In January 2020, a new type of coronavirus broke out in Wuhan.

China took measures to

close the city as soon as possible to control the epidemic, but it caused condemnation and stigma
from the international society. China’s effectiveness in preventing the new coronavirus has
surpassed the handling of the H1N1 epidemic in the United States in 2009, but it still lacks the
international discursive power. Intuitively, the comprehensive national strength of a country has a
certain influence on the international discursive power. Under normal circumstances, the stronger
a country's comprehensive national strength, the greater its international discursive power.
However, if you list the Western countries individually, you will find an interesting phenomenon:
a country with a large discursive power may not be a powerful country. Take the United
Kingdom as an example. The GDP of the United Kingdom has been on a downward trend from
2014 to 2017, but the BBC still has a strong role in guiding public opinion in the current
international society. Although Japan's GDP has been the second largest in the world from 1968
to 2009, it does not have much discursive power in the international community. Therefore, the
power status of a country cannot fully explain its international discursive power. By observing
the two models of action of international discourse power, it is found that in the process of
China’s rise, the two factors, which is the double standard argumentation of the western media
and the strategic restraint of China’s international discursive power by western countries, have
made China’s international discourse power is difficult to play in the international
communication.