023:5). The site of this constant contestation, production and

transformation is what Bhabha describes as the “third space.”

 26

Bhabha proposes the concept of the “Third Space” as a site of cultural negotiation and

emergence. The Third Space represents the in-between (interstitial), liminal spaces,

between colonizer and colonized, where different cultures intersect and produce new

meanings and identities. It is a space of ambiguity and contradiction, where fixed

categories and identities are destabilized. Bhabha suggests that the Third Space enables

the subaltern (the marginalized and oppressed) to articulate their agency and challenge

dominant discourses. He contends that this realm is a space of hybridity that challenges

fixed notions of identity, instead it fosters a dynamic and fluid interaction between

cultures, languages, and traditions. Bhabha, citing Goethe (1830), remarked that

‘[n]ations could not return to their settled and independent life again without noticing that

they had learned many foreign ideas and ways, which they had unconsciously adopted,

and come to feel here and there previously unrecognized spiritual and intellectual needs’

(1994:16). “Ambivalence,” according to Bhabha is the incomprehensible feelings

experienced by the colonized, which is as a result of the intermixing of foreign ideas and

indigenous ones.

He introduced the concept of “ambivalence,” which captures the contradictory and

complex emotions that arise in colonial subjects as they negotiate their identities within

the colonial context. Ambivalence refers to the simultaneous coexistence of conflicting

feelings, ideas, and identities within individuals and cultures. Postcolonial subjects often

experience a sense of ambivalence as they navigate the complexities of their cultural

heritage and their relationship to the dominant colonial culture. Ambivalence challenges
 27

the notion of fixed, singular identities and highlights the fluidity and complexity of

cultural formations. This ambivalence, which take place in the mind, reflects the dual

consciousness of being both “native” and “colonized,” leading to a nuanced

understanding of the psychological and emotional experiences of postcolonial

individuals.

Bhabha examines the concept of mimicry to understand the relationship between the

colonizer and the colonized. Mimicry refers to the imitation or mimicry of the colonizer’s

culture, behavior, and values by the colonized. The colonized, in their attempt to imitate

and adopt the practices of the colonizer, unintentionally subvert and destabilize the

authority of the colonizer’s culture. This process of mimicry results in a form of

resistance and cultural negotiation, disrupting the binaries of power and authority that

underpin colonial domination. ‘Mimicry is, thus the sign of a double articulation; a

complex strategy of reform, regulation and discipline, which “appropriates” the Other as

it visualizes power. Mimicry is also the sign of the inappropriate, however, a difference

or recalcitrance which coheres the dominant strategic function of colonial power,

intensifies surveillance, and poses an immanent threat to both “normalized” knowledges

and disciplinary power’ (123). Mimicry is a subversive practice that ‘destroy narcissistic

authority through the repetitious slippage of difference and desire’ that consequently

‘raises the question of the authorization [legitimacy]’ of the colonizer’s culture (129). The

mimicry is characterized by its parodic nature, which undermines the authority and

authenticity of the colonizer.

 28

Bhabha also explores the concept of cultural translation as a process through which

meaning and identity are negotiated and transformed. Cultural translation occurs when

cultural ideas, practices, and texts are transferred across different contexts and languages.

Bhabha argues that cultural translation is not a straightforward process of faithful

representation, but rather involves a constant negotiation and transformation of meaning.

It highlights the power dynamics and struggles for dominance in the process of cultural

exchange. The concepts put forth by Homi Bhabha provides a framework for analyzing

the complex interplay of culture, power, and identity in postcolonial contexts. They

challenge fixed notions of identity, disrupt hierarchies, and emphasize the agency of the

subaltern in articulating their own narratives and resisting dominant discourses. His work

goes beyond theoretical abstraction; Bhabha’s insights have practical implications for

understanding contemporary issues such as migration, diaspora, multiculturalism, and

globalization. His ideas have resonated with scholars across disciplines, influencing

fields beyond literary studies, including anthropology, sociology, and cultural studies.

iv. Gayatri Spivak:

Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak is an influential scholar and literary theorist known for her

significant contributions to the field of postcolonial studies. Born in 1942 in Calcutta,

India, she has played a pivotal role in shaping the discourse around colonialism, gender,

and literature. Her work has had a profound impact on the way we understand power

dynamics, representation, and subaltern voices within the postcolonial context. Spivak’s
 29

ground-breaking essay “Can the Subaltern Speak?” is one of her most renowned

contributions. Published in 1988, it addresses the issues of representation and agency

within postcolonial societies. Spivak argues that the voices of marginalized and

oppressed groups, often referred to as the “subaltern,” are silenced by the very structures

that claim to liberate them. She questions the ability of Western academic discourse to

accurately represent the experiences of these groups, suggesting that their narratives are

often distorted or erased. This essay sparked discussions about the complexities of giving

voice to those who have been historically marginalized and the challenges faced by

subaltern individuals in articulating their own experiences within dominant power

structures.

Another notable aspect of Spivak’s work is her engagement with deconstructionist

philosophy, particularly her relationship with Jacques Derrida. She applied

deconstructionist principles to the analysis of colonial texts, revealing the inherent power

dynamics and binary oppositions that underlie these narratives. Her work emphasizes the

importance of interrogating the language and discourse through which colonial ideologies

are constructed and perpetuated. The essay critiques the notion of the subaltern as an

object of knowledge, highlighting the power dynamics involved in the process of

representation. Spivak asserts that Western intellectuals tend to appropriate the

subaltern’s experiences, reducing their agency and perpetuating their silence. Language,

culture, and economic barriers further hinder the subaltern from articulating their own

perspectives, stemming from the legacies of colonialism and imperialism.

 30

Spivak challenges essentialism and universalism as inadequate frameworks for

understanding and representing the subaltern. Essentialism oversimplifies the subaltern’s

experiences by reducing them to fixed and homogeneous identities, while universalism

assumes that dominant discourses can encompass and represent the diversity of subaltern

voices. Spivak argues that these approaches ignore the complex intersections of subaltern

identities and further marginalize their voices. Spivak’s concept of “strategic

essentialism” also holds significance in postcolonial studies. She acknowledges the

necessity of essentialist positions in certain contexts, such as political activism, however

she simultaneously highlighted the dangers of overgeneralization and reductive thinking.

This concept encourages a nuanced understanding of identity and resistance, balancing

the need for political solidarity with an awareness of the diversity within marginalized

groups.

Spivak critically examines the role of intellectuals, particularly Western feminists, in the

struggle for subaltern liberation. She challenges the notion of “speaking for others” and

calls for a shift towards a more responsible and self-reflective approach. Intellectuals

should prioritize listening to and amplifying the voices of the subaltern rather than

imposing their own perspectives. Spivak emphasizes the importance of creating spaces

for the subaltern to express themselves and calls for a genuine engagement that involves

active solidarity, understanding, and self-critique. Her book “A Critique of Postcolonial

Reason: Toward a History of the Vanishing Present” (1999) further expands on her ideas.

In this work, Spivak examines the historical and philosophical underpinnings of

 31

postcolonial thought. She critiques the tendency to homogenize colonial experiences and

underscores the importance of recognizing the multiplicity of histories and voices within

the postcolonial world.

Spivak’s engagement with feminism is also notable. She has explored the intersections of

gender, colonialism, and literature, offering insightful analyses of how these factors

intersect to shape social structures and power dynamics. Her work challenges the

Eurocentric and androcentric perspectives that have traditionally dominated academic

discourse. Furthermore, Spivak’s contributions extend beyond her scholarly work. She is

also a committed advocate for social justice and human rights. Her involvement in

various activist movements underscores her commitment to translating her academic

insights into real-world change. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak has left an indelible mark on

postcolonial studies. Through her essays, books, and lectures, she has challenged

conventional thinking, destabilized dominant narratives, and amplified the voices of

those on the margins. Her concepts of subalternity, strategic essentialism, and

engagement with deconstruction have reshaped the way scholars approach the study of

colonialism, literature, and representation. Spivak’s work continues to inspire generations

of scholars and activists to critically engage with the complexities of postcolonial

societies and work toward a more just and inclusive world.

v. Kwame Nkurumah:
 32

Kwame Nkrumah, a prominent figure in postcolonial studies, was a Ghanaian nationalist

leader and intellectual who made significant academic contributions to the fields of

neocolonialism and globalization. As the first Prime Minister and President of Ghana

after its independence in 1957, Nkrumah was dedicated to addressing the persistent

effects of colonialism on African nations. It was for this cause he wrote his revolutionary

book, “Neo-colonialism: the Last Stage of Imperialism” in 1965. His academic work

focused on critiquing neocolonialism, a concept he coined to describe the continuation of

economic and political control by former colonial powers over newly independent

countries. He critically stated that neo-colonialism is ‘based upon the principle of

breaking up of former large united colonial territories’ into smaller states that cannot

develop independently without relying ‘upon the formal imperial power for defence and

even internal security’ (1965:4).

After WWII the colonial powers observed that, maintaining strong colonial ties with its

former subjects, would be disastrous institute the system of neo-colonialism which is first

initiated by the granting of independence to its colonies. However the economic ties are

retained and strengthened by the conferring of developmental ‘aids.’ The colonial power

upon granting independence insists on certain rights that infringes on the sovereignty of

the newly independent nations; this rights include the retaining of military troops or bases

in the colonies, the supply of various advisers, concessions of mineral rich lands, the

right to establish de facto administrations that undermines the new independent

government and ‘above all the ‘right’ to provide ‘aid’ (16). It is under these disguise that
 33

the imperial power creates various channels to accommodate the objectives of

colonialism. Neo-colonialism is achieved by the colonial powers through advocating for

freedom while devising patterns that perpetuates the colonialism it is advocating against.

Nkurumah posits that neo-colonialism manifested through economic dependency,

unequal trade relations, and the influence of multinational corporation. Control is

maintained over the newly independent nation by the colonial power through trade

contracts, foreign investments and debt, these economic ties perpetuate a state of

dependency that prevents the autonomy and development of the newly independent state;

as Nkurumah notes succinctly ‘a state in the grip of neo-colonialism is not master of its

destiny’ (2).

Multinational corporations often perpetuate neo-colonial dynamics by the exploitation of

resources, labour, and markets in the newly independent nations, often benefiting the

interests of the global North over those of the local populations. A strong factor that

favours these multinational corporations is the strong grip the western world has on the

capital control of the market, this established control negates any form of development by

the independent nations. The state under neocolonial control ‘may be obliged to take the

manufactured products of the Imperialist powers,’ often at the detriment of local

manufacturers of the developing nations (1). The effect of neocolonial corporations is so

strong that even nations that are not subjugated by it, will not be able to create a stable

industrial market that will challenge the neo-colonial market, eventually be ‘compelled to

sell their primary goods at the prices dictated by the developed nations’ and they will be
 34

enforced to buy manufactured goods at the prices fixed by imperial nations (3). One

major factor that negates the attempt of the developing nations to create a stable

industrial market is the influence of international organizations, that are mostly in a

complicit partnership with the former colonial power.

Nkurumah, with significant facts, noted that international organizations, such as the

International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank, are often fond of imposing

economic policies that favour the interests of powerful nations. These policies may lead

to economic hardship and further dependency for postcolonial countries. Furthermore,

they usually give out developmental loans with the imposition of a high rate of interest.

Succinctly stated by Nkrumah with facts:

“Figures from the World Bank for 1962 showed that seventy-one Asian, African

and Latin American countries owed foreign debts of some $27,000 million, on

which they paid in interest and service charges some $5,000 million. Since then,

such foreign debts have been estimated as more than £30,000 million in these

areas. In 1961, the interest rates on almost three-quarters of the loans offered by

the major imperialist powers amounted to more than five percent, in some cases

up to seven or eight percent, while the call-in periods of such loans have been

burdensomely short” (12).

Additionally, the most harmful part of the loan is the type of conditions that are

associated with it. These international organizations, often under the dictation of imperial
 35

countries, have the habit of imposing offensive conditions that includes, supplying

information about their policy, economies and development plans to the World Bank and

the supervision of the loan use by the agents of imperial nations. These policies are often

reviewed according to the framework proposed by the western interests that initiated the

loans; if the policies negates the interests of the organisation, they imposes their interests-

friendly policies often at the detriment of the developing nations. It is against the noxious

nature of investment of capitals and loans with neocolonial interests that Nkurumah

established what he called, the policy of non-alignment. The policy entails the creation of

a national plan, that embodies the interests of the non-aligned state. The plan serves as a

backdrop in which foreign investors must follow if they intend to invest their capitals in

the non-aligned state. The economic arm of neo-colonialism, has highlighted by

Nkurumah, is just one of the innumerable forms of neo-colonial apparatus employed by

imperial powers to maintain control of former colonial subjects. Economic dependency

on the imperial powers by newly independent nations often pave the way for its political

control.

The political structure of the ‘neo-colony’ is secured by the constant payments of foreign

capitals to service key infrastructures in the government that enhance the policy dictating

power of the neo-colonialist. The government subjected to neo-colonialism is devoid of

any real power as its legitimacy is derived not from the people’s will, but from the

support of the neo-colonialist masters. This support as highlighted earlier takes the form

of economic aid, but the real consolidation of neo-colonial ‘compradors’ is derived from
 36

the military and intelligence support it receives from the imperial powers. The military

troops of the imperial power are granted permission to station themselves in the neo-

colonial state, thereby offering the government of that region intelligence and support

against any form of rebellion against it, however this factor is reciprocated with the

control of its policies in relation to the interests of the neo-colonialist power that offers it

support.

Additionally, one notable apparatus that neo-colonial powers employ to keep the

subservient government in check is the threat of rebellion or revolt which they often

protect it against, as long as their interests is being served. The neo-colonialist when

opposed or threatened occasionally instigate revolts that displace the local government

and another equally subservient one is installed in its place. Notable results as Nkurumah

indicated were ‘evident in the trouble in Congo (Leopoldville) which began with

Lumumba’s murder and continues till now (11). With these constant political

interferences by intelligence of neo-colonialist state, various newly independent states

have experienced ‘coup d’état or would be coups, together with a series of political

assassinations which have destroyed their in political primes some of the newly

emerging nations best leaders’ that have vehemently opposed neo-colonialist control and

domination (15).

Nkurumah in his book also argues that the tentacles of neo-colonialism is not restricted to

economic or political control alone, it also extends into the realm of information and
 37

popular culture. Neo-colonialist countries especially the U.S exerts enormous monopoly

on the creation of ideological fictions, news propagandas and one of its most insidious

and obscure apparatus, the use of religious evangelisms as its virtual intelligence agency

of its propagandas and subversive activities. The monopoly it exerts counteracts any

independent development of information by the developing nations thereby resulting into

cultural imperialism; this concept refers to the continued dominance of the culture,

language, and values of former colonizers in the postcolonial world. Western cultural

influence, often spread through media, education, and technology, can undermine local

cultures and identities.

Cultural imperialism often lead to the internalization of values that align with the

interests of the former colonizers and undermine efforts to build strong, independent

identities. The type of culture it produces in its fictions and cinematic realms becomes the

popular culture embraced by developing states; evangelic and religious activities are

often employed to foster disunity amongst the already divides cultures within the state

and western press engage in a psychological warfare by producing offensive and

subversive information and propagandas against elements of neo-colonial opposition in

the developing nations. One major perpetrator of neo-colonial cultural imperialism as

observed by Nkurumah is the United States Information Agency (USIA), which he noted

‘in developing countries, the USIA tries to prevent expansion of national media of

information’ that encourages unity. To ensure the success of its propagandas wars ‘it
 38

spends huge sum for publication and distribution of about sixty newspaper and magazine

in Africa, Asia and Latin American’ (18).

Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism” by Kwame Nkrumah presented a

comprehensive critique of the continuation of imperialistic practices in a subtler form

through neo-colonialism. He emphasized the need for true independence, economic self-

reliance, and cooperation among newly independent nations to break free from the chains

of neo-colonial control. Furthermore, Nkrumah’s scholarship delved into the dynamics of

globalization, particularly its impact on developing countries. He recognized the unequal

distribution of power and resources in the globalized world, emphasizing the need for a

more equitable international order. Nkrumah’s analysis anticipated discussions on the

uneven benefits and challenges of globalization, highlighting the importance of

safeguarding the interests of marginalized nations. His academic contributions to

postcolonial studies focused on neocolonialism and globalization. His work critically

examined the persisting influences of colonialism, advocated for economic self-

sufficiency, and highlighted the disparities inherent in the globalized world. Nkrumah’s

insights continue to inform discussions on the legacies of colonialism and the

complexities of contemporary international relations.

2.2. THE RELEVANCE OF POSTCOLONIAL THEORY ON LITERARY

ANALYSIS.
 39

Postcolonial theory has emerged as a significant framework for literary analysis due to its

relevance in exploring the complex interactions between colonizers and the colonized,

the effects of colonization on culture, identity, and power dynamics, and the subsequent

processes of decolonization and resistance. This critical approach, which gained

prominence during the latter half of the 20 th century, has enabled scholars to unearth

hidden narratives, challenge dominant perspectives, and engage with diverse voices from

around the world. One of the primary reasons for the relevance of postcolonial theory to

literary analysis lies in its ability to deconstruct and interrogate the legacy of colonialism

in literary texts. Many classic works of literature were written during periods of

colonization, reflecting the ideologies and biases of the colonizers. Postcolonial theory

provides a lens to examine how these texts perpetuated colonial narratives, often

marginalizing or misrepresenting indigenous cultures and experiences. By critically

analyzing the portrayal of characters, settings, and themes, scholars can uncover hidden

biases and ideologies that underpin the text, thereby exposing the intricate ways in which

literature was used as a tool of cultural domination.

Furthermore, postcolonial theory is essential for understanding the cultural hybridity that

emerged as a result of colonial encounters. The mixing of cultures, languages, and

traditions gave rise to new forms of expression and creativity, leading to the emergence

of postcolonial literature itself. Through this lens, literary analysis can explore how

writers navigate the complexities of representing multiple cultural identities, often

leading to innovative narrative techniques and unique literary styles. These works
 40

challenge traditional notions of identity and nationhood, highlighting the fluid and

interconnected nature of cultural affiliations. Identity, another central theme in

postcolonial theory, is integral to literary analysis. Colonization often led to the erasure or

distortion of indigenous identities, as colonized people were forced to adopt the values

and norms of the colonizers. Postcolonial literary analysis seeks to reclaim and celebrate

these suppressed identities by examining how authors assert their cultural heritage

through storytelling. By scrutinizing characters’ struggles with self-identity, belonging,

and hybridity, scholars can delve into the psychological impacts of colonialism and the

process of reclamation through literature.

The power dynamics inherent in colonial relationships also play a pivotal role in

postcolonial literary analysis. Literature can be seen as both a site of resistance and a

reflection of power structures. Analyzing how characters and communities negotiate

power imbalances allows for a deeper understanding of the mechanisms through which

colonial domination was established and maintained. Moreover, by exploring moments of

agency and subversion within the texts, scholars can shed light on the strategies

employed by the colonized to challenge and disrupt these power dynamics, contributing

to ongoing conversations about resistance and liberation. Decolonization, a key concept

within postcolonial theory, continues to shape literary analysis. The aftermath of colonial

rule involves a process of reclaiming agency and asserting cultural autonomy. Many

postcolonial texts explore the challenges and complexities of this journey, capturing the

nuances of navigating the aftermath of colonization. Literary analysis can illuminate how
 41

these narratives reflect the broader sociopolitical struggles for self-determination,

independence, and the creation of new national identities. Moreover, the examination of

literary works from different postcolonial contexts allows for a comparative analysis of

the varied strategies and outcomes of decolonization efforts.

In conclusion, the relevance of postcolonial theory to literary analysis is undeniable due

to its capacity to uncover hidden narratives, challenge dominant perspectives, and engage

with diverse voices. By examining the impacts of colonialism on culture, identity, and

power dynamics, postcolonial literary analysis enriches our understanding of literature’s

role in shaping and reflecting societies. As an ever-evolving field, postcolonial theory

continues to inspire scholars to critically engage with texts, fostering a deeper

appreciation for the complexities of global literary traditions and the lasting impacts of

colonialism.

2.3 A REVIEW OF A PLAY OF GIANTS BY WOLE SOYINKA

Wole Soyinka, a sensitive playwright, in A Play of Giants , mirrors the events of the

socio-political realities in Africa after independence from colonial rule. The realities of

the post independence period was often marred by despotic governors taking over the

control of power and affairs of states in Africa. The usurpation of power by these despots

was preceded by years of corruption l, policy and social violence and mass suppression.

Aroso (2) notes that’s African leaders obsession with power produced a seductive drive
 42

that combines moral corruption with delusional dictatorship, economic disruptions and

murderous psychological perversions, that vaporised all the dreams and aspirations of the

nationalistic struggles against colonialism. Like all other genres of literature, drama also

engages constructive criticisms that has its essential root in the critique of historical

realities in Africa. ‘Dramas ultimate relationship with life manifests clearly when

elements of impersonation or role playing are employed in normal existence as a means

of achieving certain set goals’ (Bello 2014: 18). The different aspects of historical

realities are manifested through characters role playing or performance to effect a

reconstruction of these historical experiences for the audiences. Lindfors (1976)

remarked that ‘Soyinka is a kind of polished dramatist who can apply a very slick surface

to the roughest or least substantial of narrative foundations’ (203). It is no surprise that, in

A Play of Giants, Soyinka was able to employ creative criticism to reconstruct complex

events of the post-independence Africa to effect a better understanding of these

happenings.

A Play of Giants was created to reflect events of the post-independence period that was

characterized by authoritarian governors who were in charge of state affairs of many

Africans nations and how their actions and irregularities led to the socio-political and

economic deterioration of African states. Okwechime (2) considers A play of Giants as a

political narrative that employs creative expression serves as a socio-political criticism of

realistic themes that can ‘qualify as political but appears in non political contexts’ (2). He

discussed that “political narrative is an important means of reflecting political reality

 43

because it serves as a tool for describing events and developments” (2). Political

narratives often rely on socio-political situations to make arresting dramas that offers a

better understanding of historical accounts. Okwechime informs that A Play of Giants

was shaped by the actions of Africans political players and Soyinka ‘employs the agency

of satire, humour and symbolism to underscore abuse of power amongst corrupt African

leaders’ (3).

Wole Soyinka often considered a determined and active human rights advocator, is also

notable for being the most fierce opposition of Africa’s monstrous dictators of the

Postcolonial epoch. “Soyinka is always at his best when engaging political themes with

some of his works, notably Kongi’s Harvest, Opera Wonyosi and A Play of Giants,

offering satirical portrayal of corrupt and power-hungry political figures. These full

length play often deal directly with themes of politics and power” (Owomoyela

1993:151). Jeyifo (2004) also notes that apart from the power plays mentioned above,

Soyinka also explore the theme of power, albeit partially, in plays such:

“as Dance of the Forests (1960), Madmen and Specialist (1971) and The Bacchae

of Euripides (1973). And if corruption of power and reactionary violence

constitute a common point of thematic focus in these ‘power plays,’ they do differ

considerably in their underlying conception of dramatic action, theatrical

technique, and tone and in turn the theme of power itself” (93-94).
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The play thus engages a theatrical technique that employs a satirical portrayal of political

midgets who considers themselves ‘giants’, whose role as leaders is an imposition and

insult on the African populace. Soyinka portrays the political manoeuvres, power

manipulation and political exhibitions which African politicians and public officials

engage in that eventually exposes their moral irregularities thereby setting them up for

ridicule. The plays presents leaders, who are nigh in the political corridor of power, as

obsessive with the power they have. They do not engage in meaningful polities for their

people and rely on brute force, most importantly to consolidate power.

Adenigbo and Alugbin (2020), whose studies is in harmony with the positions taken by

Okwechime and Owomoyela, with regards to A Play of Giants, posits that the play is a

‘realistic play that explores and satirises the evils in politics practiced by leaders’ most

especially the post-colonial dictators on the African (2020:2). One of the literary

elements that have used by writers to assess social and political issues inherent in the

society in satire. Satire is employed by African writers to unmask the flaws and vices of

an individual or group of characters by making it ridiculous so as to diminish it’s

relevance. Adenigbo and Alugbin opined that ‘Nigerian dramatist like Osofisan, Soyinka

employ satire in their plays as an avenue to attack the prevailing socio-political vices’ (3).

Through character representation, A Play of Giants depicts the actions of political leaders

whom are often considered ‘giants’ at their respective countries as just petty plays that

abrogate their gigantic postures.

 45

A Play of Giants by Wole Soyinka portrays the socio-political players in Africa after

independence with Soyinka acknowledging that ‘no serious effort is made here to hide

the identities of real life actors who have served as models for A Play of Giants’ (Soyinka

1984: V). Former African dictators whom are the real life representation of the characters

in the play are: Macias Nguema (Lt) of Equatorial Guinea as Benafacio Gunema, Jean-

Baptiste Bokassa (Lt) of Central African Republic as Emperor Kasco, Mobutu Sese Seko

(Lt) of Democratic Republic of Congo as Tuboum, and Idi Amin (Lt) of Uganda as

Kamini. Nasidi (2021) remarked that the “play’s main interest, however, is Amin – ‘The

Hero of Heroes” – who appears in the play as Kamini, a playful murderer with a

diabolical genius for inventing terror’ (93). Soyinka depicts Amin not as a socialist or

capitalist perversion that can be categorised to a specific social or historical time, but as

‘man’s deep seated and unvarying capacity for evil’ (94). The presence of these dictators

and their likes have worsened the political sphere, which have in turn impacted the socio-

economic histories on the African continent as one far removed from any development.

The paly is viewed as a theatrical invention which attempts to depict the terrifying evil of

power – in the hands of monsters – to effect an immediate and factual experience for it’s

audience.

On the level of symbolic representation, Soyinka amplified the anomalies of the

totalitarian form of governance practiced in the post-independent African states. Tangem

(2018) attempting a semiotic reading of A Play of Giants; noted that

 46

“the authors caption ‘A Play of Giants’ equally symbolises jokes, trivial actions

by leaders ostensibly assembled at the United Nations headquarters for more

personal reasons than people think. Reinforced by their peers with similar

ideological convictions, the giants display their pettiness in total embarrassment

of the people over whom they wield overwhelming powers and authority”

(2018:111).

With characters dialogue and actions depicted in the play, Soyinka effectively symbolise

the comical personae of these so-called giants and how their insufferable mind-sets

informs the type of governance they employ over their people. These characters were

employed by Soyinka to lambast the various political leaders of African states l, after

independence and the emptiness of their governances. Tangem observes that Soyinka, to

symbolise the neo-colonial ‘hangover’ that the African continent is certain to face,

depicts the low educational level of Kamini and how the retreating colonialist made sure

to install incompetent leaders that can be manipulated (ibid).

While the play engages the reader with vivid descriptions of the evils perpetrated by

these political actors, the author also use some paradoxical truths to reveal some external

elements and factors that aided in the deterioration of social and economic growth in

Africa. Aroso (6) in his brief assessment of A Play of Giants, noticed that ‘the “super

powers” hypocrisy is revealed in the play as they only support government that is

favourably disposed to their economic pursuits, even if their countries are groaning.’ He
 47

also observed that no coup will be successful without the support of these powers” (6).

Wole Soyinka portrayed the hypocrisy of international bodies, western countries through

the character representation of The Secretary General of the United Nations, the US and

Russian delegates; they were depicted as cold war realist that cynically supported the rule

of these dictators on the African continent thereby fostering the continued colonialism of

Western countries after independence. The play is thus considered to have explored the

different factors that have contributed to the decline of the African continent, through the

thematic focus of the playwright.

 48

CHAPTER THREE

TEXTUAL INTERPRETATIONS

3.1 INTRODUCTION

This chapter will focus on Wole Soyinka’s A Play of Giants. The analysis of the play

text will be used to explore the legacies of colonialism, the enigma of dictatorship and the

continued imperialism, in the form of neo-colonialism, on the African continent that

extended from the post-independence epoch till present. The synopsis of the play will be

examined as this will set the platform for a deep and insightful analysis of the play. The

interpretations of the play will be derived from the thematic elements that is embedded in

A Play of Giants by Wole Soyinka.

3.2 SETTINGS/PLOT SUMMARY.

The play is set in the Bugaran Embassy in New York, where these African despots are

gathered to pose for a sculpture, that will be presented during the United Nations General

Assembly, thereby commemorating their presence in the international world. Kamini,

however, was on a personal mission with to secure a loan from the world Bank to

alleviate the economic hardship faced by Bugara. One notable symbolism that the author

intend to enact through the use of the Bugaran Embassy is that; a state’s embassy in a
 49

foreign country also signifies the part of that country which the embassy belongs to.

What can be deduced from this is that every actions that takes place in the Bugaran

Embassy, is equivalent to these actions being performed in Bugara. Wole Soyinka’s A

Play of Giants was written to reflect the social political and economic realities that was

taking place in various African states during the post-independence era.

The play which is a vicious critique of dictatorial African leaders that were at the helm of

powers. The characters, as Wole Soyinka noted, were theatrical representation of African

dictatorial leaders; with Benafacio Gunema modelling Macias Nguema (Lt) of Equatorial

Guinea, Emperor Kasco representing Jean-Baptiste Bokassa (Lt) of Central African

Republic (CAR), Toboum as Mobutu SeseSeko (Lt) of Democratic Republic of Congo

and Kamini representing Idi Amin (Lt) of Uganda. The play, described as ‘a fantasia on

Aminian themes,’ is used to depict the irregularities and excessive use of power by Amin;

notably the author also attempted to portray African military dictators whose uses their

positions as head of states in such an ‘Aminian’ way – that is used to signify the extreme

use of authoritarian power by African political players.

While the play revolves around Amin, the characters of Kamini brother despots were

used to depict the IQ level of individuals that Kamini surrounds himself with. The

gathering of theses individuals entails no real significance as their discussions mostly

revolves around the subject of power and how to use it to suppress oppositions and

‘subversives.’ The play reveals the obsession of African leaders with power and how they
 50

frequently use it excessively to repress their subjects. The ridiculous actions of these

characters acted inversely to reveal the destitute nature of their positions as leaders of

their sovereign states respectively.

Wole Soyinka in order to depict the sycophantic minions and advisers that dictators

surround themselves with employed, in the play, the characters of Gudrun, Ambassador

and Mayor of Hyacombe. These individuals often engage in sycophancy in order to gain

some level of respect and recognition from these dictators. Although the character of

Professor Batey can also be considered part of the list of these obsequious flatterers,

Soyinka however depicts Professor Batey as a paradoxical character. While he uses

Professor Batey to represent the loyal supporters of Kamini, Batey was also employed to

offer deep insight into the mechanisms western countries use to perpetuate neo-colonial

support of the government of Kamini.

The play also represented the issues of continued imperialism as Kamini is often depicted

to be complaining about the continued effects of colonialism and neo-colonialism on his

subjects and public officials. However the portrayal of these themes was well depicted in

the part two of the play. Soyinka uses the character of the Secretary General of the United

Nations, the US and Russian delegates to reveal the complicity of the international world

in compounding the problems experienced on the African continent; they are presented as

cold war pragmatist whose relationship with African nations is based on self interests.

These countries are indifferent to the plight of Africans despite raising the ‘diversionary
 51

scarecrow of human rights’; they keep providing support for these dictators as long ad

there interests is being served on the continent.

While Soyinka’s focus was on the abomination of Amin as a leader and the glaring

debasement his government represents; he also attempted to explore the different factors

that have contributed to the decline of the African continent.

3.3 THEMES

3.3.1 ENIGMA OF DICTATORSHIP GOVERNANCE

A play of Giants was an attempt by Wole Soyinka to present the legacies of colonial

rule that had plagued the African continent after its independence. However his focus was

mostly directed unto the heinous presence of dictators that were at the helm of powers

during the Postcolonial epoch. The playwright explore this theme through the

presentation of Four characters, which are: Kamini, Kasco, Gunema and Tuboum. By

exposing their inconsistent use of language, their revolting pattern of thoughts and their

insufferable actions, Soyinka was able to ridicule these characters as monsters with zero

intellect and debased morals. The central character, Kamini, was depicted as a

psychopathic ruler whose pleasure comes from inflicting pain and terror on anyone who

critics or oppose him. His diabolic nature of inventing violence often contradicts his

delusional belief as a ‘very very jovial person.’ Kamini often rule through the imposition

of fear and intimidation or murder and his inventiveness of extreme punishment was

depicted when he ordered that the Chairman of Bugara bank’s head be dipped into the
 52

toilet bowl and flushed every time the water tank is full; this was because the Chairman

called the national currency ‘toilet paper’:

KAMINI: Take this coat and tie kondo inside that toilet room and put his head

inside bowl. (TF SPECIAL proceeds upstairs.) Each time the tank full, you flush

it over his head

TF SPECIAL hauls up the pleading CHAIRMAN by the shoulders and shoves

him towards a door leading from the balcony. KAMINI follows, he stands just

outside the doorway giving instructions as the CHAIRMAN, struggling, is forced

to his knees.

Push his head deep inside. I say deep inside. Put your bloody foot on his neck and

press it down. (Sounds of gurgling.) That’s better. Now pull chain. (Noise of

rushing water follows. KAMINI beams broadly.) Good. callBugara currency shit

money, not so? So you drink some shit water until KAMINI ready for you.

(Returning to his seat.) You leave door open so I can hear water flushing his

stinking mouth (Pg. 8).

Through this action, the playwright was able to depict the pattern of power abuses that

characterized the governance of these dictators when in power. As stated earlier, the

Bugaran Embassy can also be attributed to the state of Bugara; it is easy to decipher the

quantity of unidentified cases of power misuse, by Kamini, that may have taken place on

the Bugaran soil itself.

 53

These dictators are often concerned with the pay their image I’d portrayed and how they

are viewed as the direct opposite of who they really are. Kamini, in order to cover his

despicable act employs the aid of Gudrum, a Scandinavian journalist, to write a book

about him titled “The Black Giant at Play”. This book is intended to portray Kamini as a

very jovial ruler whose reign is full of happiness and tranquillity. It is also notable how

Soyinka depicts the extremeness of his facade through his employment of the sculptor to

create a statue of him and his brother despots. But even the attempts to set them in stone

proves futile as they are obsessively concerned with how to retain their power through

various atrocities. Through the sculptor’s opinion, Soyinka revealed that the statue that

represents them does not belong in any international gallery, rather their persona belongs

exclusively to the Chamber of Horrors:

SCULPTOR. Are you giving me orders? Christ you don’t even know the first

thing about this sort of thing, do you? You don’t exhibit any damned sculpture in

this state, not with this stuff you don’t. This is just a model. At Madame Tussauds,

we make a wax mould of it and that is what we exhibit. We are a Waxwork

museum. Strictly between me and you this one should go into the Chambers of

Horrors – that’s where it belongs. Personal opinion, that’s all. But if you want to

exhibit it permanently at the United Nations. I expect you’ll be wanting to cast it

in bronze or something. So one way or the other, this object can’t stay as it is in

no damned United Nations.

 54

GUDRUM. I see. So it is your opinion that His Excellency belongs in the

Chambers of Horror? . . . (Pg. 28).

KAMINI is used to represent the slew of dictators that haunts the continent of Africa and

how they engage in various atrocities because of the power they wield. The only method

they employ to retain their power and resist opposition is to kill them first. The approval

of Kamini’s perversions by his brother despots reveals that there is no difference between

any of them, they all engage in the same pattern of governing their subjects and imposing

their rule. Throughout the play, the discussions mostly revolved around the subject of

power and how they are always trying to consolidate their reign of terror by using more

terror. Through their dialogue, Soyinka represents that African despots are not really

leaders because they are legitimately recognized but because they are well versed in the

art of organized violence and power abuses against their oppositions. The leaders

obsession with absolute control is what motivates them; the position of power they

inhabit does not add any value to their citizens rather they take joy in imposing fears into

the minds of their subjects. This was exemplified in a dialogue between Tuboum and

Gunema as to what motivates their rule:

TUBOUM. I like to see fear in the eyes of the other man. If he my enemy, it is

satisfactory. But it does not matter. If friend, it is better still. Even total stranger.

Because I see this man telling himself, Tuboum does not know me, I am nothing

to him, so why should he do anything to harm me. But he is afraid, I know it. I
 55

can see it in his eyes. I walk into a village, nobody in this village has seen me

before, but the moment I arrive, I and my stripped leopards – the village head, his

wives, the priest, the medicine man, they are afraid. Sometimes I ask what is this

fear I see? Have they been holding meetings with the rebellious Shabira

tribesmen? But I know this is not the case. My spies have reported nothing, and

they are good. They are afraid, that’s all. Barra Tuboum has bought fear into their

midst.

GUNEMA. I read once in a book – I think the author is Don Guadajara– he wrote

that power is an elixir. So I say to myself, how is taste this elixir, how? That’s

when I go into voodoo. With power of voodoo, I do so may things impossible for

ordinary man but still, I know I do not taste this elixir. If I taste it, I know. I watch

the execution of these mesquino who think they want to take my power. Firing

squad, hanging, the garrot, but still do not taste this elixir. I do my own execution,

take over gun, pull lever to hang condemned man. I use the garrot myself but still,

I do not taste this elixir. I watch my zombies torture lesser zombies , I love the

cries of their pains, the terror before the pain begins. With some I watch strength

becomes weakness like baby, strong man cry like woman and beg to be out to

death instead of suffer. It gives the sensation of power but still, I do not taste this

elixir.

KASCO. It is impossible, mon ami. You chase a will o’ wisp (Pg. 58).
 56

Through this lengthy dialogue, Soyinka intends to portray the inconceivable degree of the

brutal manifestation of perverse power in the incarnation of these despots. It is not just

Kamini whose power signifies abomination, these character are presented as the

embodiment of evil its extreme form. The only reason they are leaders is not to govern

their people but to attempt the ultimate search for the elixir of power through their

citizens. To Soyinka most political players that inhabited the socio-political space of

power in Africa do not really care about the general mass; their only concern is

consolidation of their horrific rule through murder, torture, every form of exorbitant show

of the power they wield. Their obsessiveness with power is justified by their delusional

belief that they are natural leaders who were born to power. These despots were depicted

as individuals with low intellectual thinking and moral debasement. The hollowness of

their thoughts is portrayed in Kamini as a character who, despite the his years of

imposing his rule on his citizens, he still does not understand how the economics of his

nation works yet being criticise for his lack of insight will result in the death of his

critique. Soyinka represents these African leaders as mere figureheads whose hollowness

is a bad phenomenal that does not add any value to the African continent, on the contrary

their presence continues to impede development and compound to the social and

economic problems faced by Africans after independence. African political players roles

leaders were not informed by the need to assume responsibility for the welfare of their

countrymen, they were however motivated by their unyielding lust for power and the

benefits and absolute control that comes with it. The ideologies they use in governing
 57

their people are mostly influenced by the insatiable urge to extend their dominations and

consolidate their regimes. This view was illustrated with the dialogue of Kasco:

KASCO. But that is obvious, no? It is not the lust for responsibility that makes

the social misfit to become guerrillas. If you think first of responsibility and

governance, you give up search for power. Lust for power, oui. But lust for

responsibility – I have never heard of it (Pg. 2).

Soyinka’s focus on the theme of dictatorship was well illustrated in many instances by

Kamini and his brother despots. The significance of these characters was to portray the

destitute nature of African leaders and the despicable manifestations of the powers that

are always concentrated in their hands. The lack of meaningful ideologies that is aimed at

bettering that lives of their citizens, is what often governs the extreme use of their power

to the furthest degree through their reliance on brute force , torture, and murder to

enforce their will on the people. This period of misrule and misappropriation of power is

what led to the decline of many African states during the post-independence period, albeit

economically, socially, culturally, and politically. Soyinka in a play of Giants offers deep

insights into the nature of the political players that inhabits every corridor of power in the

African continent even up till now. These dictators will fight tooth and nail to keep their

hold onto power, they will maim, murder and violate anybody that attempts to wrest their

power from them. This type of apocalyptic attitude was depicted, at the final ending of

the play, in Kamini. KAMINI will go to any extent even blowing up and destroying the
 58

whole of Bugara with him, if that’s what it takes to remain Life President. He will rather

turn Bugara into a necropolis rather than relinquish his hold unto power.

3.3.2 THE THEME OF NEO-COLONIAL CONTROL

Wole Soyinka, in A Play of Giants, also explored the problem of continued imperialism,

most notably neo-colonialism, in varying forms on the continent of Africa after its

independence from colonialism. This newly developed strain of colonialism was often

perpetuated through the support of neo-colonial stooges on the continent, the control of

economic channels or the political interference into the polities of African countries. As

illustrated by Soyinka, these were some of the external factors that aided the downward

slope in the socio-political and economic lives of Africans. The economic infrastructure

that was retained in African countries were not the type of that could aid development of

these African states after independence; it was often retained due to its nature of aiding

the further exploitation of the newly independent countries. This phenomena was first

highlighted, by Soyinka, through the character of Batey:

BATEY. (recovered.) Your Excellency, it was my duty as a scholar to present the

truth. The problems of Bugara was purely economic – as sociologist, I saw that

only too well clearly. Bugara has not only inherited a discredited economic

system from its colonial history, she is still being exploited by a neo-colonial

conspiracy of multi-national conglomerates which continued to prey on

developing countries in the Third World. It is an outrageous and inhuman

 59

situation Your Excellencies, and I hope you lay it on them again when you

address the General Assembly tomorrow. What sickens one most of all is the

hypocrites who raises the diversionary scarecrow of human rights in this very

country . . . (Pg. 23).

Through the statement of Professor Batey, Soyinka represents the substantiate existence

of neo-colonial influence on the economic system of Bugara and how this economic

control often results to dependency on the countries or organizations that have immense

financial backing. The patterns of domination are often veiled under the phrases of

‘financial aid’ and multinational investments; which very obscure nature is to impede any

economic development by the developing country. Notably, the attempt by Kamini to

secure a loan, through the Chairman of Bugara Bank, was to alleviate the economic

hardship and shortage of money experienced by the Bugaran populace. This economic

These dictators will fight tooth and nail to keep their hold onto power, they will maim,

murder and violate anybody that attempts to wrest their power from them. This type of

apocalyptic attitude was depicted, at the final ending of the play, in Kamini. KAMINI

will go to any extent even blowing up and destroying the whole of Bugara with him, if

that’s what it takes to remain Life President. can be attributed to the pattern of economic

sabotage employed by Neo-colonialist to keep Bugara firmly under its control. The neo-

colonialist unwilling to allow the newly independent nations economy pose a competition

to its own will usually engage desperate measures to keep it dependent on its economic

channel. African countries are not only exploited but their head of states are used to
 60

represent any form of growth and reinforce the economic infrastructure retained by the

imperial power during independence. The neo-colonial government is coerced to dictate

policies that will counteract any form of developmental growth of the local market, in

favour of the imperial countries already developed own.

Furthermore more, the play depicted another varied mechanism used by Neo-colonialist

to control the polities of third world countries; this is exemplified through the creation of

strategic military alliances, by Kamini, with various European countries, notably – Russia

and United States. While Kamini was portrayed as a brutal despots whose diabolical

nature was inconceivable, however his reign of terror was consolidated due to the

military and diplomatic support he receives from the Eastern and Western countries,

notably Russia and USA respectively, whose interests coincide with the leadership of

Kamini. This phenomena was illustrated during the dialogue between Professor Batey

and the Russian delegations:

BATEY. (studies them both for a while.) Isn’t this interesting? You sustain this

man in power for years with the most sophisticated weaponry. You trained his

secret service and condone the so-called acts of suppression against his own

people. Yet in your heart of hearts, you despise him.

2ND RUSSIAN. Yes a common butcher. We knew him. We had close studies of

him sent regularly by our own men, not just Western reports. But in any case, we

did not create him – the British did. They sustained him in power, backed by the
 61

Americans. Then they disagreed. The had more than mastered the game of his

masters. So we stepped in to fill the vacuum. I admitted to you Mr professor, we

are pragmatists. Our policy in that part of the continent required his retention in

power . . . (Pg. 55).

Soyinka represents the complicity of the international community in offering support to

the cruel barbarities the government of these despots represent, while they turn away

their gaze from the evils that are being perpetrated by these African leaders. The Russians

were aware of the murder, torture, use of brutal force against the people of Bugara yet

they continually discredit any form of inquiry, that tried to reveal this evils, as western

propaganda; they even trained Kamini’s secret police, and it was through this military

apparatus, Kamini impose fear and subjugated his people. These neo-colonialist are often

fond of providing African dictators with diplomatic support against any form of inquiry

into the allegations of genocide and human rights abuse in the international political

realm. These dictators aware of the type of neo-colonial exploitation being enacted in

their country often look away in order to retain the benefits it enjoys from the neo-

colonialist. Additionally, theses acts of violence against their subjects is often informed

by the neo-colonialist that is providing support for these regimes. The dictator is often

directed to exterminate political or economic oppositions whose ideologies is in direst

clash with the interests of the imperial power, In order to consolidate their control on the

state resources.
 62

What makes mystifies the character of Kamini, is not because of his ‘Mephistophelean’

nature, rather he was portrayed as a psychopath who refused to yield his own interests or

aims for the neo-colonialists that supports his regime. In the play, Kamini is represented

as always complaining of theses various effects of the Imperialist and how they continue

to influence his people. At the same time, he is depicted as being supported by various

neo-colonialist but rather Kamini ‘boots them out’ if they refuse to further his own

interests, no matter how petty it seems. This was illustrated when Kamini held the US

DELEGATES, Russian DELEGATES and the UN SECRETARY GENERAL at

gunpoint:

He herds the SECRETARY GENERAL with the RUSSIANS and AMERICANS in a

corner.

SECRETARY GENERAL: What is going on? This is preposterous.

2ND RUSSIAN: I think you do as he says.

US DELEGATE: I second that Mr. Secretary General.

KAMINI: You bet your life you do as Kamini say. Now you listen to me. I know

that there is no coup which is not backed by super-power. Ha. How I know? Of

course the British and American help me make my coup. I am a living witness.

But I kick them out, they and their Zionists, and then is Russia who is helping ma

all the time. Until they refuse to give me atom bomb, and I am very angry with
 63

them. I tell them to go back to Moscow. I lie? Your government angry because I

try to boot you out of Bugara. Give you seventy-two hours to pack out your

embassy bag and baggage from Bugara.

2ND RUSSIAN: But that was a minor understanding, Your Excellency. It was all

straightened out and you changed your mind.

KAMINI: Changed my mind bloody hell. You changed your mind you plan coup

but Kamini move fast. Round up your stooges and shoot them. Take ring leaders

to their villages and hang them there, then liquidate their regiment in prison. So

you had to change your mind and pretend to settle quarrel. But you only wait new

chance.

Soyinka uses the dialogue inherent in this scene to signify the way the ‘super power’

countries engage in political interferences of African states during the post-independence

era. These interference is often done through the installation of puppet regimes and neo-

colonial stooges around the continent. These African leaders mostly received financial,

political and military backing from the neo-colonial conglomerates and the imperial

countries as long as their interest are coincided. The play was also able to depict how

these political players are replaced, when no longer relevant and replaced with another

puppet that can be used to further the interest of the imperial powers. During the post-

independence period, the continent has witnessed innumerable numbers of coups that

have destabilized the socio-economic lives of African citizens. The various coups and
 64

counter-coups are sometimes as the result of the vying interests of the different neo-

colonialist power that intends to exploit the resources pertinent to a region. The imperial

power will instigate rebellions, revolts and uprising, usually funded through indirect

sources, to destabilized the puppet regime of their oppositional actors. A Play of Giants is

used by Soyinka not to just represent the evil manifestation of dictatorial powers in

Africa, but he also attempted to depict the different forms of continued imperialism that

has dictated the downward slope of the continent’s socioeconomic and political factors.

3.3.3 THE THEME OF INTELLIGENTSIA SYCOPHANCY, SHALLOWNESS

AND CORRUPTION

Wole Soyinka a play of Giants does not limit his satirical critique to the dictators

alone; he also satirises the African and Western intelligentsia that they surround

themselves with. These intellectuals engage in uncouth adulations of the monstrosity of

these dictators. The knowledge they posses is not to offer any meaningful and critical

advices to the dictators, rather they strike their egos by praising their extreme actions

thereby adding fuel to the already intense dilemma of the African continent. This

sycophantic attitude was extremely materialized in the character of GUDRUM. Gudrum,

a Scandinavian journalist and extreme loyalist of Kamini, she is a character that was used

to depict the excessive and servile flattery, the Intellectuals that surrounds African

dictators engage in.

 65

Her character was portrayed as the only one that could talk to Kamini without feeling

agitated or paranoid, while aware of her capacity; she instead inflates his ego and

appraise the disastrous actions of Kamini. Throughout her presence in the play, she is the

only character that was not terrified of Kamini’s unstable personae even when he is

angry, Gudrum knows the right words to revive his normalcy. In spite of that, her

character never offers Kamini critical advice or criticise his wrongdoings instead she

defends his petty ego. She also devise various ways to mask the grotesque baseness of

Kamini’s character by writing a book about him:

KAMINI. Gudrum very good friend of African leaders. She writing book about

me with many photographs. She calling it, The Black Giant at Play. It show

Kamini very very jovial family man. Big uncle to everybody in country

GUDRUM. It would be finished by now if I didn’t ha e to take time dealing with

the slander spread by those Bugaran runaways in my country. They spread the

most disgusting libel against the Field Marshal. They are pouffes, most of them.

Faggots.

GUNEMA. What mean pouffes? Or faggots .

GUDRUM. Cissy. Homosexual. They don’t know what it is to be a man. They are

terrified of virility.
 66

KAMINI. (laughing). Gudrum, I think you tell me, they even run away from real

woman. Like you.

GUDRUM. Of course Your Excellency. They have become part of the culture of

drug dependency. A continent of the future, which Africa is, does not need their

type. They would only contaminate its soul, its history. You have your heroes,

Excellency, nation-builders. Today we are lucky to have in you their

reincarnation. Those statues my Life President – a very brilliant idea. It will serve

to prick the conscience of the United Nations. (Pg. 3).

The moral decadence and emphatic feelings of these dictators often rub its effect on the

intellectuals they surround themselves with. All they seek is recognition from the

dictators therefore they engage in servile flattery, that serves both the dictators and

themselves any good. Despite Gudrum attempts at masking the baseness of Kamini, his

bike nature refuses to succumb in response to this facade. His internal response to

opposition is to devise numerous ways to subjugate his subjects as he posits that the

family of the unknown subversives will be treated in the only way he know how.

Gudrum is depicted as always trying to pioneer the image building of Kamini. She is the

one that initiated the contract with the Madame Tussauds waxwork organization to create

a sculpture that will represent the ‘greatness’ of Kamini and his despotic brothers.

The Ambassador of Kamini is another character that was employed by Soyinka to

portray the type of ‘illiterate’ intellectuals that characterizes the circle of public officials
 67

employed by African leaders. The Ambassador is depicted as someone who,

understandably, scared of Kamini’s paranoid rage and tendencies, however, her

shallowness was revealed when the Foreign Affairs Minister who was supposed to write

the Kamini’s speech — that he was to deliver at the United Nations Assembly — ran

away. But instead of offering to fill up this vacuum and write the speech, she however

suggested that it be assigned to the Third Secretary:

AMBASSADOR: They’ve gone, Your Excellency. The rest of the delegation,

they’ve gone.

KAMINI: (sits bolt upright, grasping the arms of the chair)

KAMINI: What did you say?

GUDRUM: Some traitors have shown their true faces, Your Excellency.

AMBASSADOR: They left straight after the working session of the Foreign

Minister Committee. The Foreign Affairs Minister, his secretary, the two

specialists on the Palestinian and South African problems — Dr. Wamue and

Mrs. Olanga, and that new . . .

KAMINI: My speech! What happened to speech he prepare for me to address the

General Assembly tomorrow. He suppose to read to me over lunch.

AMBASSADOR: I shall assign it immediately to the Third Secretary Your

Gracious Excellency.
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KAMINI: The Third Secretary. The Third Secretary to write the address of

Bugara’s Life President which he make to the United Nations?

GUDRUM: Actually he is very bright, Dr President. A young graduate but very

bright.

KAMINI: The Third Secretary! You, Madame Ambassador, you are a mistake in

appointment. Why can you not write the address? Why? Because you are

ignorant! If I have no expert why are you Ambassador if you are not expert? Why

can you not represent my opinion and put it correctly if I am not here . . . (13).

An ambassador is a diplomat of the highest rank who is accredited as representative from

one country to another. Their role is often to convey significant and classified

information, and represent the interests of the country in the absence of the President or

Vice President; but Soyinka depicts the nescient characteristics of these intellectuals that

finds themselves in higher position of governance. The Ambassador of Bugara, a whole

sovereign state, unable to write something as trivial as an address is the highest form of

ridicule someone can be subjected to. Even her suggestion to pass it to the Third

Secretary is something that should never have popped into her head, but Soyinka in his

clever manner uses this scene to expose the depravity and hollowness of these

intellectuals. As portrayed in the play her sordid credentials as Ambassador was

employed to represents the unqualified and questionable characters of individuals, during

the post independence era, who buy their way into public office not because they have
 69

any tangible quota to add to the nation’s social or political system; but they are in that

position based on personal interests. This intellectual decadence and corruption was

further exemplified by Wole Soyinka in the play.

A play of Giants by Wole Soyinka, embodies not only the themes of dictatorship and

neocolonialism, it also attempts to depict the societal decadence that was the

characteristics of this period. Soyinka did not direct the criticism inherent in A Play of

Giants unto the African leaders alone, he also criticize the evils of the society.This

societal corruption was depicted by Wole Soyinka as not a factor caused by the African

leaders of this era, but due to the subornation that is inherent in the individuals who

found themselves in public positions. The themes of corruption was a subject that was

briefly highlighted through the dialogue of Kamini:

AMBASSADOR: But, if er . . . if I may make bold to remind Your Excellency,

the reason why the post of First and Second Secretaries, plus that of Commercial

Attaché have been vacant is that, well, according to the Foreign Affairs Minister,

there is no funds to pay anyone in those grades.

KAMINI: (screams). I remember very well. I do not forget. And is that not the

same minister who has now run away in the middle of his international mission?

Why did he run away? Why do they all run away? Because they steal Bugara

money, that’s why. They smuggle goods and do black market, ruining Bugara

currency! You tell me why that traitor, the one who calls himself professor, why

he run away instead of leading my team of delegation to this meeting here? He

 70

embezzle money and he suspect that Kamini find out. He know I want to disgrace

him before his international friends at the United Nations Assembly — a common

thief like that. With all his grey hairs he is so shameless. So everybody thinking

him a great scholarship man, a brilliant man and so on and so forth. A brilliant

man to be embezzling money and running away. Thank you very much for

brilliance, I take stupid man any day. I promote that young man today, see that he

go to university and make him professor. But if he try to be brilliant like Kiwawa,

he will smell his mother’s cunt before be can run away. Now I find new Foreign

Affairs Minister who will find money and pay salaries instead of running away

with Bugara money. Perhaps I make you Foreign Minister, yon are as useless as

ambassador when you cannot write my speech in emergency. . . (Pg. 15).

With this scene in the play, Soyinka portrays the syphilitic nature of the intellectuals that

finds themselves near the corridors of power. Significantly, the essence of the

representation of the abstract character of KIWAWA is to entail this scandalous

behaviors that individuals, whom are supposed to be knowledgeable and morally

competent, often engage in in order to pursue the interests of their stomach. The case of

the Foreign Minister engaging in black market and smuggling g business shows the

abhorrent personalities of these various “Kiwawas” that import corruption as they make

their way into public offices, thereby infecting other citizens too. The main purpose of

these intellectuals is to impart value unto their country, since they are the educated lot of

their countrymen. However these people fail in their primary task because they engage in
 71

obnoxious actions that undermine the value of their country. The actions are extremely

poisonous as it eventually subverts the economy of the country, thereby placing the mass

of the citizens in misery; the intellectuals aware of the resultant effect of their actions,

they do not pay much regards to the welfare of the people’s lives they were entrusted

with.
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CHAPTER FOUR

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

4.1 SUMMARY.

This study is made up of four chapters of long essay. These chapters are introduction,

literature review, data analysis of the study and ends with the concluding chapter.

The focus of this study is a postcolonial analysis of A Play of Giants by Wole Soyinka.

The chapter one depicts the background to the study, aim and objectives, justification of

the study, scope and limitation of the study , methodology of the study as well as the

authorial background of the renowned writer, playwright and political activist of A Play

of Giants, Wole Soyinka.

Chapter two explored the concept of Postcolonialism. It discussed how the anti-colonial

struggles of the 1950s laid the foundation for the conceptualisation of Postcolonial

theory. The study explores the seminal works and key contributions, major Postcolonial

theorist and anti-colonial activist have had on postcolonialism. The last part of the

literature review of focusses on the way the playwright explored various Postcolonial

concepts and ideas in A Play of Giants. The review takes a postcolonial approach to the

study.
 73

The focus of Chapter three is the textual interpretations of A Play of Giants. This chapter

entails discussions on the plot summary of A Play of Giants by Wole Soyinka. The

chapter also explores the various thematic elements embedded in the play text.

4.2 CONCLUSION.

Wole Soyinka, in A Play of Giants, explored the various political, societal, and

international elements that consolidated the political mishaps, economic hardships and

global inequality faced by Africans during and after the post independence era. He uses

the play to satirizes and critique this various elements that have impeded any form of

development in the continent. By employing character representations, he was able to

highlight this factors and ridicule its sources. The play was also used to explore the links

between these factors, how they are all intertwined and the constant interaction between

them to produce a dreadful and excruciating effect on the experiences of Africans after

their nominal independence from colonial rule.

As Lindsfor (1976) observed Wole Soyinka “doesn’t need a straight story line to keep us

fascinated. The character’s interaction in his works “are so cunningly conceived that

scenes move along on their own robust momentum, spin on their own axes of

significance.” While the episodes can stand alone and resonates its own unique meaning,

he also employ carefully crafted frameworks to bend the story to his own ends. The

characters in the play were employed by to highlight the endogenous and exogenous
 74

factors that had plagued the postcolonial Africa. The Characters of Kamini, Kasco,

Gunema, and Tuboum were used to engaged to effect a satirical portrayal of the

multitude of dictators and authoritarian leaders that had characterized the post

independence period in Africa. Through a vivid reconstruction, the play was able to

depict the atrocities, power abuses, mass suppression and murders committed by these

political players against their subjects. These leaders often enlist deceptive tactics to

portray themselves as messiahs thereby covering these atrocities, however Wole Soyinka

lays everything bare for all to really estimate their true nature and comprehend the main

motivation that inspires them to impose their oppressive rule on their subjects in their

respective African countries.

The play also depicts the hollowness of different intellectuals these dictators surrounds

themselves with. The extreme level of sycophancy was depicted in the character of

Gudrum, who is a loyal supporter and mistress of Kamini; theses type of individuals are

often engage in ego stroking the monstrous persona of these leaders which makes their

wrongdoings seem like the right thing. They are also employed by these dictators to

facilitate the process of image building and canvassing support in favor of their ghoulish

government policies. The Ambassador and the Foreign Minister of Bugara was used to

represent the caucus of benighted African intellectuals whose position as public officials

adds no value to the people they are serving, rather they employ various means to

heinously divert public fund into their pockets thereby reinforcing the entrenchment of

corruption in Africa.
 75

Soyinka also extends his satirical critique beyond the African continent to the various

imperial powers and neocolonialist countries in Europe and Asia. These neocolonialists

countries, notably US and Russia, are depicted as often providing support to various

authoritarian regimes in Africa. In order to foster an exploitative relationship between

their governments and mineral rich countries in Africa, they will reinforce the rule of

these despots by discrediting the various claims of human rights abuses; and will still

provided them with oppressive materials in order to continue the subjugation of their

people. They are also portrayed, in the play, as being the instigator of various coups and

counter coups that have rocked the sociopolitical scene in Africa. This coups is often an

attempt by these neocolonialists countries to install puppets regimes that will be used to

facilitate exploitative policies that will tipped the economic scales in favor of their

interests

In conclusion, A Play of Giants is not only a satirical critique of the postcolonial African

leaders rather the playwright offers a deep satirical perspective on notable events and

elements and how these factors have deeply affected the lives of millions of Africans;

who are still wallowing in poverty, hunger and despair due to the years of exploitation

and degradation caused by Dictators, Political players and neocolonialist instigated civil

wars. The playwright suggests the need for an emphatic moral growth of the future

leaders of Africa in order to avoid the repetition of the same abomination that have

occurred in the previous histories of the continent. The play also implores various
 76

intellectuals to place their service to humanity first before their stomach, whenever they

find themselves in public offices. The global inequality of the world was decried, as the

playwright declare an emergency situation on the intense levels of poverty famine and

hardship, caused by the interests of neocolonial and imperial powers in Africa.

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 78

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