THE GAGAUZ IDENTITY AND ITS INTEGRATION IN THE

REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA (1989-2003)

1
 Contents:

NODE (in Romanian, Russian, English)

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
INTRODUCTION

I. HISTORIOGRAPHY, RESEARCH AND GENERAL ASPECTS OF

THE IDENTITY AND INTEGRATION OF THE PROBLEM OF
GAGAUZ IN REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA
1.1 Historiographic analysis of the Gagauz ethnic identity and the
repercussions of integration policies
1.2 The issue of ethnic identity in ethnology
1.3 Gagauz national movements during XX - early XXI centuries - the research
of the theoretic an historical literature
1.4 The historical context of establishing Gagauz on the present territory of the
Republic of Moldova
1.5 General Conclusions to Chapter I

II. THE COMPONENTS OF THE GAGAUZ ETHNIC IDENTITY

2.1 Religion and language as a component of the Gagauz identity
2.2 Traditions and culture as a constituent of the Gagauz identity
2.3 Institutes of formation of the Gagauz ethnic identity
2.4 General Conclusions to Chapter II

III. INTEGRATION PROCESSES OF THE GAGAUZ PEOPLE WITHIN

THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA: THEORETICAL ANALYSIS

2
3.1 Boundaries of "native space" in the context of the problem of Gagauz
integration
3.2 Causes of the emergence and evolution of the ethnic identity conflict in the
southern area of the Republic of Moldova
3.3 Establishing the Gagauz Autonomous Territorial Unit as a first step in the
integration policy
3.4 The geopolitical factor of integration of the Moldovan people: historical
and modern aspects
3.5 The actuality and efficiency of the Gagauz integration policies in the
Republic of Moldova
3.6 General Conclusions to Chapter III

GENERAL CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

BIBLIOGRAPHY
ANNEXES
DECLARATION OF LIABILITY
AUTHOR'S CV

3
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

EU – the European Union

EC - the Council of Europe
RM – the Republic of Moldova
RO - Romania
CC - Constitutional Court
HCC - Constitutional Court ruling
EC - Council of Europe
PACE - Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe
GD - Government Decision
PD - Parliament's decision
MO - Official Gazette
UN - United Nations Organization
OSCE - Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
USA - United States of America
DAHR - Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania
ATUG - Autonomous Territorial Unit of Gagauzia

4
INTRODUCTION

Actuality and importance of the addressed issue. The world presents a

totality or, more precisely, a system of relatively unidirected unities, similar in
its own way to some atoms of the world community. Each of them is endowed
with its own historical inertia created by historical particularities, traditions and
customs, moral and spiritual rituals, geopolitical situation. As a result of this
inertia and of the vital traditions and needs it determines, they tend to self-serve
and to some optimal functioning regime.
The world has always had a very heterogeneous structure. Since ancient
times, human society has proven to be divided into socio-cultural communities.
No matter what they would have been called - states, nations, countries -
always had their own specificity, autonomy, which did not coincide with the
specifics of other communities.
Each of the socio-cultural communities is characterized by a certain level of
development, through its specific culture, by the specificity of social-political,
spiritual relations. Each of them occupies a well-established place in the human
community, on which depends the perspective and the positivity of their
cultural development. All of this eventually serves as the basis, which results in
those impulses that define the common interest of community members.
The ethnic structure of the population of any country with important
minority groups; as well as the attempts to assess the quantitative and
qualitative relationships between the holder population and the ethnic
minorities on the course of history - recent or more distant - on the territory of
the respective country have always been considered a difficult and delicate
problem.
Despite the many economic, social and political difficulties, the problems of
the ethnic minorities in the Republic of Moldova have been the subject of a
constant concern of the state power bodies right from the beginning of the

5
rebirth movement and of the national liberation. Undoubtedly, the issue of
Gagauzia will still generate many discussions. But the reality is too tough by
granting special status to Gagauzia, the Republic of Moldova loses control over
11% of its territory.
So, we know that the Gagauz autonomy was formed following the
adoption of the "Law of the Republic of Moldova on the Special Legal Status
of Gagauzia". Thus, with the granting of territorial autonomy, the 1989
conflict, which twice in October 1990 and August 1991, was about to turn into
a civil war, ended. The solution to the Gagauz problem was dependent on the
ethnic conflict in Transnistria, which in the summer of 1992 came out of
control and turned into a war around Bender / Tiraspol.
The linguistic union (based on Russian language) and political
(Moldovan political and constitutional fragmentation) of national minorities
against Moldovans (probably except Gypsies) is revealed by the fact that in
predominantly alolingual localities such as Gagauzia, Taraclia, most schools of
all levels and administrative bodies continue to work in Russian, although it is
claimed that the regions mentioned are a kind of autonomy, at least cultural, of
these.
According to Fruntaşu, in the context of deliberate unilateral cessation and / or
lack of professionalism, the Moldovan government's insistence is already
incorrect on the unitary character of the state since it is no longer valid with the
stipulation of the right to self-determination of ATU Gagauzia and the present
situation of the Transnistrian region.1
In spite of all the negative expressions, however, on the part of some
scholars, the Law of Autonomy of Gagauzia, some foreign authors (Ş.Troebst,
Germany) appears, against the backdrop of the extreme tension situation in the
Republic of Moldova, appears as a spectacular victory of reason over the
tendencies of the seizure of power by the old elites, a rare victory in the post-

1
Fruntaşu Iu. O istorie etnopolitică a Basarabiei (1812-2002. / Cartier. – Chişinău, 2002, p.343.
6
Soviet space, which also contributed to the mitigation of the Transnistrian
conflict.2
Thus, on the territory of the Republic of Moldova was allowed the creation of
an autonomous territorial unit, which today has its own constitution (Gagauzia
Regulation), by the Parliament (People's Assembly) and by a Governor
(Bascan). All these are meant to represent and defend the interests of the
Gagauz in Moldova and other states. Gagauzia comprises 1,831.5 km2,
representing 5.4% of the territory of the Republic of Moldova. There are
171,500 people on this territory, 78,7% of whom are Gagauz, 5,5% Bulgarians,
5,4% Moldovans, 5,0% Russians, 4,0% Ukrainians and 1,3% representatives of
other ethnic groups.
Since the moment of independence and the beginning of the state
building process, the issue of the relations between the central state institutions
and the Gagauz ethnic minority has been one that influenced, to a large extent,
the quality and the vector of the political processes in the Republic of Moldova.
The actuality of the problem has not diminished even after the establishment of
the territorial autonomy of the Gagauz ethnic group.
The theme of the research identifies the theoretical aspects of the ethnic
identity of the Gagauz as well as the study of the causes of the emergence and
the evolution of the ethnic identity conflict in the southern part of the Republic
of Moldova, culminating in the establishment of the autonomous territorial unit
Gagauzia as a first step in the integration policy.
The aim and objectives of the thesis. The multidimensional approach
of the Gagauz ethnic identity issue and the repercussions of integration policies
on the positions of political theory and the evaluation of the state and role of
this minority in contemporary society represent the goal to be achieved through
the following objectives:

2
Troebst Ş. Autonomia Găgăuziei Republicii Moldova, un exemplu de soluţionare a conflictelor
etnopolitice. // Republica Moldova între Vest şi Est: identitatea naţională şi orientarea europeană. –
Chişinău, 2002, p.244.
7
• analyze the situation and degree of studying the ethnic identity of the Gagauz
and the repercussions of the integration policies;
• to present the historical context of establishing the Gagauz on the present
territory of the Republic of Moldova;
• Identify and characterize the components of the Gagauz ethnic identity;
• To study in depth the causes of the emergence and evolution of the ethnic
identity conflict in the southern area of the Republic of Moldova;
• to try to systematize the process of establishing the Gagauz autonomous
territorial unit as a first step in the integration policy;
• To demonstrate the timeliness and effectiveness of the Gagauz ethnic
integration policies in the Republic of Moldova.
Methodology of research. In the research we used the following
methods:
The dialectical method - allowed us to give the material dynamism and
systematic exposure, integrating in the content of the work according to the
principle of correspondence of the ideas and concepts of several researchers
regarding the issue of the ethnic identity of the Gagauzians.
The structural-functional method, which was used to perform a structural
analysis of the legislative and institutional framework of national relations,
highlighting the constitutive elements and functional aspects within the current
political system;
The historical method through which the examination of the process of
integration of the Gagauz on the territory of Moldova was carried out, and
highlighting the factors that determine the relation of interethnic relations
between past and present.
The systemic method of analysis - which made it possible to research
national minorities as a subsystem of the social system and their impact on
contemporary society through interaction with various factors within society.

8
 The method also used the method of analysis, synthesis, observation,
comparison, generalization, the deduction and induction method were used.
Scientific novelty. The novelty of the investigation is in the following:
• It is the1 first study that includes a multidimensional approach to the
issue of the ethnic identity of the Gagauz and the repercussions of integration
policies, through the historical-political-legal aspect.
• It is a study that elucidates the concept of the "political nation of
Moldova" as an important factor for the consolidation of the state in the context
of the ethno-political processes and the reform of the Moldovan society.
• The institutional framework of interethnic relations in the Republic of
Moldova at State and Civil Society level is highlighted, analyzed and
structured.
The author proposes and argues the timeliness and effectiveness of the
Gagauz integration policies of the Republic of Moldova by promoting a
number of concrete actions in this direction.
• The scientific novelty is determined not by the problems and the
characteristic aspects approached, but by the specificity of its interdisciplinary
character. The various content in the theoretical and applicative aspect,
highlights the specifics of the study, and takes the form of a synthesis work.
This character of the work stems from the very purpose and its tasks, the
reaching and solving of which highlighted the problem of the Gagauz minority
in the Republic of Moldova.
The scientific results obtained from the scientific researches carried out.
• The results of the paper can be used during the educational process
within the higher education institutions in the specialized or specialized
courses: "Politics", "Ethno-politology", "Ethnology", "Ethno-sociology",
"Conflictology", "National Minorities of the Republic Moldova ", including as
a theoretical and practical support for pupils and students in the study of
subjects:" History "," Civic Education ".

9
 • The qualitative study as a synthesis study will be of real use to the state
power organs and the public administration bodies in order to effectively
regulate and modernize the political and legal aspects of interethnic relations in
the Republic of Moldova.
• Research as a whole can contribute to the creation of a strategy for the
adaptation and integration of national minorities in the social-political life of
the Republic of Moldova.
• The results of the paper can contribute to the shaping of the relations
between the civil society organizations represented by the ethno-cultural
organizations and the initiation of a dialogue for cooperation between the
institutions and organizations in the country and abroad.
• The work and recommendations within it can be of benefit to
researchers in the field of political science and sociology who are concerned
with the issue of national minorities and interethnic relations, providing a
methodological basis that is timely and good to be applied in social and
political practice.
Theoretical importance and applicative value of the work. The issue
of the ethnic identity of the Gagauz and the repercussions of the integration
policies is contextually included in the composition of several socio-human
sciences, so the research of this subject was possible through the use of a
complex system of procedures, positions, theoretical and empirical methods
that have an interdisciplinary character. In this respect, methods of scientific
knowledge have been applied, which in themselves include the system of such
principles of cognitive actions, which can participate both in the process of
scientific disclosure and in the exposure of the obtained results.
Summary of the thesis compartments. The doctoral thesis includes
three chapters; introduction as study initiation; the conclusion concluding
conclusions and recommendations; the bibliography based on the documentary
and doctrinal support of the paper.

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 I. HISTORIOGRAPHY RESEARCH AND GENERAL ASPECTS
OF THE IDENTITY AND INTEGRATION PROBLEM OF THE
GAGAUZ IN THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA

1.1 Historiographic analysis of the Gagauz ethnic identity and

repercussions of integration policies
At present, studies in the field of inter-ethnic relations and national
minorities in the Republic of Moldova in recent years, with repercussions on
the study of the ethnic identity of the Gagauz, have been carried out in several
dimensions and different ways of approach. The historical dimension of the
subject was approached by Iu.Fruntaşu3, Gh.Negru4, who analyzed
ethnolinguistic policy in Moldovan SSR. The multidimensional study of I.Casu
5
reveals the consequences of Soviet "national politics" in Bessarabia. The
psychological aspect of interethnic relations was addressed in S.Rusnac's work
6
. Through studies written in Romanian may be considered by E. Patras 7, who
studied the national legal framework of national minorities' rights in the
Republic of Moldova. Another author, I.Diaconu 8, has researched in the field
of international law regarding the protection of minority rights.
Although there is an obvious ethnic diversity in the Republic of Moldova,
the greatest attention and care is given to the issue of minorities in general and
less to concrete national minorities. In this context, I. Tabac's works can be
mentioned9, P.Şornicov10, I.Anţupov11, who wrote about the population of

3
Frunaşu Iu. O istorie etnopolitică a Basarabiei 1812-2002. - Chişinău: Cartier, 2002
4
Negru Gh. Politica etnolingvistică în RSSM. – Chişinău: Prut Internaţional, 2000
5
Caşu I. „Politica naţională„ în Moldova Sovietică (1944-1989). – Chişinău: Cardidact, 2000.
6
Rusnac S. Percepţia reciprocă între etnii în comunităţile mixte.(Teza de doct.) – Chişinău, 1995
7
Patraş E. Minorităţile naţionale din Ucraina şi Republica Moldova. Statutul juridic. - Cernăuţi: Editura
Alexandru cel Bun, 1998
8
Diaconu I. Minorităţile. Statut. Perspective. – Bucureşti: Tip. Monit.Oficial, 1996
9
Табак И. Русское население Молдавии. Численность, расселение, межэтнические связи. -
Кишинёв: Штиинца, 1990
10
Шорников П. Покушение на статус: этнополитические процессы в Молдавии в годы кризиса
1988-1996. - Кишинев: НПО «Inessa», 1997
11
Анцупов И. Русское население Бессарабии и Левобережного Поднестровья в конце XVIII-XIX
в. Социально экономический очерк. - Кишинёв: Академия наук РМ. Институт национальных
меньшинств, 1996
11
Russian origin on the territory of Moldova; V.Stepanov12, G.Rogovaia13 and Iu.
Popa have elucidated the issue of the Ukrainians, especially their cultural
rebirth, in a series of articles published in "Literature and Art" in 1996; I.Grec 14
and I.Meşceriuc15 described the living of the Gagauz and Bulgarians in the
space between the Prut and the Dniester. In a monograph, D.Gurgurov 16 tries to
explain the origin of the Gagauz, analyzing the theories of the genesis of the
Gagauz people and the population of southern Bessarabia. About the Armenian
Colonies of the Republic of Moldova we are from A.Toramanean and
J.Ananean17; about the Jews here we read in the works of I. Kopanskii 18,
I.Pilat19, E.Levit., I.Tabac , M.Lemster, who also had a collection of articles
titled "The Jews in the Spiritual Life of Moldova".20
The issue of the ethnic origin of the Gagauz at certain historical stages has
a different degree of interest in research. Thus, if during the Soviet era this was
approached rather exhaustively and subjectively, the authors under the pressure
of the system avoiding to deal with themes on the ethnic element. Since the
1990s, interest in ethnicity has grown both in Gagauz ethnic groups and in
native and foreign authors. The uncertainty of the Gagauz has sparked
controversy since the early historiographical attempts of the past century to
explain their existence as a population of Turkish and Christian (Orthodox)
faith. Both autochthonous and foreign authors have been concerned with the
research of the ethnogenesis of the Gagauz and, as a result, in the literature, we
can meet many hypotheses and theories to explain this problem. At the

12
Степанов В. Труды по этнографии населения Бессарабии XIX-начала XX вв. Очерки истории
этнографического изучения бессарабских украинцев. – Кишинэу: Pontos, 2001
13
Роговая Г. Украинцы Молдовы // Русское слово, 1992, №1, c. 2-4
14
Грек И. Общественное движение и классовая борьба болгар и гагаузов юга России ( конец
20х-середина50х XIXв.). – Кишинёв: Штиинца, 1988.
15
Мещерюк И. Социально-экономическое развитие болгарских и гагаузких сёл в южной
Бессарабии. (1808-1856). – Кишинёв: Академия наук МССР, 1970
16
Гургуров Д. Гагаузы – потомки турко огузов или славяно-болгар? - Кишинёв: Родно слово,
1998
17
Ананян Ж. Армянская колония Григориополь. - Ереван: Издательство АН Армянской ССР,
1969
18
Копанский Я. Джойнт в Бессарабии. Страницы истории. - Кишинёв:Лига,1994
19
Пилат И. Из истории еврейства Молдовы. – Кишинёв: Общество еврейской культуры, 1990.
20
Евреи в духовной жизни Молдовы. - Кишинёв: Лига, 1997
12
beginning of the 20th century Bulgarian historian G. Dmitrov enumerated
about eighteen different assumptions about the origin of the Gagauz people as
well as their ethnic name.21
In Soviet publications, the historiography of this problem has not been
reflected, except for the short narrative of the Russian researcher N. Derjavin in
his article, in which he briefly reviews the existing views on the ethnogenesis
of the Gagauzians and of the existing bibliography, but without any criticism or
expression of his point of view. Still in the middle of the 19th century,
practically simultaneously, two contradictory theories, the Slavonic and the
Turanic, were launched, with the most followers. But until their detailed
analysis, we propose to examine other hypotheses existing so far, not so
argued, but not of scientific interest, supported by authors from both Romania,
Bulgaria, the former USSR and the West.
Thus, the well-known Romanian historiographer N.Iorga, in a review of his
work on the work of Bulgarian researcher V. Zlatovskii "The Ethnographic
Book of Dobrogea", expresses the thesis of the Gagauz "Greek origin".
According to them, the Gagauz are considered the descendants of the Greeks,
inhabitants of the cities destroyed by the barbarian tribes still in the 3rd-4th
centuries, but who forgot the Greek language, preserving only the Orthodox
religion. Other authors, also Romanians, I.Botnarescu and A.Haşdeu called
Gagauz "indigenous native inhabitants of the Balkan Peninsula" and Z.Arbore -
Wallachians of Macedonian origin. St.Clair and C.A.Brophy, Western
researchers, speak of the Gagauz as a mixture of Wallachians, Greeks, Italians
and Bulgarians emerging during the Venetian republic.
In 1896, the archaeologists of Bulgarian origin, the brothers K. and
H.Scorpil launched the theory concerning the Proto-Bulgarian origin - the
Gagauz and Gadjalii had common origins, being considered descendants of the
Bulgarians of Asparuh, settled south of the Danube in 679 AD, a part of them
being Christianized and forming the Gagauz today. Another hypothesis based
21
Губогло М.Н. Этническая принадлежность гагаузов. // Советская этнография, №3, 1986
13
on the Slavonic origin was launched in the middle of the 19th century, based on
the argument that the Gagauz, saving themselves from the Turkish invasion and
moving from Bulgaria to Russia on the current territory of the Republic of
Moldova, intentionally speculated with the hypothesis of their Slavic origin.
The theory of "Slavic origin" in it's argumentation knows several periods of
ascension and regression, determined in particular by the Bulgarian state's
interest towards the population migrating in southern Bessarabia. For example,
in the 1850s in Bulgaria there appeared a series of publications addressing the
issue of ethnic Bulgarians and Gagauz in southern Bessarabia, focusing on the
history and circumstances of their displacement. Later during 1870-1880 years,
polemics about national ideas and ethnicity of the Gagauz were launched. All
this arose as a consequence of a report by Professor V.Grigorovich from the
Department of Education in the Odessa region concerning the language of
study for the ethnic Bulgarians and Gagauz from the Comrat college. In
conclusion, it was decided to replace the Bulgarian language with the Russian
one, compulsory for studies. This decision was criticized both by authorities
and by some groups with national character from Bulgarian. A literary war
began, which criticized the assimilation of the Bulgarians and Gagauzians in
Bessarabia, many authors being adepts of their common origin.
Only at the beginning of the 20th century, when the interest in this issue
has practically disappeared, some researchers are launching the Gagauz's
"Turkic origin" theory. It states that the origin of the Gagauz is closely related
to the history of the Turkic tribes that inhabited the North-Pontic steppes.
Among these tribes are the pecenegians, the Turanic Gentiles of the ogus (also
known as the " Black Hooks "), Cuman, etc. Among the theories exposed about
the past of the Gagauz and especially about their origins there is one that comes
closest to the historical truth22. In the opinion of some researchers 23 a decisive

22
Sâmpetru M. Uzii şi găgăuzii. Revista de istorie, Nr.2. - Chişinău 1999
23
Tulbure A., Moşneaga V. Gagauz-Yeri – istoria şi practica. // Statul naţional şi societatea polietnică:
Moldova în anii ’90. Materialele I simpozion moldo-german, (Chişinău, 13-18 octombrie 1996). -
Chişinău 1997
14
role in the genesis of the Gagauz people played "Oghuz" element. Gagauz
language is Turkic, as is their origin. Besides, they themselves called it
"turkcea". By its characteristics, the Gagauz is part of the Oghuz group of
Turkic tongues in terms of common traits, distinguished by the Persian and
Cuman languages, which are disappeared today. In its separate evolution since
the end of the 11th century, it has also acquired some specific features that
distinguish it from the other Oghuz languages, even from Osman Turkish.
Going along the line of that Gagauz language is belonging to the Oghuz Turkci
group, they also tried to explain their ethnic name. V. Radlov showed that the
term of "Gagauz" comes from Gag-Oguz. It has been admitted that "gag"
would come from "gôk", which means "blue", but also "blue sky", so Gagauz
would mean celestial Uz. Another interpretation was made that Gagauz would
be in the sign of "Christian Uz," in opposition to unbelieving, pagan. What
seems essential to us is that both elements of the term are Turkic. Another
important argument to support the Turkic theory is the anthropological factor.
Research on the anthropological structure of the Gagauz conducted before the
second world war in Romania on a number of Gagauz subjects in the villages
of Satalic-Hagi, Cimislia, Ceadir-Lunga, Cobei and Dimitrovca from Republic
of Moldova clearly showed that the Gagauz draws the most to the Turks
through the characteristics anthropometric and somatic. It has rightly been
appreciated that they are the descendants of the late migratory Turkic peoples
in Europe, which among them are mentioned and Uz.
An aspect of the elucidation of the ethnic identity of the Gagauz and the
repercussions of the integration policies is provided by the authors Macovei A.
and Svetlicinii R.24 Here the authors develop the idea that with the adoption of
the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova on July 29, 1994, radical
deviations are observed in the state policy regarding the national minorities,
these changes being made even in the detriment of the statehood and the

24
Macovei A., Svetlicinîi R. Minorităţile etnice în Republica Moldova: realitate şi perspectivă.
MOLDOSCOPIE (Probleme de analiză politică). Partea XVI. / USM. – Chişinău, 2001, P. 17-23
15
independence of the country. It's about the Article 111 of the Constitution (the
special status of autonomy), which stipulates that " the Localities on the left
bank of the Dniester river, as well as some settlements in the South of the
Republic of Moldova could be given special forms and conditions of
autonomy, according to special statutes adopted by organic laws". The
conclusion of the provisions of Art.111 of the Constitution of the Republic of
Moldova has been reflected in the "Organic Law on the Special Legal Status of
Gagauz Yeri" (no. 344-XIII, December 23, 1994), defined by Art. 111 as
"territorial autonomy with special status" and "form of self-determination of the
Gagauz". They conclude that this "original" solving ethnic conflict has led to
the emergence of warnings from the Council of Europe by which Chisinau was
prevented from going too far to meet minority separatist demands and that
these actions could serve as a dangerous precedent for other minority areas in
Europe.
Another important study is the article of author Gaţmaniuc T. In this study
she invokes the idea that if so far various researchers have focused their study,
in particular, on the Gagauz ethnic conflict, then she proposes to analyze a
whole aspect in particular - the role of the ethnic factor in the determination of
electoral behavior. Although, the Administrative Territorial Unit (ATU) of
Gagauzia remains to be a component part of the Republic of Moldova, its
population segment represents a special category of electorate, taking into
account its ethnic, political, and cultural interests. Her article analyzes the
general aspects of delimitation of the Gagauz electorate as well as some
scientific theories regarding the electoral behavior as a whole and the level of
their application to the reality and political practice of our state. The author also
makes some attempts to propose a few remedies that could contribute to
diminishing the influence of ethnicity on the voter's manifestation during the
election. Taking into account the fact that, for the edification, preservation and

16
sustainable development of a democracy, the role of the elections is
indisputable, the author wanted to investigate this problem.25
The authors Bulova M. and Saca V. address the issue of the ethnic
identity of the Gagauz and the repercussions of the integration policies from the
perspective of the fact that the Republic of Moldova is a state with a varied
poly-ethnical structure. On its territory, along with the titular nation, also live
the representatives of other ethnic groups: Russian, Ukrainian, Gagauz,
Bulgarian, Jewish, Gypsy etc. The functioning of democratic principles, of
ethnic consensus in any society depends, to a large extent, on the state, which is
obliged to ensure and guarantee the existence of a legal framework regulating
interethnic relations; the tolerant attitude of the majority population towards
minorities; but more than the degree of identification of these national
minorities with the state in which they live. Free and fair elections, as a basic
principle of democratic societies (or in the process of democratization), are
practically the only way in which the citizens of a country (the majority, as
well as the national minorities) can realize their right to participate in the
governance of society - and manifest their attitude towards political power.26
In their article the authors intend to analyze the way of manifestation, the
political options, the degree of the Gagauz ethnic minority participation in the
national parliamentary elections in the Republic of Moldova. The research of
this aspect is made necessary and timely by the following factors:
a) Gagauzia has a special legal status of autonomy in the administrative
structure of the Republic of Moldova. This status was attributed since 1995 as a
result of solving the ethnic conflict in this region. The legal framework
governing the legal functioning of the Administrative Territorial Unit (ATU)
Gagauzia is constituted primarily by the Constitution of the Republic of

25
Gaţmaniuc N. Rolul factorului etnic în determinarea comportamentului electoral (cazul Găgăuziei).
MOLDOSCOPIE (Probleme de analiză politică). – Revista ştiinţifică trimestrială. - Chişinău: USM,
№1 (XXV), 2004, P. 131-139
26
Bulova M., Saca V. Particularităţile identităţii naţionale în contextul procesului electoral din
Republica Moldova (anii 1991-2001). Moldova între Est şi Vest: identitatea naţională şi orientare
europeană. – Chişinău, CAPTES, 2001
17
Moldova27, The Law of the Republic of Moldova on the Special Legal Status of
Gagauzia28, The Legal Code of Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri) 29 adopted on 14 May
1998 by the People's Assembly of Gagauzia (its legislative body);
b) In the socio-political spectrum of the Republic of Moldova occurred a
ethno-cultural ethnic cleavage of society, which highlighted the actuality and
importance of the national identity. This strongly influences the electoral policy
of the Moldovan political market. Considering the segmentation of the
Moldovan electorate on the ethnic principles, the southern territory of the
republic which is occupied compact by Gagauz ethnic minority (especially the
fact that Gagauz are the third according to ethnic group number) offers author
the possibility to achieve the objectives proposed initially.
The author Morozan A. presents the problem in view of the fact that,
within the limits of it's competence, Gagauzia can solve by itself and in the
interests of the entire population, all the problems of political, economic and
cultural development. All rights and freedoms provided by the Constitution and
the legislation of the Republic of Moldova, except those provided by the law in
question, are also guaranteed in Gagauzia30. The basic objection raised by the
Law on the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia lies precisely in the legitimacy of
paragraph 4 of Art. 1, according to which "in the case of changing the status of
the Republic of Moldova as an independent state the people of Gagauzia have
the right to external self-determination".31 Such actions from the side of the
Republic of Moldova generated comments and warnings expressing concern
about the declaration of some areas with special status, instead of applying
internationally accepted practices to ensure broad administrative-territorial

27
Constituţia Republicii Moldova, adoptată la 29 iulie1994. // Monitorul Oficial al Republicii Moldova.
– Chişinău, 1994, nr.1.
28
Legea Republicii Moldova cu privire la statutul juridic special al Găgăuziei (Gagauz-Yeri), nr.345-
XII din 23 decembrie 1994. // Monitorul Oficial al Republicii Moldova, ianuarie 1995.
29
Regulamentul Găgăuziei (Gagauz-Yeri), adoptat la 5 iunie 1998. // Veştile Găgăuziei. – Comrat,
1998, nr.38-39.
30
LEGE Nr. 344 din 23.12.1994 privind statutul juridic special al Găgăuziei (Gagauz-Yeri),
lex.justice.md/viewdoc.php?action=view&view=doc&id=311656&lang=1, 2018/4/14, 23:31.
31
LEGE Nr. 344din 23.12.1994 privind statutul juridic special al Găgăuziei (Gagauz-Yeri),
lex.justice.md/viewdoc.php?action=view&view=doc&id=311656&lang=1, 2018/4/14, 23:31.
18
decentralization, which is considered to be essentially the prerequisites for
atomizing the state, a possible federalization, with serious consequences on the
independence of the Republic of Moldova.32
Morozan also points out that integration processes involve the
consolidation of the state as a whole. One of Moldova's most important issues
at present is the issue of territorial integration. National minorities in the
republic are also directly or tangentially involved in this issue. As a result of
the events that took place at the beginning of the previous decade, nationalist
spirits were intensified in Moldova, accompanied by tension between
interethnic relations and separatist manifestations. Consequently, within the
territory of the country appeared formations with anticonstitutional character
in the south and east sides of the republic, damaging the territorial integrity of
the Republic of Moldova. Solving the Transnistrian conflict by the force failed,
imposing the necessity of solving it through the political dialogue, which
stimulated the leadership to solve the problems in the South of the republic by
granting the special status of the autonomous Gagauzia territorial unit (Gagauz
- Yeri).
The author Mironova S. addresses the issue of the ethnic identity of the
Gagauz and the repercussions of the integration policies from the perspective
of the political relations of the Autonomous Territorial Unit of Gagauzia
(ATUG) with the central authorities of the Republic of Moldova. 33 The author
says that research on relations between central and autonomous authorities is
particularly important, and from the perspective of resolving the conflict in the
Eastern Republic of Moldova (despite the fact that the character of these
conflicts is different). The "Gagauz model" of internal conflict resolution was
considered by most international experts to be a positive case and an example
for the other conflict areas that emerged on the territory of the former Soviet
32
Morozan A. Minorităţile naţionale în Republica Moldova: starea şi problemele de integrare (analiză
politologică). Chişinău: USM, 2005
33
Mironova S., Moşneaga V. Integrarea politică a găgăuzilor – perspectivă de optimizare a relaţiilor
social-politice din Republica Moldova. În: Studia Securitatis. Revistă de Studii de securitate şi politice.
Sibiu, anul 5, nr.1, 2010. p. 127-147
19
Union. This implicitly refers to the case of the secessionist movement triggered
by some leaders from the districts of the Eastern Republic of Moldova. The
establishment of the Autonomous Territorial Unit of Gagauzia was to be in the
opinion of the authors of the project on the establishment of the ATUG, "an
invitation" to the dialogue addressed to the Transnistrian leaders, with the
guarantees of a special legal status. The conduct of the negotiations on the
reunification of the Republic of Moldova proved to be much more difficult than
initially expected, yet the Gagauz autonomy remains a political-judicial model
of the institutional development of the Eastern secessionist region within
Republic of Moldova state.
The author Pogoneţ G. addresses the issue of the ethnic identity of the
Gagauz and the repercussions of integration policies from the perspective of
ethnic conflicts. She emphasizes that the essential characteristic of all ethnic
conflicts is the role of ethnic group leaders who advocate discrimination and
mobilize group members against enemies. The leaders of extremist groups
usually say that negotiations for finding solutions and a "reasonable" approach
to the issue are a race and an act of betrayal of interests. In this perspective, the
Tiraspol separatist leaders' invocation of the need to preserve the independence
of the separatist regime is based on the alleged failure of the Gagauz autonomy,
which would have been undermined by the Chisinau authorities. Ethnic
conflicts may intensify or diminish in intensity alternately. Escalation occurs
when conditions of ethnic tension are combined with certain "catalyst" events.
A useful way of conceptualizing the move towards a peaceful settlement of
ethnic conflict is to cause the emotional element of the conflict to diminish to a
stage when the parties are ready to negotiate and can reach a common
denominator, namely through negotiations. The experience of the Gagauz
autonomy since January 2002, when a conflict related to alleged violations of
the financial legislation has been presented as an ethnically-based one, is a
telling fact.34
34
Pogoneţ G. Statutul juridic al minorităţilor entice în Republica Moldova. Chişinău: AŞM, 2007
20
 The author of Galiman S. tells us that the people in the Republic of
Moldova are the Bessarabian Romanians (Moldovans), as well as Russians,
Ukrainians, Belarussians, Bulgarians, Gagauz and others living on the territory
of the state and are in close political and juridical relation with the state. The
criteria for identifying people are specific only to the dominant ethnic group
that benefited from the right to self-determination giving birth to that state, and
not to ethnic groups or national minorities living together with the dominant
ethnic group. The author concludes that there can be no two peoples on the
territory of a unitary state, because all the constitutive elements of the state are
characterized by uniqueness, indivisibility and inalienability, as well as by a
close political-juridical connection with profound meanings and consequences.
She considers the regulation in the Law of the Republic of Moldova of
23.12.1994 on the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia (Gagauz Yeri) incorrect,
which states that the bearer of the Gagauzia statute is the Gagauz people, a
small number inhabiting compacts the territory of the Republic of Moldova.
This regulation should be understood that there are two peoples living together
on the territory of the Republic of Moldova, a large one (Moldovan people?)
And another less numerous (the Gagauz people?). In this case we are
witnessing a legal and political nonsense.35

1.2 The issue of ethnic identity in ethnology

The intensive development of the process of globalization is an obvious

fact of modern history, which makes the national boundaries relative. The
ongoing modernization of the majority of local communities, ethnological
integration, the spread of global labor and monetary economies, the mass
culture and movement of people all over the world are spreading increasingly,
and in some ways, they are uniform. Often, this is facilitated by the latest
35
Galiman S. Realizarea dreptului la autonomie a grupurilor etnice, Comunicare la Sesiunea de
comunicări științifice ‖Administrația Publică în statul de drept‖, 27-28 septembrie 2008, Chișinău,
2009. p.236-242
21
communication systems, from the computer we can watch everything that is
happening in the world.
On the other side, as a reaction to all these natural changes, the
parochialism (especially the ethnic and religious) for which are characteristic
the separatism and opposition to the "center". They perserve the differences
from other people, and ethnicity turns into one of the most important factors
that express these differences. In this context, the issue of ethnic identity and
the belonging of a person to a particular ethnic group is quite actual.
The concept of "identity" today is widely used in ethnology, psychology,
cultural and social anthropology. This means that the human is aware of
belonging to a group, which allows him to determine his place in the socio-
cultural space and to navigate freely in the surrounding world.
The study of identity is found in a variety of theoretical models. The first
perspective addresses the theories that support the idea of a static identity,
found in the same degree to all members of a group. There is a homogeneity of
the group, conferred by its identity. Collective identity is an essential one for
all individuals36.
Identity is an analytical concept, ambiguous, with many contradictory
meanings. It is fluid, constantly renegotiated37.
According to E. Erickson, identity is a sense of self-identity, own truth,
fullness, ownership of the world and other people. Feeling of finding, adequacy
and stable ownership of the individual's self, regardless of changes of the latter
and the situation; the ability of the individual to fully accomplish the tasks,
facing it at every stage of development38.
The awareness of one's own identity by a person is accomplished through
the processes of categorization and social identification. They are related to

36
CONSTANTIN SCHIFIRNEŢ, IDENTITATEA ROMÂNEASCĂ ÎN CONTEXTUL
MODERNITĂŢII TENDENŢIALE,
https://www.academia.edu/2848219/IDENTITATEA_ROMÂNEASCĂ_ÎN_CONTEXTUL_MODER
NITĂŢII_TENDENŢIALE//, 2017/8/29
37
Frederick Cooper Brubaker, Beyond Identity, în „Theory and Society”, 2000, p. 2.
38
идентичность, https://psychology.academic.ru/755/идентичность, 2018/2/11
22
complex relationships, as a result of which a certain scheme is built, referring
to the own self, included in different categories, depending on the group
membership39.
There are two levels of identity. The first is personal psychological
awareness of the person who one is. It evolves as it participates in various
social groups. You can feel yourself a member of a family, a work collective, a
drama club. This level of identity is associated with the idea of yourself as a
member of a certain group, as well as those emotions that arise from the
evaluation of this belonging.
The second level is social psychological. These representations are
formed as derivatives of a person's awareness of his involvement in a particular
social group. Individuals tend to seek confirmation of their group affiliation,
which is possible only in interaction with other similar groups. It is peculiar for
a person to compare his group with others and behave in such a way as to
present his group in a favorable light.
A variety of socio-psychological identity is ethnic identity - the
emotional-cognitive process of uniting one's self with other representatives of
the same ethnic group, as well as its positive value attitude to the history,
culture, national traditions and customs of its people, to its ideals, feelings and
interests, folklore and language, the territory of residence of the ethnos and its
statehood40.
According to J. Piaget, the formation of ethnic identity at child begins at
6-7 years old (the first, still fragmentary knowledge of one's ethnicity) and ends
in 10-11 years (awareness of the uniqueness of the history and culture of its
people). Most often (but not always) the ethnic self-awareness of a person
remains unchanged throughout his life41.

39
Шамионов Р.М. Социальные представления как основание субъективного благополучия и
этнической идентичности // Материалы тринадцатых Страховских чтений. Саратов, 2004. С.113.
40
Этнопсихологический словарь. — М.: МПСИ. В.Г. Крысько. 1999.,
https://ethnopsychology.academic.ru/393/этническая_идентичность_(этничность), 2018/2/12
41
Гусарова Наталья Федоровна, de.ifmo.ru/--books/0062/56.html, 2018/2/12
23
 For ethnology, the problem of ethnic identity is important, which means
the individual's awareness of his belonging to an ethnos. It is well-known that
there is no non-historical person, non-national, every person belongs to one or
another ethnic group.
During Soviet era in Moldova, the growth trend of the ethnic identity was
artificially developed and maintained, which was represented as the
internationalization of cultures and the unification of the way of life of different
peoples. In the 80-90's, ethnic processes in Moldova and abroad intensified due
to objective and subjective reasons. People do not want to "be themselves
under one national umbrella," and the process of "ethnic renaissance" is
actively functioning. At present, in many states that have emerged from the
USSR, grew grievances, hopelessness, caused by dissatisfaction with the policy
of leadership towards the representatives of the Slavic peoples are growing. In
these conditions, nationality is perceived as the last hope, the most accessible
form of identification for large masses of people42.
The growth of ethnic identity can lead to an increase in ethnocentrism,
which in the conditions of the fall of morality in society is fraught with
negative consequences: the difference between "our" and "others" grows and is
absolutized, which leads to an increase in national dissatisfaction, and burst of
interethnic conflicts43.
The cultural value of ethnic identity is very high, since it allows
individuals to self-realize more than any other social group.
Numerous observations and studies of the process of ethnic identification
show that its development is possible in three versions. First, ethnic
identification can occur on the basis of imitation, the individual consciously or
unconsciously copies stereotypes of the behavior of that ethnic community in
which he is brought up and lives. Secondly, it can be carried out on the basis of

42
Этнопсихологический словарь. — М.: МПСИ. В.Г. Крысько. 1999.,
https://ethnopsychology.academic.ru/393/этническая_идентичность_(этничность), 2018/2/12
43
Этнопсихологический словарь. — М.: МПСИ. В.Г. Крысько. 1999.,
https://ethnopsychology.academic.ru/393/этническая_идентичность_(этничность), 2018/2/12
24
coercion. Such instruments of coercion are traditions and values of society.
Thirdly, ethnic identification can be carried out on the basis of free and
conscious choice. Sometimes a person renounces nationality and becomes a
cosmopolitan, a man of the whole world. But in this case, the refusal is always
based on free choice44.
In the process of formation of ethnic identity, depending on the
combination of various causes and conditions, several of its main types can be
formed. These types are distinguished on the basis of empirically verified
criteria and have persistent features and attributes.
Adequate identity. The image of its people is perceived as positive, the
corresponding attitude is shown to its history, culture, mentality. At the same
time, such a positive ethnic identity is not directed against to other peoples.
With an adequate identity, the need for identification with a given ethnic group
and the level of consolidation with it depends not only on the person himself,
but also on the situation. Therefore, there may be deviations from the "norm" in
the direction of its extinction or even denial 80% of representatives of different
nationalities refer themselves to the category of people for whom this type of
identity is most acceptable45.
Ethnocentric identity - accentuation of the individual to their own
ethnicity, its unconditional uncritical preference, perception of the life of other
peoples through the prism of culture, traditional attitudes and value orientations
of their ethnos. With such an identity there are elements of ethno-isolationism,
isolation. Ethnocentrism always implies the opposition of some-something
definite, then indefinite - "they." In this case, a clear distinction is made
between the concepts "we" and "them," and the attitudes, customs and behavior
that characterize "us" are uncritically regarded as unconditionally higher in
relation to "their" ethnic characteristics.

44
Сущность этнической идентичности，http://www.istmira.com/yetnologiya/1351--61-sushhnost-
yetnicheskoj-identichnosti.html, 2018/2/1
45
Социально-психологический уровень этнического самосознания. Типы этнической
идентичности, socioline.ru/_seminar/exams/ethno/09.php， 2018/2/8
25
 Ethno-dominant identity is a type of identity in which ethnicity is most
preferable to all other kinds of identity (civil, political, professional, etc.). In
this type of identity, ethnicity is perceived as an undoubtedly dominant value.
This identity is usually based on the notion of absolutizing the "ethnic", the
superiority of its ethnos and, as a consequence, is accompanied by
discriminatory attitudes towards other ethnic groups, the recognition of the
legitimacy of "ethnic cleansing", the desire not to mix with other ethnic groups.
Ethnic fanaticism - Ethnophanatism is a readiness to take any action in the
name of ethnic interests that are understood in any way, including ethnic
cleansing, denial of the right to use resources and social privileges to other
peoples, recognition of the priority of ethnic rights of people over human
rights, justification of any victims in struggle for the welfare of their people46.
Ethno-egoism, ethno-isolationism and ethnophanatism are stages of the
hyperbolization of ethnic identity, which means the emergence of
discriminatory forms of inter-ethnic relations. In interethnic interaction,
hyperidentity manifests itself in various forms of ethnic intolerance: from
irritation, arising as a reaction to the presence of members of other groups, to
upholding the policy of limiting their rights and opportunities, aggressive and
violent actions against another group and even genocide47.
Ethnic indifference is a type of identity that characterizes people who are
practically indifferent to the problem of their own ethnicity and interethnic
relations, the values of their own and other peoples. They are independent of
the norms and traditions of their own ethnic group, and their life deeds and
behavior in all spheres of activity are not affected not only by the ethnic
identity of others, but even by their own ethnicity48.

46
Г.У.Солдатова, С.В.Рыжова, ТИПЫ ЭТНИЧЕСКОЙ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТИ,
https://studopedia.org/13-5186.html, 2018/2/13
47
Г.У.Солдатова, С.В.Рыжова, ТИПЫ ЭТНИЧЕСКОЙ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТИ,
https://studopedia.org/13-5186.html, 2018/2/13
48
Типы этнической идентичности, arheologija.ru/tipyi-etnicheskoy-identichnosti/, 2018/2/13
26
 Ethnonihilism is one of the forms of hypoidentity, which is a departure
from one's own ethnic group and the search for stable socio-psychological
niches not according to ethnic criteria.
Ambivalent ethnicity is a weakly expressed ethnic identity, or a "double"
identity. This type of ethnic identity is common in an ethnically mixed family
and among immigrants. For such people, ethnic identity is an "internal
referendum".
These types of ethnic identity are very conditional. In real life, it is often
not easy to distinguish one kind of identity from another. In addition, it must be
borne in mind that throughout life a person can be committed to one ethnic
identity, then the other. In addition, there are more types and types of identities.

1.3 Gagauz national movements during XX - early XXI centuries - the

research of the theoretic an historical literature

National movement - mass movement among the ethnic group to achieve

its interests: economic, political or linguistic-cultural. Depending on the
specific conditions in which the national movement develops, their goals,
programs and social base, they can be either progressive or reactionary.
In principle, the national character of political movements, their orientation
primarily to the satisfaction of ethnic interests does not fully correspond to the
tasks of the struggle for social progress, since the criteria of the latter should
first of all recognize universal values, ensuring the equality of people of all
nationalities in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
adopted by the United Nations. In addition, the slogan of the priority of ethnic
interests, often put forward by the leaders of the national movement, requires a
critical assessment and in terms of the development needs of the ethnic groups
themselves.

27
 Any ethnos represents an internally heterogeneous social community, and
the interests of its constituent socio-class and other groups do not completely
coincide. Should distinguish also the objective needs of the ethnos, whose
satisfaction is ensured by its reproduction and development, from ethnic quasi-
interests, which are expressed in claims to privileges for one's ethnicity at the
expense of other ethnos’s, in the ideology of nationalism and chauvinism49.
Since at the beginning of their settling in Bessarabia, Trans-Danubio
colonists mobilized to defend their rights and privileges which, received from
Tsarist authorities, but which were often violated by local authorities.
In this way, they repeatedly wrote petitions to Tsar to protect them from the
abuses by the local nobility who levied taxes on the use of their land. After all,
their demands were satisfied, because the tsarism was afraid that if they did not
give them required privileges or would violate them, then the colonists would
flee back to Bulgaria and will present Russian Empire in an unfavorable light
to Balkans people, or this would harm policy expansion of the Russian Empire
in the region.
The Gagauz also mobilized when in their parishes were sent priests from
other ethnic groups and who did not know the local language and traditions.
Since 1905, especially since 1917-1918, the number of petitions from rural
societies has increased significantly, the main content of which was the desire
to ensure a full spiritual development by appointing "their" priests who speak
their language in their parishes. Often the Gagauz priests themselves asked for
Gagauz parishes. (Similar requests for appointment to Bulgarian parishes came
from the Bulgarian priests)50.
But the most significant mobilization of the Gagauz people at the
beginning of the XX century was Comrat insurrection, 6th of January 1906,
which culminated with the proclamation of the Comrat Republic.

49
НАЦИОНАЛЬНОЕ ДВИЖЕНИЕ, voluntary.ru/termin/nacionalnoe-dvizhenie.html, 2018/2/13
50
НА РМ, ф. 208, оп. 3, д. 4963, л. 6, 10,13,15,17,23,24, 26,28,30 и др.
28
 This rebellion was the result of the events started in extreme orient where
Russian army was surrendered to Japanese armies, then under the influence of
the Moscow armed insurrection, then the peasant movement in Bessarabia and
neighboring provinces of Ukraine, in Comrat district began the ferment among
the peasants. Finally, the center of the revolutionary movement stood Comrat
with its more than 10,000 inhabitants51.
The peasants began to protest against the slavery contracts of renting land
with the landowners, expelled from the villages the buyers who bought up the
wine of the future harvest for a very low price, taking advantage of the fact that
the wine growers were in a desperate situation.
Poverty-poor people refused to pay state and zemstvo taxes. The commotion
began. The peasants rose against the gendarmes and landlords. The landowners'
estates were flamed. Everywhere in the villages appeared punitive detachments
and mounted guards. The property of the Bessarabian landowners was guarded
by dragoons. But even this could not stop the peasants. They captured the
monastery and estates lands.
Organizer of the Comrat Uprising became Andrey Galatsan 52, the student
of the Kharkov Institute of Technology.
Andrei Galatzan, created an underground organization in the Gagauz
village of Comrat, Bendery Uyezd, which started agitating, urging the Gagauz
peasants to rally for their rights.
Were printed and distributed proclamations to seize land. Galatsan enjoyed
great authority among his countrymen. At the rallies he held in Comrat, he
called for the overthrow of the autocracy. The authorities arrested Galatsan. His
arrest was the last straw, overwhelming the patience of the Comrat peasants.
Meeting on January 6, 1906 at a rally, the insurgents arrested representatives of
the rural and volost administration, and all the power was transferred to the
hands of the elected Committee. This Committee declared the Comrat Volost

51
Юрий Григорьевич Иванов, А. М Лисецкий, Революционное движение в Молдавии: с 1895 по
февраль 1917, Штиинца, 1980, .136
52
Степан Булгар, История и культура гагаузов: очерки, Pontos, 2006, p. 273
29
of the Gagauz Republic, decided to abolish all the taxes, confiscate the landed
estates and redistribute it among the peasants 53. To rule the village was elected
the Council headed by Galatsan, liberated by the insurgents.
Vice-governor with two squadrons of dragoons left to suppress the Comrat
uprising. Upon learning of this, the citizens of Comrat began to prepare for an
armed rebuff. On the roads leading to Comrat, barricades were built. But the
dragoons, bypassing the barricades, entered the village. On January 14 the
villagers were gathered on the square and kneeled, surrounded by a dense ring
of dragoons with naked sabers 54. The committee was arrested, along with the
leader of the uprising, Andrei Galatsan, were imprisoned and sent to penal
servitude.
The Comrat republic lasted only six days, but despite the fact that the
insurrection was suppressed, it became for the people of Gagauzia a symbol of
freedom and push for national movements later.
Gagauz national movement from the end of the 80's and beginning of
the 90's. XX century
At the end of the 80's, in the 20th century, the garbachovist perestroika
awaited Soviet Moldova, which until then was a quiet land on the edge of the
empire.
The streets and the square of Chisinau were filled with people who were
discussing the national pride of the Moldovans, the fate of the people and the
mother tongue. Then the provincial elite decided to separate apart from
Moscow and create an independent state.
But the fever of sovereignty also comprised and the southern inhabitants of
Budjak region, at Comrat, the center of the region, thousands of people
gathered together to establish the Gagauz Republic.

53
Михаил Николаевич Губогло, Русский язык в этнополитической истории гагаузов: (вторая
половина ХХ века), Центр по изучению межнациональных отношений (Российская академия
наук), Комратский государственный университет, Старый сад, 2004, p. 371.
54
Аркадий Лаврович Сидоров, Исторические записки, Академии наук СССР, 1954, p. 212
30
 Then many of the former USSR people and even Moldovans learned about
the existence of this people.
Because during the Soviet period the southern was relative ignored, and the
representatives of the Gagauz ethnic group were not part of the structures of the
then power.
Making Romanian the state language and changing from the Cyrillic to the
Latin script were the key issues of the national movement in 1988 and 1989.
The question of alphabet was especially symbolic and was used by nationalists
to provide an example of Russian cultural dominance55.
Thus, to repaired a historical injustice, but unfortunately angered the
Russian-speaking minority population of the republic, who feel they are losing
their privileges.
To gain popular support, Gagauz elites also connected the plight to the
controversy in Moldova over a state language56. The language law and possible
reunification with Romania were powerful campaign tools for the Gagauz
cause57. In one way, Gagauz elites supported the Moldovans’ concerns about
the lack of language development. This was the same argument that the Gagauz
had used for their own endangered language58.
At the same time, the Gagauz elites used the Moldovan language issue to
excite and possibly incite support for autonomy. In the field of education, state-
run businesses, and government structures, the Gagauz were concerned about
being forced to learn Moldovan. In 1989, only 4 % of Gagauz reported a fluent
knowledge of Moldovan, the lowest of any ethnic group in Moldova. In
contrast, a higher percentage of Gagauz considered themselves fluent in
Russian as a second language more than any other non-Russian ethnic group in

55
JEFFREY CHINN, The Politics of Language in Moldova, University of Missouri, Columbia, p. 310
56
John A. Webster, Parliamentary Majorities and National Minorities: Moldova’s Accomodation of the
Gagauz, University of Oxford, 2007, p. 52
57
The Gagauz Halkı reinforced widespread reservations about Romania by sponsoring a mass
memorial service to remember the victims of Romania’s dictator, Nicolae Ceausescu. See Bulgar
Archives, Na Plashchadi Pobedy Sostoitsia Miting I Panikhida [Sign Announcing Public Meeting],
Comrat, 27 December 1989c.
58
Sovetskaya Moldaviya, "Radi Podlinnogo Ravnopraviia!," 25 December 1988a.
31
Moldova59. Consequently, any attempt to require the use of Moldovan at the
expense of Russian would have a greater impact on the Gagauz than any other
nationality in Moldova. The Gagauz elite effectively used the Moldovan
language controversy to promote their own agenda60.
In the late 80's and early 90-ies of XX century the process of national
revival among young Gagauz intelligentsia is proceeded more rapidly than
Moldovan, because Gagauz had more than decades unsolved socio-economic
and cultural problems.
In Gagauz-Bulgarian districts central authorities allocated insufficient
funds. Especially painful Gagauz perceived the injustice in training staff with
higher education and the promotion their promotion to high government
positions. This led in fact that for many years in the country, Gagauz had not
intelligentsia. This mean politically nobody represented and defended their
interests in comparison with other nations.
They did not know much about their own history and in «The history of
the Moldavian SSR", an encyclopedic reference book "Moldavian Soviet
Socialist Republic" and "Essays on the History of the Communist Party of
Moldova", there are not mention about the history of the Gagauz people61.
There were a slow but inevitable process of destruction of Gagauz
ethnogeny too62. Because, assimilation and Russification policy also reflected
toward Gagauz population, after statistics if in 1979, 96 percent of Moldavian
SSR Gagauz called Gagauz as their native language, then in 1989, from 153
thousand Moldovan Gagauz there was 91 percent63.

59
King, The Moldovans: Romania, Russia, and the Politics of Culture, 212-13.
60
John A. Webster, Parliamentary Majorities and National Minorities: Moldova’s Accomodation of the
Gagauz, University of Oxford, 2007, p. 53
61
Федор Ангели, Гагаузская автономия. Люди и факты (1989-2005 гг.) Год: 2006, p.13
62
Федор Ангели, Гагаузская автономия. Люди и факты (1989-2005 гг.) Год: 2006, p.12
63
Федор Ангели, Гагаузская автономия. Люди и факты (1989-2005 гг.) Год: 2006, p.55
32
 Gagauz language also was in poor state, because from the lack of
publications, theatre and broadcasting and the lack of Gagauz students in
higher education64.
For decades the state openly ignored the development of the Gagauz
culture, had not developed their literature, conducted ethnographic studies, or
introduced Gagauz language courses in schools65.
Gagauz elite took notice that the Soviet Union had done very little to
preserve and foster Gagauz culture and considered themselves the vanguard of
the people and their culture66. So, the focus of the third meeting of the Gagauz
intelligentsia club, held in Beshalma village at Cultural house, and dedicated to
the 55th anniversary of the Gagauz writer D. Kara-Choban, where emphasized
the acute problems of Gagauz language and culture, the writing and studying of
Gagauz history67, an active Gagauz activist, Marunevich M. expressed her
concern for the fragile nature of Gagauz culture, language, and history and
explained that the mission of the discussion club was to raise awareness of the
need for protection68.
Economically the region was also underdeveloped due to state policies
which took Gagauz products like grapes and tobacco to other regions for
processing and profit.
The Gagauz suffered greatly because of the central planning policy and
redistribution of resources and raw materials. Enormous damage caused by the
implementation of the law "Anti-Alcohol" in 1985. From 240 000 hectares of

64
SovetskayaMoldaviya, "RadiPodlinnogoRavnopraviia!." A similar comparison between the Popular
Front and the Gagauz was made by a local journalist the following year. See Sovetskaya Moldaviya,
"Chto Za Lozungami? Zamenki S Mitinga Narodnogo Fronta," 11 October 1989a.
65
John A. Webster, pag. 44
66
John A. Webster, pag. 44-45
67
Федор Ангели, Гагаузская автономия. Люди и факты (1989-2005 гг.) Год: 2006, p.17
68
Comrat Museum, Diskussionnyi Klub. Kakim Emu Byt'? [Copy of Newspaper Article], Marunevich,
M.B., 13, October 1988a.
33
vineyards, 80 000 were cleared69. Because, southern agriculture, specializing in
viticulture, being strongly affected by this policy.
Existed discriminations less known public opinion, as for example,
organizing "fight against nicotine", when the central government began its
campaign against not smoking, but tobacco production. As a result, the areas
planted with tobacco in some households in southern republic were reduced
twice, which undoubtedly has a negative impact on their economy70.
So, like as Moldovan nationalists from Chisinau, Gagauz intelligentsia
started to create their own social-politic organizations as: “Gagauz-Halkı”,
"Vatana» and «Birlik"71.
The creation of "Gagauz-Halky" movement and other civic movements in
the south of Moldova were perceived very painful in Chisinau. Central
authorities saw the intervention of outside country forces or the pride and eager
actions from the local intellectuals willing to get the power. But this
phenomenon has also deep economic, social and cultural prerequisites72.
However, discussion club "Gagauz Halki", as well as the People's Front of
Moldova, gradually began to take more and more political form.
Gagauz elite were conditioned to seek a form of territorial autonomy,
they also argued that other solutions had already been tried and had failed. For
example, the Soviet Union had granted the Gagauz a form of cultural autonomy
from 1957-1961. But the Gagauz not believe in cultural autonomy because it
did not prove valuable in practice73.

69
Alexei Tulbure, Gagauzii in Republica Moldova,
http://altera.adatbank.transindex.ro/pdf/3/010Gagauzi%20in%20Republica%20Mold.pdf,2017/12/13,
pag. 119
70
Alexei Tulbure, Gagauzii in Republica Moldova,
http://altera.adatbank.transindex.ro/pdf/3/010Gagauzi%20in%20Republica%20Mold.pdf, pag. 119
71
Федор Ангели, Гагаузская автономия. Люди и факты (1989-2005 гг.) Год: 2006, p. 24
72
Alexei Tulbure, Gagauzii in Republica Moldova Gagauz Yeri,
http://altera.adatbank.transindex.ro/pdf/3/010Gagauzi%20in%20Republica%20Mold.pdf, pag. 119,
accessed 16.09.2015.
73
FBIS, "The Gagauz Question?," Sovetskaya Moldaviya, (1 November 1989), translated in FBIS
Daily Report, 1989a.
34
 Within the Soviet Union, the Gagauz were comparable in size to other
groups who enjoyed territorial autonomy in the form of autonomous republics,
oblasts, or okrugs74.
Gagauz population were larger than ten other Soviet nationalities which
had an autonomous republic, oblast, or okrug designated for their nationality.
The Gagauz also made up half of the total population within the five rayons’ in
southern Moldova, which represented nearly 70% of the total Gagauz
nationality in the Soviet Union. Predictably early Gagauz nationalists compared
the Gagauz to groups on this list and complained that “the Gagauz are the only
nation in the Soviet Union with a population of around 200 thousand which
lives compactly in a single territory and has not to date enjoyed autonomy”75.
With the liberalization of public debate, the Gagauz pressed to
understand why they were unique in their status of having no form of territorial
autonomy. Gagauz elite familiarity with this form of minority rights protection
influenced why the Gagauz chose the particular solution of territorial autonomy
among the wider range of protections76.
In January 1989, the Gagauz-Halkı start a petition for the creation of a
Gagauz-Bulgarian Soviet Socialist Republic77, which was rejected by
Moldovan’s new Party leaders rejected a national-territorial structure and
advocated instead a form of minority rights protection with limited cultural
autonomy.
Moldovan arguments were that: the Gagauz - are the national group, not
an integral nation; Modern Gagauz, like their ancestors, have not their historic
homeland; In Moldova, there is no threat to the existence of their ethnicity and
identity as there is no discrimination of the Gagauz Law on the use of
languages in Moldova (1989) provides Gagauz language equal rights with the
Moldovan, Russian, Bulgarian language; Gagauz not "pull" on the nation, and,
74
John A. Webster, pag. 41
75
This from a pamphlet written by Gagauz nationalist, Leonid Dobrov, in 1985. See translation in
Demirdirek, "(Re)Making of a Place and Nation: Gagauzia in Moldova" 166.
76
Kolstø, "Territorial Autonomy as a Minority Rights Regime in Post-Communist Societies," 205.
77
Comrat Museum, Khalk [Newsletter of Gagauz Halkı], Comrat, January 1989b
35
consequently, to autonomy, because they do not have a centuries-long
development of writing; The creation of the Gagauz autonomy will lead them
to isolation from Moldovans and other Moldovan peoples78.
Without the support of the Chisinau authorities, Gagauz decided to go
and seek autonomy direct from Moscow, but without success.
Therefore, Gagauz disagreed only with a cultural autonomy, so on 12
November 1989, Gagauz leaders created an unconstitutional so-called Gagauz
Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic (ASSR) within the Moldavian SSR79.

Their main reasons are ： Only the creation of a proper national-

territorial autonomy could be the legal guarantees in the revival of this small
nation; only the political and national legal self-determination can halt the
disappearance of the Gagauz people and their spiritual culture.
At the first democratic parliamentary elections in the history of MSSR80,
out of 370 seats, Gagauz received 12 seats81. They used parliament tribune to
request autonomy for Gagauz.
Moldovan parliament rejected Gagauz autonomy, seeing it as a threat to
Moldovan state unity, then at 19 August 1990, in Comrat were proclaimed the
creation of the Republic of Gagauz within the USSR82.
The “Declaration on the Freedom and Independence of the Gagauz People
from the Republic of Moldova” and the intention to begin building their own
institutions to form an independent republic. Showed that the Gagauz were

78
Федор Ангели, Гагаузская автономия. Люди и факты (1989-2005 гг.)2006, Кишинев p.82
79
Izvestiya, "Gaguzskii Vopros," 15 November 1989a; PARM, Zaiavlenie, signed by Mikhail V.
Kendighelean and A.D. Novak, Comrat, 3 December 1989p.
80
Was held during February-March 1990.
81
Alekseĭ Georgievich Arbatov, Managing Conflict in the Former Soviet Union: Russian and American
Perspectives, 1997, p. 161, https://books.google.ru/books?
id=ArKtx7XsMHAC&pg=PA160&lpg=PA160&dq=1990+12+Gagauz+deputies&source=bl&ots=a2h
Z5qMki6&sig=Bp_0sGDdRcoI4nE1GF-jCM-
mDJ4&hl=ru&sa=X&ved=0CCkQ6AEwAmoVChMIx7Dy79nfyAIVUc1jCh1uKAcH#v=onepage&q
=1990%2012%20Gagauz%20deputies&f=false,
82
Pravda, "Co Vsemi Vytekaiushchimi..." 22 August 1990a; Sovetskaya Moldaviya, "Postanovlenie
Prezidiuma Verkhovnogo Soveta O Resheniiakh "Pervogo S''Ezda" Narodnykh Deputatov Vsekh
Urovnei Ot Territorii Kompaktnogo Prozhivaniia Gaguzskogo Naseleniia," 22 August 1990d.
36
determined to establish legitimate political institutions. The next step was the
organization of elections for a Gagauz Supreme Soviet83.
These and other decisions of the Congress were rejected by the MSSR
Presidium of the Supreme Soviet.
Chisinau authorities tried at all costs to prevent the elections for the
Supreme Soviet of the Republic of Gagauzia October 28, 1990 84, engaging and
power structures, the peak was organization by Mircea Druc the "expedition of
justice" formed from pro-unionist voluntary. The incursion of Moldovan
volunteer nationalists, numbering somewhere around 40,000, forced the
Gagauz to choose to act or abandon their plans. This expedition could have
ended in sizable bloodshed85.
The slaughter was avoided because of the intervention from Soviet forces of
the 98th Airborne Division of the USSR Army, which were stationed in
Bolgrad, Ukraine, forty miles south of Comrat. There also came several
hundred-armed volunteers from Transnistria.
With Russian supports Gagauz had refused to be intimidated by the
Moldovan volunteers and became even more resolved to implement their plans
for a Gagauz Republic. Out of fear that the region would be attacked, elections
for a Gagauz Supreme Soviet were moved forward and began on 25 October86.
Gagauz counted the votes and held their first session of the newly elected
legislature of the Gagauz republic on 30 October. Deputies chose Stepan Topal
as the chairman of the Gagauz Supreme Soviet, then invoked a moratorium on
activities in order to allow for further negotiations with the authorities in
Chişinău87.

83
John A. Webster, pag. 68-69
84
Федор Ангели, Гагаузская автономия. Люди и факты (1989-2005 гг.)2006, Кишинев p.86
85
John A. Webster, pag. 71
86
TASS, "Gagauz Leader Calls for Calm," (25 October 1990), reprinted in FBIS Daily Report, FBIS
SOV-90-207, 25 October 1990c.
87
FBIS, "Crisis Situation in Gagauz Republic Continues," Komsomolskaya Pravda, (1 November
1990), translated in FBIS Daily Report, FBIS-SOV-90-217, 8 November 1990d; Pravda, "Truden
Kazhdyi Shag," 1 November 1990b.
37
 After a month of unsuccessful negotiations, the Gagauz held another
session of the Gagauz Supreme Soviet on 10 December where they adopted a
declaration on the sovereignty and principles of the new republic within the
Soviet Union88. Topal as the Supreme Soviet chairman acted on behalf of the
new GASSR. After the declaration of sovereignty by the ‘Gagauz Republic’ in
December 1990, Gagauz demands remained unchanged. These demands
included the following main points:
(1) recognition of the Gagauz as a nation;
(2) the designation of a territorially defined autonomous region;
(3) a popularly elected legislative body;
(4) authority over cultural development with control over political,
economic, and education policy; and
(5) a right of the Gagauz to self-determination irrespective of Moldova’s
future status.
For the Gagauz, the best alternative to meet these objectives was still a
form of territorial autonomy89.
Gagauz leaders initially attempted to obtain autonomy using the
legislative process. This path was blocked by the Moldovan parliament’s
rejection of a Gagauz Autonomous Republic. The Gagauz then chose a
different path and acted unilaterally to create their own republic within the
Soviet Union.
Each side had expected the other to back down. When neither did,
Gorbachev as president of the Soviet Union attempted to resolve the dispute. In
principle, Gorbachev sided with the Moldovans. He urged the integrity of the
Moldovan republic be maintained and that the “separatists” be restrained90.

88
ITAR-TASS, "Moldovan Interior Minister on Troop Withdrawal," (11 December 1990), reprinted in
FBIS Daily Report, FBIS-SOV-90-239, 12 December 1990b.
89
John A. Webster, pag. 71
90
FBIS, "Crisis Situation in Gagauz Republic Continues," Vremya, Moscow Television Service, (2
November 1990), transcribed and published in FBIS Daily Report, FBIS-SOV-90-214, 5 November
1990e. The Transnistrian Republic had been declared by this time so both Tranistrians and Gagauz
were considered separatists.
38
 The ethnic identity of the Gagauz (at the turn of XX - XX1c.). Despite
that the Gagauz settled in Bessarabia at the end of the 18th and the beginning
of the 19th century under the general name of Bulgarian settlers, they settled
separately from these and formed communities according to the ethnic criteria.
The main feature of the Gagauz identity is its complex structure of
formation and the constant struggle for conservation, undergoing different
modifications until present.
The basic component of the Gagauz identity is the language that is
currently used in the media and everyday life (shops, printed products) etc.,
however the Gagauz language is in danger of extinction due to the long
russification process and the assimilation of the Gagauz during the Soviet
period, another factor is the massive migration of the Gagauz youths across the
country in search of work and a better living.
The autonomous political status as expressed in the form of state symbols
on public buildings and the veneration of the "Gagauz movement" is also a
strong feature of Gagauz identity.
In addition to the basic components of the Gagauzian identity, Russian
language plays an important role today, because in Gagauz Yeri all documents
are made in Russian, less in Romanian or Gagauz language. During 20th
century, was build a national Gagauz bilingual identity. In the church the
situation is the same, all the divine services in the Orthodox churches of
Gagauzia are conducted in Russian, and the Gagauz religion plays an important
role in national consciousness (ideological function and ceremonial
observance)91.
Turkic component, associated with Gagauz belonging to the Turkic
peoples' group, is expressed in the search for its history and roots. Since at the

91
М .И. Тисленко, ГАГАУЗЫ НА РАСПУТЬЕ: НАЦИОНАЛЬНАЯ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТЬ КАК
ДЕТЕРМИНАНТ ГЕОПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО ВЫБОРА, https://cyberleninka.ru/article/n/gagauzy-na-
rasputie-natsionalnaya-identichnost-kak-determinant-geopoliticheskogo-vybora, 2018/2/13
39
beginning of the Gagauz movement, Turkey has supported the Gagauz both
morally and financially.
Therefore, the Gagauz identity is a complex one, where a combination of
different elements, such as Gagauz and Russian, is observed. The gulf-
inhabited territory is quite heterogeneous. These are the consequences of the
past colonization policy of the tsarist Empire in Bessarabia, which were lead
after the maximum "Devide Et Impera ".
Gagauz in the present day identified themselves especially with Russian
world, considering their own, while the Moldovan or Bulgarian neighbors with
whom they settled together could consider them "others". The dualist identity is
the characterization of the Gagauz people from the past, when they identified
themselves with the Greeks or the Bulgarians, even nowadays Gagauz migrant
workers in Russia or in other countries, when they are asked who they are and
where they come from? They say that from Moldova, unwilling mentioning
that they are Gagauz92.
The model of the Gagauz identity is inherently constructive and
presupposes the maintenance of an atmosphere of multi-ethnicity and
multiculturalism in the Moldovan republic. Its discourse has never been
discriminatory in relation to any ethnic group in the territory of modern
Moldova93.

1.4 The historical context of establishing the Gagauz on the present

territory of the Republic of Moldova

Due to the vertiginous historical pas of Moldavian state, at the present

stage, on it's territory settled with livelihood, along with Moldovans together,
and the representatives of different ethnic groups. One of them is Gagauz,

92
Субботина Ирина, Гагаузы: трансформации миграционного поведения (вторая половина ХХ
— начало ХХI вв.), old.iea.ras.ru/autorefs/2009/Subbotina-27.01.2009.pdf, 2018/2/13
93
М .И. Тисленко, ГАГАУЗЫ НА РАСПУТЬЕ: НАЦИОНАЛЬНАЯ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТЬ КАК
ДЕТЕРМИНАНТ ГЕОПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО ВЫБОРА, https://cyberleninka.ru/article/n/gagauzy-na-
rasputie-natsionalnaya-identichnost-kak-determinant-geopoliticheskogo-vybora, 2018/2/13
40
which inhabited the territory of Bessarabia at the beginning of the 19th century,
from the decision of the Russian imperial authorities. Thus, for more than two
centuries this ethnic group is inhabiting the territory of southern Bessarabia.
Today, the Gagauz minority in Republic of Moldova has territorial autonomy.
This autonomy was attributed by the "Law of the Republic of Moldova on the
Special Legal Status of Gagauzia" adopted by Parliament on 23 December
1994 and entered into force on 1 January 1996. Since July 1995, Gagauzia is
governed by a governor (bashkan), has its own parliament (the People's
Assembly), and since 1998 it has its own constitution, actually, has its own
governing bodies. Although, A.T.U. Gagauzia remains a component part of the
Republic of Moldova, however, its population segment represents a special
category of population, taking into account their ethnic, political, and cultural
interests.
The ethnic structure of any country with important minority groups, as well
as the attempts to assess the relations between the population and the
minorities, have always been considered a difficult and delicate problem,
because "the matter is moving", considering that the legal status of national
minorities is in constant elaboration and improvement. The Gagauz, due to the
special status they have acquired on the territory of the Republic of Moldova,
the compact territory they live in, the historical and political context of popular
territory of our state, presents a vast scientific research interest. Studying the
socio-political aspects of the Gagauz in Moldova, is appropriate and necessary
analysis and some problems related to the ethnic origin as well as the socio-
political context of their establishment in the Moldovan state.
The history of the Gagauz is related to the period of great migrations. Since
10th Century, from Middle Asian start come Turkic tribes of Pechinegs, Oghuz
and Cuman, reaching the Balkan Peninsula and the current territory of
Dobrudja. Thus, on these new lands in this part of East Europe, has occurred
the ethnogenesis of Gagauz people. Historians recall the existence of a "Oguz

41
country" during 14th and 15th centuries in Balkans, which are considered
ancestors of today's Gagauz. The migration of the Gagauz from Balkans and
Dobrudja to Bessarabia start at the end of the 18th century and the middle of
the 19th century. Untill 19th century Gagauz lived mostly on the west- Black
Sea shore in Varna-Shabla, and in a smaller number, in the southern part of
Moldavia between the Prut and Dniester. Their presence in the north of Danube
in Bessarabia is, are relatively recent date, their settlement here is the result of
colonization organized by Russian Empire in the first half of 19th century
following the occupation (1806) and then annexation of the territory between
Prut and Dniester of Moldavian Principality (1812).
They settled in the villages of southern Bessarabia, dealing with cattle
breeding. Tsarist Russia, which, since 1812 year, occupied these lands, granted
to the newcomers, Gagauz, tax and military service exemptions, which created
the conditions for the development of these localities and population growth.
After 1918 year Bessarabia became part of royal Romania, then USSR
occupied it back. At the end of the 1980s, on the wave of events that occurred
in the Soviet Union (Perestroika and Glasnosti) in the south of the Republic of
Moldova began a popular movement for the realization of the administrative-
territorial autonomy of Gagauz. The process continued until 1994 year, when
on December 27th, the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova adopted the
Law on the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia.
The 9th-13th centuries are the stage of the formation of the ethnos
interrupted by the invasion of the Tatar-Mongols in the North-Pontic steppes
and, as a result, the withdrawal of the native nations in the Balkans. As a
Gagauz people, they formed in the north-eastern part of the Balkan Peninsula,
on the territory of Dobrogea. This is where the process of their transition to the
sedentary life and their Christianization has ended, which has begun since the
contacts with Kiev Russia. The 13th-17th centuries - the Balkan period of the
Gagauz ethnos, which in turn was also violently interrupted, but this time by

42
the South-Turkish Venetians who, despite their common Turkish origin,
perceived Gagauz-Christians as enemies of another faith.
The 9th-13th centuries are the stage of the formation of the ethnos, but
were interrupted by the Tatar-Mongols invasion of the North-Pontic steppes.
Gagauz people, mainly formed in the north-eastern part of the Balkan
Peninsula, on the territory of Dobruja. This is the place where the process of
their transition to sedentary life and their Christianization has ended. The 13th-
17th centuries - the Balkan period of the Gagauz ethnos, which was also
violently interrupted, but this time by South-Osman Turks newcomers who,
despite their common Turkic origin, perceived Gagauz-Christians as enemies
of another faith.94
At the end of 16th century Ottoman domination in Bulgaria start to worsen.
Many inhabitants left these territories and sought asylum in the territories
between Prut and the Dniester rivers. The number of refugees across the
Danube increased significantly during 18th century. This is explained by the
frequent Russian-Turkish wars. At the beginning, they lived on they lived on
boyars land and villages, but gradually the colonists began to settle on the free
lands in the area of Budjak. Exactly during these years appeared the first
Bulgarian-Gagauz localities: Caragaci, Cubei, Enichioi, Vulcanesti, Ciesia,
Tabachi, Ceadir-Lunga, Comrat, Satalic-Hadji.95 By the 50s of 19tn Century,
the Bulgarian-Gagauz population in the country constituted about 60,000
people.
Russian government allowed the Bulgarians and the Gagauz to colonize the
deserted lands, aiming at the economic valorization of the southern regions of
Bessarabia. Bulgarians and Gagauz were in special conditions towards other
regions of Russian Empire.They had the opportunity to develop the capitalist
forms of household management - as the basis were prosperous rural mansions.

94
Dron I.V., Curoglo I.V. Toponomia şi antroponomia contemporană a găgăuzilor. Chişinău, 1989
95
Tulbure A., Moşneaga V. Gagauz-Yeri – istoria şi practica. // Statul naţional şi societatea polietnică:
Moldova în anii ’90. Materialele I simpozion moldo-german, (Chişinău, 13-18 octombrie 1996). -
Chişinău 1997
43
During the 80s of 19tn, Bessarabian regions came out on the first place among
the southern Russian gubernias specialized in agriculture commerce 96. This
situation of relative economic prosperity of the region could not also determine
the social situation of the population. According to the 1897 year census,
Gagauz were some of the most illiterate from all the peoples who lived in the
Bessarabian gubernia. The education process was conducted in Russian
language.
The capitalist household also provided a fairly perfect form of
administration for this land. Here, in the first half of the 19tn century, is
practicing self-administration at different levels. When Peterburg
administration and the local provincial level administration tried to limit local
empowerment, centralize administration, it immediately provoked a resistance
from the population. For example, the rebellion in Comrat and the nearby
villages at January 6th, 1906 year. The peasants then arrested the
representatives of the local power and chose a committee for the administration
of the village and of the whole region. The Committee canceled all taxes,
stopped recruitment, and began landing the land. Only with the application of
the military force the revolt could be stopped.
As a result.- Under the sign of the dispute between the two empires,
Russian and Ottoman, a part of Gagauz population was displaced and colonized
by the Tsarist generals across the Danube. With the inhabitants of Bessarabia
have always coexisted peacefully. The colonization operation was done with
the obvious purpose of changing the ethnic aspect of Bessarabia, by planting
colonists of other ethnicity, especially Gagauz and Bulgarians. Regarding
retrospectively, the resettlement was a blow to the Gagauz ethno-ligistic unity,
which facilitated, to the south and north of the Danube, the denationalization of
a large number of them.

96
Meseriuc I.I. Dezvoltarea social-economică a satelor bulgare şi găgăuze în Basarabia Sudică (1808-
1856). – Chişinău, 1971
44
 Elements of rusophobia could not appear in the South of Moldova because,
until recently, the Gagauz aspirations were related to Russia under any
circumstances. This is not because of an "inherent" sympathy with the
Russians, but because of the historical memory of the ancestors' welfare on
these lands during the Russian Empire's existence (this phenomenon can also
be traced to the Germans on the Volga, the Dungans in Kazakhstan and so on ).
Living habits accumulated in the past can be manifested both in the form of
"comparative suffering" and in the form of revitalization of social constructions
that allowed the prosperity of ancestors and, above all, ideas of self-defense
and self-regulation.
During Soviet times the domination of the administrative command system
brought the Gagauz ethnos to a deplorable state by depriving the people to
determine their fate on its ethnic territory economically and ecologically,
determined by the inability to use the results of their work, the loss of the
secular agricultural traditions of many habit and ancestral traditions. These
aspects have affected the process of civic, moral and entrepreneurial training
for the new generations of Gagauz.
The Gagauz have lived with the natives population in peace and good
understanding for two hundred years, but with the aspirations of the Republic
of Moldova during the collapse of the USSR to assert itself as an independent
state, as well as the persistent attempts to get out of control from Soviet
metropolis , caused the dissatisfaction of the former empire's center, which,
reacting to the events that took place in the republic, contributed to create
situations that generate problems and internal conflicts.97
So, in 1990, a conflict in which the Gagauz population was trained, placed
preponderantly and relatively compact in the settlements in the southern
districts of the Republic of Moldova. In that territory certain groups were

97
Raportul asupra situaţiei din Repulcii Moldova privind persoanele refugiate, solicitanţii la azil,
apatrizii, persoanele strămutate forţat şi intern deplasate, aflate illegal pe teritoriul statului şi al căror
statut nu este determinat, aprobat de Comisia juridică, pentru numiri şi imunităţi a Parlamentului prin
Hotărîrea Curţii de Justiţie nr.199 din 23 martie 1999
45
formed who have submitted requirements for territorial autonomy and aimed
the purpose of federalization of the republic, clearly unacceptable requirements
for the Republic of Moldova. On the territory of former districts Vulcanesti,
Comrat and Ciadir-Lunga (located in the south of the republic), was crated
98
popular movement Gagauz-halky which organizes and promotes activities
whereby:
- the constitutional and state laws were violated; the Soviet decisions were
disregarded; were propagated anti-state gatherings and ideas at various
congresses organized for this purpose; so much national discord and strife;
people were instigated to break the laws. Thus, were attracted in a dangerous
confrontation, big number of the population, both among the inhabitants of the
southern area and from the areas populated compact by Gagauz, which
adopted a number of illegal decisions regarding:99
- forming the Gagauz republic and establishing its borders;
- the constitution of anticonstitutional organs of power and administration;
- suspending the actions of the law of the Republic of Moldova;
- creation of armed formations, as well as other decisions aimed at the
change of the state system through violence.
As a response to what happened and in order to prevent interethnic clashes,
to eliminate the danger of mass disorder, to defend the security and life of
citizens, the necessary measures were taken to ensure the rule of law. By the
Decision of the Supreme Soviet No.325-XII of October 26, 1990, the
exceptional state was decreed and special forms of administration were
introduced. As a result, the separatist forces opposed resistance, which led to a
tense situation in the southern districts of the republic. In order to put pressure

98
Mişcarea popularа Gagauz-halcî a fost înregistrată prin Hotărîrea nr.255 a Consiluiului nr.285 din 22
august 1990. Inregistrarea a fost anulata din cauza subminării orînduirii de stat şi orînduirii de stat şi
obşteşti din republicа şi a pereclitării integrităţii ei teritoriale. Dizolvarea a avut loc după două zile de
la desfăşurarea aşa-numitului Congres I al deputaţilor de toate nuvelurile din localităţile compact
populate de găgăuzi.
99
Creangă I. Curs de drept administrativ. Administraţia publică locală, vol.II, - Chişinău: Epigraf, 2005
46
on the separatists, legal authorities in Chisinau undertook a march of volunteers
in the immediate vicinity of the area.
Supporting the actions of the political forces in the south of the republic,
Moscow used all methods, including coercion and intimidation, thus
demonstrating its strength by introducing on the territory of the Republic of
Moldova some armed forces of Russia (USSR). Thus, the Kremlin leadership
ordered the deployment of the Soviet military troops in this territory (in the
southern districts, were deployed Russian units of paratroopers in Bolgrad
town from Ukraine), motivating their actions by the need to defend the Gagauz
population from natives. Although have been made some political and
diplomatic efforts to stop the triggered conflict (which would turn into a
military conflict with unpredictable consequences), and to prevent the
emergence of other outbreaks of territorial and national separatism, it was
decided that, for the moment, some political disposals could be accepted, but
not wanted by the state and citizens of the Republic of Moldova. The crisis
situation in the localities of the Southern Republic lasted until December 23,
1994 Year, when the Parliament adopted the Law no.344-XIII on the special
legal status of Gagauzia, by which the localities with predominantly Gagauz
population from the southern districts of the republic were attributed a wide
autonomy to regulate the problems of the region, but also attributions which at
taht time exceeded the constitutional framework.

1.5 General Conclusions to Chapter I

At present, studies in the field of inter-ethnic relations and national
minorities in the Republic of Moldova in recent years, with repercussions on
the study of the ethnic identity of the Gagauz, have been carried out in several
dimensions and different ways of approach.
Although there is an obvious ethnic diversity in the Republic of Moldova,
the greatest attention and care is given to the issue of minorities in general and
less to concrete national minorities.

47
 The issue of the ethnic origin of the Gagauz at certain historical stages has
a different degree of interest in research. The uncertainty of the Gagauz has
sparked controversy since the early historiographical attempts of the past
century to explain their existence as a population of Turkic origins and
Christian (Orthodox) faith. Both autochthonous and foreign authors have been
concerned with the research of the ethnogenesis of the Gagauz and, as a result,
in the literature, we can meet many hypotheses and theories to explain this
problem.
In present are about eighteen different assumptions about the origin of the
Gagauz people as well as their ethnic name. More popular are the theory of
"Slavic origin" and "Turkic origin", the second seems more plausible.
Aspects of the elucidation Gagauz ethnic identity and the repercussions of
the integration policies are reflected in Moldovan contemporary historiography.
Some authors agree with that, granting the autonomy for Gagauz is a
successful model for solving the ethnic conflict, other authors on the contrary
are against and believe that this policy of concessions will lead to the
weakening of the Republic of Moldova statehood.
During Soviet era in Moldova, the growth trend of the ethnic identity was
artificially developed and maintained, which was represented as the
internationalization of cultures and the unification of the way of life of different
peoples. In the 80-90-ies, XX-century. the ethnic processes in Republic of
Moldova and abroad intensified due to objective and subjective reasons. People
do not want to "be themselves under one national umbrella," and the process of
"ethnic renaissance" is actively functioning. The same as Bessarabian
Romanians national liberation movement in MSSR, Gagauz national
movement also stand up to achieve more economic, political and linguistic-
cultural benefits.
Therefore, the 9th-13th centuries are the stage of formation of the Gagauz
ethnos, in the north-eastern part of the Balkan peninsula, on the territory of

48
Dobruja. Here the process of their passage to sedentary life and their
Christianization ended. However, before 18tn century we have no data about
Gagauz people due to various circumstances. Officially history don't record a
nation which, under that name, ever to be established in Balkans.
During Soviet times the domination of the administrative command system
brought the Gagauz ethnos to a deplorable state by depriving the people to
determine their fate on its ethnic territory economically and ecologically,
determined by the inability to use the results of their work, the loss of the
secular agricultural traditions of many habit and ancestral traditions. These
aspects have affected the process of civic, moral and entrepreneurial training
for the new generations of Gagauz.
The Gagauz have lived with the natives population in peace and good
understanding for two hundred years, but with the aspirations of the Republic
of Moldova during the collapse of the USSR to assert itself as an independent
state, as well as the persistent attempts to get out of control from Soviet
metropolis, caused the dissatisfaction of the former empire's center, which,
reacting to the events that took place in the republic, contributed to create
situations that generate problems and internal conflicts.
So, in 1990, there started a conflict in which, Gagauz population was
involved, there were created certain groups which submitted requirements for
territorial autonomy and aimed at the purpose of federalization of the republic,
unacceptable requirements for the Republic of Moldova and its citizens.
This state of conflict lasted until December 23, 1994, when the Parliament
adopted the Law no.344-XIII on the special legal status of Gagauzia, by which
the localities with predominantly Gagauz population from the southern districts
of the republic were attributed a wide autonomy to regulate the problems of the
region.

49
II. THE COMPONENTS OF GAGAUZ ETHNIC IDENTITY

2.1 Religion and language as a component of Gagauz identity

Religion is one of the central markers for determining identity - before the
emergence of theories and perceptions of the nation and ethnicity, religion
served as a function of determining the role and status of a person. The
religious factor is most affected by the emotional component, because Initially,
religious beliefs do not rest on objective reality, but appeal to irrational spheres.
However, it is necessary to distinguish directly religious doctrine (irrational
factor) and its practical embodiment - the cult, the institutions for serving the
cult (rational factor), the followers of the doctrine. This distinction is necessary
to understand the social role of religion. The use of the religious factor in the
social life of people apart from the semantic component of the dogma. It is also
necessary to take into account the influence of religious norms and regulations
on public consciousness and culture100.
Before Christianity, Turkic tribes were Pagan, central God was Tengri
(from Persian Tengar-Allah, the eternal sky) or geg Tengri (blue sky)101.
Even in present many other Muslim Turkic peoples preserved the old
name of a Pagan God Tengri, and still often use. The Gagauz have this imprint
pagan past encounters in this poem:
"Ah, tangrylar tangrysy, "Ah, god of gods,
Benim jarym angysy? Who is my betrothed?
Syrty mor mintannysy, Purple mantle on his shoulders,
Bashy ješil šallysy. " With the green cape on head"102.
The spread of Christianity among the Turks was started in the VII
century, in Middle Asia, there the Christianity penetrate from Iran, which has

100
А.А.Сербина, Роль религиозной идентичностив югославском кризисе,
dpr.ru/pravo/pravo_39_13.pdf, 2018/2/12
101
Фёдор Ангели, Краткая история гагаузов, Кишинев, 2010， pag. 8
102
Фёдор Ангели, Краткая история гагаузов, Кишинев, 2010, pag. 117
50
its turn was received from Syria. Christianity propagators here were Nestorians,
which was known in China too in 635 AD103.
Now it's difficult to determine if Central Asian Turkic Christianity would
have any connection with Gagauz Christianity.
It’s very interesting that Gagauz language contains very many Arabic and
Persian words of Islamic persuasion and not only, the brightest of which is the
word "Allah" for "God"-"Allah," "Devil Allaa"-"šejtan", "hell"-"džendem",
"spirit"-"Ruh", "Pilgrim"-"Hadji", and many others.
It is also noteworthy that the modern Gagauz no other words besides
"Allah", which would have a value of God, if you don't consider Russians
influence later in Bessarabia after the relocation here in 1812. the word
"Boží"(God), which is used more less than "Allah". That is, Gagauz people are
unique not only because they are Turkic peoples and at the same time they
being Christians call the God Allah.
Currently no data about how happened the Christianization of Gagauz
people, but it knows that occurred in the first half of the IX-XI century. It
accounts for the adoption of Christianity as the official state religion of most of
the peoples of Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe 104. The process was
"breadth and depth" - since the beginning of the IX century accelerated the
Christianization of the Slavs of the Byzantine Empire, and if before that time
the adoption of Christianity was not a prerequisite for both enrollments in the
Byzantine service, and to join with the empire in a matter-contractual
relationship, in this period the situation changed105. The introduction of
Christianity in these regions was completed by the beginning of the X century,
although the baptism of certain small groups, live mainly in remote mountain

103
Islamic Encyclopedia, Vol. 17, pag. 334
104
Принятие христианства народами Центральной и Юго-Восточной Европы и крещение
Руси.Под ред.Г.Г.Литаврина. – М., 1988. –С.3
105
Иванова О.В.Распространение христианства у славян в Византии.// Принятие христианства
народами Центральной и Юго-Восточной Европы и крещение Руси.Под ред.Г.Г.Литаврина. –
М., 1988. – С.20.
51
areas continued in the XI century. All this contributed to the unification of the
cultural environment in Byzantium106.
Since the region was turbulent borderline, the Byzantines feared base their
fiefdoms. The land mostly entered in the domain of the Emperor, it rested large
pastoral economy107. Since the end of the XI century Byzantine emperors began
handing out the Bulgarian lands in pronia, in North-Eastern Bulgaria pronia
received mostly notable newcomers108. In addition, the specificity of the North-
Eastern lands was that there was a broader layer of personally free taxpayer
peasantry109. The rule of the Byzantine Empire in the region proved to be
unstable due to the almost continuous invasions of nomads (Pechenegs,
Cumans, Black Hooks), gradually established here.
Any way the process of the adoption of Christianity by the ancient
ancestors of the Gagauz were long and complex110.
When Ottoman Empire extended to the Danube, maybe some of Gagauz
ancestors were forced convert to Islam. Others hid long time their Christian
religion, posing as Muslims, because nor language, nor clothes differ from
Turks. Gagauz were strong in faith, nearly fanatical Christians, and have
suffered persecution in Ottoman period. Many hides in mounts from Turks and
Circassians thieves’ injustice, which remained in the city, were killed111.
After the conquest of Constantinople, when Sultan recognized only the
patriarch of Constantinople as the head of all Orthodox Christians regardless of
nationality, Gagauz were left in the spiritual care of the patriarch 112. Because, in
South-Eastern Europe the only authorized intermediary of all the Orthodox

106
Папцова А. К., К вопросу о роли конфессиональной принадлежности в формировании
этнического самосознания гагаузов. В: Лукомор’я: Археология, етнологiя, iсторiя Пiвнично-
захiдного Причорномор’я. Одесса,2009, Випуск 3, с. 102-111
107
История Европы. Т. 2. – М., 1992. – С.159
108
История Европы. Т. 2. – М., 1992. – С.160
109
История Европы. Т. 2. – М., 1992. – С.356
110
Этногенез гагаузского народа. Гагаузское государство,
http://knowledge.allbest.ru/history/3c0b65635a2ad78b4c53b89421206d36_0.html, 26.05.2015, time
8:35.
111V. A. Moshkov, Gagauzy Benderskogo Uyezda, Kishinev 2004, pag. 6
112
Anatol Macris, Gagauzii in literatura si publicistica romana, Editura Paco, Bucuresti, 2007, pag. 10.
52
inhabitants of the empire in its relations with the Ottoman Porte was the Greek
clergy. Independent Tarnovo (Bulgaria) and Pec (Serbian) Patriarchates were
destroyed113.
Since then some Gagauz are drawn into the sphere of influence of Greeks
and Bulgarians keeping their language and customs. Though their origins are
quite different than Bulgars or Greeks, but they felt better among them than
among Turks because they all share a belief.
In Church divine services were kept in Bulgarian or Greek language and
used Karaman religious literature written in Turkish with Greek letters 114, they
also known the old Wallachian writing system115.
The small nation was divided into two antagonist sides Greekophil and
Bulgarofil, and bloody conflicts sometimes resulted between them. This
situation continued for a while after Gagauz settled in Bessarabia too116.
The Gagauz in Varna metropolis were supported by Constantinople 117.
The worship they used the Greek priests they were also Greeks. But for the
Gagauz who migrated to the Budjac steppes the increased confrontation of
Greek and Bulgarian clergy (relating to the period when the relocation is
mainly held) did not have such importance compare for those who remained in
Bulgaria. However, it is important to note that the processes that were among
the Bulgarians - the formation of national identity associated with the struggle
for independent church and for the use of the native language (including in
worship) among the Gagauz in that period not occurred118. But, the lack of
worship in their native (plain) language did not cause permanent needs of
parishioners have visiting churches and thus greatly influenced by external

113
История Европы.Т.3. – М.,1993. –.261.
114
Anatol Macris, M. Ciachir. Basarabialâ gagauzlarân istoriassi, Chișinău, 1933, p. 133.
115
Anatol Macrsi, Gagauzii si Romanii, Ed. Agerpress Typo,Buc. 2000, pag. 16.
116
V. A. Moshkov, Gagauzy Benderskogo Uyezda, Kishinev 2004, pag. 7
117
Лотман М. Ю. Альтернативный вариант: бесписьменная культура, или культура до
культуры?/ Семиосфера. – Санкт-Петербург,2000. – С.365.
118
Папцова А. К., К вопросу о роли конфессиональной принадлежности в формировании
этнического самосознания гагаузов. В: Лукомор’я: Археология, етнологiя, iсторiя Пiвнично-
захiдного Причорномор’я. Одесса,2009, Випуск 3, с. 102-111,
http://odtdocs.ru/geografiya/806/index.html， accessed 10.07.2015, time 22:00
53
religiosity of Gagauz. In one of the archival documents, it was noted that the
residents of the colony Besalma-"Bulgarians, Turkish-speaking" (emphasis
added. -Ek), worship in churches "do not understand and do not have a good
conduct at the hearing the word of God»119.
Another important aspect of the Gagauz self-consciousness is connected
with the Balkan period - the religious aspect. Once in the sphere of influence of
the Byzantine Empire, the ancestors of the Gagauzians adapted under the new
conditions not only by changing the nomadic way of life to the agricultural one,
but by adopting Christianity in the Byzantine version of it, thus defining the
belonging of a small ethnos to the Orthodox world120.

Archival and historiographical evidence suggests that, settling in

Bessarabia, Transdanubia settlers continued to live the same religious and
moral life as lived at home, maintaining throughout the XIX century. "Wildest
superstitions, which led to the confusion of foreigners"121. Even though the
value of some traditional rites performed on the Balkans, an important function
of preservation and translation of the Orthodox faith, was largely lost in the
eyes of the Gagauz and Bulgarians they were sanctified by time, because it is
the religion of their fathers and grandfathers, their spiritual and cultural
heritage.

The twentieth century brought an end to a monolithic religious tradition

of the Gagauz. The growth of religious pluralism has adjusted the concept of
"Christian." If L. S. Berg calls Gagauz very religious122 and V. A. Moshkov
"solid Christians"123 without specifying, it meant “Orthodox Christians".

119
Arhiva Nationala a RM, Ф. 205. Оп. 1. Д. 1232. Л. 1.
120
Аникин, Никита Владимирович, Проблемы этнической идентификации гагаузов Молдавии ,
www.dissercat.com/content/problemy-etnicheskoi-identifikatsii-gagauzov-moldavii, 2018/2/12
121
Stojkov 1910: 1270-1271
122
Берг Л. С., Бессарабия. – Кишинев, 1993. – С.126.
123
Мошков В.А. Гагаузы Бендерского уезда. – Кишинев, 2004. – С.6.
54
 Currently, the growth of religious pluralism determines the need for the
inclusion of the term "Christians" for and other religious denominations as
Baptists, Adventists, Pentecostals, Jehovah's Witnesses, Charismatic, etc.
So almost every stage of the ethnogenesis of the Gagauz was of great
importance that they belong to the Christianity (mostly Orthodox) world.
The period of Christianization of the Balkan Gagauz prevented their
assimilation by the Turks -Muslims. Christianity has become one of the main
distinguishing Gagauz ethnic features, which differentiate them from other
Turkic peoples of the Balkan Peninsula, who practiced Islam124.
Therefore, Christianity radically influenced the course of ethnic
processes, as well as the spiritual culture of Gagauz ancestors. On the one hand,
it brought together a genetically diverse ethnic component into a single ethnic
community. On the other hand, it has played the ethnic separation role of
Gagauz Christians from Balkans Turkish-Muslim population and at the same
time became the basis for the proximity of different ethnicity peoples
(Bulgarians and Gagauz)125.
Orthodoxy-the basis of the Gagauz ethnic identity. Gagauz care very
much about the Orthodox faith and are considered as an important branch of O
rthodox faith and are considered as an important branch of Orthodoxy. Thus, in
the book " Balkans and Balkanism", a fundamental book in the field, author
Maria Todorova, professor at the University of Florida, listed among Orthodox
peoples no slave Romanians, Gagauz, Georgians, Albanians, the listing shows
the importance of the Gagauz in non-Slavs orthodoxy, immediately after
Romanians126.

124
Квилинкова, Елизавета Николаевна, Календарная обрядность гагаузов в конце XIX - начале
XX вв., Кишинев, 2001, Научная библиотека диссертаций и авторефератов
disserCathttp://www.dissercat.com/content/kalendarnaya-obryadnost-gagauzov-v-kontse-xix-nachale-
xx-vv#ixzz3PvcHkAh1
125
Губогло М. Н. , К изучению гагаузов в тюркоязычном мире Юго-Восточной Европы в свете
современных задач балканистики, Балканские исследования. Исторические и историко-
культурные процессы на Балканах. Вып. 7. М., 1982, С. 217-218.com
126
M. Todorova, "Imaging the Balkans", Oxford University Pressss; in Romanian: "Imagining the
Balkans", Bucharest, Humanitas, 2000 pag.207
55
 Another case, in which can be seen Gagauz attachment to Orthodox
religion: In a field research conducted in 1996 by the Center of Oriental
Languages at the University of Sofia, in the area inhabited by the Gagauz in the
Quadrilateral, where also attended from Gagauzia Tatiana Ivanoglo and Larisa
Kurdova, an old Gagauz from Balgarevo village, understood that aims was to
establish the provenience of Gagauz from "Gajials" and he acted violently
against this idea. After being told that they do not intend to do so, he got quiet.
He could not conceive that Orthodox Gagauz originated from Muslim Gagials,
Gagauz are proud about they appurtenance to the Orthodoxy and Gagauz
villages in Bessarabia has very beautiful Orthodox churches127.
Gagauz, probably mean Christian people of Turkic origins. In their
language when ask what is "Gagauz", they explain it is Christian. They not call
their self’s Turks, because the name Turks became synonym with Muslim and
because they are Christians they hated that name, because they confused
nationality with religion128..
Orthodox Church also has an important role in preservation of folk customs
and rituals. In the process of the Christianization of pagan worship pagan
content customs and rituals have been modified and subsequently many of
them are included in the religious rites, such as the consecration of the church
of the first fruits of the earth - the feast of the Transfiguration, Assumption, the
day of St. Elijah, green vegetation - on Palm Sunday, the Trinity; sprinkling
holy water vineyards - the Day of St. Tryphon, cattle - Day St. George etc.
Have undergone significant transformation of forms and methods of
committing ritual Kurban (sacrifice became the common form of "Kurban
mercy," that is bloodless sacrifice). Pagan-Christian syncretism is a
characteristic feature of calendar and family rituals of many Christian nations.
Folk festivals and ceremonies, having experienced a transformation, committed

127
Anatol Macris, Gagauzii in literature si publicistica romana, Editura Paco, Bucuresti, 2007, pag. 37
128
C. NECULE, NAVALIREA UZILOR PRIN TARILE ROMANE IN IMPERIUL BIZANTIN,
REVISTA ISTORICA ROMANA, MCMXXXIX, VOLUMUL IX, BUCURESTI, 1 9 4 0,
www.dacoromanica.ro, pag. 203-204
56
Gagauz and Bulgarians and now. Pretty fully maintain family rituals, especially
puerperal, and funeral and memorial. Good safety in the Bessarabian
Bulgarians and Gagauz traditional rites because the folk customs and rituals
were perceived by them as an integral part of their religion as sacred129.
The rehabilitation of the role of Orthodoxy relates to the preservation of
identity in the context of the collapse pressure of the media. Great importance
was also soft correction costs of the process of ethnic mobilization of the
Gagauz people, at the time led to the creation of Gagauz-Yeri, but not caused
radical opposition to the center. Precedents for such effects can be found in the
middle ages when Christianity was able to "grind" the freedom of manners of
the soldiers with a creation of ideals and stereotypes of knightly culture. The
growth of national consciousness led to the creation of political and historical
myths, to search for evidence of the greatness of the Gagauz ethnic group in the
past by direct identification of the Gagauz with the various Turkic ethnic
groups, without considering the specific historical fate of these ethnic groups.
But in the end still did not lead to "popping" of the Gagauz ethnic group of the
cultural space of Orthodox peoples. Justification for this break with the
Orthodox tradition would not find at any level, especially because according to
the last census of the population, 93.3 per cent of Moldovans are Orthodox 130,
so Orthodox Christianity is the most important factor of integration of the
country.
Language as a component of Gagauz identity. In the process of
identifying ethno-cultural norms, the most important is the language, which, as
a factor of the general ethnic identity, is reflected in it as cultural
representations of the ethnic language. In this regard, it seems logical to
consider the concepts of "ethnic language", "mother tongue", "second

129KvilinkovaE. N., O sokhrannosti traditsionnoy obryadnosti u bessarabskikh gagauzov i bolgar

cherez prizmu svyazi vremen, Istoriya i sovremennost', Vypusk №1(19)/2014,
http://www.socionauki.ru/journal/articles/243812/, accessed 10.06.2015, time 15:48
130
А.К. Папцова, Роль православия в формировании соционормативной культуры, КУРСОМ
РАЗВИВАЮЩЕЙСЯ МОЛДОВЫ, vol. 6, Moscow, 2009, p. 182
57
language". These concepts can coincide or carry a different semantic load in
each individual case.
Ethnic language is first and foremost the language of the ethnos, which is
its sign, as a rule, it is the product of this ethnos. Ethnic language creates the
basis of intra-ethnic normative unity, serves the communication of the ethnos
as a whole, ensures social interaction and socio-cultural relations in the process
of communication between all members of the ethnos belonging to different
socio-cultural strata. In cases when some representatives of the ethnos move
away from their ethnic language, it still retains the role of an ethnic symbol and
determines the inner mood of a person to fulfill the ethno-cultural norms
inherent in him since childhood.
Based on the native language, are formed primary skills of speech
interaction. This is usually the language of the mother, grandmother, family,
through which the primary socialization and personalization of the personality,
familiarization with the norms, values, traditions of their ethnos. In most cases,
the native language coincides with the ethnic language. In the case when, for a
number of reasons, the language of another ethnic group is used as the mother
tongue, the native language does not coincide with the ethnic language, which
is connected with the process of linguacultural assimilation.
The second language is commonly used in polyethnic communities as a
means of communicating with other ethnic communities. As a rule, the second
language serves only as an indirect means of consolidating ethnic cultural
norms. It is well known that language is a polyfunctional phenomenon whose
functions can be divided into cognitive, social and private. Speaking about the
social functions of language associated with the identification of ethno-cultural
norms, researchers propose to highlight the functions of the language as an
ethnic feature, that is, it is about the allocation of ethno-differentiating and
ethno-integrating properties of the language.

58
 Language communication in the territory of multi-ethnic societies is carried
out with the help of one or several languages. This is a complex system
consisting of a number of communication networks that unite both whole
ethnic groups and individual social strata. Ethnolinguistic conflicts in
polyethnic countries arise, as a rule, not only due to auditory inferiority, but
also due to the mismatch of complexes of ethno-cultural norms. Thus, the
neighborhood of two or more ethnic groups speaking different languages, in
itself, can serve as a source of inter-ethnic linguistic and cultural tension,
mainly due to the difference in their ethno-cultural norms131.
Gagauz language is spoken and written language of the Gagauz living in the
southern regions of Moldova. It is the mother tongue of 139,906 people. (3.2%
of the population of Moldova). The main region of operation of the Gagauz
language is the territory of Gagauzia, where the Gagauz (127.735 people.)
Constitute 78.5% of the population. Gagauz living outside of Gagauzia (25.723
people), including those living in Chisinau (5808 pers.) also use Gagauz as
communication language in their family.
Gagauz language first became known to science in the late XIX - early XX
centuries through the works of Russian ethnographer V. A. Moshkov132.
The first scientific article on the Gagauz language appeared in the 1930s.
Current legislation of the Republic of Moldova, the Law "On the Special
Legal Status of Gagauzia (Gagauz Yeri)", adopted by the Parliament of the
Republic of Moldova in 1994, the Gagauz language provides the greatest
opportunity for the operation and use of almost all spheres of socio-cultural and
economic life. Under the Law on use of languages in the Republic of Moldova
(1989). In localities where majority of the population of the Gagauz national
language official spheres of life, along with the state and Russian, Gagauz
language is recognized (Art. 2). It guarantees the rights of citizens to use the
Gagauz language in relations with local public authorities and the public
131
Язык – как фактор общеэтнической идентичности., https://studfiles.net/preview/484168/page:2/,
2018/2/12
132
Moshkov, 1900-1902; Moshkov, 1904
59
authorities to carry out the correspondence in the Gagauz language, along with
the Romanian language, as well as any acceptable language (Art. 13).
In 1995. local law "On the use of languages on the territory of Gagauzia
(Gagauz Yeri)" Gagauz language, along with the Romanian and Russian, on
the territory of ATU was given official status. This status is confirmed by the
Legal Code of Gagauzia (1998).
Even there were created many facilities though; Gagauz language is not yet
fully used as the official language of ATU Gagauzia.
According to its grammatical structure and lexical composition Gagauz
language belongs to the South-West (Oghuz) group of Turkic family language,
which includes also Azerbaijan, Turkish and Turkmen languages133.
During the last two centuries (until the end of the 90s XX century) Gagauz
had no contact with other Turkic peoples, whereby the Gagauz language are
moving closer to the surrounding unrelated languages134.
Turkic family languages including a wide area of the Eurasian continent
from Lena River basin in Siberia to southwest to eastern shores of the
Mediterranean Sea, at the North neighboring with Nenets and east Finno-Ugric
peoples, at the east with Manchu-Tungus, Mongols and Chinese, to the south
by Tibet and Iranian languages, till Arabic language from Hamit group, in west
meet Slavic and other European languages as (Romanian, Greek, Albanian,
etc.)135.
By the definition of well-known Turkologist-Gagauzologist L. A.
Pokrovskaya, the Gagauz language is an interesting example of the Turkic
language with significant signs of the influence of Slavic and Romance
languages. Effect of foreign environment cause significant shifts in the
phonetic and grammatical system of the Gagauz language significantly changes
its lexical composition. Especially noticeable changes in syntax (the formation

133
Л. А. Покровская, Граматика Гагаузкого Языка, Наука, Москва, 1964, p.3
134
Евдокия Сорочяну, ГАГАУЗСКИЙ ЯЗЫК И ЕГО ДИАЛЕКТЫ,
http://altaica.ru/LIBRARY/turks/gagauz_dili.pdf, accessed 20.10.2015, time 11:00, p.2
135
В. А. Богородцкий, Введение в Татарское Языкознание, Татгосиздат, Казань, 1953, pag.8
60
of new structural types of predicate unusual for Turkic languages; convergence
order of words in a sentence with the word order rules of European languages,
especially Russian and others)136.
Lexical structure of the Gagauz language is constantly updated with
borrowings from the surrounding languages, forming the active ranks of lexical
synonyms. The modern Gagauz allocated different layers of lexical borrowing
(Arabic-Persian, Slavic, Romanic, Greek)137, associated with different periods
of the history of the Gagauz language.
Despite the long stay of the Gagauz among the Ottoman Turks, leveling a
large extent of their linguistic identity, and then among the Slavic and Romanic
population, affecting not only in phonetics and vocabulary, and syntax, they
were able to preserve the ancient features of their language138.
Polish scholar T. Kowalski, who researched Turkic languages of the
Balkans population admit that the Gagauz language belongs to the Turkic
language family and that, is composed of three layers:
- An archaic level (Pecheneg, Uz, and Cuman) before thirteenth century;
- A level of Seljuk Turkish (XIII-XIV), the dialect spoken in Syria;
- A level derived from Ottoman Turkish language139.
In today's literature circulates the idea that Gagauz language is a dialect of
Turkish language. Even, Mosshkov mentioned that oral Gagauz language is
very close to spoken Turkish language140.
Soviet orientalist N.A. Baskov has other opinion, Gagauz language belongs
to Oghuz-Bulgarian subgroup of Oghuz group from South-West Turkic

136
Евдокия Сорочяну, ГАГАУЗСКИЙ ЯЗЫК И ЕГО ДИАЛЕКТЫ,
http://altaica.ru/LIBRARY/turks/gagauz_dili.pdf, accessed 20.10.2015, time 11:00, p.2.
137
Сычева, Валентина Арсеньевна, Арабские и персидские лексические заимствования в
гагаузском языке, Москва, 1972, Научная библиотека диссертаций и авторефератов
disserCat http://www.dissercat.com/content/arabskie-i-persidskie-leksicheskie-zaimstvovaniya-v-
gagauzskom-yazyke#ixzz3PvdLnZJa,accessed 06.10.2016, time 10:47.
138
Е. Попович-Сорочяну, Гагаузы. Серия «Народы и культуры». М.: Наука, 2011. С. 107-110；
Гагаузы в мире и мир гагаузов. Отв.ред. M. Губогло. Комрат-Кишинев: „TipografiaCentrală”,
2012, T. I, с. 549-552.
139
Anatol Macris, Gagauzii, Editura Paco, Bucuresti, 2008, pag. 35
140
V. A. Moshkov, Gagauzy Benderskogo Uyezda, Kishinev 2004, pag. 7
61
languages area, and it is a separate Turkic language. This theory was asserted
by the Turkic scientists: N. K. Dimitrijevic and L.A. Pokrovskiy141.
The modern Gagauz language on the territory of Moldova and Odessa
region of Ukraine is a set close to each other dialects. Almost every village is
distinguished by its dialect, Gagauz easily find out from which villages are they
interlocutor by his speech. This feature has been noted at the beginning of XX
century by the researcher Gagauz, V. A. Moshkov: "Gagauz, although is a
small nation, but them having almost in every village their own distinct
dialect ..."142.
The materials of first dialectological expedition (1956-1957 years.) also
shown that the spoken language of the Budjak Gagauz consists of several
closely related dialects. The predominant dialects are Comrat and Chadyr-
Lunga, and the idioms of nearest villages. Other group covers Vulcanesti and
the nearest villages of Etulia, Gavanos (Moldova) and Vinogradovka,
Kotlovina (Ukraine). These two groups are the dialects of Gagauz language -
Comrat-Chadyr-Lunga and Vulcanesti (conditionally: central and southern
dialect). Karboliya (Moldova) and Alexandrowka (Ukraine) are the transition
from the central to the southern dialects143.
Based on the central dialect created and developed the written literary
norms of modern Gagauz language. Its features are reflected in the first
grammar of the Gagauz language144, in this idiom are published literary works
of Gagauz poets and writers, collections of folklore, scientific articles and
textbooks, published newspapers and magazines, operate Gagauz radio and
television. Dialects of southern dialects continue to live in speaking inhabitants
of Vulcanesti and nearby villages, which have not yet been assimilated by the
standardization. Certainly, the southern dialect is of particular interesting to

141
O.K. Radova, Gagauzy Bessarabii. Rasseleniye i Chislennost' v XIX V., Etnograficheskoye
Obozreniye, N.1, Rossiyskaya Akademiya Nauk, Moskva, 1997, pag. 12
142
Moshkov, 1904. p. 413
143
Pokrovskaya, 1961, p. 34-40
144
Pokrovskaya, Moscow, 1964
62
science, because it preserves more stable the features system of Turkic
languages145.
Gagauz written. Gagauz living for centuries under the spiritual authority
and political among other nations, they failed to create and maintain a national
culture and literature.
In Balkans Gagauz used Karaman religious literature written in Turkish with
Greek letters146, and after their settlement in Bessarabia they continued to use
Karaman literature. Gagauz also had known the old Wallachian writing
system147.
At the beginning XX century because of the Chisinau Christian - Christmas
Brotherhood and Gagauz religious leader and educator A. M. Chakir appeared
the first books in Gagauz language and first Gagauz-Romanian dictionary 148. At
the beginning, they were issued based on the Cyrillic alphabet, and in the
Romanian period - in Latin script149.
During Soviet Union period exactly in 1957, Gagauz was established as a
written language in the Moldavian SSR (based on the Cyrillic alphabet),
Since 1957, several books have been published in Gagauz; this event
certainly has contributed to intensify the process of identifying their mother
tongue as "Gagauz". According to M. N. Guboglo, the introduction of written
language "hardly would have any noticeable impact on the formation of the
ethnic identity of the Gagauz, if not was followed by the appearance of artistic
literature, effect on the growth of self-awareness, not only with words and
logic, but also thanks to awaken the senses and spiritual insights"150.

145
Е. Попович-Сорочяну, Гагаузы. Серия «Народы и культуры». М.: Наука, 2011. С. 107-110；
Гагаузы в мире и мир гагаузов. Отв.ред. M. Губогло. Комрат-Кишинев: „TipografiaCentrală”,
2012, T. I, с. 549-552.
146
M. Ciachir. Basarabialâ gagauzlarân istoriassi, Chișinău, 1933, p. 133.
147
P. Koeppan, Die Bulgaren in Bessarabien, Bulletin de la classe historico-philologique de l’Academie
Imperiale des Sciences de St. Petersburg, St. Petersburg-Leipzig, 1854, vol. XI, nr. 13-14, pag. 194-218
148
Mihail Ciachir, Dictionar gagauz(tiurco)-roman, Chisinau, Tiparul Moldovenesc, 1938
149
Mikhail Guboglo, Mozhet Li Dvuglavyy Orel Letat' S Odnim Krylom? Rossiysskaya Akademiya
Nauk, Moskva, 2000, pag. 407
150
Губогло М. Н. Русский язык в этнополитической истории гагаузов, M., 2004, pag. 135
63
 However, during Soviet Union Gagauz has never been a real written
language in everyday life, apart from some professional writers; nobody uses it
for any kind of writing.151
Since 1994 Gagauz proceed to Latin alphabet 152, instead Ukrainian Gagauz
continue to use the old Cyrillic script since 1957153.

2.2 Traditions and culture as a constituent of Gagauz identity

During identity formation tradition and memory play an important role. P.

Hatton notes and connects the general interest in the theme and problems of
memory with the phenomenon of the extinction of collective memory as a
result of the "fragmentation of traditions." This opened the way in modern
culture to understanding alternative ideas about the past. He believes that now
the task in search of the past is to help individuals and collectives (especially
marginalized) in gaining their own identity154.
Rituals, ceremonies and customs, which manifest the tradition, serve as a
mechanism for the identification of society. In archaic cultures, great
importance is attached to order. The traditional way repeats and duplicates the
cosmic, world order. This mechanism of repetition and duplication helps to
resist chaos and maintains social order through rituals, rituals, which, in turn,
form social and cultural memory155.
Despite the fact that the meaning of many magic rituals has been lost and
that the customs and rituals throughout simplify, transformed, modified,
Gagauz calendar holidays and related customs and rituals have survived as a
system, and the majority of them are actively practiced today.

151
Astrid Menz，On complex sentences in Gagauz， Hendrik Boeschoten, Lars Johanson, Turkic
Languages in Contact, Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden, 2006,
152
Mikhail Guboglo, Mozhet Li Dvuglavyy Orel Letat' S Odnim Krylom? Rossiysskaya Akademiya
Nauk, Moskva, 2000, pag.409
153
Mikhail Guboglo, Mozhet Li Dvuglavyy Orel Letat' S Odnim Krylom? Rossiysskaya Akademiya
Nauk, Moskva, 2000, pag. 410
154
Хаттон П. История как искусство памяти. СПб.: Владимир Даль, 2003, p.15.
155
Романовская Е. В., Фоменко Н. Л. Идентичность и коммеморация // Власть. 2015. № 7, p.82.
64
 Holidays (tortu günü / tortu - holiday), which constitute an important part
of the national calendar, performed the function pointer lines associated with
the economic activities of people, as well as regulate the recreation and
entertainment156. Currently, there is a keen interest in national holidays, many
of the customs and rituals of ancient origin are now revived creative popular
folk festivals teams.
With the adoption of Christianity and the changes in economic and
cultural ancestors’ activities of the Gagauz ancestors, they also received the
Christian calendar, which included and rituals of Balkans pagan peoples of
Danube region. It left its mark on the Gagauz ritualism calendar, in which can
be traced many similarities with Bulgarian folk traditions. The characteristic
feature of their religion was a fanatical devotion to Christianity, which at the
same time, combined with a weak or complete ignorance of the Christian
tenets.
The church has had a huge impact on the pre-Christian folk customs and
rituals. Gagauz People's calendar, as the national calendar of other nations is
the result of pagan-Christian syncretism and includes pagan customs and rituals
related to agricultural and pastoral rites, many of which are preserved in
modified until today. Unable to destroy the pagan rites the Church add many of
them to certain religious holidays that are consistent with them over time. The
consequence of this was the inclusion of Christian rituals elements in folk
rituals, as well as the use of double names to refer to the many festivals, such
as: Hederlez - day Saint. George, Rusal charshambasy (Mermaid Wednesday) -
Mid-Pentecost and so on.
After the mass migration of various groups of the Balkan peoples
(including the Gagauz) in the era of Russo-Turkish wars on the territory of
Bessarabia there are much increased mosaicity of the ethnic composition of the
population, and further development of ethnic Gagauz has entered a new stage.

156
Квилинкова Елизавета Николаевна， КАЛЕНДАРНЫЕ ПРАЗДНИКИ И ОБРЯДЫ
ГАГАУЗОВ， pandia.ru/text/77/352/38103.php， 03.10.2016，time 22：00.
65
The conservatism of rural communities, the Patriarchal way of life, compact
accommodation played a crucial role in preserving the identity of the Gagauz
people in the new Homeland (Bessarabia).
As in Bulgaria, and also in Bessarabia, the Gagauz were in terms of
ethno-isolation in Slavic and East Romanic environment, creating a unique
environment to promote the sustainability of their traditional culture.
For the traditional outlook of the Gagauz characterized by the use of two
calendars (agricultural and pastoral) with different areas of application. At the
heart of people's perceptions of time is, on the one hand, the cyclical perception
of time - two-cyclical division of the year (summer - winter) in which
boundaries were holidays Hederlez (summer beginning) and Kasım (winter
beginning). Gagauz specifically celebrated these feasts, which testifies the
ancient ideas about two-cyclical division of the year157.
Calendar holidays can be divided into two groups: the "fixed" the date
repeated exactly every year at the same time, and "mobile", the date of which
varies depending on the day of the celebration of Easter (the Trinity, the
Ascension, Todorov day Mermaid holidays, etc.). Date of Easter celebrations in
turn is determined by the lunar calendar (after the first spring full moon April -
May).
Kurban. One of the ethnocultural markers of Gagauz traditional spiritual
culture is the rite of "Kurban". In the twentieth century under the influence of
the Church the rite is significantly transformed, but nevertheless there persist
some of its archaic form.
Interest submit the information the about Kurban rite contained in Article
of Gagauz religious leader and educator M. Chakir 158. Analyzing the role and
importance of ritual in the life of the people, he identified five types of Kurban:
1. "Kurban on demand" (that's "mandatory" with the offering of bloody

157
Квилинкова Е. Н., Календарные праздники и обряды гагаузов, Вести Гагаузии. № 9, 16,
23 октября 2001.
158
MihaiCiachir, Obiceiurilereligioasealegagauzilor. Curbanele sau sacrificiile., Basarabia Romana, Ed.
Semne, Bucuresti, 1996, www.dacoromanica.ro, p.537-540
66
sacrifices). Under this general name were merged its different varieties: a)
wedding Kurban (in honor of the guardian angel of the family; b) for the
recovery from "long-term" disease; c) on the Day of St. George's; d) for the
purpose of protection against epidemics (plague and cholera); e) Church (in
honor of the saint whose name was given to the church). 2. "Kurban mercy,
pity or sympathy" (bloodless sacrifice). 3. "Kurban for the forgiveness of sins"
(bloodless sacrifice). 4. "Kurban after the death of children and the elderly in
the family" (?). 5. "Allahlyk" - blood sacrifice, performed by the host of big
flocks of sheep. In more detail, they will be reviewed below.
The term Kurban from Gagauz has many meanings: 1) blood sacrifice; 2)
ritual meal; 3) ritual meal with sacrificial animals; 4) holiday with a ritual meal
and sacrificial animals (in honor of a saint, in feast day and others.); 5)
bloodless sacrifice (live animal or donated to someone - "mercy Kurban").
Based on the principle of determining the donor, Kurban can be classified as
follows: 1) from the name of the whole family, 2) from particular person (or for
a specific person), 3) from community (from residents of one village).
However, strictly adhere to a particular classification is not possible, as many
sacrifices quite rightly be attributed to several varieties. In addition, the
sacrifices differ in purpose ("on purpose"), by form of (bloody or bloodless
sacrifice) and execution multiplicity (single / multiple - annually).
By purpose Kurbans can be divided into the following types: 1) the sacrifice
performed to "enlist the help and support" of God and to "ensure" the health
and welfare; 2) atonement (the favor of God); 3) offerings (performance of the
obligations by people, given by them to the Almighty); 4) the redemptive
sacrifice "for the salvation of souls." The first three types are not related to
misconduct by a person while the last made for the purpose of redemption, and
in most cases did not include the slaughter of an animal.
At the beginning of the twentieth century preserved not only the form of ritual,
but also its content. So, the fundamental difference between the sacrificial meal

67
from a simple feast is that the meat of the sacrificed animal is divided between
all present at the table equally, "everyone gets a portion of roast lamb, and then
other kinds of food and beverages».159 The significance of Kurban rite in
Gagauz religious beliefs can be view in V. A. Moshkov statement. He wrote
that throughout the year they eat "somehow and something" often refuse their
self, but every family aspires to arrange important Kurban event. "The thing is
that they have developed probably a many centuries deep conviction that,
arranging food, they cater to God, and by refraining from them, risking the
wrath of God, and to incur the punishment."
"Traditional Gagauz Kurban ritual that combines cooking wheat porridge
(bulgur) with sacrificial sheep, and preserved the cult of the wolf, allow to view
the Gagauz ethnic and cultural ties, on the one hand, with the Balkan world,
and on the other - with the nomadic steppe civilizations"160.
And now the rite of Kurban continues to maintain its importance in Gagauz
people's religious views and ritualism (popular Orthodoxy), as an important
component of their ethno-cultural code161.
The research of the Gagauz people's traditions is allowed to consider the
question of the relationship between three forms of identity of the Gagauz
ethnic, religious and social.
Along with other issues in the thesis also addresses the question of the
relationship between the Gagauz people's calendar with the Turkish. It is noted
that, despite linguistic commonalities and some common elements in the
material and spiritual culture of the Gagauz and Turks and their national
calendars were formed under the influence of various religions Christianity and
Islam, which determined the difference between them. This explains the
disparity between the Gagauz and Turkish folk calendar. Speaking of ancient
reservoir in the calendar rites of the Gagauz, we can note some similarities in

159
Ciachir 1934: 5
160
Губогло М. Гагаузы. http://tyurki.ferghana.ru/gagauz.htm, 24.11.2002
161
Elizaveta KVILINKOVA, KURBAN RITE AT GAGAUZIANS: DEGREE OF CONSERVATION
AND TRANSFORMATION, http://dergikaradeniz.com/web/upload/icerik/20/2.pdf
68
the rituals and customs of the calendar cycle from the Gagauz Turks and other
Turkic peoples.
In conclusion, the characteristic feature of the Gagauz calendar rites is a
syncretism of pagan and Christian rites, the contamination of the agricultural
and pastoral traditions, and the presence of different cultural components
(Turkish, South Slavic, Greek, Eastern Roman and Eastern Slavic). It is stated
that with a large variety of customs and rituals, with different origins, period
associated with the Genesis of the Gagauz calendar rites: before Christianity,
Balkan, and Bessarabia period.
Culture as a component of Gagauz the identity. Identity is inevitably
and unconditionally associated with culture, it is not only a cognitively and
communicatively constructed entity, but also a cultural phenomenon. Culture as
a systemic phenomenon of the highest degree of abstraction has a complex
specificity of actualization in really existing cultural systems, which
characterizes its dialogicity (universality - locality).
Each concrete culture is realized in indissoluble interaction of two forms
of its being - objective and subjective, which ensures its identity and, therefore,
self-preservation and identity with all changes in the normative-value and
semantic spheres. Identity here appears as an essential and relatively constant
manifestation and, accordingly, comprehension of the cultural and value
dominants of a given society, which are functionally necessary in the process of
its development162.
The cultural level of the nation is determined by its relation to the values
of the past, everything that constitutes its spiritual traditions. The ancestors of
the Gagauz for centuries collected the knowledge generated by the people's
wisdom and sought to convey this spiritual wealth for future generations163.

162
Е. П. Матузкова. Культурная идентичность: к определению понятия, // Вестник Балтийского
федерального университета им. И. Канта. 2014. Вып. 2. С. 62-68.
163
С.Булгара, Культура гагаузского народа: история, современность, перспективы,
www.nm.md/article/kultura-gagauzskogo-naroda-istoriya-sovremennost-perspektivy
69
 After the creation of the Gagauz autonomy in 1994 began a new stage in
the development of the Gagauz culture. Despite the crisis development of the
country in the 90-th XX century. In Gagauzia maintained the institutions
network of education and culture. They perform their main task - to preserve
and develop folk traditions. Gagauz culture entered a period of maturity. Are
held International festivals "Hederlez" and "Kasim" ethno-cultural festival of
the people of Gagauzia, the feast of language and culture, "Ana dilimiz"
festival of Gagauz songs "Gagauz tyurkyusyu" wine festival and other national
Gagauz festivities164.
Now in Gagauzia are 27 cultural centers, 45 public libraries, 16 of which
- for children, 4 musical and 3 art schools, 6 local history museums. Comrat
Music School in the name of Maria Zlatova was opened in 1966, and in 1983 -
Comrat children's art school, which now bears the name of Dmitry Savastin.
Chadyr-Lunga National Theatre. M. Chakir, Comrat municipal musical-
dramatic theater. Very popular in Moldova and abroad enjoy creative teams -
Song and Dance Ensemble "Kadynzha", "Diuz Awa", "Gagauzlar",
"Altyndzhyk", brass bands from Comrat and Chadyr-Lunga.
In 1997 year, was opened Gagauz Theatre in the name of M. M. Chakir
in Chadyr-Lunga165 and also has a branch in Comrat. Theatrical productions of
the works of the Moldavian, Gagauz and other authors presented not only in
our country but also on the stage of foreign countries. In 1997, Gagauzia
became a member of the international cultural-educational organization
"Turcksoy", consisting of 35 Turkic-speaking countries. Thanks to the support
of this organization was published the complete works of the Gagauz literature
classic D. Karaçoban, copies of which were donated to the libraries of the
region166.
164
С.Булгара, Культура гагаузского народа: история, современность, перспективы,
www.nm.md/article/kultura-gagauzskogo-naroda-istoriya-sovremennost-perspektivy
165
С.Булгара, Культура гагаузского народа: история, современность, перспективы,
www.nm.md/article/kultura-gagauzskogo-naroda-istoriya-sovremennost-perspektivy
166
Пашалы Петр Михайлович, Вестник Чувашского университета Выпуск № 3 / 2008,
cyberleninka.ru/article/n/sotsialno-ekonomicheskie-i-kulturnye-osnovy-samoutverzhdeniya-gagauzii-
kak-etnoterritorialnogo-regiona-respubliki-moldova, 30.08.2016, time 23:05
70
 Was Established Comrat State University which, prepares specialists for
education and culture of Gagauzia. Opened pedagogical and agricultural
technical colleges, today almost all children learn their native language as a
subject. Over the past 10 years, published more than 50 books in the Gagauz
language. Until that teacher was in class with old textbooks "Ana Dili" 1950-
ies XX-century. Now published textbooks for schools from 1 to 11 grades in
Latin script. But the main language of instruction in schools of Gagauzia still
remains the Russian language, voluntarily elected the overwhelming majority
of the population.
At the same time, under current legislation, the authority has three
official languages: Gagauz, Romanian and Russian. Along with this has created
favorable conditions for the integration of study and preservation of language
and national traditions of all peoples living in Gagauzia.167
In Gagauzia start revival traditions and the realization of national
holidays: "Herdelez", "Kasim", "the Feast of language and culture" - "Anna
Dilimiz", "Altyn at" etc. In Gagauzia are respected and widely celebrated
"Martisor", holidays: "Limba Noastra", "Day of Slavic writing". Organized the
festival of Opera art in which took part the prima Donna of the Moldovan
Opera - M. Bieshu, Gagauz Opera singer S. Kurudimov, as well the soloists of
the Ankara Opera.
At the end of 2004 in St. Petersburg at the Mariinsky theatre, laureate of
international contests of Opera singers became Gagauz artist G. Vlad.
Annually, there are Orthodox readings dedicated to the memory of educator
Archpriest M. Chakir. A major role in the development of the Gagauz culture
play libraries and museums. They here hold presentations of books, meetings
with writers, contests, quizzes168.

167
Пашалы Петр Михайлович, Вестник Чувашского университета Выпуск № 3 / 2008,
cyberleninka.ru/article/n/sotsialno-ekonomicheskie-i-kulturnye-osnovy-samoutverzhdeniya-gagauzii-
kak-etnoterritorialnogo-regiona-respubliki-moldova, 30.08.2016, time 23:05
168
Пашалы Петр, Вестник Чувашского университета Выпуск № 3 / 2008,
cyberleninka.ru/article/n/sotsialno-ekonomicheskie-i-kulturnye-osnovy-samoutverzhdeniya-gagauzii-
kak-etnoterritorialnogo-regiona-respubliki-moldova, 30.08.2016, time 23:05
71
 Over 25 years in the field of cultural development of the Gagauz people
became not only an Autonomous status, not only have its own flag and
emblem, not only the right to elect their government. The Gagauz people
received a reliable prospect of development of their cultural, linguistic and
ethnic identity.
Literature. Pioneering in Gagauz literature from Bessarabia was made
by Fazly brothers which translated in 1891, the poems of A. S. Pushkin 169. And
Dmitry Chakir who had written "The Biographical story of the family and the
name of Cakir170, and published in 1897 year.
A special role in the development of the Gagauz culture belongs to M.
M. Chakir, archpriest translated into Gagauz a number of religious books in
Cyrillic and issued a "Gagauz-Romanian Dictionary" and a number of other
interesting works. Unfortunately, his work remains little-known from Gagauz
readers, maybe because he wrote mainly in Romanian? And majority of
Gagauz now don’t understand this language.
In 50-ies of the XX century, After the introduction of Gagauz alphabet
(1957), begins to develop Gagauz literature. Appear writers N. Arabadji, N.
Tanasoglo, D. Tanasoglo, D. Karaçoban, M. Kesya, N. Baloglu, S. Koroglu etc.
unfortunately, the development of Gagauz literature took place in difficult
conditions due to objective and subjective reasons. For thirty years, was
released only 30 collections of works of art in the Gagauz language, a
miserable run, including 8 collections of prose, 21 a collection of poems, a
book of translations from Russian and Gagauz; translated into the Gagauz
language was published three popular science brochures historical content and
some other work171.
Participants in the ethnographic chorus of the village Besghioz collected,
processed and brought back to life ancient Gagauz songs 172 . Event in the

169
Чеботарь П.А. Гагаузская художественная литература (50-80-е годы XX
в.) // Кишинев, 1993, p. 7.
170
Чакир Д.Г. Биографический очерк рода и фамилии Чакир // Кишинев, 1899.
171
ГубоглоМ.Н. Русский язык в этнополитической истории гагаузов. Москва, 2004. С. 24.
172
Губогло М.Н. Указ. соч. С.172.
72
cultural life of the people was a play by D. Tanasoglo "Budjaka Yalin" and
"Oglan hem Lanka". They saw thousands of spectators and Gagauz villages173.
A significant event was the publication in 1985 of the first novel in
Gagauz language by D. Tanasoglo "Uzun kervan" ("Long caravan"). Pleased
with the success young poets and writers. Their works liked Gagauz readers.
These authors have collected a rich collection of folklore.
The new fiction has shaped the ethnic identity of the Gagauz people.
Writers began to search in the past, Gagauz people glorious event, legendary
heroes, important dates and prominent figures174.
The impact on the work of Gagauz folklore to literature masters is huge.
In Gagauz language published the magazine «Sabaa Yildizt» with the
application for children «Giinejgk», the newspaper «Ana sozii». State TV
Radio Gagauzia broadcast in three languages (Gagauz, Romanian and
Russian).
Great contribution to the study of the Gagauz folklore and daily life in
the late XIX - early XX centuries was Russian ethnographer V.A. Moshkov. In
1896 he published the texts of Gagauz folklore "ethnographic materials.
Gagauz texts. " The book "Samples of folk literature of Turkic tribes," to him
belongs also the largest Gagauz folklore material on "The Adverbs of
Bessarabian Gagauz." Extremely fruitful work on the Gagauz language and
folklore Russian did scientist L. Pokrovskaya, who spent many years among
the Gagauz, taught at the Comrat State University.
From the Romanian literature has been translated some works of the
writers Mihai Eminescu, Ion Creanga, Grigore Vieru, etc.
Visual arts. One of the first Gagauz professional artists was Ivan
Papazoglu175, originally from Comrat, a graduate of the Faculty of Fine Arts,
University of Bucharest. His first personal exhibition was held in 1926, a great

173
Булгар С. Гагаузские судьбы. Кишинев, 2003, С. 110.
174
Булгар, Там же. С. 141, 145, 148
175
Биографии - ИВАН ПАПАЗОГЛУ (1904-1986), www.gagauzy.com/ivan-popazoglu.html,
24.08.2016, time 11:30.
73
contribution to the development of fine art painters have D. Savastin, P. Chakir,
P. Fazli, M. Arabadji, D. Ayoglu, P. Vlach, S. Savastin, B. Topal (living in
Canada), A. Kopcha, A. Ivarlak, R. Angelchev and others. The subjects of their
work varied. In their works, imbued with a deep sense of national, it reflects
the history and life of the Gagauz people, and native land. Their bright works
were exhibited in Turkey, France, Germany, Bulgaria, Russia, Ukraine and
other countries.
A new form of creative collaboration was organized by the Department
of culture and the Union of artists of Gagauzia International creative
laboratory, in which every year since 2004, involves artists from France,
Russia, Turkey, Ukraine, Moldova. Within 10 days, they are working to create
new paintings that are transferred to the Fund of the art gallery of Gagauzia.
This Fund has 75 works by renowned artists in the world176.
Musical art. Its basis is the instrumental song reservoir of creativity,
which created talented nuggets. They left of their people historical ballads
songs, wedding and love-song lyric. Especially popular among Gagauz's are
funny couplets "Maani".
Although Gagauz people has a long history, but the collection and study
of Gagauz folklore began only in the late XIX-early XX centuries. By Russian
ethnographer V.A. Moshkov. After World War II the active collectors of folk
music began N. Kiosa, D. Gagauz, M. Colsa (author of the anthem of
Gagauzia). They created original works. It is widely known the names of folk
artists as: I. Yuvarlak, S. Lazarev, A. Dishli, P. Cara E. Dimova, M. Mechkarj,
M. Radova, I. Bass, M. Colsa, M. Kysa, and T. Dudoglo.
During the 70-80-ies of XX century. began to emerge professional
musical culture of Gagauz people. At Comrat House of Culture was established
(1973) Gagauz folk music orchestra "Diuz Ava" (head S. Pometko), and later

176
Пашалы Петр Михайлович, Вестник Чувашского университета Выпуск № 3 / 2008,
cyberleninka.ru/article/n/sotsialno-ekonomicheskie-i-kulturnye-osnovy-samoutverzhdeniya-gagauzii-
kak-etnoterritorialnogo-regiona-respubliki-moldova, 30.08.2016, time 23:05
74
the ensemble Gagauz folk song and dance "Kadyndzha" (M. Colsa, A.
K¸sya)177, the first Gagauz pop music band "Serii su" (F. Radionov). Brilliant
acted amateur ensemble "Gagauz peddlers," led by Boris Novak.
In the late 90-ies of XX century, by the efforts of the composer and
musicologist D. Gagauz established the first group of Gagauz classical music
"Filiz" ("Rostok") It consisted of singers S. Kurudimov and G. Vlad, musicians
S. Filioglo (piano), O. Dushkova (cello), D. Usov (violin). A great Gagauz
masters of music.at the begining XX century was Maria Zlatova (1884-1966
gg.) She has been a soloist at the Mariinsky Opera (St. Petersburg). A well-
known composer and musicologist was also Vasily ¨kyuzchyu (1919-1977 gg.),
Who lived in Turkey. For a long time, Moldavian Philharmonic Symphony
Orchestra was led by Gagauz N. Kylchik.
In Gagauzia and abroad are popular song and dance ensembles
"Kadynzha", "Djuz-Ava", "Gagauzlar", "Lale", which constantly take part in
folk festivals in Moldova, Turkey, Russia, Belarus, Ukraine, Romania, and
Bulgaria. Youth vocal-instrumental ensemble "Chair" from the town of Ceadir-
Lunga in 2004 participated in the International competition "Euroradio" in the
Netherlands and became its winner.178
Proud of Gagauzia is its regional brass band under the guidance of
renowned pedagogue, honored worker of culture of Gagauzia V. Ivanchuk.
This team was a multiple winner of the Republican competition of the brass
bands contests.
Therefore, the arts help to grow the national consciousness of Gagauz.

2.3 Institutes of formation Gagauz ethnic identity

177
ГАГАУЗСКАЯ МУЗЫКА., www.music-dic.ru/html-music-keld/g/1593.html
178
Пашалы Петр, Вестник Чувашского университета Выпуск № 3 / 2008,
cyberleninka.ru/article/n/sotsialno-ekonomicheskie-i-kulturnye-osnovy-samoutverzhdeniya-gagauzii-
kak-etnoterritorialnogo-regiona-respubliki-moldova, 30.08.2016, time 23:05
75
 Family. The twentieth century in Moldova was marked by the growth of
processes of ethnic identification, ethnic self-awareness, and it is known that
the family plays the most important role in the formation of the ethnic identity
of the individual. Family - the oldest device on earth, occupying an important
place in human society. In the modern interpretation, it can be noted that the
"Family" is a social group that has a historically determined organization
whose members are related to marital or kinship relations (as well as relations
to take children for upbringing), commonalities of life, mutual moral
responsibility and social necessity, which is conditioned by the need society in
the physical and spiritual reproduction of the population 179. Throughout history,
strong families have been a guarantee of stability in society. The family is the
most important value in the life of many people living in modern society. Each
member of society, in addition to social status, ethnicity, property and material
status, from the moment of birth to the end of life has such characteristics as
marital status. For child, the family is an environment in which the conditions
of his physical, mental, emotional, and intellectual development are directly
formed. For an adult, the family is a source of satisfaction of a number of its
needs and a small team that presents to it diverse and rather complicated
requirements180.
The following aspects of the family stand out: The family as a social
institution, characterized by specific social norms, sanctions, patterns of
behavior, rights and responsibilities governing relations between spouses,
between parents and children181.
Speaking about the historical study of relations in the family among
Gagauz, first of all, it is necessary to turn to the work of V.A. Moshkov

179
Мид М. Модели поведения супругов в межнациональных семьях/ Семейная политика – М.:
№3, 2004, p.38.
180
Голод С.И. Семья и брак: историко-социологический анализ.– СПб.: Изд-во Петрополис,
1998, p.11.
181
Е.В. Благовская, СЕМЬЯ В УСЛОВИЯХ ЭТНИЧЕСКОЙ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТИ,
e-lib.gasu.ru/vmu/arhive/2010/01/4.pdf, 2018/2/9
76
"Gagauz of Bendery County"182, in particular to the chapter "Family and social
relations among Gagauz", by V. Moshkov describes in his materials very
detailed the life and history of Gagauz due to the fact that he lived for a long
time among Gagauz. The result of this was the work in which reliable facts
were recorded from the life and everyday life of Gagauz. The composition of
the essays includes chapters describing the relationship in the family and
between relatives of Gagauz.
So, we consider two main questions as for the traditional culture of
Gagauz at the end of XIX - first part of the XX century: freedom of choice and
ways and methods of the struggle for the conservation of morality in the
community. It is emphasized that one of the main traits of the Gagauz' family
up to middle of the XX century was its rigid patriarchality and subordination.
A characteristic feature of the Gagauz family until the middle of the XX
century. was its patriarchy and a rigid system of subordination. The
unquestioning submission of children to parents was based not only on the
authority of the latter, but also on their complete material dependence on them.
The issue of choosing a marriage partner was also in the competence of the
parents. At matchmaking, the groom's parents paid special attention to both the
physical and spiritual qualities of the girl, and to the presence in her dowry of
the land allotment, livestock and money, called in the people zestra. In many
Gagauz villages, the concept of "dowry" was denoted by two terms chiiz and
zestra, which have, to a certain extent, different contents. The parental duty was
to provide the daughter with a dowry (chiz), which usually included only
bedding and clothing. Dowry, called zestra, was far from every girl due to the
lack of land in the household of parents and a difficult economic situation.183
Due to the shortage of land and the increase in its value at the end of the
19th and the first half of the 20th century, when deciding on the choice of a

182
Мошков В.А. Гагаузы Бендерского уезда: Этнографические очерки и материалы. Кишинев,
2004.
183
Квилинкова E. Некоторые элементы обычного права гагаузов, связанные с семейно-
брачными отношениями. Закон и жизнь", 2005 г., N 8, с.55
77
marriage partner, parents were largely guided not by the feelings of their son or
daughter, but by economic interests: the desire to strengthen and consolidate
the peasant economy from using rich wedding gifts given by the bride's parents
(cattle, land).184 Sometimes parents forced their son to marry a girl older than
him or ugly, for which they gave the land as a dowry. Thus, the material well-
being of the girl, the presence of her zestra, played an important role in the
choice of the bride's parents for her son. Often, parents told their son about his
future bride after the ceremony of matchmaking. The refusal to submit to their
decision was sometimes accompanied by the son's departure from the parental
home. This act, in turn, gave the right to parents to deprive him of his
inheritance.185
In addition, for marriage, the consent of not only the married (which was
largely formal), but also the parents, was necessary. Without their consent, the
priest did not perform the wedding ceremony. Often in the matter of choosing a
marriage partner the leading role belonged to the grandmother. Probably, this is
due to the fact that after the death of his grandfather, his wife became the head
of the family. The management function of the household passed to one of his
sons, while maintaining the primacy of the elder woman (ie grandmother). The
decisive role of the senior woman in the family is connected not only with the
distribution of economic responsibilities, but also with the issue of inheritance.
After the death of his grandfather, the inheritance and the right to dispose of it
passed into the hands of his wife.186
Especially strongly manifested despotic power of the grandmother in
those cases when there was no heir to the male sex and the inheritance was to
move to the granddaughter. If the groom was poor, then she did not consent to
the marriage. The determining role of the grandmother in the choice of the

184
Полевые материалы автора, собранные в 2001-2004 гг. в гагаузских селах юга Молдовы и
Болгарии; Мошков В.А. Гагаузы Бендерского уезда. Этнографические очерки и материалы //
Этнографическое обозрение (ЭО) 1901, № 1
185
Малай К. Приход Чок-Мейдан Бендерского уезда // Кишиневские Епархиальные Ведомости
(КЕВ). 1875. № 22, 24
186
Курогло С.С. Семейная обрядность гагаузов в XIX - начале XX вв. Кишинев, 1980
78
groom for the granddaughter can be clearly traced in the Gagauz folklore. 187 It
is not uncommon for a marriage to be upset because of the disagreement of the
grandmother. The granddaughter had to obey her decision, despite the fact that
her parents did not object to the choice of her daughter. An analysis of family
relationships in the family suggests that the principle of the supremacy of the
male principle did not come into conflict with the principle of subordination of
the younger to the elder regardless of gender.
Nevertheless, in the choice of the marriage partner, children did not
always obey the will of the parents. To a greater extent this was typical of
daughters who risked much less than their sons. If the parents did not agree to
marry the daughter with her chosen one (mainly for material reasons), she ran
away from home with the help of friends and relatives of the groom. Therefore,
one of the reasons for the existence of such a method of marriage (kackin
gitmaa) is the protest of the young against the decision of the parents, not
taking into account their feelings.
However, we note that fictitious abduction of the bride is much more
often practiced in poor families with a view to reducing the material costs
associated with the wedding. This method became widespread in the late XIX -
early XX centuries, which is associated with the deterioration of the economic
situation of a significant part of the peasants. All this led to the reduction of
wedding rituals. For example, in the village of Dezginja, a cycle connected
with pre-wedding customs and matchmaking altogether fell out of the wedding
ritual. The question about the appointment of the wedding day and gifts was
discussed by the matchmakers within a few days after the girl's settlement in
the groom's house188. At the same time, both sides agreed to this way of
marriage.

187
Moldova gagauzlarin halk turkuleri / Toplayan hem hazirlayan E.Kvilinkova. Kişinov, 2003.
С.117, 121
188
Полевые материалы автора, собранные в 2001-2004 гг. в гагаузских селах юга Молдовы и
Болгарии; Мошков В.А. Гагаузы Бендерского уезда. Этнографические очерки и материалы //
Этнографическое обозрение (ЭО) 1901, № 1
79
 Often, the girl's rich dowry made her an object of material interest on the
part of the groom's relatives. As one of the ways to achieve the goal was used
and forcible removal of the bride (kavramaa or zorlan almaa). In some cases,
the motive for using the violent way of abducting the bride could also be the
feelings of a young man to whom the girl did not reciprocate. But still the
marriage, concluded in a similar way and with such motives, was the exception
rather. The custom of kidnapping brides is an ancient custom and is known to
many peoples.
From the above data it follows that often the desires of a young man and a
girl were not taken into account when choosing a marriage partner. They had to
obey the decision of their parents. The despotism of the past on the issue of
marriage confirmed by the message of the local priest of Chok Maidan,
K.Malaya dating back to the second half of the XIX century. "Are not rare here
marriages in which the bride's choice does not depend on the groom, and from
his parents."189 The fact that the Gagauz weddings are traditionally the
performance of a large number of sad songs, due, apparently, established
tradition in which young feeling ignored, that is, the marriage did not consist of
love. As a result, the joyful atmosphere of wedding feasts for a certain time was
replaced by sorrow and tears caused by such songs.
It should be noted that the strict subordination of children to parents is
explained not only by the preserved patriarchy of the Gagauz family, but also
by their complete economic dependence. To listen to the parents meant for the
son to be deprived of their economic support and the share of the land
allotment. Having lost land, he was thus incapable of ensuring the normal
existence of his family and had to be employed by a hired worker to prosperous
peasants.
To some extent, it can be said that the girl was freer to choose a marriage
partner than a young man, since she was less financially dependent on her
parents. According to customary law, with the presence of sons in the family,
189
Малай К. Приход Чок-Мейдан Бендерского уезда // КЕВ. 1875. № 22, С.837-838
80
the daughter could not inherit the parents. The gender inequality in inheritance
was the norm of customary law until the beginning of the 20th century (in some
villages - until the middle of the 20th century). Therefore, in the case of
disobedience to parents, the girl risked only her dowry (chiz), consisting of
bedding, clothes) and a kind attitude of the parents towards herself. According
to information from informants Gagauz villages in Bulgaria, in the case of
blood resentment parents own daughter for disrespect shown to them, there
were occasions when they were burned in the yard of the house dowry and
refused to have any contact with his daughter.190 But such forms of influence on
daughters were not a frequent occurrence. As a rule, after some time the parents
forgave her daughter for her deed and celebrated her wedding. Thus, the
established tradition of removing daughters from inheritance gave the girl a
certain degree of freedom in choosing a marriage partner according to her inner
feelings, rather than a young man.
With the development of capitalist relations, with the strengthening of the
role of waste, a single guy could earn a certain amount of money, which was
his personal property. Together with this he acquired some independence in
solving personal problems. This is evidenced by the statement of V.Moshkov
that "recently ... parents' interference in the marital affairs of their children is
happening less and less often."191 Nevertheless, at the beginning of the 20th
century, parents continued to exert a significant influence on the fate of
children, which is connected both with the preservation of their material
dependence and with the preservation of the importance of traditional norms in
the field of family and kinship relations.
The issue of observance by members of the community of morality and
morality (especially girls and women) was controlled by the whole community
and was an integral part of customary law. It was believed that the violation of
the traditional principles of morality was the cause of various misfortunes:
190
Курогло С.С. Семейная обрядность гагаузов в XIX - начале XX вв. Кишинев, 1980
191
Мошков В.А. Гагаузы Бендерского уезда. Этнографические очерки и материалы // ЭО 1901,
№ 1, С.100
81
drought, hail, crop failure, etc. The methods of struggle for spiritual purity and
morality were very different, ranging from measures of social influence and
ending with ostracism. Control over the preservation of morality and ways to
punish the perpetrators were an integral part of the wedding ritual. Until the
middle of the XX century. In many Gagauz villages of Moldova, the custom of
examining the bride's innocence after the wedding night was preserved. 192 In
some Gagauz villages in Bulgaria, guests were shown the bride's lower shirt as
proof of her chastity.
The issue of control and ascertaining the virginity of the bride is usually
dealt with by the wife of the groom's brother (deverka) or mother-in-law. In the
Gagauz of Bulgaria, this function was often performed by a woman specially
invited to prepare wedding meals (ahciyka). Empowering her with these
powers indicates that she acted as a trustee from the whole village and was
responsible for the reliability of the information.
According to the wedding ritual, the day after the wedding (Monday) was
called "kirmizi raki" (red vodka) or "tatli raki" (sweet vodka). This day was
considered the end of the wedding and was celebrated in honor of the virginity
and integrity of the bride. If the bride was a virgin, the next day an escort
consisting of relatives and some guests from the groom's house was sent to the
bride's house. They treated the bride's parents with "sweet vodka" and the fun
continued. Usually vodka was tinted in red, which gave the name of the post-
wedding stage of the celebration - "red vodka". At the Gagauz of Bulgaria, a
red ribbon was tied on a bottle of vodka, which also symbolized the integrity of
the bride. After dinner, guests gathered at the groom's house again. Young
treated them with vodka, for which they received a certain monetary reward.
Often, the lower shirt of the bride was put on a tray, showing her guests
her virginity. There was also the custom of circumventing the grooms' homes
of fellow villagers, whose purpose was to notify the neighbors of the high

192
Малай К. Приход Чок-Мейдан Бендерского уезда // Кишиневские Епархиальные Ведомости
(КЕВ). 1875. № 22, 24
82
moral qualities of the bride. A group of women (sometimes together with the
bride), which included the mummers, walked around the neighbors' houses.
They carried a long stick with the end of which was tied the bride's lower shirt
with characteristic traces after the wedding night. Entering the courtyard, the
women treated the hosts to vodka. The latter in return gave the newlyweds gifts
and money. This custom is known as "gelini gezdirmaa" (lit. Led Bride). One
of the women, who played the role of a gypsy woman, tried to steal from the
owners of the hens. Gifted by the owners and everything that managed to steal,
was passed by a group of young women and served as the basis for the
formation of their own farm. This custom is an echo of the ancient custom of
material support by all members of the community creating a young family.
If the bride was not a virgin, then the vodka was not tinted in red. Thus,
the guests were informed about the violation of the traditional norms of
morality. The news of the depravity or chastity of the bride, according to the
norms of customary law, was to become publicly available. It was believed that
if you hide this fact from guests and fellow villagers, then in the house of the
hosts and guests there will necessarily be some misfortune. A similar custom is
known to Bulgarians.
There were various ways of public mockery of a dishonest bride and her
parents with the help of certain actions containing a figurative meaning. For
example, when the parents of the bride groomed vodka, they poured it into a
glass with a broken bottom, which symbolized their daughter's nondescript.
Interesting is the habit of alerting all villagers about the bride's nondescripts
with the help of the herald, who climbed for this to a tall tree, from where in
allegorical terms informed everyone about the bride's violation of morality.
Passing by the villagers, he "invited" to the groom's house to drink vodka.
From the further dialogue it was found out that the glass was empty as a result
of the fact that its bottom had been pierced: "-Kim is the isker of raka? -Icheriz
ama bosh filchan!" ("Who wants to drink vodka?" "We want, but the glass is

83
empty!") In Gen. Kantardzhievo, when the bride's virginity was lost before the
wedding, the women walked around the villagers' house with a tied up long
polka shirt with no under shorting evidence of her innocence. This custom was
called Gezdirmaa boş gulma (lit. "Go around with an empty shirt").193
In relation to the bride, severe methods were used as punishment for the
Gagauz of Bulgaria: the culprit was forced to sweep the yard in the lower shirt.
Sometimes a mask from the bees was put on the head, which tarnished its
honor of the bride, which symbolized that her head was full of stupid and
obscene thoughts. According to their mothers and grandmothers, informants
told us that at the beginning of the 20th century the following custom existed:
the dishonest bride (dehil namizli) was seated in an unladen cart (sandik
arabadan) and carried her around the village (gezdirerlar kuun icinda), so
everyone knew about her misdemeanor. As a result, this marriage was
dissolved, and the reputation of such a girl was completely undermined. After
such a shame, only a widower could marry her. According to informants, some
of the listed customs were executed at Gagauz of Bulgaria till the middle of
60th years of XX century. 194
It should be noted that by the mid-20th century. as a result of significant
socioeconomic transformations, the traditional way of life, rituals, customs,
clothes have undergone significant changes. The process of transformation has
also been subject to norms of morality, which to some extent have become
freer. The customs associated with control issues have largely lost their rigidity
and gradually began to lose. The choice of the form of punishment for the
guilty bride depended on who was the culprit of her unvirginity - the groom or
another man. If the bridegroom was guilty of this, they could be punished
together, although it is easier. If there was a fact of non-observance of morality
by the bride, the mother-in-law acted as a person disinterested in divulging this

193
Державин Н.С. Болгарские колонии в России. Таврическая, Херсонская и Бессарабская
губернии. София, 1914
194
Стоиков Н. Религиозно-нравственное состояние болгарских колоний в Бессарабии со
времени их основания до настоящего времени // КЕВ. 1910. № 36. С.1267-1280
84
information, which undermined the authority of the whole family. As a result,
the issue of violation by the bride of the norms of morality went to the plane of
not punishing the guilty, but the amount of material compensation for the
groom's parents for the moral damage inflicted on them. Often, in the case of
establishing the fact that the bride did not observe her virginity, her parents
suggested that the "affected" party compensate for an allotment of land or a
certain amount of money. Such an allotment of land, known as zestra or namiz
tarlasi, was the property of the bride and groom's parents, not the bride. A
similar custom existed among Bulgarians. The allotment of land, obtained as a
result of a compromise between the parents of the bride and groom, was called
"durkinata niva".195
Meanwhile, things have changed since then, permanent population of
ATO Gagauzia on 1.01.2017 yearly consisted 161,876 inhabitants or 4.54% of
the total population Populations Republic of Moldova196. In ATU Gagauzia,
demographic situation is somewhat is better than the national average. In
Gagauzia, according to statistics: there are 100 men for 108 women, 48.1% of
men for 51.9 women; 60.2% of the population of the autonomy are married,
unmarried - 25.6%197.
The family crisis did not exempt Gagauz too, the divorce rate increased
greatly, every second marriage breaks up. The greatest number of divorces fall
on young families. Divorce is 53.9% of families with a marriage duration of up
to 10 years.
The average age of marriage is: among men - 28 years, among women -
25.4198.

195
Христов П. "Дуркината нива" и свадбеният дарообмен // Българска етнология, 1999, Кн.3-4.
С.56-76.
196
Текущая ситуация в АТО Гагаузияв сфересоциальной инфраструктуры,
https://www.gamcon.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/Анализ-текущей-ситуации-в-сфере-
социальной-инфрастрктуры-Нягова-Анна.pdf, 2018/2/10
197
Нягова Анна, Текущая ситуация в АТО Гагаузияв сфересоциальной инфраструктуры,
https://www.gamcon.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/Анализ-текущей-ситуации-в-сфере-
социальной-инфрастрктуры-Нягова-Анна.pdf, 2018/2/10
198
Нягова Анна, Текущая ситуация в АТО Гагаузияв сфересоциальной инфраструктуры,
https://www.gamcon.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/Анализ-текущей-ситуации-в-сфере-
социальной-инфрастрктуры-Нягова-Анна.pdf, 2018/2/10
85
 Families decrease in size. So, if in 1989. Gagauz families had 3 children,
and now are only 2 children199.
Also, increase the number of children born out of wedlock, and is
becoming more and more evident. If in 1990, women who were not married
and had children constituted 11.0% (12.1% in urban areas and 10.1% in rural
areas. For comparison now, the percentage of children born from women who
were not in a registered marriage already amounted to 21.9%.
Thus, according to the above data, every fourth child in the republic is
born out of wedlock. for 25 years, the percentage increased 2-fold, of which
17.0% in urban areas, and 24.5% in rural areas200.
Despite that during the XX century in Gagauz family patriarchal-
traditional image of family life was still dominant, characterized by the
subordinate position of women and the pronounced superiority of the husband,
the presence of several generations in the family, then at the turn of the 20th
and 21st centuries the desire for nuclearization of the family group.
According to statistics, for example, in the mid-1980s, among the Gagauz
families, nuclear couples consisting of a married couple with children
accounted for 51.1%, in the first decade of the 21st century, they made up more
than 70%. (the number increased by 20%)201.
Even today the family in Gagauzia has a significant value of being, has
been and remains the basic way of life for the majority of autonomy residents,
and conscious loneliness and life without family is not welcomed by the
population.
The family as a guiding force and role model plays an incomparable role
in the emergence of a growing person as a personality. This is the primary

199
Нягова Анна, Текущая ситуация в АТО Гагаузияв сфересоциальной инфраструктуры,
https://www.gamcon.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/Анализ-текущей-ситуации-в-сфере-
социальной-инфрастрктуры-Нягова-Анна.pdf, 2018/2/10
200
Нягова Анна, Текущая ситуация в АТО Гагаузияв сфересоциальной инфраструктуры,
https://www.gamcon.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/Анализ-текущей-ситуации-в-сфере-
социальной-инфрастрктуры-Нягова-Анна.pdf, 2018/2/10
201
Текущая ситуация в АТО Гагаузияв сфересоциальной инфраструктуры,
https://www.gamcon.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/Анализ-текущей-ситуации-в-сфере-
социальной-инфрастрктуры-Нягова-Анна.pdf, 2018/2/10
86
collective, which gives a person an idea of life goals and values. In the family
such an important element of the structure of social identity as an ethnic one is
formed. This phenomenon of personality is realized through the style of
education, religion, the nature of interaction between family members. In the
case of the successful formation of ethnic identity in the process of family
education, children develop habits of behavior and criteria for evaluating good
and evil, permissible and blamed, fair and unjust, consistent with ethnic
concepts. An important trend of modern society is to increase interethnic
marriages, which pose a danger to the process of ethnic identity identification
and create conditions for the development of ethnic marginalism202.
The custom of inheritance among the Gagauz. It should be noted that
the terminology relating to the field of inheritance is not developed in Gagauz.
For example, the term "inheritance" for the Gagauz of Moldova used the terms
- varlik, averya - in the meaning of "property", "state", "wealth", zengennik -
meaning "wealth "," Good ", yurtluk - in the meaning of" homestead "," house
with outbuildings. " The concept of "testament" - bashlamak comes from the
verb bashlamaa and means "to promise". The term "heir" was conveyed by the
whole expression "mulku kalmis ooluna" ( property left to the son), "saabi
olersyn topraya" ( become the master of the land) Thus, the concept of
"inheritance" is associated primarily with property and land.
The main wealth for the agricultural people was the land. The pre-emptive
right of inheritance was for the man. The daughter could not claim the
inheritance, including inherit the land, if she had brothers. Such an order of
inheritance, when the daughter was actually removed from the inheritance, was
kept by the Gagauz of Bessarabia until the first half of the 20th century.
Similar traditions existed among the Romanian, among the East Slavic
and South Slav peoples, and others.203 This coincidence of legal norms among
202
Е.В. Благовская, СЕМЬЯ В УСЛОВИЯХ ЭТНИЧЕСКОЙ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТИ,
e-lib.gasu.ru/vmu/arhive/2010/01/4.pdf, 2018/2/9
203
Пахман С.В. Обычное гражданское право в России. Т.2. СПб., 1979. Украинский народ в
прошлом и настоящем, Пг., 1916. Т.2. С.660; Галбен А.И. Из истории феодального права
Молдовы XVIII - начало XIX в. Кишинэу, 1998, p. 71
87
different peoples can probably be regarded as "evidence of a typological
property predetermined by social, economic, geographical and other
conditions."204
For Gagauz, as well as at other east European people, at inheritance the
principle of a minor was observed, according to customary law, the house and
all the household of the parents, including the land, were inherited by the
younger son. The West European peoples had the principle of majorat, the
eldest son succeeded.
In the areas of the lands allocated from the treasury, the younger son
inherits in general, and only in case of inability his father can appoint another
heir from his eldest sons or from relatives.205
But the principle of minorat in Gagauz was not always observed 206. At the
request of the father (or both parents), the elder or middle son could become the
heir to the father's house and an allotment. As a result of living together for
several years with married sons, the father could make his choice in favor of
one or another son. At the same time, the youngest son and his family were
evicted to a newly built house. The amendment of the unwritten rule was one
of the forms of punishment for the son and daughter-in-law for obstinacy
against the parents and for their intolerance, since the share received by the son
in separation was significantly less than the father's inheritance. In addition, the
device in the new location required a lot of effort and material costs.
Sons were more economically dependent on their parents than their
daughters, since, according to customary law, sons inherited their father.
Usually the father divided the land equally among all the sons. One share of the
parents left for themselves for their own food. Their share was given to the
youngest son, who was supposed to take care of parents in their old age. If the

204
Галбен А.И. Указ. Соч., p. 156
205
Державин Н.С. Болгарские колонии в России. С.36; Св. Зак. Т. XII, Ч.2. СПб., 1857 г.
206
Квилинкова Е.Н. Обычай наследования у гагаузов, Полевые записи автора, собранные в
результате исследований в гагаузских селах юга Молдовы и в гагаузских селах Северо-
Восточной Болгарии в 2001-2005 гг.,
serin.su/publ/kvilinkova_e_n_obychaj_nasledovanija_u_gagauzov/1-1-0-21, 2018/4/18
88
couple did not have their own children, the house usually went to a nephew or
niece, who after the marriage settled in the house of their uncle or aunt and
took care of them until death. Often, they were adopted.
Sometimes the principle of equality in allocating sons to the land was not
respected. This could happen, for example, if the father's allotment was too
small. In this case, most of the land was given to the youngest son, while the
other sons received only a plot for the construction of the house and a symbolic
part of the land.
Often, the size of the land that the father gave his sons, depended also on
the extent to which a successful marriage with his son (in the economic sense).
If a son married a girl who was given a dowry in her dowry, then her father
gave his son less land to support the economic efficiency of other sons' farms.
The size of the allotment also depended sometimes on the composition of the
son's family, in the absence of children, the amount of inheritance granted to
the childless son by the father also decreased.
The unequal division of the inheritance between the sons created serious
tension in the relations between them. Residents of Gaidar still transmit from
generation to generation a real story (indicating specific people and their
descendants) about the tragedy that occurred in the 1930s (Decades of the 20th
Century), in the family of one of the rich fellow villagers. The reason for
fratricide was the fact that his father essentially deprived the legacy of his
childless son, who, moreover, did not have a great morality. Considering this
decision of the father by injustice towards himself, the son stole oxen from the
father's house with the aim of selling them in the market. This story has a sad
ending: the father and brothers tied him up and beat him to death.
The father also had the right to deprive the disobedient son of the land
allotment, but often this right was not used. Usually this son was also allocated
an allotment of land, but after that he had to leave the parents' house
immediately. At the same time, he was not helped in the construction of the

89
house. Sometimes he was forced to use a place to build a house on the edge of
the village, where he set up a temporary dwelling for his family resembling a
hut. This is a kind of way of exile from the family, which at the same time
served as a method of educating the youth and a means of influencing it.
To expel his son from the house without a plot of land, the father resorted
only in rare cases. In the event of a conflict between the father and son, the role
of the private arbitrator was played by the rural community, which formed
public opinion, proceeding from the norms of customary law. The community
was interested in ensuring that each newly formed family had its own land
allotment. Thus, the main goal of the community was to preserve each family
as a functioning (solvent) peasant farm that could contribute its share of the tax
imposed on the community.
In addition, the size of the allotment of land, the number of livestock, etc.,
which were allotted to a new family, were specified by the groom's parents at
the wedding of their fellow villagers at the entrance of the newlyweds to the
house. This form was an oral contract. Therefore, despite the friction between
the parents, on the one hand, and the son and daughter-in-law, on the other
hand, the parents had to fulfill their promise. The decision they made once
acquired the "force of law", which they could not break.
As a result of ongoing socio-economic changes, the predominant right of
inheritance of men began to gradually die out. Moldovans, for example,
according to the information of the Moldovan historian A. Galben, this process
took place since the second half of the14tn century 207. Until the beginning of
the 20th century, the Gagauz (in some villages until the middle of the 20th
century) maintained gender inequality in inheritance, which was the norm of
customary law. The land and other real estate was inherited by the male line. In
the presence of sons and daughters, as a rule, land was not vested.
The right of preferential inheritance of land only through the male line
was also the norm of the customary law of the Bulgarians. It was also
207
Галбен А.И. Указ. Соч., p. 133
90
recognized by the Turk legislation, although the official law of the Ottoman
Empire granted the right of inheritance of land and for women. In the absence
of direct relatives, the land, according to custom, could move to more distant
relatives, and then to the neighbors208.
Thus, in the Balkans and later after the resettlement to Bessarabia, the
Gagauzians continued to have the right to inherit land principally along the
male line.
On the territory of Bessarabia since from the middle of the 19tn century.
the woman was entitled to a fixed share of the inheritance left after the death of
the next of kin. According to the provisions of the Charter on the colonies of
foreigners in the Empire, in the event of the death of the head of the family
without a will, his wife and daughter received a fixed share in the inheritance
only from movable property: "The movable property remaining after it is
divided on the following basis: the widow of the deceased is given from the
one quarter, the same part is received by all the daughters together, and the rest
is divided equally between sons."209
The land allotment was inherited by sons or other close relatives of the
male: "When the father does not have time to do this during his lifetime, then
for the utter inability of the legal heir, the local authorities give the plot to those
of close relatives who do not have their own plots, or, by the lot. "210
According to information of informants related to the first half of the 20th
century, when the property was divided, the wife of the deceased head of the
family also received a third of the inheritance 211, those. had certain guarantees
of its material security. If she remarried, she divided her land and property
among her sons.

208
Маркова Л.В. Маркова Л.В. Сельская община у болгар в XIX в. // Славянский
этнографический сборник. Труды Института этнографии им.Н.Н.Миклухо-Маклая. М., 1960. Т.
LXII. С.6-104. Изд. АН СССР, p. 34
209
Державин Н.С. Болгарские колонии в России. Таврическая, Херсонская и Бессарабская
губернии. София, 1914, p. 36
210
Державин Н.С. Болгарские колонии в России. Таврическая, Херсонская и Бессарабская
губернии. София, 1914, p. 36
211
ПЗА, Молдова: с. Бешгёз. Руссу В. В.
91
 According to the customary law of the Gagauzians, in the absence of co-
acquired children after the death of the husband, the wife could not inherit the
house if she did not participate in its construction, but settled in the husband's
house built by his parents. In this case, the legal heirs were the brothers, and if
there were none, then the husband's sister. If a woman has lived with her
husband for a certain number of years in the house of his parents, during which
they built a house jointly with all the household members, after the death of her
husband she was the heiress of the house (or part of the house), despite the
absence of co-acquired children. In this case, it was taken into account that the
wife, as an employee in her husband's house, contributed to the construction of
the house.
In the event of the death of one of the brothers, his share was transferred
to his son. In practice, there were no strict rules for resolving the issue of
dividing land between children, as well as between parents and children. In
different villages and even in different families, he decided in his own way,
depending on the specific conditions. The father, if desired, could deprive the
son of an inheritance, and the son did not have the moral right to sue his father,
as this was the will of the parents, who obeyed unconditionally. But in case the
father deprived the son and bequeathed the whole inheritance to his grandson,
the son could sue him, since with the living son the father should not ignore his
interests and pass it on to the grandson.
During the process of historical development, the institution of
inheritance among the Gagauz also experienced significant changes. According
to informants, during the Stolypin reform of 1906-1907. communal land was
finally evenly distributed among all its members, taking into account the
population of both male and female (capitation). Accordingly, when the
daughter was married, the parents were obliged to transfer the share of the land
due to her. When a new family was created, the land of husband and wife
united in a common household. The subsequent sections between the children

92
led to a fragmentation and a reduction in land allotments. As a result of a
significant reduction in allotments, the principle of equality between the sexes
was no longer observed when the land was divided by the parents.
So, until the end of the 19tn century the custom of gifting daughters to the
land was not widespread among the Gagauz. In addition, there is also no
information confirming the order of inheritance, under which the daughters
would inherit their parents along with their sons. Daughters inherited their
parents in the event that the family did not have male heirs.
However, with the intensification of capitalist relations in the countryside,
the custom of endowing daughters with land was somewhat spread (not in all
Gagauz villages). According to informants, at the beginning of the 20th
century, wealthy peasants, who had a significant amount of land allotment, also
gave their daughters land. But at the same time, the size of the daughter's
apparel was 1/3 of the son's allotment212.
However, note that the parental duty was to provide daughter with the
dowries (chiz), which included only bedding, clothes and a trunk. Thus, if
every bride had a dowry, then the land allotment, livestock, money, which was
usually called the general term of the dowries, were far from every bride.
Brides who had a dowry of land in the dowry, often taken away without their
consent to the groom's house, despite the fact that they have not yet reached
adulthood.
The Gagauz also had another form of inheritance of the land - along the
women's line. The allotment of land, which received a daughter from her
parents as a wedding present, was her property. After the children grew up, the
mother shared this part of the land between her daughters (mostly a small grape
garden). Thus, in some cases the land allotment was distributed and inherited
through the women's line.
In conclusion, Gagauz do not have clear terms for important concepts
such as inheritance, succession, heirs, wills, movable property, real estate, etc.
212
ПЗА, с.Бешгёз (Молдова). Руссу В.В.
93
A descriptive method for clarifying a particular notion has often been used;
currently, the terms borrowed from the Russian language are used. This shows
that in the area of inheritance and succession, for a long period of time,
continued to maintain its force of customary law.
Education. The education system, providing national education, forms
the ethnic identity of the child by teaching the mother tongue, acquaintance
with the customs, traditions, values of the people. However, placing the
national in the national structure on the foreground, two possible extremes
should be taken into account: nihilistic - denying and not recognizing one's
nationality and culture, and national chauvinistic - preaching only its national
priorities and attitudes and the belittling role and importance of other
nationalities.Therefore, parallel work on acquaintance with other ethnic
collectives is very important, so as not to miss the sensitive period of mastering
other languages and cultures, not to limit the world of social contacts of
children. The education system must, first of all, ensure the preservation of the
integrity of the nation, ethnic self-awareness, cultural gene pool, language
differences, but at the same time a tolerant attitude towards other ethnic groups
and national minorities.
The task of educational institutions, first of all, is to ensure the acquisition
and appropriation on a personal level of those socially significant cultural,
spiritual and state qualities that reflect belonging to a certain ethnos.
The XXI century, on the one side, is characterized by the revival of ethnic
self-awareness, the increasing role of ethnicity in social processes and the
interest in language, culture and the traditional way of life, and on the other, a
certain standardization of everyday life and the strengthening of uniformity in
connection with the movement of people, goods, technologies that form a
single universal culture. Based on the development of civilization,
interpenetration of cultures and styles of life, the problem of human
identification within the framework of this or that ethnos is at the forefront. In

94
these conditions, the emphasis in the study of ethnic characteristics shifts from
the analysis of external material carriers of culture to the plan for studying the
internal concepts of man about the world and his place in it213.
Now in Gagauzia strengthens the system of education oriented to
integration in the international system of education. In front of the middle
school was given the task, as every student to know Gagauz, Romanian and
Russian language and other modern languages.
The main institution of education in Gagauzia is Comrat State University
where activate four faculties - economic, law, technological and agricultural
department and the faculty of national culture.
Another educational institution Comrat Pedagogical College trains
specialists on specialties: "Pedagogy of primary education", "Pre-school
pedagogy", "Musical training", "Social services." There activate two special
secondary schools, two Moldovan-Turkish colleges, three vocational schools.
Pre-university education is represented by the 25 high schools, 17 middle
schools and 9 secondary schools.
The teaching process in preschool institutions of the autonomy is ensured
by the 2737de teachers. In Gagauzia, the working 58 preschool institutions214.
To successfully integrate the minorities students, in the last period the
teachers of Romanian language and literature, who teach in schools with
instruction in languages of national minorities, participates in the training
courses in the framework of the project entitled” Programme of optimization of
teaching of the Romanian language in the schools of Gagauzia and the Taraclia
District, Moldova”215.
Through this educational project is proposing the implementation of new
teaching strategies for the optimization of the process of learning the Romanian

213
Формирование этнической идентичности школьников, diplomba.ru/work/99683. 2018/2/9
214
Отчет о состоянии системы образования АТО Гагаузия, август 2015,
anasozu.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/Система-Образования-Гагаузии-2015.pdf, pag. 2.
24.08.2016, time 10:55.
215
47 profesori din UTA Găgăuzia, instruiți să predea româna, www.edu.gov.md/ro/content/47-
profesori-din-uta-gagauzia-instruiti-sa-predea-romana, 24.08.2016, time 11:00.
95
language as non mother language in kindergartens and schools in ATU
Gagauzia and Taraclia district, the expected result being, in the first place,
improving the quality and increasing the performance of the teaching process in
schools with the teaching of the Romanian language (and in Romanian
language) of these administrative units. Long-term, expect the increasing
interest of students towards the use, performance parameters, of the Romanian
language in the current communication, through an awareness of its important
role as the language of state, official, in local government and national, through
the "discovery" of the reasons the practical use of the Romanian language in
public space, and by recognizing the benefits of knowledge of the Romanian
language as a european language216.
Unfortunately, due to migration and small natural growth of the
population, the number of schools and students slowly reduce from year to
year.
Public organizations. According to the legislation of the Republic of
Moldova on public associations, the Public Association is a non-commercial
organization, independent of the public authorities, constituted voluntarily by at
least three persons and / or legal persons (public associations), associated by a
community of interests in order to achieve some legitimate rights217.
A public organization has its own structure, management body and
charter. And in accordance with this, they develop their activities. As a
participant in this kind of formation, it is necessary to pay membership fees,
and also submit to the elected governing body218.
According to their ultimate goals and areas of activity, public
organizations could be of several kinds:

216
47 profesori din UTA Găgăuzia, instruiți să predea româna, www.edu.gov.md/ro/content/47-
profesori-din-uta-gagauzia-instruiti-sa-predea-romana, 24.08.2016, time 11:00.
217
Art.1, LEGE Nr. 837din 17.05.1996cu privire la asociaţiile obşteşti*(*Republicată în temeiul art. IV
al Legii nr.178-XVI din 20 iulie 2007,cu renumerotarea elementelor şi corespunzător modificarea
referinţelor.), lex.justice.md/index.php?action=view&view=doc&id=325424, 2018/2/10
218
Что такое общественная организация? Описание и определение понятия.Информация взята с:
https://biznes-prost.ru/obshhestvennaya-organizaciya.htmlЛюбое использование материалов
допускается только при наличии этой гиперссылки, https://biznes-prost.ru/obshhestvennaya-
organizaciya.html, 2018/2/10
96
 youth (creating favorable conditions for self-realization and youth work,

involving the young generation in the active socio-economic, political life of

the society, the implementation of useful public projects, programs, initiatives);

 social (providing support and material assistance to people who find

themselves in a difficult life situation);

 family, female (family planning, young family issues, psychological

help, social and psychological training);

 Military-patriotic (creating the conditions for the formation of a

spiritually-moral, civic position, patriotic education of the younger generation),

etc.
The types of assistance provided are shared by public organizations:

 Material and moral support (operative assistance to people in extreme

situations, persons without a fixed place of residence, training of children in

shelters, "social chambers", "social groups");

 Legal assistance (free legal services and counseling for young people,

legal support for conscripts, servicemen);

 Assistance to socially unprotected groups (disabled, "Afghan", veteran

organizations);

 Rehabilitation of citizens (protection of the interests of women, children,

the elderly, psychological and medical rehabilitation, psychological and

material rehabilitation of a few indigenous peoples, rehabilitation of
adolescents, organization of care for patients with certain diseases);

97
 Training, development, seminars (dissemination of experience in the

field of social partnership, rational use of state resources, education,

management, state, interregional conferences, actions, seminars);

 Others (preservation of natural objects and cultural heritage on the verge

of destruction, prevention of drug and alcohol dependence among the younger

generation, development of domestic tourism, advisory and informational
assistance in attracting social grants, employment of young people)219.
The creation of public organizations is one of the ways to activate human
solidarity, to create a strong collective identity. This is one of the methods of
shaping social relations in the world. This is an increase in the social activity of
the population, with the aim of upholding common professional, political and
other interests. For many people, a public organization as an institution of civil
society becomes a source of personal salvation from collective problems, an
opportunity to constructively resolve systemic contradictions. And, according
to recent research, there has been a significant increase in the number of such
civil associations220.
Organizations in the same way serve the expression of diverse aspirations,
passions, interests, in which are their product. They are a platform for
cooperation of people who share common values, hobbies, protect and spread
their views. Organizations create the possibility of collective action. Choirs,
sports clubs, religious organizations, professional associations, ethnic minority
associations, reading clubs, scouts - all these organizations unite people who
want to do something together. They enrich their lives and the lives of the
communities in which they live221.
Nowadays, a public organization could have a significant weight, and,
along with political parties, exert a tremendous influence on the livelihoods of

219
Общественная организация, center-yf.ru/data/stat/Obshestvennaya-organizaciya.php, 2018/2/10
220
Общественная организация, center-yf.ru/data/stat/Obshestvennaya-organizaciya.php, 2018/2/10
221
Общественная организация, center-yf.ru/data/stat/Obshestvennaya-organizaciya.php, 2018/2/10
98
individual countries, as well as the entire international community as a
whole222.
In ATU Gagauzia are registered 479 NGO, but only 22 of them are
operating223. The experts assessed the vitality of organizations by several
criteria: the presence of at least one paid employee, the writing for the last three
years of at least one application for the project, as well as the organization's
budget.
Almost all active organizations work in cities of autonomy. The main
sphere of their activity is youth, culture, education and provision of social
services, including services for people with disabilities.
Another characteristic of the non-governmental sector of Gagauzia is the
lack of public confidence. Only 9% of the surveyed residents believe that
NGOs participate to a large extent in solving local problems, and accordingly,
they trust the public least. Every second respondent believes that NGO
employees promote personal interests224.
Sociologists have found out that low level of proficiency in languages
hinders effective work for public workers: most employees do not know or do
not know enough Romanian and English languages, and this reduces the
chances of NGOs to get a national or international grant225.
Other public institutions. The basis of any state is public institutions.
Regardless of the structure and form of government, public institutions play the
most important role in the activities of the state.
A public institution is a stable set of people, groups, institutions whose
activities are aimed at fulfilling specific social functions; This activity is based

222
Что такое общественная организация? Описание и определение понятия.Информация взята с:
https://biznes-prost.ru/obshhestvennaya-organizaciya.htmlЛюбое использование материалов
допускается только при наличии этой гиперссылки, https://biznes-prost.ru/obshhestvennaya-
organizaciya.html, 2018/2/10
223
STAREA GENERALĂA ORGANIZAȚIILOR SOCIETĂȚII CIVILEDIN GĂGĂUZIA, Chisinau
2017, https://www.soros.md/files/publications/documents/Starea generala a ONG-urilor din
UTAG.pdf, 2018/2/9
224
STAREA GENERALĂA ORGANIZAŢIILOR SOCIETĂŢII CIVILEDIN GĂGĂUZIA, Chisinau
2017, https://www.soros.md/files/publications/documents/Starea generala a ONG-urilor din
UTAG.pdf, 2018/2/9
225
«Общественный сектор в Гагаузии засох», golosgagauzii.md/2017/09/newsmaker/, 2018/2/9
99
on certain norms and rules. Examples: family, state, education, healthcare.
There are four spheres of society's activity, each of which includes various
social institutions and various social relations. Public relations are the diverse
connections between groups, classes, nations in the process of social,
economic, political and spiritual activity. These links must be consistently
repetitive, impersonal (formal), affecting the important aspects of life226.
One of the most important features of the 20th century economies, which
continues in the 21st century, is the expansion of the public sector. The State
has, through the institutions it owns or through the enterprises, acted, according
to the policy followed at different times, on the redistribution of gross domestic
product in the economy, has positively or negatively influenced the
performance of certain activities227.
The grouping of public institutions according to the above presentation is
based on the level at which they manifest. Thus, we have public institutions at
central level and public institutions at local level.
A feature of public institutions is that they produce public goods that are
mostly distributed free of charge228or at prices below cost. The services
provided by public institutions aim to provide services to taxpayers that would
require high costs if they were produced by the private sector and to ensure that
the social needs of taxpayers are met. Because they are focused on providing
certain public goods, public institutions are characterized by their
specialization, following the purpose for which they operate. The areas in
which the institutions of the state producing the goods are operating are the
following:229a) social-cultural domain: - education: pre-primary, primary and
secondary, complementary, vocational, lyceum, post-secondary, education for
children with deficiencies, children's homes, universities, academies, cultural
houses, libraries etc .; - health: medical dispensaries, polyclinics, hospitals,
226
Общественный институт, https://dic.academic.ru/dic.nsf/ruwiki/53643, 2018/2/10
227
Prezentarea generală a instituţiilorpublice,
www.universitatea-cantemir.ro/CursuriRei/documente/TEMA 1.pdf, 2018/2/10
228
Moşteanu Tatiana Buget şi Trezorerie Publică, Ed. DuStyle, Bucureşti, 2000
229
Op. cit;
100
nursing homes, nurseries, nurseries, children's swings, blood collection and
preservation centers, rescue stations, etc .; - social assistance: elderly and
retirement homes, hospital dormitories for the disabled and chronic illnesses,
nursing homes and dormitories, social help canteens, minors' reception centers,
family placement institutions, etc .; - sport and youth) national defense:
military units, specialized education units; c) public order domain: police units,
fire brigades, d) the field of public authority: Governor (Bashkan) of Gagauzia,
People Assembly of Gagauzia, Executive Committee of Gagauzia, other
central public administration bodies, the local councils, the mayoralties, the
bodies of the state administration at the local level, the judicial authorities, the
Court of Accounts, the Constitutional Court; e) economic field: institutions
specialized in scientific research, environmental protection institutions, water
management.

2.4 General Conclusions to Chapter II

Ethnic identity has several basic components: religion, language, culture,

traditions, family, education, public institutions, etc.
Religion is one of the central markers for determining identity - before the
emergence of theories and perceptions of the nation and ethnicity, religion
served as a function of determining the role and status of a person.
Before Christianity, Turcik tribes were Pagan, central God was Tengri (from
Persian Tengar-Allah, the eternal sky) or geg Tengri (blue sky).
The spread of Christianity among the Turks was started in the VII century, in
Middle Asia.
It’s very interesting that Gagauz language contains very many Arabic and
Persian words of Islamic persuasion and not only, the brightest of which is the
word "Allah" for "God"-"Allah," "Devil Allaa"-"šejtan", "hell"-"džendem",
"spirit"-"Ruh", "Pilgrim"-"Hadji", and many others.

101
Currently no data about how happened the Christianization of Gagauz people,
but it knows that occurred in the first half of the IX-XI century. It accounts for
the adoption of Christianity as the official state religion of most of the peoples
of Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe.
Orthodox Christianity was one of the main pillars of its existence for the
Gagauz. Orthodox Church also has an important role in preservation of folk
customs and rituals. But, the twentieth century brought an end to a monolithic
religious tradition of the Gagauz. The growth of religious pluralism has
adjusted the concept of "Christian."
In the process of identifying ethno-cultural norms, the most important is the
language, which, as a factor of the general ethnic identity, is reflected in it as
cultural representations of the ethnic language.
Gagauz language is spoken and written language of the Gagauz living in
the southern regions of Moldova. According to its grammatical structure and
lexical composition Gagauz language belongs to the South-West (Oghuz)
group of Turkic family language, which includes also Azerbaijan, Turkish and
Turkmen languages. Gagauz language is an interesting example of the Turkic
language with significant signs of the influence of Slavic and Romance
languages.
During the Soviet period the Gagauz population was subjected to
rusification policy. The complete lack of schools with Gagauz teaching has
made the majority of this population trained in Russian, and the Russian
language has become for many the main spoken language. Today, in some of
the schools in Russian also teach Gagauz language courses, but is not enough.
Since 1994 Gagauz proceed to Latin alphabet, instead Ukrainian Gagauz
continue to use the old Cyrillic script since 1957.
During identity formation tradition and memory play an important role.
Rituals, ceremonies and customs, which manifest the tradition, serve as a
mechanism for the identification of society. In archaic cultures, great

102
importance is attached to order. The traditional way repeats and duplicates the
cosmic, world order.
Despite the fact that the meaning of many magic rituals has been lost and
that the customs and rituals throughout simplify, transformed, modified,
Gagauz calendar holidays and related customs and rituals have survived as a
system, and the majority of them are actively practiced today.
Identity is inevitably and unconditionally associated with culture, it is
not only a cognitively and communicatively constructed entity, but also a
cultural phenomenon. Culture as a systemic phenomenon of the highest degree
of abstraction has a complex specificity of actualization in really existing
cultural systems, which characterizes its dialogicity (universality - locality).
After the creation of the Gagauz autonomy in 1994 began a new stage in
the development of the Gagauz culture. Despite the crisis development of the
country in the 90-th XX century. In Gagauzia maintained the institutions
network of education and culture.
Family plays the most important role in the formation of the ethnic
identity of the individual. Family is the oldest device on earth, occupying an
important place in human society.
A characteristic feature of the Gagauz family until the middle of the XX
century. was its patriarchy and a rigid system of subordination.
Until now, things have evolved, women have acquired more rights,
increased divorce rates, families are less numerous, and so on. However, even
today the family in Gagauzia has a significant value of being, has been and
remains the basic way of life for the majority of autonomy residents, and
conscious loneliness and life without family is not welcomed by the population.
The education system, providing national education, forms the ethnic
identity of the child by teaching the mother tongue, acquaintance with the
customs, traditions, values of the people.

103
 In present Gagauzia strengthens the system of education oriented to
integration in the international system of education. In front of the middle
school was given the task, as every student to know Gagauz, Romanian and
Russian language and other modern languages.
Public organizations. According to the legislation of the Republic of
Moldova on public associations, the Public Association is a non-commercial
organization, independent of the public authorities, constituted voluntarily by at
least three persons and / or legal persons (public associations), associated by a
community of interests in order to achieve some legitimate rights230.
The creation of public organizations is one of the ways to activate human
solidarity, to create a strong collective identity. This is one of the methods of
shaping social relations in the world.
In ATU Gagauzia are registered 479 NGO, but only 22 of them are
operating231. Another characteristic of the non-governmental sector of Gagauzia
is the lack of public confidence.
One problem is that most employees do not know or do not know enough
Romanian and English languages, and this reduces the chances of NGOs to get
a national or international grant.

III. INTEGRATION PROCESSES OF GAGAUZ PEOPLE WITHIN

REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA: THEORETICAL ANALYSIS

3.1 Boundaries of "native space" in the context of the problem of Gagauz

integration

230
Art.1, LEGE Nr. 837din 17.05.1996cu privire la asociaţiile obşteşti*(*Republicată în temeiul art. IV
al Legii nr.178-XVI din 20 iulie 2007,cu renumerotarea elementelor şi corespunzător modificarea
referinţelor.), lex.justice.md/index.php?action=view&view=doc&id=325424, 2018/2/10
231
STAREA GENERALĂA ORGANIZAȚIILOR SOCIETĂȚII CIVILEDIN GĂGĂUZIA, Chisinau
2017, https://www.soros.md/files/publications/documents/Starea generala a ONG-urilor din
UTAG.pdf, 2018/2/9
104
 According to the definition given, "ethnic territory" is "a space within
which groups of people belonging to one or another ethnos live and reproduce
within their own cultural and linguistic and other specifics"232.
The territory (compact settlement) "serves as a base for the gradual
development and consolidation of linguistic-cultural, economic, socio-political
and other ties within the emerging new ethnic communities, and its natural
conditions influence the direction of economic activity, determine the
characteristics of the material and partly spiritual culture, are reflected in the
notion of “native land”233.
Until the establishment of the Gagauz in Bessarabia, formerly they lived in
the Balkan Peninsula, even officially history did not record a nation which,
under that name, ever to be established in the Balkans.
The result of the Russo-Turkish War 1768-1774 years was the beginning of
the first migration of Gagauz, which, like later, in official documents were
listed as Bulgarians. At the beginning they were named Bulgarians
Some researchers believe that the Gagauz began to move to Budjak earlier
than the Bulgarians. "Of the Transdanubian settlers interested in us, Bessarabia
Gagauz, it appears, came earlier than the Bulgarians and occupied the southern
part of Bendery Uyezd and northern Izmail, mainly in the Ialpug basin"234.
At first, individual Gagauz families-settlers came to Budjak without the
permission of the tsarist authorities.
When the Russian troops captured Budjak, their commander evicted 12,000
Nogai Tatars from the Budjak horde (from Ackerman to Ishmael). This horde
was subject to the Crimean Khan during the entire period of the vassal
subordination of the Crimea to the Ottoman Empire (1426 - 1783 years). The
Nogais were resettled in the steppes between the Don and the Kuban, where
they remained until 1783, when they were decided once again to move to a new

232
Цит. по: Этнические и этносоциальные категории // Свод этнографических понятий и
терминов. Вып. 6 / Отв. ред. . М., 1995. С. 129.
233
Ibidem, p. 130.
234
В.А. Мошков，Гагаузы Бендерского уезда, Кишинев, 2004, p.8
105
place of residence in the Ural steppes. Later (1807), the Nogais moved from
Budjak to the Tauride province, in 1807year, 6404 people moved from Budjak
to the Crimea235.
This explains that the toponimy of Bugeac region untill today is mostly of
Turkic origins (Proto-Bulgarians, Pechenegs, Oghuz, Torchi, Cumans)236 ，
even, Osman Turkish substrate are missing in Moldovan Gagauz toponimy237.
So, Gagauz after settled in Bugeac took over old Nogai Tatars settlements,
as well as a string of Bugeac Moldavian villages238.
Colonization was patronized by the commander-in-chief of the Russian
armed forces M. Kutuzov, then by Admiral P. Ciceagov, who replaced him. He
informed the Tsar Alexander I in the summer of 1812 that General Kutuzov
had done everything possible to create favorable conditions for settlers.
At the suggestion of General Inzov, who was interested in the colonization
of Bessarabia, in 1819 the Tsarist government issued an order offering all those
needed for a normal livelihood to the peasants displaced across the Danube. By
this act, the Russian administration also guaranteed many privileges to those
arriving: tax exemptions and other benefits for a period of 10 years, the
granting of huge land lots - 60 tenths for each family, long-term advantageous
credits, charity and military service for a period of 50 years, religious and
cultural autonomy, etc. These measures have increased the influx of colonists.
Most colonies were established during 1820-1822 years. Until 1826-1827
the Bulgarians and the Gagauzians founded 42 colonies in Bessarabia, which
numbered 24,404 inhabitants. The colonization of Bessarabia with Bulgarian
and Gagauz population grew during the Russo-Turkish War of 1828-1829 year
and its aftermath, and after the Crimean War (1853-1856 years).

235
Энциклопедического словаря Ф.А. Брокгауза и И.А. Ефрона" (СПб, 1897, т. XX, p.422
236
Дрон Иван Васильевич, Современная Топонимия Гагаузского Региона Молдавий, Академия
Наук ССР , Москва, 1987, pag. 1
237
Дрон Иван Васильевич, Современная Топонимия Гагаузского Региона Молдавий, Академия
Наук ССР , Москва, 1987, pag. 6
238
Дрон Иван Васильевич, Современная Топонимия Гагаузского Региона Молдавий, Академия
Наук ССР , Москва, 1987, pag. 4
106
 Thus, while in 1816 there were about 11,000 Bulgarians and Gagauz in
Bessarabia, in the middle of the nineteenth century, 83 colonies already lived
over 84,000. In 1853, the Bulgarians and the Gagauz in the counties of Bender,
Akkerman and Ismail owned 557,608 decades of productive land239.
All these actions have created favorable conditions for socio-economic
development of Gagauz villages, as well as their cultural development,
strengthening of the Gagauz ethnic community240.
Here Gagauz founded relative large and compact villages with 2000 to
5000 inhabitants, as Avdarma, Baurci, Besalma, BessGhioz, Gaidar, Djoltai,
Desghinge, Cazaiaclia, Chiriet s Lunga, Baschioi, Comrat, Congaz, Tomai,
Ceadâr-Lunga, Cioc Meidan in Bender county.
Bolibochi, Vulcanestii, Curd, Tabac, Cismechioi, Etulia, Enichioi, Caracurt
(V2), Tasbunar (1/2), Starotroian (Traian Vechiu) Tabacu in Ismail county.
Satâlâc: Hadji, Cuba, Dimitrovca, Bolgar (1/2) Tatar-Copceac in Cetatea Alba
County241.
Bolgrad for a long time remained the only center of the colony of the whole
Danube settlement. Later, Comrat became the second center. It intensively
developed the school business; the Gagauz intelligentsia began to form. "The
commercial colony of Comrat in the 60s of the XIX century was distinguished
by the number of literate people"242.
Gagauz and Bulgarian peasants quickly adapted to the climatic conditions
of Budjaka, characterized by a low amount of precipitation, dry autumn and
little snow in winter.

239
V. Vasilos, Politica de colonizareşi de deznaţionalizare promovatădeţarism în Basarabia (1812-
1917), utm.md/meridian/2009/MI_4_2009/21_Vasilos_V_Colonizarea.pdf, 2017/12/3
240
ИванДуминика, Межэтнические отношения между болгарами, гагаузами и бессарабскими
румынами в буджаке в XIX в., Limba Etnie Comunicare, Culegere de articole elaborate în baza
comunicărilor la Conferinţele ştiinţifice internaţionale din 12 mai, 9 decembrie 2011, Editie I-II,
Comrat, pag. 47-48
241
Roman M., "TURCII DE RIT CREST1N (GAGAUTII): SCURT ISTORIC. SITUATIA
GAGAUTILOR DIN SUDUL BASARABIEI. RAPORTURILE CU BULGARII. INCERCARI DE
BULGARIZARE, R e v i s t a Societätii Culturale Dobrogene, ANUL XVII, Cernauti 1936, pag. 108
242
И. А. Анцупов，Аграрные отношения на юге Бессарабии -1812-1870 гг., Кишинев, 1978, p.
25-31
107
 On the example of the Bulgarians and Gagauz, the Czarist government
wanted to demonstrate to those still under the Ottoman regime who is the true
protector of the Slav and Balkan peoples. In the future, these peoples (Serbs,
Bulgarians, Greeks, etc.) had to secure the passage of the Tsarist army towards
Constantinople. At the same time, we can see that, thanks to the "Christian aid"
granted to the Bulgarians, the Tsarist Government aimed to have a loyal people
in the newly occupied territory243.
After the defeat of Russia in the Crimean War and under under the terms of
the Paris Peace Treaty of 1856, from which Bessarabia left the Ismail district,
parts of the Akkerman and Cahul counties. They were transferred to the
Moldavian principality, which was under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. On
the rejected territory, called "Bessarabian site", there were 7 Gagauz villages.
These are Bolbok, Vulcanesti, Kongaz, Curci, Tabak, Cheshmekei, Etulia and a
number of mixed villages. The new border, established in March 1857, passed
through the land and the Yalpug River, from the Russian Empire, 1177.9
thousand hectares of land with a population of 140,500 people were torn away,
including 49,000 Bessarabian Gagauz and Bulgarians244.
On the territory of Budjak Gagauz and Bulgarians were divided for the
first time into two parts, except for those immigrants who at the end of the
XVIII - the first half of the XIX centuries. were settled in the Crimea and other
regions of tsarist Russia. According to the Berlin Treaty of 1878, the
"Bessarabsky site" was returned to Russia.
Also, in Bessarabia for the first time is mentioned the ethnonym
"Gagauz", as an ethnic community separated from Bulgarians, by the

243
Ivan Duminica, Politica Imperiului Rus de acordare a privilegiilor coloniștilor bulgari din Basarabia
în prima jumătate a secolului al XIX-leaTyragetia, serie nouă, vol. VI [XXI], nr. 2, Istorie. Muzeologie,
p. 188, https://www.nationalmuseum.md/ro/press_releases/journal_tyragetia/
politica_imperiului_rus_de_acordare_a_privilegiilor_colonistilor_bulgari_din_basarabia_in_prima_ju
matate_a_secolului_al_xix_lea/, 2017/12/4.
244
ЦГИА СССР, ф. 381, д. 3724, л. 85.
108
academician P. Keppen (1793-1864) in his work "Die Bulgaren in Bessarabien
", written in 1854245.
And only according to the 1897-year census of the entire Russian empire
population, in the territory of the Bessarabian province 55,790 souls were
recorded under the name of "Turks-Gagauz"246. For that times it constituted 2.9
percent of the total population of the region. Respectively, in Bender district
there were 27,612 people, Izmail - 17,759, and Akkerman - 10,419 people.
Certainly, Gagauz ethnos started in Balkan Peninsula, developed with
Slavs, Romanians and other Turkic people together, however the ethnonym of
Gagauz then is still unknown, due to the lack of written sources, as well as lack
of identifying ethnic, because then the identification was at the level of
confessional affiliation to the religion of the Christian orthodox.
In the process of establishing the Gagauz in Bugeac they came in contact
with their neighboring peoples (Moldovans,Bulgarians, and lesser with
Ukrainians and Germans). These contacts have left their mark on the further
development of the Gagauz ethnic culture.
Resettlement in Budjak was the next important stage in the process of
ethnogenesis and formation of ethnic consciousness of the Gagauz. It was
during this period of heterogeneous elements finally got the holistic education.
During this period is the formation of the first historiosophical concept of
Gagauz.
One of the features of the mentality of the Gagauz is the absence of
memories of events earlier than those that immediately preceded their
resettlement to Bessarabia. It is also significant that, with rare exceptions, the
Balkans period fall from historical memory of Gagauz.

245
Державин Н.С. О наименовании и этнической принадлежности гагаузов. // «Советская
этнография», 1937 №1. С.80.
246
Державин Н.С. О наименовании и этнической принадлежности гагаузов. // «Советская
этнография», 1937 №1. С.80-81.
109
 Before moving to Budjak not exist historiosophical concept that would
be building a line of development from the beginning of a (Golden Age) or
would lead to some final (the creation of the “Great Gagauzia”).
The starting point was the resettlement. Concept was created, which has
an element of self-determination - the importance of saving faith, and the
element of the test element and the miraculous deliverance. Facts that do not fit
into the paradigm remain outside the scope of the historical memory. But the
starting point - rather an event that happened "during it" and does not serve as
the beginning of the way, but just predetermined realities.
Unlike Bulgars or other settlers in Bugeac, who had a motherly motherland
outside, the Gagauz did not have and they attached so much to Budjak,
considering it their own homeland.
Since October 1990 and until 1994 Gagauz was virtually totally
separated from Chisinau, but with all the problems and tensions the contacts
between the two sides have not stopped. After the Soviet Union broke apart,
and Republic of Moldova got the independence, For the Gagauz, the best
alternative to meet their objectives was still a form of territorial autonomy 247,
and the Gagauz leadership understood that the only way to obtain territorial
autonomy was from Moldova248.
Gagauzii as they were in a strange position, on the one hand they wanted
independently, but on the other hand they wanted and the funds from Chisinau,
times such situation could not last too long.
Discussion of draft laws to create a recognized autonomous territory for
the Gagauz began as early as October 1991, and in April 1993 a Gagauz
congress decided that the Gagauz would remain within Moldova provided that
they received the necessary guarantees.
Due to that at February 4, 1993 the speaker of Moldovan Parliament was
elected Petru Lucinschi, the former first Secretary of the Central Committee of

247
John A. Webster, pag. 71
248
John A. Webster, pag. 73
110
Communist Party of Moldova. "Violence against Transnistria and Gagauzia are
unacceptable," he said on the same day249. This was perceived with
understanding by the Gagauzia public, which believed that negotiations to
resolve the Gagauz problem will take place in a friendly atmosphere.
The new speaker began a dialogue with various political forces of the
Republic. In the second half of 1993, the exigencies of political life gradually
began to decline. In early 1993, Mircea Snegur, initiated a dialogue with
representatives of Gagauzia and Transnistria in the determination of the
political status of regions within Moldova. The President expressed the hope
that both problems will be resolved before the end of 1993.
In fact, the negotiations between Chisinau and Comrat was delayed until
late 1994. In March 1994, a joint Commission of the armed forces of the
Gagauz Republic and the Parliament of Moldova on the draft law on the special
legal status of Gagauzia, headed by Peter Buzadji and Ion Ungureanu.
A mediator in the negotiations by then-Turkish President Suleyman
Demirel, in fact, having had his Moldovan counterpart Mircea Snegur to
provide the Gagauz autonomy in exchange for Turkish investments in
Moldova. Once Demirel in Istanbul said to Snegur: "Our relations with
Moldova will depend on the Gagauz issue. Gagauz, Moldovan citizens must be
a bridge of friendship between Turkey and Moldova"250. Demirel played an
important role in to restrain the radical elements in Comrat".
The blockage was removed in February 1994 by the election of a new and
less nationalist parliament251. Gagauz for the first time participated in these
elections since the declaration of independence of the Republic of Moldova.
They were rewarded for it with a generous statute of autonomy by Agrarian
Democratic Party of Moldova (ADPM), which won the elections. In the new

249
Независимая Молдова", 6 февраля 1993 г.
250
Федор Ангели,депутат первого парламента РМ (1990-1994 гг.), бывший посол Молдовы в
Турции, Рождение Гагаузии в фотографияхedingagauz.com/content/view/4641/, Рождение
Гагаузии в фотографиях, 05.10.2016, time 11:17.
251
TheGagauzconflict, http://react.usip.org/pub/m4/p45.html,05.10.2016, time 12:21.
111
Constitution of Republic of Moldova for the first time was introduce the multi-
ethnicity concept character of Moldova society252.
On December 23, 1994 the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova adopted
the Law No.344-XIII „On the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-
Yeri)”253, which aimed at putting an end to the political conflict that emerged
between the central authorities and the Gagauz elite as a result of the National
Revival movement from the Republic of Moldova.
Awarding of a special status to the three rayon’s populated compactly by
Gagauz people was the result of a political compromise aimed at putting an end
to the separatist trends in Southern Moldova. Six days after the enactment of
the "Gagauz Yeri"254, for the first time in Comrat has sounded the National
anthems and was hoisted the national flag of the Republic of Moldova 255. Thus,
ended a period of five years of political confrontation and instability and
constituted the first and an important step in the real Gagauz integration within
Republic of Moldova.
The Autonomy Statute defines Gagauz-Yeri – the Gagauz Land as an
autonomous territorial unit, with a special status as a form of self-determination
of the Gagauz, which constitutes an integral part of the Republic of Moldova 256.
Governed on the basis of the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova or other
laws of the Republic of Moldova257. And Romanian is one official languages of
Gagauzia beside Gagauz and Russian258.

252
Constituţia Republicii Moldova din29.07.1994, http://lex.justice.md/document_rom.php?
id=44B9F30E:7AC17731, 05.10.2016, time 12:21.
253
Decision of the Constitutional Court concerning the constitutionality of Art. 1.4 of Law no. 344-XIII
of December 23, 1994 on the special legal status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri),
miris.eurac.edu/mugs2/do/blob.html?type=html&serial=1050420045676, 05.10.2016, time 12:19.
254
December 29, 1994,
255
Федор Ангели, Краткая история гагаузов, Кишинев, 2010, pag. 130
256
Art.1.1, The Law on the Special Status of Gaugazia-1994, Nr.344-XIII от 23.12.94
МониторулОфичиал N 3-4 / 14.01.1995.
257
Art. 2, The Law on the Special Status of Gaugazia-1994, Nr.344-XIII от 23.12.94Monitorul Oficial,
N 3-4 / 14.01.1995.
258
Art 3.
112
 Gagauzia is entitled to resolve within the limits of its competence
questions of political, economic and cultural development259.
In case of a change in the status of the Republic of Moldova as an
independent state, the people of Gagauzia are even granted the right of external
self-determination. This provision, laid down in Article 1, paragraph 4, is one
of the most controversial of the law and anathema especially to the right-wing
forces in Moldova. However, because of their desire to unite Moldova with
Romania and before the background of the events in 1989/90, it was a central,
hardly negotiable provision for the Gagauz. The fundamental rejection of
Article 1, paragraph 4 by unionist forces, which continues until today 260,
motivated them to challenge it even at the Constitutional Court – without
success. The significance of Article 1, paragraphs 4 for the present is, however,
merely symbolic: On the one hand, the unification-debate in Moldova has
down considerably and on the other hand, the real possibility to form a viable
independent state out of the scattered parts of underdeveloped Gagauzia has to
be judged extremely skeptically.
Therefore, Gagauz gave up separatist ambitions in exchange for autonomy
status, which offers access to independence if Moldova decides to unite with
Romania261.
The process of organizing the new autonomous entities was conducted in
the first half of 1995 year. Thus, on 28 May 1995 were held first legal and
democratic elections in ATU Gagauz Yeri. The people had to choose for a term
of 4 years, the Bashkan (governor) of the region and the 35 deputies of the
People's Assembly, the local legislative body262. The first legal Bashkan
became George Tabunshcic supported by PDAM, he defeats Michael

259
Art. 1.2, The Law on the Special Status of Gaugazia-1994, Nr.344-XIII от 23.12.94 Monitorul
Oficial, N 3-4 / 14.01.1995.
260
E.g. Eugen Patras, Minoritale nationale in Ucraina si Republica Moldova, 2nd ed. (Statutul juridic,
Cernauti, 1999), Glasul Natiunii, 21 October 1998.
261
Valentin Vidu, Găgăuzia, între nostalgia faţă de fosta URSS şi teama unui scenariu ucrainean,
http://www.mediafax.ro/externe/gagauzia-intre-nostalgia-fata-de-fosta-urss-si-teama-unui-scenariu-
ucrainean-12450737, 05.10.2016, time 12:27.
262
„Agenţia Moldpres”, 21 mai 1995.
113
Kendighelean second round, so none of the former separatist regime
representatives failed to enter the new representative bodies of the Gagauz
autonomy263.
Therefore, by the summer of 1995, territorially Gagauzia were gradually
integrated in the Republic of Moldova, being one of the few examples of a
peaceful settlement of acute international conflicts in the former Soviet Union.
After on 14 May 1998 the Gagauz People’s Assembly passed a kind of
basic law for Gagauzia which had already been envisaged in the 1994
Autonomy Statute. The Code of Gagauzia was originally intended to specify
the rules laid down more broadly in the Statute. Plans to conduct a referendum
on the basic law parallel to the March 1998 Parliamentary Elections in
Moldova were blocked by the Moldovan Supreme Court for formal reasons as
well as for reasons of content. The document was finally approved by
Moldovan and by international experts, but still seems to be in contradiction to
the original statute as well as to the Moldovan Constitution and other
republican laws264. This is especially true for some stipulations regarding the
question of the territory and the property of Gagauz-Yeri. Other stipulations,
too, show some disregard for the Autonomy Statute and the Moldovan
legislation and suggest, that the People’s Assembly tried unilaterally to expand
the powers of Gagauz-Yeri. Moreover, the Code adds only few specifications
to the existing legislation and therefore plays more of a symbolic role (as the
Gagauz “Constitution “) than a practical one. The Code of Gagauzia is
certainly an important symbol for Gagauz identity. Given its character as a
constitution, which - unlike the law on the special status - has been
formulated/developed by the Gagauz themselves, it completes the list of the
basic symbols of statehood which have been introduced before: Parliament,
‘President’, flag and anthem. But the fact that some provisions of the Code run
counter to the Moldovan Constitution and to the Autonomy Statute is
263
Dorin Cimpoesu, República Moldova, între România si Rusia 1989-2009. Chisinäu: Casa Limbii
Romàne Nichita Stänescu, 2010, pag. 72
264
Randolf Oberschmidt, “Neue Satzung für Gagausien (Gagauz-Yeri) in der Republik Moldau”, op.cit.
114
worrisome. The following discussion of the question of territory and
administration as well as the one of property in the following section, will
show, however, that also the Moldovan side has introduced legislative acts
after 1995 which are not fully in accordance with the letters and the spirit of the
Autonomy Statute265.
The adoption in 1994 of the Law on the Special Legal Status of
Gagauzia was a commitment on the part of the Chisinau authorities to provide
the Gagauzians with specific protection of their national identity. Provision to
Gagauzia of the rights and obligations of Autonomous Territorial Unit was a
decision of utmost importance not only for Gagauzians but for Moldova as a
whole. Nevertheless, the comprehensive implementation of the Autonomy Law
has proved to be a challenge. It appears that autonomy of Gagauzia within the
administrative-territorial division of Moldova and the devolution of
competencies between Chisinau and Comrat were not sufficiently well defined
in order for the autonomy to function effectively266.

3.2 Causes of the emergence and evolution of the ethnic identity conflict in
the southern area of the Republic of Moldova

The end of the 1980s - the early 1990s were marked by complex and
contradictory events according to their essence and significance. The most
grandiose event is linked to the disappearance of the name of such a state as the
USSR on the world map. In his place appeared 15 freestanding states, including
the Republic of Moldova. Things happened so that during a relatively short
period of time the state moved from one historical stage to another, the state
system, the institutions of power and its attributes changed. In Moldova the

265
Claus Neukirch, Autonomy And Conflict Transformation: The Case Of The Gagauz Territorial
Autonomy In The Republic Of Moldova, Budapest 2002 (Series on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues,
Vol. I), 105-23, http://leader.viitorul.org/public/513/en/Conflicttransform%20Neukirch.pdf p. 9
266
CONFERENCE 20 YEARS OF GAGAUZ YERI, Speech by Jan Plešinger,
www.osce.org/moldova/131676?download=true, Comrat, 12 December 2014, pag.2, 24.08.2016, time
11:06.
115
previous political system was destroyed, the ownership ratio changed, the
social relations system changed. A serious hindrance to the development of the
Republic of Moldova in the field of economic reforms and its exit from the
crisis is the challenge of interethnic contradictions within the country, the
problems of relations with the former republics of the Union.267
The long silence of the real situation in the sphere of national relations, its
distortion, the ignorance of many negative factors in this field have obviously
focused on the political processes in the new republics. In essence,
"perestroika" only allowed the manifestation in open form of those processes
that had long been developing in the depths of society, but which were either
rigidly stifled or artificially camouflaged. The accentuation of national
relations, which coincided with the beginning of "perestroika" (the first
outbreak occurred in 1986 year in Alma-Ata), also surprised the state
leadership, and the native researchers. This is the chaotic search based on the
traditional patterns of explanations of what happened: initially, the cause was
considered to be extremists and "enemies of perestroika". Later, the problem
was deducted from the worsening of the economic situation; later causes were
searched for various "deformations" and distortions.
Of course, an obvious role in this regard belongs to socio-political and
economic factors. However, according to the Russian researcher N. Vert, "the
most impressive and in fact the most dangerous for Gorbachev's project -
perestroika - the manifestation of dissatisfaction" appeared in the nationalist
movements and in the outbreak of international conflicts.268
Conflicts have come true in connection with the rapid aggravation of
interethnic relations in the former USSR in the second half of the 1980s. The
social-political manifestations of a number of republics have attracted the
center's attention, but no action has been taken to locate them. The first
political upheaval occurred in the spring of 1986 in Yakutia, and in December
267
Мошняга В., Илащук Д., Спиней Ф., Завтур А. Конфликт в Молдове: опыт
этнополитологического анализа. Кишинев: МолдГУ, 1992
268
Верт Н. «История советского государства 1900-1991». М., 1994, p. 88
116
of that year - in Alma-Ata. Then followed the demonstrations of the Crimean
Tatars in Uzbekistan (Tashkent, Ferghana, Namangane, etc.) in Moscow on
Red Square. The escalation of ethnopolitical conflicts that led to the bloodshed
(Sumgait, Ferghana, Osh) began. The area of conflict action has widened. In
1989, several outbreaks of conflict occurred in Middle Asia, the Caucasus.
Later, they spread to Transnistria, Crimea, Volga region, North Caucasus.
Within the former republics of the USSR, only in the period from 1988 to 1991
on an ethnic basis occurred more than 150 conflicts, of which 20 were followed
by human victims.269
By the end of 1991year, on the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic
(MSSR) ruins constituted the Republic of Moldova, which constitue, on a
territory of 33.7 thousand km2 and to a population of 4.3 million, had 40
districts and 10 republican subordination cities. Each district had an average of
76,000 inhabitants, some of them far below the general average: Cainari - 42,7
thousand, Taraclia - 44,3 thousand, Şoldăneşti - 45,8 thousand, Leova - 52,8
thousand; and an average area of 800 km2, each of which has a potential far
from being prepared to move to self-management. The administrative-
territorial reconstruction at that time was one of the major emergencies of the
new state. The evolution of interethnic relations within the former USSR was
predicted in the work of English and American scholars. Most of the forecasts,
as time has shown, reflected quite accurate perspectives on the evolution of the
Soviet community. Various possible variants of evolution were also predicted
if the state had not been destroyed. Specialists, analyzing Anglo-American
historiography on this issue, noted that the development of the ethnic situation
was predicted in the form of four possible variants of events: "Lebanon" (ethnic
warlike in Lebanon); "Balkanization" (similar to the Serbo-Croatian example);
"Ottomanization" (the collapse of the Ottoman Empire); the peaceful evolution
of events with the possibility of transforming the Soviet Union into a

269
Букомель В., Паин Э., Попов А. Союз распался межнациональные конфликты остались. În:
Независимая газета, 10 января 1992
117
confederation or a state organization such as the European Economic
Community or the British Alliance270.
One of the most significant achievements of political mobilization in the
late 1980s and early 1990s became the discrediting of the myth of "definitive
resolution of the national issue," as well as of the ideology developed in the
former departments of the Central Committee of the CPSU, about the lack of
conflict in the spheres of state and inter-ethnic relations in the USSR. One of
the results of the first decade of post-Soviet regime has become the formation
of a new scientific direction that has rightly been nominated as the paradigm of
the transition period - transitology. It is worth mentioning that the division of
Moldova emerged and developed according to the political principle.
The opposition was not created between Moldovans as "the political
nation" on the one hand, and the Gagauz, Russian, Ukrainian, Bulgarian,
Jewish as "migrants", on the other side. With the efforts of official authorities
and propaganda, neighbors, service colleagues, acquaintances, friends and even
relatives have been divided into "masters" and "aliens." At that time in the
Republic of Moldova were opposed not ethnic groups, but two political
powers, two systems: the attitude towards the union with Romania divided the
population of the Republic of Moldova into unionists and partisans of
independence, who at the same time were opponents of the union, what brought
to the activation and consolidation of the separatist forces in the south and east
of the Republic of Moldova.271
The evolution of the political mobilization of the Gagauz and Bulgarians,
as well as many other similar actions that took place on the eve of the
dissolution of the Soviet Union and which continues in the post-Soviet space, is
represented by interesting facts and documents, is full of all kinds of expenses
and myths, the overcoming and shattering of them will be a rather complicated

270
Джонсон Д. Международное посредничество в конфликте в Республике Молдова. În: Statul
naţional şi societatea polietnică; Moldova în anii ’90. Chişinău: Perspectiva, 1997, c.83-89
271
Зиду Дмитрий. “Размышления у парадного подъезда”. În: Независимая Молдова, 6 февраля
1993
118
task for specialists.272 The expenditures of the struggle for the formation and
preservation of identity at the personal and group level are determined by both
objective and subjective circumstances. In the first case, it is about the difficult
resistance to the processes of globalization, under the leveling roller of which
ethnic identities are threatened, especially of the low-income peoples, the
spheres of action of national cultures and languages are reduced.
In the second case, the success of democratization and participation in
transformation processes is not seldom blocked by the ambition of political
leaders, who, on the brink of power, often forget about their slogans on the
voluntary commitment to contribute to national development of the
congregational peoples.
The Gagauz and Bulgarians have coexisted with Moldovans in peace and
good understanding for two hundred years. However, with the Republic of
Moldova's aspirations to assert itself as an independent state, as well as with the
persistent attempts to get out of control of the Soviet metropolis, the center of
the former empire manifested dissatisfaction, reacting to the events taking
place in the republic and contributing to the creation of situations causing
problems and internal conflicts. Thus, we find that the Gagauz people and the
Bulgarian minority in the Republic of Moldova represent communities
constituted from the descendants of some migrants and can be defined only as
ethnocultural minorities, which, as mentioned, do not have a right to self-
determination.
The ethnic genesis of Bulgarians took place on the present territory of
Bulgaria and it can not be said that their ethnic identity is inseparably linked to
the present territory of the Republic of Moldova. The genesis of the Gagauz
ethnic group also did not occur on the land it inhabits today, its identity being
outlined before its appearance on Moldovan territory. Probably Moldovan
polyethnic community in a historically visible period will be maintained as a

272
Чавдарова М. «Малцинствата право на майчин език (международни аспекти)». София:
ИМОСИ, 1991, p. 168
119
multinational state. The multinational phenomenon is a historical update for
this territory.
Thus, in 1990, the pro-imperial forces of Russia instigated and
encouraged a conflict, in which the Gagauz population was placed,
preponderantly and relatively compact in the settlements in the southern
districts of the Republic of Moldova. In that territory, certain groups have been
created that have submitted requirements for territorial autonomy, pursuing the
purpose of federalization of the republic, manifestly unacceptable requirements
for the Republic of Moldova.273
Creating the crisis situation has begun towards the end of the 1980s, when
the social-political movements rose in the Soviet republics. This provision did
not bypass either R.S.S. Moldova. The complex transformation of the political
system of the Republic of Moldova in the post-Soviet period became the cause
of many social changes that reflected on the interaction of political actors, on
the conceptual definition of their relations. This is not only about the size of the
territorial collectivities, but also about the efficient use of their territory. For
example, it would be difficult to develop and implement some regional
development programs for ATU Gagauzia, or Taraclia County, due to their
fragmentation in several areas. The divisions of UTA Gagauzia and Taraclia
are not considered in world practice as beneficial for the effective use of the
territory (see annex 1).
It is also problematic to integrate the Alexandru Ioan Cuza locality within
the infrastructure development projects of Cahul County. The projects carried
out within ATU Gagauzia, as a rule, bypass Alexandru Ioan Cuza, which was
totally isolated from the rest of the county. This locality is a classic example of
mal administration in the Republic of Moldova. Few examples of this kind in
European practice show that such a territorial organization could be determined
by the conditions of geographical location.

273
Osoianu I. Federalizare sau regionalizare? Experienţa europeană, perspectivele Republicii Moldova.
În: Chişinău: IPP, 2003
120
 A compact territorial setting favors the design and implementation by
local authorities of infrastructure development programs. All cadastral theory is
based on the unity of territories subject to design of any kind. According to
specialists in the field, a fragmented territorial organization is not beneficial to
the construction of road and gas pipelines, water supply.
However, the social-political institutional reconstruction has led to the
destruction of the old Soviet system of national politics and has updated the
search for the new, essentially content, and the new form of problem-solving
models. However, the effective choice of theoretical approaches and political
practices remains a self-contained matter. The analysis of the specificity of the
political space of the Republic of Moldova allows us to make a remarkable
remark, in our opinion. Its essence lies in the fact that despite the differences
there are many similarities between the regions, which can and must become
the basis of the positive political development in the dimensions of the
republic.
In our opinion, the current tension in the political situation in the Republic
of Moldova is influenced by: - the difficult conditions related to the economic
state, the social sphere, the political power, the order and the administration.
Among these, we note especially the decrease in productivity and, as a
consequence, the reduction in the living standard of the majority of the
population, which is in fact a significant factor in the tightening of both
interethnic relations and the relations between the regions and the center. The
struggle for resources, finance, access to post-crisis management in the
economy are the basis for increasing the level of corruption and the crime of
the population;
- the political activation of ethnic elites as a consequence of the increase
of ethnic consciousness;

121
 - the increase in the Republic of Moldova of the number of national
movements, public and political organizations, autonomies and cultural-
national centers during the period of deficiency of multinational organizations.
We will continue to analyze the competing projects of autonomies that
were being discussed in the southern districts of the Republic of Moldova at the
end of the 1980s. During the spring-summer 1989 campaign, where the popular
movement "Găgăuz Halcî" was found, the intuitive technological features of
the Gagauz autonomy acquired the form of its peculiarities and virtual
parameters. Three different projects of autonomy were debating in the miting-
journalist speech of three districts in southern Moldova. Nevertheless, three or
more models of autonomy competed more or less seriously: Gagauz, Gagauz-
Bulgarian, Budjak.
A special interest is raised by the idea proposed by the philologist A.
Mitcov regarding the creation of the Basarabian Socialist Soviet Socialist
Republic based on the districts of the Southern Republic of Moldova and the
Odessa region, with the Gagauz and Bulgarian population living in these
regions in a compact way. This project was to some extent reminiscent of the
already known model discussed in the part-time circles in 1957-1958 in
connection with the letter from the associate professor at Cazani State
University, I.I. Meşeriuc, addressed to N.S. Khrushchev and N.A. Bulganin, in
which he proposed the creation of the Bulgar-Gagauz Republic within the same
territorial boundaries.
The main initiator of the creation of autonomy in the form of "Gagauz
autonomy" became the "Gagauz Halcî" movement (Comrat city), arguing its
proposal, first of all because the Gagauz people haven't nowhere in the world
its national unity274. In the Ceadir-Lunga district prevailed the idea advanced by
the social-political Gagauz movement "Birlic" on the Gagauz-Bulgarian
autonomy due to the common character of the Gagauz and Bulgarians' destiny,

274
Андрущак В. «Защитники» Конституции. În: Конституционное развитие Республики
Молдова на современном этапе. Под ред. Г. Костаки, Кишинев, 2004, с.74
122
homeland, neighborhood and cooperation. However, the level of effort
consolidation for the followers of this idea was less than that of Comrat, that is
to say, the adherents of pure Gagauz autonomy. On this occasion even, a
reproach was raised against the well-known specialists in the Bulgarian
national affairs who did not participate in the elaboration of the idea of a
Bulgarian autonomy or at least Bulgarian-Gagauz. However, the
representatives of the Bulgarian population in Ceadir-Lunga and Taraclia
District expressed concern that the name "RASS Gagauzia" could undermine
Bulgarians' rights and freedoms, especially if in the alleged Gagauz autonomy,
the state language will be declared Gagauz.
The ideologues of the "Găgăuz Halcî" movement, in response to this fact,
guaranteed that in the alleged Gagauz autonomy the state language would be
declared either the Russian language, which the Bulgarian population knew
more widely and at a more fluid level than the Gagauz, or all the four
languages simultaneously: Russian, Bulgarian, Gagauz and Moldavian.
Moreover, the concerns of the Bulgarian part of the population of the South of
the Republic of Moldova regarding the name of autonomy can not be
considered as being without grounds, if we take into consideration that the
attitude of the people towards the culture and the national language in any state
is predetermined not only by the name but also by the legislation in force in
that State, on its socio-economic level.
In the composition of the Presidium of the Presidium of the Supreme
Soviet of RSSM, were created three working groups, one of which analyzed
the most appropriate forms of autonomous education, another group analyzed
the historical-demographic and socio-economic aspects, the third one deals
with aspects of the economy, self-management and self-financing of future
autonomy. In an interview offered to the correspondent of the newspaper
"Popular Education", the leader of the third group, C. Tashanji, in which
participated 20 specialists of Gagauz, Moldovan, Bulgarian, Ukrainean and

123
Russia origins, introduced three versions of the supposed autonomy, a project
that had a dual work name: Gagauz-Bulgarian and Southern Autonomy.
The first version provided maintaining the administration of the districts,
the second assuming the creation of autonomy on the basis of compact Gagauz
population territories, or mixed population from the Vulcanesti, Taraclia,
Ceadir-Lunga, Basarabeasca and Comrat districts. Finally, the third version
was based on the idea of creating autonomy only on the territory where the
Gagauzs live exclusively. However, for the representatives of the Bulgarian
intelligentsia, it was unconvincing the request of the Comrat representatives to
create in Bugeac the Gagauz autonomy without including the population of the
region. They noted that the "pure" form of Gagauz autonomy would determine
the attribution of the status of state language to the Gagauz language as well as
to the Moldovan one, which inevitably will undermine the interests of the
Bulgarian population.275
On November 12, 1989 year, the Extraordinary Congress of the Gagauz
people took place in the city of Comrat, where was presented the report on the
results of the activity of the Education Commission of the Gagauz People's
Autonomy, convened beside the Supreme Soviet of the MSSR. Here were
analyzed the course and the results of the discussions about the form, existence
and content of the autonomous education . The idea of examining the historical,
ethnological and linguistic aspects as a conceptual basis for the creation of
Gagauz autonomy was put forward by the active founders of this concept, S.S.
Curoglo and M.V. Marunevici (Chişinău). "Gagauz, mentioned S.S. Curoglo,
through the features of their ethnic and historical development, are a people of
self-consciousness of Turkish origin. Its language belongs to the Sud-West
Oguz group of Turkic languages.”276. When the Gagauz people talk about their
own autonomy, it explains M.V. Marunevich, is meant to be understood the
following: here is nothing nationalist, but only the desire to survive and to be
275
Кендигелян М. „23 декабря 10 лет со дня образования АТО Гагаузии”. În: Знамя, 17 декабря
2004
276
«Южная автономия: экономические аспекты». În: Народное образование, 1 ноября 1989
124
equal friends with all peoples, with our neighbors in our common and
grandiose action”.277
The reaction of Chisinau to the works of the Extraordinary Congress of
the Gagauz people followed promptly and without any doubt. The decisions of
the Extraordinary Congress corresponded only to the contradictory
constitutions of the MSSR and therefore did not have a legal force. The special
correspondent of "Izvestii" magazine, E.Condratov, sent his message from
Chisinau that while the decisions of the Extraordinary Congress of the Gagauz
people were being analyzed, members of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet
of RSSM with compassion and sympathy talked about the secular aspirations
of the Gagauz to finally feel like an integral people, which has its own
statehood. But recognizing congressional powers would mean violation of the
RSSM Organic Law.278
In response to this, the representatives of the "Găgăuz Halcî" Movement
organized the second meeting of the Extraordinary Congress of the Gagauz
people, where the Temporary Committee for the Formation of the Autonomous
Republic was created and approved. In spite of the methodical-conceptual
weakness, the political movement of the Gagauz people, rather chaotic than
organized in a concentrated way, rather divided by the internal contradictions
rather than consolidated, manifested its character and its appearance, as well as
its independence from the structures and institutions state and political, at the
moment when political and cultural life evolved in the direction of pluralism,
and the economic - from the planned to the market economy one.
The failure of the leadership of Moldova and the USSR to solve problems
at that time only intensified the general tension. At the rally in Chisinau on
October 22, 1990, which gathered thousands of people, it was announced the
registration in the voluntary detachments and was named the day of the
beginning of the "justice" campaign against the politic movements from the

277
«Съезд гагаузского народа». În: Ленинское слово, 21 ноября 1989
278
Пасечник А. Чрезвычайное положение. În: Правда, 27 октября 1990
125
south of the republic. Unfortunatley, the elements of civil society affirmed not
in the office, auditors, not to vote, but rather on the barricades.
It took several days of great tension as the leaders of the Gagauz
movement and the governors of the Republic of Moldova could agree on the
necessity of making a mutually beneficial decision, the so-called "zero option".
As a result, the Gagauz side declared moratorium on the elections practically
achieved and on the unrecognized Supreme Soviet of the Republic of
Gagauzia, and the session of the Supreme Soviet of RSS Moldova declared a
moratorium on the refusal of the Gagauz to create autonomy.
Social-political movements did not limit their activity to ethno-cultural
requirements, but instead followed the example of the political elites of the
former Soviet republics, starting from the name of "all peoples", some rather
tough political demands, directly linked to the restitution of ethnicity
extremism and political separatism. As a result, on 19 August 1990, after the
declaration of the sovereignty of the Republic of Moldova, the leaders of the
Gagauz movement (the same leaders who were in power until the collapse of
the USSR) declared the sovereignty of the Gagauz Socialist Soviet Socialist
Republic with the capital in Comrat city.
The next stage of the conflict is on the one side with the formulation of
the territorial-state plan issue and, on the other side (from the state structures),
the transition to the application of coercive measures to neutralize the emerging
movements. By using force as an important source of solution to the problems
that have arisen and drawing from its own rather narrow and unilateral
conception of security and territorial integrity, both sides open access to
extremist elements in their ranks, step over the moral "taboo" that does not
allow the attack on human life. The center begins to create the "appearance of
the enemy" of a certain ethnicity endowing it with the worst qualities and
traitsAn active role in the unleashing of mass psychosis is played by media
sources that spread and consolidate in public consciousness confrontation

126
stereotypes, provoking aggressive dispositions. As a rule, the "psychological
warfare" of both sides anticipates the phase of a deserted frontal confrontation
with the widespread use of the resources of armed violence. The center
dismantles all local leadership organs (not rarely those that existed until the
crisis), introduces the direct control regime and sends armed troops to the
region (autonomy). The illusion that a hit is easier to solve a series of problems
than to solve them gradually and persistently, is often a trap even for the skilled
and experienced politicians. Thus, in the republic start grow in power and size
the separatist movement, which used the "tactics of the small steps". During
that period, local elites have carried out insignificant anti-constitutional actions,
but with some periodicity and perseverance. In Comrat were held The
Extraordinary Congresses of the Gagauz people. The Moldovan reformers did
not take into account the political, social and psychological mood of all
segments of the population and, above all, of the population of Gagauzia. But it
is obvious that the disposition of the Transnistrians and the Gagauz was largely
formed under the influence of the Russian elites. They could not afford to lose
their influence in the Republic of Moldova, intending to continue exercising
their control in the region.279
In Transnistria and Gagauzia occurs the formation of its own organs of
state power, the adoption of the constitutional acts, the legislation. It is natural
that the leaders from the left bank of the Dniester were not able to carry such a
policy without supporting the outside forces. Also, during this period, the
separatist leaders are seeking allies in Russia, Ukraine, Abkhazia, South
Ossetia. Everywhere in Transnistria and Gagauzia there are actions to liquidate
the activity of central power representations.
The political structures of the Republic of Moldova were not prepared for
an effective and serious reaction to the separatists' actions. The Parliament and
the President of the Republic of Moldova submitted the idea of creating a
279
Пашалы П.М. Формирование национально-территориальной автономии гагаузского народа.
În: Этническая мобилизация и межэтническая интеграция. Сост. и отв. редактор М.Н. Губогло.
Москва, 1999, с. 167
127
national-cultural autonomy in Gagauzia and Transnistria during the
administrative-territorial reform (to be created in larger administrative counties
in the compact ethnic settlements of the ethnic minorities), as well as free
economic zones in these regions of the country. The leaders of the
Transnistrian and Gagauz republics did not consider these offers to be
advantageous and insisted on the idea of a political autonomy and a federal
construction of the Republic of Moldova.
On October 25, 1990, at the Extraordinary Session of the Supreme Soviet
of the Moldavian SSR, in order to neutralize the activity of the leaders of the
separatist regions, the mandates of deputy of the Gagauz leaders S.Topala,
M.Chendighelean, of the Transnistrian leader I.N. Smirnov and activists
"Interdvijenie" A.M. Bolsakov, V.N. Iacovlev, A.C. Belitcenco, A.M.Safonov
have been canceled. By the Supreme Soviet Decision no. 325-XII of October
26, 1990, was declared exceptional state and special forms of administration
were introduced. As a result, the separatist forces opposed resistance, which led
to a tense situation in the southern districts of the republic. In order to put
pressure on the separatists, the official authorities in Chisinau undertook a
volunteer march in the immediate vicinity of the area. The Parliament adopted
the decision to introduce the state of emergency in the area and to create a
"special" form of administration for the Vulcanesti, Ceadir-Lunga, Comrat and
three villages in the Basarabeasca district. The work of the Soviets was also
stopped, demonstrations, manifestations, meetings and strikes were forbidden.
The Moldovan Parliament also called for the removal of the military
troops from the Republic of Moldova and adopted the provision for the
formation of the Republican Guard of the Republic of Moldova. After a whole
series of clashes between the sides, a period of silence was left, which was
related to the March 1991 year Unional referendum. In May 1991, the
agrarians, the participants of the “Unitatea-Edinstvo” Movement and other
deputies dismissed the initiator of the "volunteering" the Prime Minister M.

128
Druc and at the same time the chances of obtaining the civil agreement in the
Republic of Moldova increased. But in August the situation has changed.
On 27 August 1991 the Republic of Moldova, like Russia, Ukraine and
other subjects of the USSR, declared its independence.280 The Chisinau
authorities tried to regulate relations with the opposition and leaders of the
separatist elites. But the arrest of activists in separatist movements did not
prevent "self-declaration" of separatist republics. In Tiraspol and in Comrat,
meetings were held to support the arrested. The violent actions of the
authorities have contributed to the further steps of separatist elites through self-
determination.281
With the adoption of the Constitution in 1994, the Law "On the Special
Legal Status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri)", in 1994282, of the Law "On the rights
of persons belonging to national minorities and on the legal status of their
organizations”283, in 2001, with the approval of the Concept of National State
Policy in 2003284, ethnocratic trends reduced significantly. This talks about
tolerance and respect for the languages, cultures, confessions and beliefs of all
ethnic communities living on the territory of the Republic of Moldova, which is
an important condition of political sovereignty and civil peace in our country.
In the perspective of the development of the Republic of Moldova it is
important to consider all the ways of achieving stability both in the evolution of
the ethnic identity and in the assertion of the unity of the multinational
Moldovan communities. Such paths must be: ensuring a strict constitutional
defense of the rights of each ethnic group in the free development of the
national language; creating opportunities and real conditions for developing the

280
Legea privind Declaraţia de independenţă a Republicii Moldova nr. 691-XII din 27.08.1991.
Monitor nr.11-12/103,118 din 1991
281
Nedelciuc V. Republica Moldova. Chişinău: Universitas, 1992
282
Legea privind statutul juridic special al Găgăuziei (Gagauz-Yeri) nr. 344-XIII din 23.12.1994.
Monitorul Oficial al R.Moldova nr.3-4/51 din 14.01.1995
283
Legea cu privire la drepturile persoanelor aparţinînd minorităţilor naţionale şi la statutul juridic al
organizaţiilor lor nr. 382-XV din 19.07.2001. Monitorul Oficial al R.Moldova nr.107/819 din
04.09.2001
284
Legea privind aprobarea Concepţiei politicii naţionale a Republicii Moldova nr. 546-XV din
19.12.2003. Monitorul Oficial al R.Moldova nr.1-5/24 din 01.01.2004
129
culture of all ethnic groups that exist in the country; ensuring the well-being
and security of so-called peoples without status and diasporas; the achievement
by the state of a policy aimed at equality of rights and the mutual development
of the national cultures of all ethnicities living on its territory.
So, the mainly causes of the political conflicts in the south of the Republic
of Moldova are:
1. The social-political institutional reconstruction determined the
breakdown of the national policy of the old Soviet system and updated the
search for a new, in essence, content, new models for solving the problem; this
is the result of the break-up of the Soviet statehood, although chronologically it
appeared and formed in the summer of 1989 when the movement for the Soviet
Union emerged in the Republic of Moldova (at that time RSS Moldova). The
declaration of sovereignty of the Republic of Moldova was adopted on 23 June
1990 and on 19 August 1990 the authorities of Gagauzia (the same leaders who
were in power before the dissolution of the USSR) declared the sovereignty of
the Soviet Socialist Republic of Gagauzia, with the capital city of Comrat, and
on September 2 in Tiraspol was declared the RSSMT "Republic Soviet
Socialist of Transnistrian Moldova";
2. The strategic importance of the Republic of Moldova for the great
power, which was advantageous for the conflict in the region to maintain and
establish its own influence in the region;
3. Wrong extremist policy promoted by the Popular Front of Moldova,
which led to the fact that the leaders of Tiraspol and Comrat managed to
convince the population of Transnistria and Gagauzia about the desire of the
Moldovan population to join with Romania;
4. Lack of sufficiently competent persons in Chisinau government, which
led to a series of wrong measures that aggravated the contradictions that broke
out in the Moldovan society at the end of the 1980s and early 1990s.

130
 The conflict has created an obvious psychological barrier to mutual
understanding and social interactions in the unstable political system, besides
intensive internal fluctuations, are distinguished by a high level of conflict.
Any of the objectively specific contradictions of this system may turn into
conflict. That is why the main condition for solving the conflicts on the
territory of the Republic of Moldova is the stabilization of the entire system of
socio-economic and political relations.
Thus, the resolution of the conflicts in the present Republic of Moldova
represents a multi-level problem, the solution of which includes the analysis of
a series of new questions that address the entire spectrum of interactions in the
Moldovan society. The multilateral research of the current conflicts, as well as
the practice of solving them, convincingly demonstrates how limited and
minimal is the possibility of obtaining an advantageous solution to the conflict
with the help of the military force.
Therefore, stepped into the 21st century Republic of Moldova has become
aware of the impossibility to dispose of conflicts, which stimulates the central
authorities to build their policy based on the priority of the national interests
and the creation of the corresponding resources. But the militarization factor, as
history shows us, does not bring anything positive to human existence, but
instead contributes to the exhaustion of its intellectual potential. That is why
the concept of military superiority in conflicts objectively can not become the
symbol of prosperity, because as it potentially bears the disintegration of the
Republic of Moldova.

3.3 Establishing the Gagauz Autonomous Territorial Unit as a first step in

the integration policy
The crisis situation in the localities of the Southern Republic lasted until
December 23, 1994, when the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova adopted
the Law no. 344-XIII on the special legal status of Gagauzia, by which the

131
localities with predominantly Gagauz population from the southern districts of
the republic were attributed not only to a large autonomy of regulating the
problems of the region but also attributions that go beyond the constitutional
framework.
As part of the political and legal measures, the problem of settlements in
the Southern Republic was to find a solution in constitutional and legal norms.
Thus, on the occasion of the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of
Moldova in 1994, the localities in the Southern Republic were reserved,
according to the provisions of art. III, the possibility of obtaining special forms
and conditions of autonomy according to special statutes adopted by organic
laws. Therefore, the first legal consecrations on the status of the future
autonomous territorial unit were determined at constitutional level.
The fact of creating the ATU Gagauzia as a product of Gagauz history
contributes little to explaining the social importance and the "quality" of this
event. And the specificity of creating the legal basis for the Gagauz self-
determination lies in the fact that in this case it is not the formula "winners-
losers". Both Comrat and Chisinau, who with honor surpassed the crisis that
was about to break out, came out as winners of this situation. Thus, the
decision of the "Gagauz issue" contributed to the relaxation of the political
atmosphere in the republic. It is possible that this process also influenced the
awareness of the majority, including by the political elites in Chisinau and
Comrat, of the need to best solve one of the crucial issues in interethnic
relations in the Republic of Moldova.285
Constitutional provisions gave localities in the south of the republic, each
in their own right, special statutes of autonomy, but such provisions do not
refer to regulations that would allow the creation regions with autonomy status.
In developing constitutional provisions, the Parliament of the Republic of

285
Nantoi O., Relationship between Comrat and Chisinau (Legal Aspects). Chisinau: Institute for
Social and Political Studies, 2002
132
Moldova adopts Law no. 344/1994, which far exceeds the constitutional limits,
for which has been criticized many times.
Based on constitutional and legal provisions, the autonomy of Gagauzia
has been somewhat preserved. Most laws passed later did not reserve special
regulations to this autonomous territorial unit, although in the basic law it was
entrusted with various tasks. On the other hand, this autonomous territorial unit
has been entrusted with the right to issue local normative acts applicable in that
territory.286
During 1992-1994, under the influence of the productivity decrease in the
Republic of Moldova, the economic and social situation in the regions has also
worsened quite quickly. Teachers, doctors, other workers in the budgetary
sphere, the police, within 3-4 months, did not receive their salaries. The
effectiveness of market mechanisms in the transitional economy was moderate,
the objective causes of the economy have led to declines in industrial and
agrarian production. The natural condition of the economic ruin in the whole
space of the disintegrated union, the humble poverty of the population after the
welfare of the 1970s and '80s of the 20th century compromised the leaders and
the very idea of the statehood of the Republic of Moldova.
The economic development of the regions over this period has
conditioned the different directions of their political vectors. Despite the
complex and contradictory character of the political situation, the territory
where the Gagauz inhabitants did not separate from the Republic of Moldova.
Were maintained political, economic and cultural relations at all levels with the
central authorities of Republic of Moldova
In December 1994, the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova adopted
the law on the legalization of the status of compact settlements where the
Gagauz population predominantly lives. Thus, the Gagauz managed to gain
autonomy status by avoiding violence. The Law "On the Special Legal Status
286
Мишин В. Конституционное развитие Республики Молдова на современном этапе. În:
Конституционное развитие Республики Молдова на современном этапе. Под ред. Г. Костаки,
Кишинев, 2004
133
of Gagauzia" provided for the election of the People's Assembly of Gagauzia
and of Bashkan (Governor) of the Gagauz Autonomy. In 1995, the authorities
organized a referendum in the Gagauz region to establish which compact
territorial settlements would like to join in autonomy. The referendum also set
the capital of autonomy - the city of Comrat287.
In the relations between Comrat and Chisinau, during 1994-1999, was
created a contradictory, acute situation. With the coming to power in Gagauzia,
as a result of the 1999 elections, the new political forces headed by the bashkan
D. V. Croitor and the speaker M.V. Chendighelean, on the agenda, along with
the old problems, were introduced also issues that reflected the new political
situation both in the republic and in the autonomy itself: to exist or not to exist
the federal principles in the Republic of Moldova?288 In other words, does the
minority have the right to propose to most of their own problem-solving
options when most of them claim to form the democratic state, when
democracy is nothing but the dictatorship of the majority?
But the answer is not as unisens as it may appear at first glance. The
specificity of the Republic of Moldova is that: first of all, the alliance of two
parties led by the leaders of Comrat and Tiraspol target the interests of almost
2/5 of the population of the Republic of Moldova; Secondly, along with the
majority of the population of Gagauzia and Transnistria, enough adepts of
federalism can be found in the Republic of Moldova itself; Thirdly, in the
European public opinion Democratic federalism as a form of state construction
of the Republic of Moldova seemed to be more attractive than post-Soviet
unitaryism. That is, the determination of the status of Gagauzia on a legal basis
to a significant extent depended also on the decision on the status of the
unrecognized Transnistrian Moldovan Republic, but also on the current
position of the Republic of Moldova on the political map of the world.

287
Пашалы П.М. Модель Гагаузии: общее и специфическое. În: От этнополитического
конфликта к межнациональному согласию в Молдове. Кишинев: Молд ГУ, 1998, с. 42-46
288
Кендигелян М. „23 декабря 10 лет со дня образования АТО Гагаузии”. În: Знамя, 17 декабря
2004
134
 Practically, over ten years, has been created the situation when the Center
neglected some of the needs of the Autonomous Territorial Unit "Gagauz-
Yeri", and this, in turn, neglected the Center's indications and established its
own legal regulations, which largely contravene the norms national or even
defying them. The Government does not insist to institute levers to intervene
with a legality control over the activity of the authorities of the autonomous
territorial unit, even when by Law no. 186/1998 on the local public
administration was established the prefect institution. In the autonomous
territorial unit, the prefect for that territory was not appointed, including on the
grounds that the authorities in that territory opposed this.

In connection with these, it is useful to open the brackets and to determine

the distance between the requirements of Comrat and the resistance of
Chisinau. In order to clarify, it is necessary to review the types of federalization
in other states and, possibly, to take into account the experience of Russia, due
to the significant influence of this state on Moldovan policies. This is all the
more appropriate because the pressure on Gagauzia, started in May 2001, on
the one hand coincided with the beginning of the political campaign in the
Republic of Moldova aimed at consolidating the vertical power and on the
other hand, has run counter to the principle of justice established in the
Constitution of the Republic of Moldova.289
In the discourse on relations between Comrat and Chisinau, as well as in
talks on the reduction of ATU Gagauzia's powers, the attention of the
participants in the discussion of the status of territorial unity is more focused on
the status of Gagauzia itself than the status of languages. In such situations, the
majority of the politicians of both national and autonomous territorial unity
understood that the state of uncertainty can not continue indefinitely and
without a clearer solution at constitutional level the issue will not be removed

289
«Этническая мобилизация национальных меньшинств». În: В лабиринтах самоопределения и
самоутверждения. Отв. ред. М.Н. Губогло. Москва, 2003
135
from the agenda. Thus, after the 2001 parliamentary elections, the political
spectrum at national level and that of the autonomous territorial unit becomes
favorable to solving the problems related to the relations between the center
and the autonomous territorial unit. D. Croitor, determining his position in
2001, affirmed: "Of course, in recent years we have succeeded in achieving
some progress in the strict fulfillment of the law" On the special legal status of
Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri).290 " Indeed, the autonomous territorial union at the
beginning of 2001 was assigned public ownership of state ownership. Thus,
some taxes have remained in Gagauzia which were previously transferred to
Chisinau.
The People's Assembly of Gagauzia in its turn, by decision of 8 May
2001, constituted the Commission for the elaboration of the proposals for
amending and supplementing the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova, the
Law on the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri) "and bringing the
legislation of the Republic of Moldova into conformity with the law on the
status of Gagauzia. Taking into consideration the issues of Gagauzia, the
Parliament, by Decision no. 146/2001, established the commission for the
elaboration of proposals for adjusting the legislation to the constitutional
provisions regarding the problems related to the status of the autonomous
territorial unit Gagauzia. following several debates, the committee examined
several draft laws proposed both by the committee members representing the
Parliament and by those nominated by the People's Assembly 291. The creation
of these two committees, as was later elucidated, proved to be the beginning of
a new spiral of political confrontation between the Center and the autonomous
territorial unit (ATU). "The new conflict between Chisinau and Comrat, which
worsens from the passing day, began since1994 when the Moldovan authorities
did not take seriously the need to introduce changes in the Constitution of the
Republic of Moldova, which would be consolidated at the highest level the
290
Кройтор Д. Выборы пройдут, а Гагаузия останется. În: Вести Гагаузии, 20 фсвраля 2001
291
Baggaley J. Gagauzia a new phenomenon in Europe,
www.geociteies.com/Atlantis/3175/phenomenon.htm.JohnBaggaley.Gagauzia (citat 17.03.2018).
136
existence of the autonomous territorial unit Gagauz-Yeri "- said the ex
chairman of the permanent parliamentary committee on national minorities M.
Sidorov. According to M. Sidorov, when the Law "On the Special Legal Status
of Gagauzia (GagauzYeri)" was adopted, it was necessary to start that long-
lasting and not very easy procedure, because after the close of almost seven
years of relations between South and Center to develop on a legalized, legally-
based legal basis of civilized and unambiguous nature.292
The meaning of the draft law, drafted in the summer of 2001, "On
introducing amendments and completions to the Constitution of the Republic of
Moldova" was to withdraw from the law "On the special legal status of
Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri)" those fundamental articles that provide Gagauz and
the population of Gagauzia a special autonomous status. It was primarily about
the cancellation of point 4 of art. 1 according to which "in case of modification
of the status of the Republic of Moldova as an independent state, the population
of Gagauzia has the right to external self-determination". That is, the right to
leave the Republic of Moldova if the Republic of Moldova decides to lose its
own independence.293
After the publication of the draft law "On the introduction of amendments
and completions in the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova", elaborated
by the Chisinau side, was held the meeting of the upper legislative body of
Gagauzia - the People's Assembly. In the preamble to the draft law, the
provisions adopted as a result of the talks listed violations of the legally
established rights and liberties of the population of Gagauzia, which became
the cause of worsening of the social-political and financial-economic situation
in the autonomous territorial unit.

292
Сидоров М.И. Становление правового государства и развитие гражданского общества в
Молдове. În: Aspectele jurudice ale societăţii civile: realităţi şi perspective (Materiale conferinţei
ştiinţifico-practice internaţionale 26-27 februarie 2003), Chişinău, 2003
293
Мишин В. Конституционное развитие Республики Молдова на современном этапе. În:
Конституционное развитие Республики Молдова на современном этапе. Под ред. Г. Костаки,
Кишинев, 2004
137
 In particular, it was about the fact that the central authorities of the state
power and the administration of the Republic of Moldova since the adoption of
the Constitution during the seven years (1994-2001) did not attract the
necessary attention to the positions of Law no. 344-XIII of December 23, 1994
"Regarding the special legal status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri)" and the
provisions of the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova Nr. 345 of December
23, 1994 "On the implementation of the Law" On the Special Legal Status of
Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri) ", as a result of which the interests of the Gagauz
people entitled under the indicated acts and the Organic Law of Gagauzia were
undermined. Nevertheless, a particular concern of the Gagauz government was
determined, first of all, by Chisinau's attempts to review the constitutional law
of the Republic of Moldova "On the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia" in order
to reduce the ATU mandates; secondly, the lack of action of the central
authorities in the issues of introducing amendments to the Constitution in force
of the Republic of Moldova with the purpose of mutual reconciliation of the
legislative bases of the republican and regional level, as well as of the issues of
signing the agreement "On delimitation powers between the Republic of
Moldova and Gagauzia "; thirdly, the modification of the rights of Gagauzia in
matters of self-seeking budgeting, which clearly contravened art. 18 of the Law
"On the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia"; Fourthly, the attempts by
Moldovan state authorities to sell property in Gagauzia without the knowledge
and consent of the People's Assembly to the detriment of Gagauzia's economic
interests.294
One of the key articles of the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova
contains the normative law: "National sovereignty belongs to the people of the
Republic of Moldova", which is done directly and through the authorities
"representative in the forms established by the Constitution". However, the
principle of the division of powers involves the self-serving function of the

294
Legea Parlamentului Republicii Moldova privind statutul juridic special al Găgăuziei (Gagauz-Yeri)
Nr.344-XIII din 23.12.94. În: Monitorul Oficial nr.3-4/14.01.1995
138
branches of power within the limits of their competence. The person
"representative of the Government" (point 3, article 111 of the draft), being
official of the executive bodies, violates the system of detentions and counter-
charges established by the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova. The power
of the president of the executive power to coordinate the tasks of ATU
functions is in contradiction with the essence of the principle of the division of
powers and does not correspond to the foundations of the constitutional order
of the Republic of Moldova.
The adoption of the Law on the status of the ATU and the introduction of
the necessary changes in the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova implies a
mandatory delimitation of the subjects that fall within the competence of the
power and administration bodies of the Republic of Moldova and the ATU.
The Government representative, empowered to "perform the functions of the
state", in fact replaces the integrity of the system of authorities of the power
and administration of the ATU. This establishes the duality of power which in
the future is capable of paralyzing the normal functioning of the structures of
power, because according to the Gagauz Code (Basic Law) and the Law "On
the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri)" the functions given are
reserved for the governor (the Bashkan) of Gagauzia. The generic formula
"Administrative Control" allows us to conclude that the structures of power are
under the direct administrative subordination of the central bodies of the
Republic of Moldova.
At the same time, from the legal essence of the notion of "administrative",
the respective structures of the Republic of Moldova are strictly executive
bodies, thus having the right to control both representative and legal organs.
This violates the principle of superiority of the law and non-admission of
intervention in the activity of ATU structures, which fulfill their functions
within the limits of their competence.

139
 Thus, the "amendments and additions in the Constitution of the Republic
of Moldova" proposed by the respective authorities of Chisinau, in the opinion
of the Comrat, do not widen, but rather reduce the ATU's mandate. At the same
time, this presupposes the abrogation, first of all, of the Gagauzia Code
(Constitution) and the Law "On the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-
Yeri)". Secondly, the deviation of Moldovan legislators from the part of
Moldova's further assertion as a unitary state, ignoring the experience of the
seven years of Gagauz autonomy, which is almost the only example of efficient
problem solving in the sphere of state relations in the whole post-Soviet space.
The Chisinau project did not contain a concrete notion of the term "autonomy":
according to the canons of the theory of law, "autonomous unity" can be
determined as a generalized notion applied to autonomous republics, regions,
lands and other autonomous entities. In the text of the draft there was no
directive of a concrete form of autonomy, and at the same time the project
limits the notion of "autonomy" to legal functions, because in the range of
territorial administrative entities of the Republic of Moldova such a form of
local self-administration, such as ATU, are missing in general.
The number of damages, in the conclusion of the experts and deputies of
the People's Assembly of Gagauzia, jeopardized the main achievements of
Gagauzia in completing its sovereignty with real content. These could have the
destabilization of the general situation in the ATU.
In the disposition adopted by the People's Assembly as a result of the
discussions on the social-political situation in Gagauzia, the following are
mentioned:
1. "To consider the actions of the leadership of the Republic of Moldova
towards Gagauzia as a method of economic constraint of the people of
Gagauzia in order to discredit the functioning power of Gagauzia.
2. To recognize that the authorities of the Republic of Moldova, acting as
the guarantor for the full and unconditional realization of the Gagauzia

140
mandates established by the Law of the Republic of Moldova "On the Special
Legal Status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri)" of 23 December 1994, through their
destructive actions could completely exhausted the trust of the Gagauz people.
3. To order the permanent committees of the Gagauz national assembly
and the structures of the executive power of Gagauzia to proceed to the
formation of the necessary legislative basis for the normal vital activity of
Gagauzia.
In this statement, the Comrat Committee came to the conclusion of the
inacceptability of the Chisinau bill, which essentially meant the abolition of the
special status of Gagauzia established by the referendum of the Gagauz
population in the process of entering all the Gagauz populated settlements in
the autonomous territorial unit (ATU). The rule of law, included in the
Chisinau bill, that the territory of the Republic of Moldova from the
administrative point of view is subdivided into cities, districts and villages
(point 1, article 10 of the project) if it did not exclude, then at least did not
suppose the legitimacy of the existence of Gagauzia as an autonomous
administrative-territorial unit of the Republic of Moldova. The proposed model
slightly differs from the pattern of an ordinary rayon.
Moreover, the rule of law in the project "can be granted special forms and
conditions of autonomy" created possibilities for subjectivism and determined
the dependence of Gagauzia on the central authorities. The norm, previously
existing in the Law "On the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri)",
that "land, subsoil, waters, vegetal and animal world, other natural resources ...;
what is on the territory of Gagauzia is the property of the people of the
Republic of Moldova and, at the same time, the economic base of Gagauzia
"has a controversial character. First of all, this directive excludes the directive
on the ownership of mobile and immovable property which is not of a private
nature, and secondly, the owner of the goods listed is declared not "the people",

141
but "the state", which in practice can is transformed into the property of
bureaucracy in the central organs of power.295
The tendency to reduce the public authority of the authorities of the ATU
authorities could be clearly noted in the Chisinau draft amending the norm
(point 2, art. 111) according to which "the representative bodies of the
autonomous territorial unit power may be dissolved if their actions are contrary
positions of the Constitution ". In line with the main mandates of the
Parliament of the Republic of Moldova, established by the Constitution of the
Republic of Moldova, the corresponding rule of law declares: "The Parliament
of the Republic of Moldova stops the activity of the local public administration
bodies in the cases provided by the law". The Comrat Commission opposed
this Law for several reasons:
- First of all, the evaluation "stops" and "dissolves" does not mean one
and the same thing;
- Secondly, in the Constitution, it is about "activity" and not "existence"
of the organs;
- Thirdly, the rules of the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova refer to
the organelles of "local government" and not to the bodies of the autonomous
territorial units.
At that time, the conclusions of the Comrat Commission to the Law "On
the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri)" proposed by the
Commission in Chisinau were the following:
- The Draft Law on the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri)
establishes the priority of the will of the Moldovan legislator over the results of
the national referendum, carried out in all densely populated settlements of
Gagauzia at their entrance in the ATU, which presupposes the identity of the
order of determination the status and powers of ATUs and their modifications;

295
Губогло М.Н. Русский язык в этнополитической истории гагаузов (вторая половина XX века).
Москва, 2001, p. 65
142
 - The Law "On the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri)"
contains no guarantees that would prohibit the unilateral change of the status of
UTA by the Moldovan authorities;
- The Law on the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri) does
not provide the necessary guarantees for the defense of the collective and
individual rights of the inhabitants of Gagauzia (including the inalienable rights
of the people of Gagauzia to self-determination, the preservation of their
historical, ethnic and cultural identity);
- The Law "Regarding the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-
Yeri)" ignores the right of the people of Gagauzia in the formation of the
organs of power and the direct realization of its own sovereignty;
- The Law "On the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri)"
creates conditions for the deterioration of the integrity of the Gagauz
authorities and administrative bodies and the intervention in the exclusive
internal composition of the ATU. The introduction of the "government
representative" into practice could signify a duality of power, disorder and
chaos in Gagauzia's governing mechanism and, in essence, the elimination of
Gagauzia's autonomy;
- The law "On the special legal status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri)"
determines the status of Gagauzia at a lower level in relation to the status of a
common raion, leaving only the issues related to the public administration in
the competence of ATU;
- The Law "On the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri)" does
not create the legal support for the decentralization of power and finances, for
the clear division and division of powers between the Center and the ATU;
- The Law "On the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri)" does
not imply the right of Gagauzia to participate in the foreign and domestic

143
politics of the Republic of Moldova in matters concerning the interests of
Gagauzia.296
For their part, the experts from Chisinau brought their own arguments
regarding the imperfect quality of the respective draft Law. For example, in the
opinion of the experts in Chisinau, the name of the law itself contains
provisions not in accordance with constitutional spirit and norms. Thus, the
words "Gagauz-Yeri" in translation mean "the land of Gagauz", which is a
defiance of historical truth and justice. Gagauz have settled in the territory of
our country, as we have seen in the 19th century, therefore, they can not claim
to national territories, and the statements of some authors of the law that land in
the Republic of Moldova is privatized and, anyway, become the property of
citizens of Gagauz origin, is an ignorance of the land ownership regime.
Another situation of unconstitutionality, but which has been overcome by
the operation of the amendments in the Constitution, refers to the fact that, in
the original editorial, art. III of the Constitution provided for the possibility of
granting special forms and conditions of autonomy only to some localities in
the Southern Republic and not to other administrative-territorial units of the
second level. The locality is a human settlement that can also be an
administrative-territorial unit and the autonomous district or autonomous unit
with special status are only administrative-territorial units that include several
localities and can not be qualified at the same time localities. Thus, the special
autonomy of the Gagauz at the level of the autonomous territorial unit had no
constitutional support. This situation was saved by the constitutionalization of
the Autonomous Territorial Unit "GagauzYeri".
In the preamble of the law and in art. 1, such words are used as:
"peoples", "national necessities", "political self-reliance", "a small number of
Gagauz people", "a form of self-determination of the Gagauz", "in case of
changing the status of the Republic of Moldova as an independent state,

296
Губогло М.Н. Концептуально-понятийное переоснащение этнической проблематики в
научных исследованиях и политической практике. Москва, 2004, p. 82
144
Gagauz people hace the right to external self-determination ", which can not be
accepted either scientifically or legally. The tendency of ethnic minorities to
preserve their identity, culture, language, traditions, etc. is understood only if it
is done without affecting the essential elements of a state - sovereignty,
independence, unity and indivisibility. However, this requirement is by no
means respected by Law no. 344/1994, and a more detailed analysis highlights
specific elements of a federal state. The solution to these problems was
deduced from the new constitutional changes, which established that in the
autonomous territorial unit there is a population that has been self-determined
as part of the people of the Republic of Moldova and with the people of this
country.
The analysis of the terms used shows that they are unfit for the
autonomous territorial unit of Gagauz. Thus, the notion of "national" is applied
contrary to its constitutional meaning. "National" must be defined as something
that is own or belongs to a nation, a state; which characterizes a nation, a state;
which refers to a nation, to a state, or represents them. It is also necessary to
define the term "nation" - a stable community of people, constituted historically
as a state, based on the unity of language, territory, economic life and psychic
billing, manifested in the particularities of the national culture and the
consciousness of origin and common destiny297. These definitions and the
retrospective of the reports presented in the Council of Europe make it clear
that the Gagauz ethnicity is not a nation, being only an ethnic, linguistic
minority, etc., and not a national one. The assertion in the in subparagraph 2 of
the preamble, as well as that of the same order of the law, are in contradiction
with art. 10 of the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova, which states that
"the state recognizes and guarantees the right of all citizens to preserve,
develop and express their ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious identities".
Such ratings are also in the international conventions on the protection of

297
DEX. Dicţionar explicativ al limbii române. Ediţia a II-a. Univers enciclopedic. Bucureşti, 1998, p.
671
145
minority rights to which the Republic of Moldova is a party. However,
according to art. 4 of the Constitution, "the constitutional provisions on human
rights and freedoms shall be interpreted and applied in accordance with the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, with the covenants and other treaties
to which the Republic of Moldova is a party". In this sense, bring a direct hint
and to art. 2 of the Constitution devoted to sovereignty and state power.
After more political debates in and outside of Parliament. The Legislature
adopts, with some modifications and corrections, on 25 July 2003 Law no. 344-
XV amending the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova, according to which
the autonomous territorial unit Gagauzia is constituted and its status is
determined. It becomes an administrative-territorial unit which, along with
villages, towns and districts, ensures, according to art. 110 of the Constitution,
the administrative organization of the territory of the Republic of Moldova.298
The syntagms that state that the autonomy of Gagauzia is a form of self-
determination of the Gagauz people accentuates the determined decision of the
population of the respective territory as part of the people of the Republic of
Moldova to achieve their interests and to administer in an autonomous manner
within the people The Republic of Moldova and it's people, without prejudice
to the integrity and inalienability of the country's territory. By the constitutional
provisions that emphasize that Gagauzia is an integral and inalienable part of
the Republic of Moldova, the constitutive legislator reiterates the provisions of
art. 3 of the Constitution, which state that the Gagauzia is inalienable territory
of the Republic of Moldova. The emphasis on the fact that Gagauzia is an
integral and inalienable part of the Republic of Modova highlights the legal
nature of the territory of the country to which Gagauzia is bound for ever. The
principle according to which Gagauzia is an integral part of the Republic of
Moldova means that this autonomous territorial unit can not achieve its
autonomy outside the Republic of Moldova.

298
Legea Parlamentului Republicii Moldova Nr. 344 din 25.07.2003 pentru modificarea Constituţiei
Republicii Moldova. În: Monitorul Oficial Nr. 170/08.08.2003
146
 This principle strengthens the principle of the inalienability of the
territory, which means prohibiting its alienation in any form. Thus, the
constitutional provisions prohibit abandonment, loss by prescription,
assignment, donation or alienation of land for the benefit of Gagauzia. Doing
any of the above-mentioned actions is illegal and prohibited by the
Constitution.
Inalienability also means the impossibility of any other state to exercise
power attributes over Gagauzia, regardless of the reasons that may be invoked.
The above principles highlight two other principles to which Gagauzia is
linked, that of the indivisibility of the territory and that of the unity of the state.
The indivisibility of the territory in the analyzed context signifies its unity and
is closely related to inalienability. The indivisibility of the territory can not be
interpreted as a ban on organizing the territory in administrative terms in
administrative-territorial units, including autonomous, with special status.
Regarding the principle regarding the unitary state character, this is
emphasized in the provisions of art. 109 of the Constitution, which establishes
that the principle of autonomy or special autonomy can not affect the unitary
state character of the Republic of Moldova. The autonomy of Gagauzia,
however widespread it is, is an administrative one, and the competence of the
Gagauz authorities or, as the case may be, of the public establishments is to
solve the problems of autonomy within a unitary state, and not outside it.299
Further, the constitutional provisions refer to the competencies of
Gagauzia, which solves, within the limits of its competence, according to the
provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova, the interests of the
entire population, the political, economic and cultural issues. From this
constitutional text we are going to uncover the notion of "self-solving", which
reiterates the autonomy and emphasizes the impossibility of intervention of the
central authorities in solving the problems related to the competence of the
autonomous territorial unit "GagauzYeri" guaranteed by the Moldovan
299
Creangă I. Curs de drept administrativ. Chişinău: Epigraf, 2005, p. 306
147
Constitution and laws, is required, as appropriate, according to the legislation.
Another notion that needs to be highlighted is "in the interest of the entire
population", which emphasizes the existence within this autonomy of a
population as an integral part of the people of the Republic of Moldova, and
not of a Gagauz ethnic group, as it is stated. Regarding the issues that can be
solved within autonomy, the Constitution states that they can be political,
economic and cultural category.
By par. (2) of art. III of the Constitution, the constituent legislator
establishes that all the rights and freedoms provided by the Constitution and the
legislation of the Republic of Moldova are guaranteed on the territory of the
autonomous territorial unit of Gagauzia. These constitutional provisions
reiterate the principle of the supremacy of national legislation in relation to
local law, establish additional safeguards in respect of human rights and
freedoms and prohibit their limitation by local normative acts.
The following provisions of Art. III stipulate that in the autonomous
territorial unit Gagauzia are operating representative and executive organs
according to the law. These constitutional provisions, supplemented by those of
art. 73 of the Supreme Law refers in particular to the People's Assembly of the
Autonomous Territorial Unit of Gagauzia as a representative authority and
leaves to be regulated by the law that will be the executive authorities, only
mentioning that they have constitutional support. The organization and
functioning of these authorities, as well as the attributions with which they will
be invested, remain regulated by law.
Furthermore, the constituent legislator develops the principles of
indivisibility and inalienability of the territory of the Republic of Moldova,
emphasizing that the autonomous territorial unit Gagauzia does not have its
own territory and other goods, but in this respect it is established that the land,
the subsoil, the waters, the vegetal and the animal kingdom natural resources
located on the territory of the autonomous territorial unit Gagauzia are property

148
of the people of the Republic of Moldova and constitute, at the same time, the
economic base of Gagauzia. Thus, the Constitution expressly determines that
the land, the subsoil, the waters, the vegetal and the animal kingdoms, as well
as other natural resources are the object of exclusive state property and can not
belong to the respective autonomous territorial unit.
By the provisions of para. (5) of art. III of the Constitution, the founding
legislature comes with financial guarantees for the autonomous territorial unit
Gagauzia, establishing that it has its own budget formulated in compliance with
the budget process in accordance with the rules laid down in the law governing
the special status of Gagauzia.
One of the problems that could not be resolved was to control the activity
of the authorities of the autonomous territorial unit Gagauzia, but, with the
constitutional changes, it found its solution at the constitutional level. Thus,
par. (6) of art. III of the Constitution establishes the following: control over the
observance of the legislation of the Republic of Moldova in the autonomous
territorial unit Gagauzia is exercised by the Government, according to the law.
Basically, the constituent legislator obliges the Government to exercise
administrative control over the activities of the authorities in Gagauzia. Thus,
the constitutional norms mainly establish the legality control over the activity
of the authorities in Gagauzia, but once instituted at the constitutional level, the
control can be carried out at both political level by the legislature, either
directly or through government control, administrative level by the
Government, the Court of Audit, the Parliamentary Advocate or by court.
Also, in determining the status of Gagauzia, the Constitution empowers
the People's Assembly of the Autonomous Territorial Unit of Gagauzia with
the right of legislative initiative, leaving the law to determine the way of
realizing such a right. Consider the right of the People's Assembly; the
legislative initiative must be interpreted in the light of the interests the
constitutional legislator seeks to protect against the central power. Thus, this

149
right should only concern the interests of the autonomous territorial unit of
Gagauzia, and the People's Assembly must be able to submit draft laws to solve
the problems faced by the territorial authorities. The legislative procedure must
make the law of the People's Assembly subject to a legislative initiative with
the need for the drafting of draft laws by the central public administration
authorities and with the Government's approval, so that such projects can be
examined within Parliament.
Another constitutional guarantee stipulates that the special status of the
autonomous territorial unit Gagauzia shall be established by an organic law,
after its adoption it may be amended only by the vote of at least three fifths of
the number of deputies elected in Parliament.
These constitutional provisions laid down sufficient guarantees for the
existence and functioning of the autonomous territorial unit of Gagauzia and
determined its status within the Republic of Moldova. In this way, the
population in this territory is given the opportunity to self-administer
autonomously and to realize their interests with maximum efficiency, taking
into account the need to preserve the identity and cultural specificity, language
and traditions, etc.
On October 15, 2001, in the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova was
submitted the draft "Law on the introduction of amendments and completions
in the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova", prepared by the Special
Commission on the elaboration of proposals for bringing the legislation in
compliance with the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova
in matters related to the special status of ATU Gagauzia.
The analysis of the documents prepared by eachside, and Chisinau, and
Comrat gives us reasons to conclude that the doctrinal positions of each of the
parties are similar. The Comrat, in its line of claims, exaggerates the level of
independence, as if it forgets that it ignores the fundamental principles of the
Constitution of the Republic of Moldova set out in art. 1 on Republic of

150
Moldova as an independent sovereign state, integral and indivisible, and in art.
3 on the inalienability of its territory. While the Comrat calls for confederalism,
hoping to at least get federalism, Chisinau insists on strictly unitaryism,
understanding that it has to make some failures to federalism. Thus, the
political fair took place.
Constitutional consolidation of the special status of Gagauzia The
Parliament of the Republic of Moldova, being under the permanent pressure of
political mobilization, solidarity with the political elite in Gagauzia and in
accordance with the responsibilities accepted by the Republic of Moldova as
soon as it became member of the Council of Europe (1995) 2001 - 2004, made
a number of significant steps in further development of the constitutional
development of the Republic of Moldova, including steps oriented towards the
constitutional consolidation of the status of Gagauzia.300
Parliament of the Republic of Moldova at its fifteenth session set up a
special commission under the leadership of V. Mişin regarding the elaboration
of the proposals for constitutional consolidation of the status of Gagauzia. The
Commission included representatives of both central authorities and Gagauzia.
The Law on the Introduction of Amendments to the Constitution of the
Republic of Moldova, which was successfully evaluated by the Venice
Commission, which remarked the draft law as a positive step in the
constitutional development of the Republic of Moldova, was adopted by the
Parliament of the Republic of Moldova on 25 July 2003.
The main significance of the adopted law consists in the constitutional
consolidation of the status of Gagauzia, in the constitutional assertion of the
legal basis of the provisions and guarantees from which the status of Gagauzia
is formed. One of the main innovations, which is not devoid of declarativeness,
can be considered the grant (according to Art.73) of the People's Assembly of
the administrative territorial unit (ATU) Gagauzia with the right of legislative

300
Nantoi O., Relationship between Comrat and Chisinau (Legal Aspects). Chisinau: Institute for
Social and Political Studies, 2002
151
initiative, as well as with the deputies of the Parliament, the President and the
Government of the Republic of Moldova. An overcoming of the lack of sense
of the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova since 1994 toward the territorial
unit Gagauzia became the appearance of the very word Gagauzia in the text of
the renewed Constitution. Point 1 art. 110 of the new publication states: "In the
administrative report, the territory of the Republic of Moldova is divided into
villages, towns, districts and the administrative territorial unit Gagauzia". A
far-reaching goal of point 2 of the same article is to try to ensure a status no
less favorable to the autonomy of the unrecognized Transdniestrian Republic.
According to this constitutional article, as well as unclarity, "compact territorial
settlements on the left bank of Dnestr can be given special forms and
conditions of autonomy in accordance with the special statute, stability by
organic law."
Another proof of how far the legislative activity of the Moldovan MPs
about the status of Gagauzia at the constitutional level is art. 111 which allows
Gagauzia to develop firmly in various spheres of vital activity, while relying on
the clear guarantees of the existence of autonomy itself, as well as its
fundamental institutions. It is unlikely to find throughout the post-Soviet space
some consitutional provisions similar to those set out in Art. 111. According to
this article, first of all, Gagauzia is consolidated the status of administrative
territorial unity, which in itself, and more or less, represents the form of
Gagauz self-determination. In other words, at a higher constitutional level, the
Gagauz were recognized as an ethnical unity, having the basis for becoming a
subject of law. Since the Gagauz are a subject of group law, quite rarely
encountered in jurisprudence, the autonomous territorial unit represents a rather
rare territorial unit for the post-Soviet space, a unit that is a component and
integral part of the Republic of Moldova.
Secondly, according to point 3 of the same article, the Gagauz
Autonomous Territorial Unit operates on the legitimate basis of the

152
Constitution of the Republic of Moldova representative and executive organs of
power.
Thirdly, "the land, the subsoil, the waters, the animal and vegetal world,
other natural resources which are within the territory of the autonomous
territorial unit, as stipulated in paragraph 4 of the same article, are property of
the people of the Republic of Moldova and, at the same time, Gagauzia ".
With the recognition of the special status of Gagauzia is correlated that
part of art. 111 which states that the budget of the autonomous territorial unit is
formed in accordance with the norms established by the organic law. A serious
approach to the issue of recognition of the status of Gagauzia is confirmed by
the fact that the amendments to the organic law, which regulate the special
status of the autonomous territorial unit Gagauzia, are approved by 3/5 of the
votes of the deputies elected to parliament.
At the practical seminar, organized on the initiative of the OSCE Mission
in Republic of Moldova on the issue of the relations between the center and the
regions, statements and recommendations were elaborated. They included the
appeal to the Government and the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova, as
well as to the Executive Committee and the People's Assembly of Gagauzia to
regulate closer relations of cooperation between the central bodies of the
Republic of Moldova and the regional bodies of public administration of
Gagauzia.
The OSCE Mission, in pursuit of the all-encompassing goal of
successfully transposing the Gagauz Autonomy Agreement from 1994 year,
asked the Government and the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova, the
Executive Committee and the People's Assembly of Gagauzia to continue the
consultations, and in particular:
- to remove and avoid contradictions between ordinary Moldovan and
organic legislation, and the Gagauz Code with the Gagauz regional law, on the

153
one hand, and the Law on the special legal status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri) or
the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova, on the other part;
- to create the legal and institutional basis of the regular exchange of
information, coordination of administrative and legislative actions, and regular
consultations between central and regional authorities in order to try to
overcome divergences at the initial stage.
The content-analysis of the documents on the dialogue between Comrat
and Chisinau once again convinces us that "justice, as noted by John Rawls,
does not allow the loss of freedom by some to be justified by great goods for
others."301
Consequently, in political conflicts, the right, viewed as an important
regulator and the most rational factor of social relations, is capable and must be
the sole source of solution to the emerging political situations that threaten to
evolve in conflict, because only in the truly democratic and lawful state society
delegates and obliges the right to regulate all relations that occur within it. For
this reason, while granting the prerogative to solve political conflicts, society at
the same time makes the first step to being recognized by world society as
being civilized and democratic.302
Applying the right to solve political conflicts becomes the guarantor of
their final settlement. However, the sides involved or those involved in the
political conflict must go to certain limitations, dispositions in the formation of
the block of legal acts aimed at solving it. On a sociological level it is
important to differentiate two levels of conflict.
First of all, this is the conflict in the dimensions of the whole political
space; as a rule, it is the conflict about the legitimacy of power, its recognition -
its non-recognition, its support or hostility to the structures of power.

301
Губогло М.Н. «Этнополитическое взросление: полувековой опыт гагаузов», Доклад на
международной конференции «10 лет АТО Гагаузии, как формы самоопределения гагаузского
народа, и единство народа Республики Молдова», 22 декабря 2004. În: Вести Гагаузии, 28
января 2005
302
Аникин В. И., Формирование идеологии гражданского общества (опыт американской
демократии). În: Вопросы философии и права. Кишинев, 1997, № 2-3.
154
 The second level of conflict reflects the contradictions within the power
structures on the volume of powers. In this struggle the essence of the political
process is the following: a true politician subjects every moment of his life to
the task of widening his own political influence, assuring, sustaining and
winning a new political space to the detriment of his opponent or adversary.
The democratic jurisdiction of national politics in the Republic of
Moldova includes in itself:
- optimizing the state structure of the Republic of Moldova on the basis of
federal elements, which would be one of the priority tasks of the internal
policy;
- the realization of citizens' rights related to their ethnicity, assurance of
different forms of self-determination and self-organization. However, it is
important to recognize the legitimacy of cultural-national autonomy;
- taking into account the needs of the development of the Moldovan
people as one of the main supporters of statehood.
The achievement of these positions requires further improvement of the
work of both the legislative power and other branches of power, of their
coordination in the daily political practice. Such an approach, as demonstrated
by the experience in Gagauzia on conflict resolution, allows us to achieve long-
term positive results.
If make a comparison between the regional autonomy of Gagauzia and
the different systems existing in this field in Europe it can be seen that the
nearest system is the Italian one. According to Article 119 of the Constitution
of Italy, the regions enjoy "financial autonomy in the forms and within the
limits prescribed by the laws of the republic, the latter coordinating it with the
state, provinces and communes' finances."303 The predominant interpretation of
art.119 has always been that the financial autonomy of the 15 common regions
is very limited, since they can not impose new taxes, can not regulate the

303
Paşcaneanu T. Aspecte de drept comparat privind autonomia regională a Găgăuziei. În: Legea şi
viaţa, 2007, nr.7, p.56
155
imposition or distribution of existing taxes. Thus, the "financial autonomy"
attributed to the regions by art. 119 is mainly in the autonomy of administering
directly the revenues fixed by the state. Greater financial autonomy is attributed
to the five regions with special status, although only in exceptional cases they
have the power to impose their own taxes.304
Regarding the regional government, Article 121 of the Italian Constitution
states that "the organs of the region are the council, the junta and the
president", whose functions correspond broadly to those of the Parliament, the
Government and the President. Just as in Italy where certain regions such as
Valle d'Aosta, South Tyrol have the right to adopt their own statutes, so
Gagauzia is authorized by organic law to approve its own self-governing
statutes within the limits prescribed by law.
The council consists of 30 to 80 councilors and has regulatory and
administrative legislative responsibilities, as well as political control functions
over the junta and the president, including the region's policy. The Junta is the
legislative power and is elected by the council, while the president, elected by
the council, is also the representative of the region and the president of the
junta. The councils approve the statutes of the regions, which require an
absolute majority and must be approved by Parliament by the law.
Organic Law on the Legal Status of Gagauzia does not stipulate that the
statutes adopted by the People's Assembly be subsequently approved by
Parliament, as in Italy, where the statutes regulate the internal organization of
the region, including the composition of the junta and the system of election of
the junta and its president. They also regulate the relations between the various
regional governmental organs and their functions. The statutes also contain
provisions on popular legislative initiatives and regional referenda.
In Italy, at the lower level of the regions, administrative 305
decentralization remains at the discretion of provinces and communes. The
304
Bull A. Regionalismul în Italia. Revista Altera 10, anul V, 1999, p. 16
305
Paşcaneanu T., Analele Ştiinţifice, Seria Drept Public, Academia "Ştefan cel Mare" a MAI al
Republicii Moldova. Chişinău, 2003, anul I, nr.4/2003, p. 61
156
provinces became, after the creation of the regions, quite hybrid institutions,
because many of their powers were lost. A relatively recent law passed by
Parliament in 1991 has kept it as administrative entities. Communes are the
only territorial organs that pre-existed in the Unification of Italy and, indeed,
the Constitution simply granted them formal recognition, not being obliged to
create ex novo.
As for the region-state relationship, in Italy the main limitation of regional
autonomy is the government's power to challenge the constitutionality of a
regional law. The Government may invite the Regional Council to reconsider
any law that the latter has voted on; such a law may be reappointed by the
council with a condition to assemble an absolute majority of councilors.
Afterwards, the central government has 15 days to appeal to the Constitutional
Court, in the same way, the regions themselves can appeal to the Court against
the state if they feel that they are violating their functions.
There have been many cases subject to the attention of the Constitutional
Court since the regions began to operate. The Court's initial tendency was to
give a verdict in favor of the state, in the 1970s the attitude adopted by the
regions was to find a compromise with the state and to avoid recourse to the
Court for fear of the anti-regional orientation of this institution. In the
following decade, the attitude of the court towards the regions has become
more positive, in the same decade the independence of the regions has
increased considerably in relation to the state.
In June 1990, a new law on local government (Law No 142) was passed
in Italy, which covered two important objectives. The first was the reduction of
clientelism and the encouragement of the local administration's responsibility
towards its own voters, especially through greater participation of ordinary
citizens (by referendum, petitions or proposals - art.6), access to information
(art. 7) and creation of a "difensore civitas" or a guarantor of impartiality and
good administration (art. 8). The second objective was to regulate the relations

157
between the three levels of government - central, regional and local. Greater
importance was given to the regions in this tripartite relationship, compared to
what the Constitution gave it by Articles 117 and 118, while these articles
provided that "provinces and communes are autonomous entities within the
established principles by the laws of the republic which decide their functions
", Article 3 of Law 142 raises the regions at a superior level to the province and
common in terms of socio-economic and territorial planning. Regions have
been assigned the important decision-making functions of general policy
objectives, even if local and provincial administrations had a say in their
formulation. Law 142 was ambiguous in this regard because it does not clarify
how and on what criteria it contributes to the planning of general policies the
communes and provinces.306
As in Italy, according to the regulations in force, we have limited
legislative autonomy in the Republic of Moldova on the autonomy of
Gagauzia, as the legislative competence of the People's Assembly is limited to
the following areas: a) science, culture, education; b) household of communal
services and housing, urban planning; c) health protection, physical culture and
sports; d) local financial and fiscal activity; e) economy and ecology; f)
employment relationship and social assistance.
All other socio-political and economic relations remained in the
regulatory competence of the Parliament and the Government of Moldova. On
the other hand, as in Italy, legislative acts emanating from the People's
Assembly of Gagauzia are subject to constitutional control of the Constitutional
Court. Moreover, the legal acts of the executive bodies of Gagauzia are subject
to the legality control according to the Law on administrative litigation, so that
the judgments of the Gagauzia courts are censured in terms of their legality and
solidity through the exercise of appeals , before the higher judicial bodies
established at the level of the Republic of Moldova, finally, the judgments of
the courts established within the Autonomous Region of Gagauzia can be
306
Bull A. Op.cit., p. 32
158
appealed before the competent courts organized at the level of the Republic of
Moldova.
The Spanish local autonomy system appears to be more distant than the
Italian one by the regulations existing in the Constitution of the Republic of
Moldova. The Spanish system is characterized by the tendency to lay the
foundations for a federal system characterized by "self-government"; "co-
governance". The aim of this federal system is to provide effective means of
settling and resolving conflicts between the center and the periphery while
maintaining national unity.
Thus, unlike the Italian and Moldovan systems characterized by the
tendency to widen a local administrative autonomy, the Spanish system
demonstrates a trend towards a temperate federalism.

3.4 The geopolitical factor of integration of the Moldovan peoples:

historical and modern aspects

The geopolitical background of southern and eastern part of state is

characterized by such complex influences from ethnical groups Patron-states
and other political regional interests. At the same time, external homelands are
another variable deeply involved in Moldavian politics.
Russians and Ukrainians ask their mother countries to interfere in
Moldavian politics to promote their interests or protect privileges from Soviet
times, and other minorities engage in similar behavior. Gagauzes, for instance,
established an autonomous status with strong support from Turkey, which is
speculating on linguistic and racial kinship. Bulgarians, in turn, can thank the
direct involvement of the authorities in Sofia for their success in obtaining a
special status for the Taraclia district in the south, where they are in the
majority, as well as a national university307.
Russia

307
Igor Caşu, p.246
159
 Even though some foreign authors insist on Russia's minor and uncertain
role in the Gagauz conflict, suggesting that the Yeltsin government did not
seem to have apparently supported the Gagauz, yet Russia's influence in the
region has been strong since 1812 to the present. In fact, the main influential
vector of Moscow in the region was the separatist movement in Transnistria,
the Dniester being the way of great importation in the penetration of Russian
influence in the south of Modova. And if initially, the Gagauz separatist
movement was able to accept any support (political or military) on the side of
the Russians, eventually it took on its own. In the future, Russia could be
tempted to use the "Gagauz advantage" if it had made the union of the Republic
of Moldova with Romania. In this case, the position of Gagauzia at the border
between Romania, Ukraine and Moldova acquires in this case a new strategic
interest.308
Gagauzia is exceptionally pro-Russian. In the collective consciousness of
the Gagauz people, Russians are seen as protectors from external threats, espe-
cially from Romania309. Because of the fear of the potential unification of
Moldova and Romania (fuelled by local officials and compounded by state-
ments released by Bucharest); a fear of a further drop in trade with Russia and
restrictions on access to the all-important Russian labour market; and, poor
knowledge about the European Union and the process of European integration.
Gagauz, has positive attitudes towards the Soviet Union and Russia. The
1990 survey conducted by the Department of Sociology of the Academy of
Sciences of Moldova and the Institute of Social and Political Studies showed
that 75% of respondents in the Gagauz region supported the preservation of
Moldova’s membership of the Soviet Union. Only the Transdniestria region
had a comparable level of pro-Soviet orientation (82%). Support for the
independence of Moldova showed a reverse pattern. It was lowest in

308
Gangloff S.Ĺémancipation politique degagauzes turcophones chrèti-ens de Moldavie. // Cahier
d́ étude sur la Méditerrannée orientale et le mondeturco-iranien, nr.23, 1997, p.231-237.
309
Kamil Ca³us, Gagauzia: growing separatism in Moldova?, OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 129,
p.2
160
Transdniestria (13%) and Gagauz Yeri (19%) and highest in cities and districts
in Bessarabian Moldova (37 – 41%). The issue of Moldova’s unification with
Romania received low support (2 – 6%) in all regions of Moldova310.
During the first few years of Moldovan independence the Gagauz, could
easily gain citizenship into the Russian Federation Today the Gagauz who
work in the Russian Federation for five years are able to obtain Russian
citizenship. Furthermore, Gagauz who have Russian relatives or those who
marry Russians are able to obtain Russian citizenship. The Russian Federation
grants those Gagauz with Russian citizenship and who are willing to live in
Russian villages and towns with a residence permit and a Moldova-Russia
ticket. However, most Gagauz who took on Russian citizenship before prefer to
live in larger Russian cities. In the town of Kaul, which is close to Moscow,
there is a strong Gagauz presence311.
And as an example, the last election for leadership of Gagauzia ATU, the
supporter for approach to Russia Irina Vlah won in the first round312.
Repeatedly proving their devotion to Russian interests, the Gagauz
emphasized it even today. The formal reason for the disintegration of post-
Soviet Ukraine, as we know, was the disagreement over the question of the
state's accession to the European or Customs Union. Few people know, but this
dilemma also faced Moldova. Gagauzia showed the unity common for a small
and friendly people. At the referendum held on February 2, 2014, 98.09% of
voters supported the withdrawal of Gagauzia from Moldova if it merged with

310
IVAN KATCHANOVSKI, Small Nations but Great Differences: Political Orientations and
Cultures of the Crimean Tatars and the Gagauz, EUROPE-ASIA STUDIES, Vol. 57, No. 6, September
2005, p. 114
311
Hasan Kanbolat, Moldova’s Gagauz people and identity issues,
http://www.todayszaman.com/columnist/hasan-kanbolat/moldovas-gagauz-people-and-identity-
issues_297986.html, November 12, 2012, Monday, accessed 20.05.2015, 10:13

312
На выборах главы Гагаузии победила получившая поддержку Москвы Ирина Влах,
http://ruposters.ru/news/23-03
2015/na_vyborah_glavy_gagauzii_pobedila_poluchivshaya_podderzhku_moskvy_irina_vlah, 23
Марта 2015, 11:26:27
161
neighboring Romania. 98.47% of those who voted supported the entry into the
Customs Union, 97, 43% voted against joining the European Union.
Gagauzia supported the separation of Crimea in favor of its integration
with Russia. Gagauz did not stay aside from the events in the South-East of
Ukraine. In Ukraine live 30 thousand representatives of the Gagauz nationality.
They are mainly concentrated in the Bolgrad district of the Odessa region.
Ukrainization and discrimination of national minorities, can not rejoice neither
Ukrainian Gagauzians nor their fellow tribesmen from the neighboring Gagauz
autonomy. Therefore, Gagauz administration fully support Donetsk and
Lugansk separatists armed rebelion against the troops of the Kiev authorities.313

Turkey
After the establishment of modern Turkey in 1923, the first who
rediscovered the Gagauz was Hamdullah Suphi Tanrýöver, Turkey’s
ambassador to Romania. His plan was to repatriate the Gagauz back in Turkey.
But the beginning of the Second World War prevented this plan come true.
After the Soviet reannexation of “Bessarabia” and the creation of the
Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic Turkey’s activities, were frozen in time,
because Turkey and the Soviet Union were on opposite sides of the Cold War.
With Gorbachev and the warming of relations between Europe and the
USSR, Turkey slowly became reacquainted with the Turkic peoples of the
former Soviet Union, including the Gagauz.
Ankara's interest for Moldova increase since independence, Turkey was
one of the first states which recognize Moldova's independence at 27
December, 1991. And Diplomatic relations between two countries were
established on February 3, 1992314.
The official opening of the diplomatic relations took place as a result of
the decree of the President of the Republic of Moldova on the opening of the

313
Илья Полонский, http://rusvesna.su/recent_opinions/1401522241rusvesna.su/recent_opinions/
1401522241, 2017/12/8
314
http://www.turcia.mfa.md/relatii-politice/
162
Moldovan Embassy in the Republic of Turkey was issued in May 1994.315 The
first Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of
Moldova to Turkey was appointed in 1994 as diplomat Ion Botnaru, who
previously served as Ad-interim Minister of foreign affairs of the Republic of
Moldova. In 1998, the office was taken over by the Fiodor Angheli as
Ambassador.316
Therefore, the first steps towards the Moldovan-Turkish cooperation are
related to the creation of The Organization of the Black Sea Economic
Cooperation (BSEC),317 constituted by the signing on 25 June 2002 of the
Declaration of Istanbul of the heads of state or government of the Black Sea
riparian countries. The purpose of the co-operation involved was both the
transformation of the Black Sea into a region of peace and stability, and the
promotion of economic cooperation, friendly relations and good neighborliness
between the signatory states. Over the course of a decade, the (BSEC)
Organization, with a geographical area of about 20 million km2 and a
population of more than 330 million people, has achieved consistent successes.
Starting from these priorities, both the Republic of Moldova and the
Republic of Turkey have actively participated in the elaboration and
implementation of joint projects within B.S.E.C. As a member of this
international organization, to which the European Union has shown its interest,
Moldova has presided over its activities several times. In this respect, the
B.S.E.C. Summit held on November 17, 1999, is relevant, where a new
Statement from Istanbul was adopted under the co-presidency of the Heads of
State of Turkey and Republic of Moldova.
Currently, trade and economic relations between the Republic of Moldova
and the Republic of Turkey are based on about 51 bilateral intergovernmental
documents. Of the most important, we mention:

315
Decretul Preşedintelui M. Snegur. 304 din 1.XI.1994. Monitorul Oficial al Republicii Moldova,
1994, nr.5
316
Moldova Suverană, 27 mai 1999
317
Moldova, România, Ucraina: integrarea în structurile europene, Chişinău: Perspectiva 2002, pag 18
163
 • The Friendship and Cooperation Treaty between the Republic of Moldova
and the Republic of Turkey, signed in Chisinau on 3 June 1994;
• Agreement between the Republic of Moldova and the Republic of
Turkey on the promotion and reciprocal protection of investments signed in
Ankara on 14 February 1994;
• The Commercial and Economic Cooperation Agreement between the
Republic of Moldova and the Republic of Turkey signed in Ankara on 14
February 1994 and entered into force on 7 June 1994, etc.
It is worth mentioning that on the basis of Article IX of the Agreement on
Trade and Economic Cooperation between the Republic of Moldova and the
Republic of Turkey, signed on 14 February 1994, was established Moldovan-
Turkish mixed intergovernmental commission for commercial-economic and
technical-scientific cooperation.
The first meeting of the Joint Commission took place in Chisinau on
October 6-9, 1998, during which a broad analysis of the bilateral trade and
economic relations between the Republic of Moldova and the Republic of
Turkey was carried out and concrete measures were taken for their
amplification and improvement. Taking into account the fact that the trade and
economic relations between the Republic of Moldova and the Republic of
Turkey do not fully reflect the potential of both sides, it was proposed to hold
the subsequent meetings of the Joint Commission. Within them were discussed
issues of particular interest to both sides:
• cooperation in the field of agriculture between the line ministries;
• promoting and diversifying trade and economic relations to enhance
existing partnership and mutual benefit potential;
• research on lending opportunities, which has increased the mutual
investment of companies in the territory of both states;
• Expansion of commercial-economic relations that will stimulate the
cooperation between organizations and enterprises in such fields as:

164
 • energy - the cooperation of the relevant institutions in the construction
of the electrical stations, as well as the electricity supply and distribution lines;
• industry - the modernization and installation of machinery for the
production of textiles, food products, building materials, household appliances,
packaging, pharmaceuticals, etc .;

• transport - the possibility of leasing the transport units to the Moldovan

enterprises, the equipment for reconstruction and rehabilitation of the roads;
• telecommunications - the delivery of modern telecommunication
equipment;
• tourism - exchange of information and experts in the field.318
Was also envisaged the cooperation and in other areas: customs control,
culture, education, science and technology, social protection, etc.
Moreover, among the last bilateral Agreements signed between the
Republic of Moldova and Turkey can be mentioned the Agreement on social
security between the Republic of Moldova and the Republic of Turkey of
05.05.2017.319 This Agreement applies to social security legislation which
governs:
for the Republic of Moldova: (a) allowances for temporary incapacity for
work caused by general illnesses or accidents outside work; (b) allowances for
temporary incapacity for work caused by occupational diseases or accidents at
work; c) maternity allowances; (d) old-age pensions; e) disability pensions
caused by general disorders; f) disability pensions and allowances due to
accidents at work and occupational diseases; g) successor ' pensions; h) death
grants; i) Unemployment benefits. As regards the Republic of Moldova,
sickness, maternity and unemployment benefits shall be provided in accordance
with the legislation which the competent institutions apply.

318
Moldovan D. Relatiile economice externe ale Republicii Moldova: afirmare si perspective,
Chisinau, 1996, pag 84
319
Acord în domeniul securităţii sociale dintre Republica Moldova şi Republica Turcia din 05.05.2017.
Monitorul Oficial nr.421-427/699 din 01.12.2017
165
 for the Republic of Turkey: (a) invalidity, old-age, successors', short-term,
general and non-life insurance for persons employed on the basis of a contract
of employment by one or more employers; b) disability, old-age, survivors',
short-term insurance and general health insurance for self-employed workers
working on their behalf and without a contract of employment; c) invalidity,
old-age, successors' insurance for persons working in public administration.
Gagauz is important to Turkey because of their relative size in Moldova
compared to other Turkic groups and the general receptive nature of the
Gagauz to Turkey’s overtures320.
Rather, Turkey’s activities in Moldova reflected Turkey’s policy to reach
out to Turkic groups across the region while increasing Turkey’s influence
across the “gigantic Turkish world.” Turkey’s aid was one means to
accomplish this goal321.
Moldova is a political arena where converge the political and economic
interests of the West and Russia. Turkey's policy, and its interests in the region
can not be considered in the context of the the West policy, because in
Moldova cause, Turkey is not a Western policy conductor, but has its clear
goals and interests.
Continuing the policy of the Ottoman Empire, which took care the
Turkic-speaking peoples from China to the Balkans, today's Turkey political
elite, actively began to extrude pro-Russian sentiments of Gagauzia.
In fact, Ankara intends to take under its wing social and political
processes in the autonomous republic. In this regard, the primary objective is
the process of cultural and linguistic convergence Gagauz and Turks, which
automatically would have brought with it new opportunities to spread its
influence in the region.

320
King, "Minorities Policy in the Post-Soviet Republics: The Case of the Gagauzi," 749.
321
John A. Webster, pag. 249
166
 The Gagauz did not appear on the Turkish popular scene until October
1990 ， when volunteer incursion of Moldovan nationalists into the Gagauz
region of southern Moldova322.
For nearly two weeks, Turkish news carried daily reports of the
activities between Moldova’s central government and the Gagauz 323. Five days
into the standoff between Gagauz and Moldovan volunteers, the incident
became a front-page story in Turkey with photos printed of Gagauz leaders and
Soviet soldiers324. It even prompted a statement from the Turkish Foreign
Ministry whose spokesman affirmed Turkey’s position that the Gagauz and
Moldovan affair was an internal problem but that ''Ankara is very much
interested in the matter and urges Moldovan restraint325 .
In 1993, the leadership of Moldova at the request of Gagauz population
held alphabet reform and based its writing Latin - close to the Turkish
alphabet326. This phenomenon is, of course, on the orders of the Turkish
political circles, and marked the beginning of a process of cultural and
linguistic rapprochement between the peoples of Turkey and Gagauzia.
Turkish Foreign Ministry was actively involved in negotiations with the
Moldovan side, and occasionally in a very harsh manner urged the Moldovan
authorities to exercise restraint and "not to resort to the limitation of the status
of the Gagauz autonomy"327.
Since the beginning of the creation of the first national governments in
Gagauzia were established strong and promising links with both the military

322
John A. Webster, pag. 247
323
See the Turkish Daily News from 27-28 October to 9 November for articles on the Gagauz in
Moldova.
324
See front page article in 1 November 1990 Turkish Daily News and photos on 31 October and 2
November. On 2 November 1990, an article entitled “The Gagauz in Moldavia” by Türkkaya Ataöv
seems to introduce the Gagauz to the readers. See Turkish Daily News, "The Gagauz in Moldavia," 2
November 1990a.
325
United Press International, "Turkey Remains Cautious on Secessionist Moves by Soviet Turks,"
(accessed via LexisNexis), 2 November 1990.
326
Постановление "О переводе гагаузской письменности на латинскую графику" парламента
Молдавии (13 мая 1993 года) // http://old.justice.md/lex/document_rus.php?
id=E16B7577:4E97D666.
327
Наталья Серова. "Кризис в Молдавии" (26 февраля 2002 года) //
http://www.smi.ru/text/02/02/26/2012.html.
167
and political leadership, and economic and legal wing of the Turkish state.
Despite this, the first full management autonomy had Pro Chisinau political
orientation.
In 1995, from Turkey to Gagauzia it was one of the first Turkish aims
delegation, which included not only politicians, but also public figures and
representatives of the Turkish business and culture, etc. In the same year in
Comrat it was founded the Society of Turkish-Gagauz friendship, the head
Necdet Ertugrul, who had close ties with a variety of Turkish government
funds. The Company initially actively work in the humanitarian field and in
education.
Even before autonomy Turkey offered scholarships to Gaguz students
through a program called the “Great Student Exchange Project”328.
In the 1992-93 academic year, Ankara allocated scholarships to 10,000
students from Turkic Republics and approximately 1,000 scholarships to
students in states from other Eurasian countries329. The educational experience
in Turkey fostered what Demirel called a “Turkish Renaissance” by grooming
the future elites in the new independent states like the Turkic republics and in
communities like Gagauzia330. In Moldova, 178 Gagauz students participated in
the program and studied at Turkish universities during that first academic year,
followed by nearly 200 students the next year331. Although Moldova’s
allocation was only 10% of the total scholarships given to each of the Turkic
Republics, it had a major impact on the Gagauz community. In 1990 only 647
Gagauz students were in higher education within the Republic of Moldova 332.
For a group with limited opportunity within Moldova, an education in Turkey
offered prospects previously unknown.
328
Lerna K. Yanik, "The Politics of Educational Exchanges: Turkish Education in Eurasia," Europe-
Asia Studies 56, no. 2 (2004).
329
Ibid, 294-95. The Turkish Minister of National Education allocated 2,000 scholarships to each
country: Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan
330
Ibid, 294-95. The Turkish Minister of National Education allocated 2,000 scholarships to each
country: Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan
331
Kilic, "Turkey and the Gagauz," 104; King, "Minorities Policy in the Post-Soviet Republics: The
Case of the Gagauzi," 748.
332
King, The Moldovans: Romania, Russia, and the Politics of Culture, 212.
168
 Since 1995 there were opened several Turkish and Turkish-Moldovan
schools in Gagauzia, the best graduates of which are sent to Turkey by the state
and trained in the best universities. Gagauz number of students graduated from
Turkish universities by 2007, constitued few hundred people. Note that the
Gagauz students who have received the right to study at universities in Turkey,
for the most part come from poor families. Some of them have represented not
only in the various administrative bodies in Gagauz autonomy, but also in
Chisinau. Every year in Turkish universities receives about 60 Gagauz
students, and all at the expense of Turkey. There is also student quota for the
Gagauz students at Baku State University. And Central Asian universities also
are willing to provide benefits for Gagauz students to study in their
universities, but the main State conducting this student project, is Turkey.
Turkish program is to attract students from Turkic-speaking countries
and regions of the world are actively began to operate in 1998. Based on
various British and American student projects, in the same year it developed a
special program called TSB for the selection of students. It is a series of exams
and interviews for students, representatives of the Turkic-speaking peoples.
Moreover, they created special departments, such as Azerbaijan, Tatar, Central
Asian, where learning exclusively the representatives of the above Turkic-
speaking peoples. Society of Turkish-
Gagauz friendship is funded not only by the Turkish international
organizations, but also the by various Turkey government organizations. In the
field of education, it is important to note the contribution of Turkey to the
creation of the Comrat State University, teachers who are often sent for
retraining in various Turkic-speaking countries and Europe at the expense of
the same Society Turkish-Gagauz Friendship. Almost every 2-3 years the
society organizes in Gagauzia business forums at their own expense to attract
foreign capital.

169
 It is also active in the public sphere: in the countries of Central Asia, in
Turkey and in the Turkic-speaking republics of the Russian Federation, often
organizes exhibitions of crafts, concerts and folklore evenings, clubs Gagauz
children to communicate with children of other Turkic peoples. In addition, the
society organized a world congress of the Gagauz, which presented a variety of
Turkish companies and firms that actively cooperate in the economic sphere.
Its opening is officially welcomed by Turkey President Suleyman Demirel,
which gave greate importance to event333.
Turkey's economic influence in Gagauzia as signified, there were
registered 18 joint Moldovan-Turkish companies, which operate in the
production of polypropylene films, hosiery, processing of agricultural products,
trade and brokering activities and tourism. Besides, on the territory of Gagauzia
registered 12 enterprises with Turkish capital, including one of the largest
enterprises of light industry PIK LLC "Asena textiles." Currently, this company
is built on the territory of Gagauzia 4 sewing factories and employed more than
2 thousand people. Actively growing and the trade turnover between Turkey
and Gagauzia. In the first quarter of 2007, exports of Gagauzia to Turkey
increased in the amount of 18.6 million lei ($ 1.55 million), representing 12.4%
of total exports of autonomy.
To attract Turkish capital in the Gagauz economy active in various
countries are the representatives of the Turkish-Gagauz society is directly
related to the Turkish International Cooperation and Development (TIKA),
which is the head by an influential person in the ruling circles of the Turkish
state, Hakan Fidan.
The organization is one of the important tools for the spread of Turkish
influence and strengthen the Turkish position not only in "Turkish zone," but

333
Тексты поздравительных телеграмм экс-башкану Гагаузии Георгию Табунщику по случаю
первого Всемирного конгресса гагаузов от президента Республики Турция, почетного
гражданина Гагаузии Сулеймана Демиреля и Чрезвычайного и Полномочного Посла
Азербайджанской Республики в Российской Федерации, генерального директора
международной организации "ТЮРКСОЙ" Полада Бюль-Бюль Оглы (1 августа 2006 года) //
http://www.nm.md/daily/article/2006/08/01/0310.html.
170
also in the countries that could potentially be influenced by Turkey. These
countries and regions are Macedonia, Kosovo, Albania, Sudan, Bosnia-
Herzegovina, Georgia, etc. In many countries, TIKA is represented by various
humanitarian and social, communication and cultural projects and programs,
which generally are of great importance in promoting a positive and friendly
attitude of the local population towards Turkey and its policy. In Turkic
societies TIKA programs contribute to the development of pan-Turkic and pro-
Turkish orientation.
In Gagauzia, and the whole territory of Moldova TIKA for the entire
period of activity has implemented a variety of economic, communication and
humanitarian projects. Moldovan TIKA center located in Chisinau, according
to some sources, some of its members are activists of various Turkish radical
organizations, such as the "Grey Wolves", who settled in Gagauzia before the
collapse of the Soviet Union334.
At the expense of TIKA, in 2006-2008. was constructed water system,
which allowed a large extent to remove the problem of providing high-quality
water to residents of all settlements south of Moldova 335. Moreover, the Turkish
authorities through the organization TIKA gave Moldova over 35 million US
dollars for the asphalting of roads in Gagauzia. 336 TIKA also founded the
Library Ataturk, which is the largest in Moldova, and in Comrat, with financial
support from management was based Turkish Cultural Center, which is active
in educational and cultural terms. Significant investments of the Turkish side in
both television and radio as in Gagauzia and also Moldova.
Furthermore, the Turkish side is constantly presenting political concept
Gagauzia as a separate phenomenon from Moldova, especially in the economic
aspect. This is evident in the Gagauz-Cypriot relations first. In many events,
summits and meetings organized by Turkish Republic of Cyprus stands out

334
Андрей Тищенко， Пантюркизм: Турция - Азербайджан - Гагаузия，БАКУ, 3 Марта 2008,
17:02 — REGNUM， http://regnum.ru/news/issues/966285.html
335
Турция напоит гагаузов (24 июня 2007 года) // http://edingagauz.com/content/view/129/57/.
336
Gagauzia // http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gagauzia.
171
quite active participation of the Gagauz side. Moreover, often inviting Side
bears all the costs of the Gagauz delegations.
In fact, Turkey is represented in all aspects as the guardian of the
Gagauz people, in addition, the Turkish side encourages the desire that other
Turkic republics to help becoming Gagauzia.
At various international Turkic forums Gagauz side is represented as an
equal state entity, and interest in it is actively growing. All this only deepens
the "climate" remoteness and separate the region from Moldova. Gagauzia
stepping up all-round relations with Tatarstan, which will invest in the
agricultural sector autonomy. Statements on the strengthening of the Russian-
Gagauz relations that determine the visits of various delegations Gagauz, but if
carefully review what were the meetings and agreements, here a dominant role
in politics played Turkish factor.
During the visit Gagauz delegation headed by Bashkan Formuzal in
Russia to Kazan in March 2007, it has been made different arrangements in the
socio-cultural and economic aspects337. The economic and social relations
between the two autonomous republics are developing at a fast pace, which in
political terms is crucial Turkic concept of solidarity.
When Gagauz who have been working in Turkey for a while apply to
become Turkish citizens, they are forced to abandon their Moldovan identity338.
Also, intensified and Azerbaijani-Gagauz relations. Gagauz Bashkan
urged Azerbaijan's businessmen to invest in autonomy339. Comrat was visited
by the Azerbaijani youth delegation, who introduced the Turkic culture and
music of Azerbaijan, as before, in Comrat, under the auspices of the Foreign
Ministry of Azerbaijan has opened the exhibition of the artists of the country.
For appreciation Gagauz Governor of autonomy, in Comrat installed the

337
Татарстан и Гагаузия будут "дружить домами" (20 марта 2007 года) // http://www.tatar-
inform.ru/news/2007/03/20/47473/.
338
Hasan Kanbolat, Moldova’s Gagauz people and identity issues,
http://www.todayszaman.com/columnist/hasan-kanbolat/moldovas-gagauz-people-and-identity-
issues_297986.html, November 12, 2012, Monday, accessed 20.05.2015, 10:13
339
Иван Кириогло. "Начало федерализации Молдовы положено" (март 2007 года) //
http://www.moldovatoday.net/more_rus.php?id=121.
172
monument of Heydar Aliyev340 and Suleyman Demirel. Opening of the
monument in the center of Comrat symbolize the achievements of Turkic
leaders in the field of cultural and social and political relations of the Turkic
world.
Turkey and its allies are actively expanding their influence in Gagauzia.
On the basis of the political position of the current leadership of the autonomy
and interests of these processes both in economic and in political terms,
mutually beneficial and promising. In fact, when viewed from the Gagauz point
of view, the impact of brotherly Turkey and panturkic ideas only raises the
political and economic importance of the autonomy and carries it to a higher
level of political development where it does not matter the position of Chisinau
on some issues because Gagauzia is committed to real autonomy part of
Moldova, especially in the economic and social aspect.
Moreover, in the game on the Gagauz "chessboard" Ankara also admits
its proven allies of pan-Turkism, ie Azerbaijan, and several Central Asian
republics. Thus, it can be stated that the concept of "Turkic policy" is becoming
more distinct forms341.
The position of Chisinau authorities toward Ankara's actions has double
standarts on the one side they give more credit to official statements of the
Turkish authorities (that they support newly independent state Republic of
Moldova).342. On the other hand, Chisinau considers that Turkey financial
"efforts" and its political actions encouraging Gagauz separatism and its
separation from Moldova. And their gesture may cause other Gagauz
neighboring settlements or from Taraclia county require integration in ATU
Gagauz-Yeri, on the background of financial shortcomings.

340
В Гагаузии установят бюсты Гейдара Алиева и Александра Пушкина (19 ноября 2007 года) //
http://www.regnum.ru/news/917610.html
341
Андрей Тищенко， Пантюркизм: Турция - Азербайджан - Гагаузия，БАКУ, 3 Марта 2008,
17:02 — REGNUM， http://regnum.ru/news/issues/966285.html
342
În accepţiunea autorităţilor de la Chişinău, „ajutoarele” Ankarei erau „de bună credinţă”, urmărind
depăşirea crizei economice de către Republica Moldova.
173
 Significantly, Turkey accepted Gagauz authorities request to open in
Ankara a "diplomatic mission" of ATU Gagauz-Yeri, without Chisinau's prior
consent, violated international regulations343.
External factors were essential to reach a compromise. This view posits
that Turkey, as a regional actor and patron state for the Gagauz, used various
forms of foreign aid to induce Moldova and the Gagauz to negotiate a
settlement. By so doing, Turkey had a causal influence on Moldova’s
successful handling of the Gagauz question344.
Turkey does not hide their open interest for the region. Strengthening of
the Turkish position will be a counterweight to the Russian position, so why
Chisinau authorities sometimes turn the blind eye.

3.5 The actuality and efficiency of the Gagauz integration policies in the
Republic of Moldova

After the proclamation of sovereignty and state independence, The Parliament

of the Republic of Moldova has assumed the rule of law throughout the
national territory, guaranteeing the fundamental rights and freedoms of citizens
contained in the Republic of Moldova’s Constitution and other national laws.
In order to guarantee the right to express of ethnic, linguistic and religious
minorities, as well as to preserve and develop freely their ethnic, cultural,
linguistic and religious identity, to maintain and develop their culture in all its
forms, securely from any attempt of assimilation against their will, Republic of
Moldova has adjusted its national legislation according to the European and
international standards, giving a defining feature of all legal acts related to
national minorities in the Republic of Moldova.

343
By they own power, Gagauz opened "diplomatic mission" in Tiraspol. Other attempts have been
blocked by the states whom made similar proposals (Bulgaria and Ex-Yugoslavia).
344
John A. Webster, pag. 240
174
According to the Declaration of Independence of Republic of Moldova,
adopted on 27 august 1991, the supreme forum “guarantees the exercise of
social, economic, cultural and political rights for all citizens of the Republic of
Moldova, including those of national, ethnic, religious and linguistic groups, in
conformity with the provisions of the Helsinki Final Act and documents
adopted afterwards, as well as the Paris Charta for a new Europe”.
The declaration of the Parliament made on 26 May 1992 highlights that
“adjusting internal legislation on human rights according to the international
standards is the only way to consolidate democracy and to guarantee that
people who belongs to some ethnic, linguistic and religious minorities have the
legitimate rights to defend and develop their identity ”.
Despite economic, social-political and cultural difficulties caused as a result of
transition process from communist-totalitarian society to the values of
European civilization, the problems of the national minorities in the Republic
of Moldova have been the subject of a constant concern of the organs of State
power. Since the proclamation of the independence of the Republic of
Moldova, the state has created a solid legal framework for the protection of
national minorities in the country and for the acceleration of integration
processes.
The first issue regarding the characteristic of the ethnic integration policies of
the Gagauzians in the Republic of Moldova will refer to the protection of their
rights as a national minority in terms of adopted policies. Article 4 of the
Constitution of Republic of Moldova stipulates that “Constitutional provisions
on human rights and freedoms shall be interpreted and are enforced in
accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, with the con-
ventions and other treaties to which the Republic of Moldova is a party”.
So far, the Republic of Moldova has adhered to several international acts,
which mostly refer to human rights within the UN, the Council of Europe, the
OSCE, etc.

175
The European and international normative acts, which are directly attributed to
the protection of the rights of the national minorities and to which the Republic
of Moldova is a party, are the following:
 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, proclaimed by the United
Nations General Assembly on 10 December 1948;
 The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,
adopted in New York on 16 December 1966. The Republic of Moldova
became a party at by the Parliament's decision No. 217-X-II of 28 July
1990, in force for the Republic of Moldova of 26 April 1993;
 The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, adopted in New
York on 16 December 1966. The Republic of Moldova became a party by
Parliament's decision No. 217-X-II of 28 July 1990, in force for the
Republic of Moldova of April 26, 1993;
 International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial
Discrimination, adopted in New York on 21 December 1965. The
Republic of Moldova became a party by the Parliament Decision No.707-
X-II of 10 September 1991, in force for the Republic of Moldova of 26
April 1993;
 Convention on the Non-Applicability of Statutory Limitations to War
Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity, adopted in New York on 26
November 1968. The Republic of Moldova became a party by the
Parliament Decision No.707-X-II of 10 September 1991, in force for the
Republic of Moldova of 26 April 1993;
 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide,
adopted in New York on 9 December 1948. The Republic of Moldova
became a party by the Parliament Decision No.707-X-II of 10 September
1991, in force for the Republic of Moldova of 26 April 1993;
 The Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental
Freedoms and its Protocols No.1-8, opened for signature in Rome on 4

176
 November 1950. The Republic of Moldova became a party by the
Parliament Decision No.1298-XIII of 24 July 1997, in force for the
Republic of Moldova of 12 September 1997;
 The Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities,
ratified by the Republic of Moldova on 22 October 1996.
In addition to those mentioned above, we can also mention the Final Act of the
Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, the Final Documents of
the Madrid and Vienna Meetings for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the
Document of the Copenhagen Meeting of the Conference on the Human
Dimension of the OSCE, Charter of Paris for a New Europe.
The rights of persons belonging to national minorities start with the right to
exist, the right to equality and non-discrimination. The right to exist is one of
the main objectives of the ensemble of human rights and freedoms, in the form
of rights to life, freedom and personal security, as well as economic, social and
cultural rights. Exercising the right to exist gives sense to human existence
itself.
The issue of protecting groups and their members against physical destruction
has found its most notable expression in the 1948 Convention on the
Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and later, in other several
documents on humanitarian law.
As it was seen above, the Republic of Moldova has adhered to the Convention
on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. This document
does not directly guarantee the right of national, ethnic, racial or religious
groups to existence; it incriminates actions aimed to destroy these groups. It is
based on the fact that these groups have the right to exist and those actions
which violate a fundamental human right are qualified as a crime.
The principle of non-discrimination is an essential element in guaranteeing
human rights. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, to which,
as mentioned above, the Republic of Moldova is party, stipulates in article 1

177
that “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.”, article 2
stipulates “Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this
Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex,
language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property,
birth or other status.”.
The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights stipulates that “All
persons are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to
the equal protection of the law. In this respect, the law shall prohibit any
discrimination and guarantee to all persons equal and effective protection
against discrimination on any ground such as race, colour, sex, language,
religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or
other status.”
Similar provisions have been included in the International Covenant on
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, in the European Convention for the
Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, adopted in Roma on
1950. These acts aim to eliminate and prohibit discrimination. The non-
discrimination and equality resulting from it contain the basic principles of
respecting the human rights, accepted by all democratic states.
From non-discrimination rules benefit not only persons belonging to minorities.
The formulation of the domains of social life in which discrimination is
prohibited, differ from legislation to another, but if we sum up everything that
is mentioned in these acts (race, color, language, religion, national and social
origin, etc.), we will notice that it includes also all the problems of national
minorities.
Contemporary states respect the principle of non-discrimination, which allowed
minority members to stand in equal positions with representatives of other
nations within a state.

178
By respecting the principle of non-discrimination, any action resulted in
violating the rights of some groups or persons may be prevented or to oppose
any attempts of this kind.
In connection with the right to exist and the protection of minorities, there is
the question of the official recognition by the states, including by the Republic
of Moldova, of minorities which live on its territory. It is obvious that the
refusal to recognize the existence of one or of any other minority may mean
denying the law enforcement on the rights of persons belonging to those
minorities.
The best way to protect the identity of national minorities is to respect their
specific rights, such as: the right to their own culture; the right to speak in their
mother tongue; the right to practice their own religion, the right of persons
belonging to minorities to take part in public life. The specific rights of
minorities aim to preserve their dignity, characteristics, differences and
traditions; can directly guarantee the rights of minorities and in order to
guarantee the achievement of these rights, may even force states to take some
special measures in this regard.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, provide the right of each person “to take
part at cultural life”. The Covenant forces States Parties “to take the necessary
measures for the conservation, the development and the diffusion of science
and culture”.
In this Covenant culture has a broad meaning. It refers at respecting the
cultural, historical, religious values, as well as values regarding the existence of
a person and its life style in connection with other persons, which somehow
create the person’s identity. From international acts we can deduce the
following categories of cultural rights: the right to cultural creativity; the right
of access to culture; the right to participate in cultural life; the right to
participate in scientific progress; the right to information; the right to

179
education. The cultural identity of national minorities will be protected by
respecting and promoting the cultural rights of persons belonging to the
minority group.
Realities show that many populations, from all states, remain attached to their
language, which differs from the languages spoken by majority. The prediction
of some specialists from few decades ago, which predicts that there will be a
universal language, well adapted to a harmonious collaboration and imposed on
the whole humanity, has proved to be a utopia. Mother tongues continue to
have a social function; through the mother tongue people and groups are
recognized as well as find in them the means of creation and expression.
Recent acts to which we have referred contain detailed provisions which give
minorities the right to study, practice and freely use their mother tongue in
both, public and private situations.
Less directly, the Framework Convention adopted by the Council of Europe
provides the commitment of States Parties to promote the necessary conditions
for persons belonging to minorities to conserve the essential elements of their
identity, including their native language. According to other articles of the
Convention, States Parties undertake to encourage the spirit of tolerance and
intercultural dialogue and in order to promote respect understanding and
cooperation among all persons within their territory, States Parties shall take all
necessary measures in this regard, without exception from the linguistic
identity of such persons; they also undertake to protect persons who may be the
subject of discrimination, hostility or violence due to their linguistic identity.
As a result of examining international acts and practices, in terms of linguistic
identity we may conclude that there are rights and freedoms which belong to
minorities as well as obligations of states concerning the following:
 preserving and developing maternal language as an essential element of
their identity;
 the free use of the minority language in both, private and public, orally

180
 and writing;
 the use of name and surname in the minority language and their proper
recognition;
 studying the mother tongue and receiving education in the minority
language;
 displaying geographic and topographical names in the minority language;
 freedom of expression, dissemination of information and access to
information in the mother tongue;
 use of minority language in relationship with administrative authorities;
 promoting the studying of the minority language as well as the language
spoken by the majority, educators training and access to manuals;
 contact with people located in other countries who share the same
language, ethnicity, or cultural heritage.
These provisions of international acts must be respected by all States Parties
whose purpose is to maintain guarantee for the rights of persons belonging to
minority groups and the commitments assumed by the states. Also, one of the
main obligations assumed by states is non-discrimination of persons based on
their religion or belief and to contribute to the maintenance and development of
religion, including the possibility to practice it.
Persons belonging to national minorities of a state would find it difficult to
maintain their national, linguistic, cultural identity without taking part in public
life. This right derives from the principles of equality of rights and non-
discrimination and is related to the exercise of rights to its own culture, to the
use of the mother tongue.
The international activity on the creation of the politico-normative framework
for the protection of ethnic minorities started since the previous decades and it
has a systematic character today; it is amplified and deepened as well as puts
forward new objectives and new parameters. This activity is an organic part of
the modernization process of contemporary society; it is carried out in

181
accordance with the necessity of elaborating and affirming a system of human
general principles and values, according to the new historical context. In
today’s reality, it is essential to foster objective trends towards regional and
global integration, but not by ignoring national states, ethnic and national
minorities, but rather by taking into account their specific values and interests
that determine their identity and existence over time, contributing to the overall
development and preservation of the cultural diversity of mankind.
The Republic of Moldova is agreed to contribute to the development of
democratic principles, respecting and guaranteeing the rights of persons
belonging to minorities. An eloquent proof in this regard is the signing by the
Parliament of the Republic of Moldova on 22 October 1996 of the Framework
Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. The main purpose of the
Convention is to ensure “in the member States and such other States as may
become Parties to the present instrument, the effective protection of national
minorities and of the rights and freedoms of persons belonging to those
minorities, with the rule of law, respecting the territorial integrity and national
sovereignty of states. ”. This fact is stipulated in the Convention, for instance
Section II, article 4 which specifies that “The Parties undertake to guarantee to
persons belonging to national minorities the right of equality before the law and
of equal protection of the law. In this respect, any discrimination based on
belonging to a national minority shall be prohibited.”.
There are two key words in the title of the Convention:
 the convention, which means that under international law it is a legal
instrument and comes with commitments, and
 the word “framework”, which means that all Convention’s provisions in
the legal system of the State Parties act indirectly since they must be
undertaken through the national legislation appropriate government
policies.

182
The basic provisions of the Framework Convention specify national legislation,
which, in its turn, recognizes the supremacy and priority of international
regulations through the Constitution.
The Republic of Moldova has gained its own experience in the field of
multicultural policy, guaranteeing the rights and obligations of the national
minorities, which constitutes 35.5% of the country’s population. Most articles
of the Convention, at the time of its entry into force, were already applied in
practice, thus being guaranteed all the rights of national minorities stipulated in
the Convention.
Considering the Convention's desideratum to sign multiple bilateral and
multilateral agreements with other states, in order to protect national minorities,
the Republic of Moldova has signed numerous bilateral treaties with
neighboring states. In this regard, the Republic of Moldova has signed with
Ukraine 13 bilateral treaties. Among them, there is the Treaty on Good-
Neighborhood, Friendship and Cooperation between the Republic of Moldova
and Ukraine, ratified by the Parliament Decision of 3 December 1996. Under
this treaty, the parties guarantee the rights of persons belonging to national
minorities in full compliance with the norms set in the UN and CSCE acts. The
Parties shall guarantee the rights of persons belonging to national minorities
living on the territory of that Party both, individually and with other members
of its group, as well as guarantee the free expression and the right to preserve
and develop their ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious originality, protecting
against any assimilation attempt against their will.
In addition, the Republic of Moldova has signed 12 bilateral treaties with
Romania, 2 with Russia, 25 with Turkey and 32 with Belarus. Among them,
the Collaboration Agreement between the Government of the Republic of
Moldova and the Government of the Republic of Belarus, ratified by the
Parliament Decision of 28 January 1998, concerned specifically the guaranty of
the rights of persons belonging to national minorities.

183
Another issue that concerns the feature of the ethnic integration policies of
Gagauz in the Republic of Moldova will be the involvement of the population of
the autonomous region in the national electoral process.
The way of taking part at the Republican electoral process by the voters of
Gagauzia has represented curious and consistent metamorphoses in both, the
participatory dimension (by means of shifting from activism to political
absenteeism emphasized in recent years) and the vector of the actual political
option. In order to achieve the objective, veridical and efficient participation of
the Gagauz population in the parliamentary elections, we consider it plausible
to make an overall retrospective of the electoral process in the Republic of
Moldova.
1994 Parliamentary Elections. The 1994 parliamentary elections were
determined in the case of the Gagauz population by two factors (positive-
mobilizing and negative-inhibitor). The first (national aspect) refers to the fact
that the citizens of the republic started to vote for the legislative organ in the
new format. The second factor (regional aspect) relates to the Gagauz ethnic
conflict and the tensions between the authorities in Comrat and Chisinau. At
these parliamentary elections, the population of the self-proclaimed Gagauz
Republic took part in the last moment of the voting process. The authorities
from Chisinau and Comrat found a common language and agreed to open
officially polling stations in the Gagauz localities, and considering that the
Gagauz population was for long period of time removed from the political
process in the Republic of Moldova, now they had the opportunity to express
their position by participating in the parliamentary elections and in the
Republican exit-poll. The participating rate of the citizens of the Republic of
Moldova in the elections was 79.31%, while participating rate of Gagauzia’s
population was 73.62% from total number of those registered to vote.

184
If to compare the results of these parliamentary elections with the one took
place later, we can say that the participation rate of this region of Moldova was
the highest. The fact that the first parliamentary elections were held in the
conditions of building a democratic state had a dominant and mobilizing
nature, for both the population and the national-ethnic minorities.
1998 Parliamentary Elections. There were 15 political parties and 59
independent candidates in the 1998 elections. Four political parties entered the
Parliament: the Communist Party of the Republic of Moldova, the Electoral
Bloc “Democratic Convention of Moldova”, the Electoral Bloc “For a
Democratic and Prosperous Moldova” and the Party of Democratic Forces,
who got 30.02%, 19.42%, 18.16%, and 8.84 respectively. In these elections
there was registered a regression of the activism of the citizens of the republic,
the total participation rate being only 69.12%, while in Gagauzia the
participation rate was 70.59%. Although Gagauz activism decreased compared
to 1994, however it was determined to be higher than the general average for
participation in the republic. In terms of political preferences of this electoral
segment, mostly it focuses around the Communist Party of the Republic of
Moldova. In 1998 there was 70.20% of the Gagauz electorate who voted for the
Communist Party of the Republic of Moldova.
Parliamentary elections in 2001. In Gagauzia, there was 58.06% of total
number of voters who participated in the 2001 elections, which represents
9.44% less than the average of the participation of electorate in the country. By
analyzing the general election results in all the districts of the Republic of
Moldova, we can distinguish that the participation rate of the Gagauz minority
registered a significant downward trend. Participation rate of Gagauzia begins
to fall as much as the participation rate registered in the biggest two cities of
Republic of Moldova, Chisinau and Balti. In this connection, Chisinau had a
participation rate of 57.77%, which is only 0.29% less than in the U.T.A.
Gagauzia.

185
However, analyzing the historical election data, I noticed that the capital's
electorate has always been disinterested in the elections, while Gagauzia has
registered this ascendancy, especially during the elections of this year. We
could not explain this phenomenon if we would not take into consideration the
following reason: the population of Gagauzia gradually gets rid of the political
life of the Republic of Moldova and it becomes less and less disinterested in the
general problems of the Moldovan society concerning the party or person who
will govern the country. We come to the same conclusion if we compare the
results obtained in all districts of the republic. Thus, Chisinau and U.T.A.
Gagauzia have registered the lowest rate of participation, while the
participation rate in Balti district stood for 66.61%, which is 8.55% higher than
Gagauzia participation rate and 0.91% higher than the average in the country.
At the same time, it has to be noted that active participation rate was registered
in the Taraclia district with 77.11% of the total number of the Taraclia’s voters,
which constitutes 9.59% more than the average in the country and 19.05%
more than the participation rate of Gagauzia. Is interesting how two ethnic
minorities living in the same geographical area of the republic have different
attitude to the Republican electoral process. The territory of Taraclia district is
predominant by Bulgarians.
Bulgarians, the same as Gagauz, also tended to reach a status of territorial
autonomy, but the idea of becoming a territorial autonomy has not succeeded.
As a result, the 2001 election results showed an asymmetric process compared
to the Gagauz. They (the Bulgarians) have demonstrated an eloquent example
of active political participation and interest in the political life of the country.
Making a general analysis, we can also mention that in the 1996 presidential
election, round II, the Gagauz population participation rate was 70.45% and in
the 1998 parliamentary elections 70.59% respectively. So, within three years,
the participation index of Gagauz electorate decreased by approximately 12%.

186
These findings should alarm us since the number of voters in this region has a
downward trend.
The 2005 parliamentary elections. There were 11 political parties and 12
independent candidates as electoral contestants who participated in the
electoral campaign on 6 March 2005. The total participation rate in the country
was 63.71%, which means 3.81% less than the participation rate from 2001
parliamentary elections. The same as in the previous elections, the least active
participation was registered in Chisinau municipality – 54.61%, Balti city –
57% (both being the biggest cities of the country) and U.T.A. Gagauzia –
58.72% respectively. The low participation rate of the first two localities may
be explained by the urban life style, which is characteristic for urban centers. In
urban centers, the traditional relationships (usually characteristic for rural
communities) break up, and furthermore, “in the urban environment,
relationships between the people generally have more a functional mean”. The
city persons are more passive and less communicative (lack of space). This fact
effectively leads to diminishing the role of conformism and the actions of
habits as an influencing factor or elections’ participation. For the citizens of
Chisinau, the participation factor is influenced by population proximity of the
central state authorities, as a result, it is no longer sacred as in the case of the
rural population
Concerning Gagauzia, the decrease in the level of political participation of the
citizens started to register at the 2001 parliamentary elections, when Gagauzia
ranked the third in terms of non-participation rate. Nonetheless, at this election
(2005) we cannot discuss the Gagauz downward participation trend since it
maintains the same situation, or even has an insignificant increase of 0.66%
compared to 2001. And if in terms of political activism Gagauzia does not
communicate anything curious and new, then, in terms of preferences and
electoral options concerning the devotion to a certain political party, the
situation has changed radically. If we follow the results of the parliamentary

187
elections, we notice that both in 1998 and in 2001 the Gagauz population
showed an overwhelming sympathy for the Communist Party of the Republic
of Moldova (PCRM).
The figures are very significant and accounted about 70.20% in 1998 and 82%
in 2001 respectively. Even by comparing with other localities, the PCRM
preference index of this region of Moldova is among the highest. But during
this year’s elections, something unusual happened. PCRM suffered a failure in
the U.T.A. Gagauzia, because the number of its supporters has sharply dropped
from 70-80% to 30.75%.
An interesting fact is that although the Communists have lost the loyalty and
trust of this electoral segment, there were some Gagauz political forces, such as
"Edinaia Gagauzia" Movement, who say they are dissatisfied with the "too
high" result of the Communists in Gagauz Yeri. According to them “the
elections which took place on March 6 were falsified by the party which
governs the country since the government has not guaranteed equal conditions
for all electoral competitors”. The president of "Edinaia Gagauzia” Movement
Mihail Furmuzal, expressed the opinion that despite the fact that PCRM used
administrative resources in the electoral campaign, however they lost elections
in Gagauzia.
Thus, we conclude that the Communists have lost both the support of the
population and the support of some representatives of the public authorities of
the U.T.A. Gagauzia.
Appears the question: what are the causes, the factors that have determined the
most “red spot” of Moldova to change its political orientations and
preferences? The Communist Party has not honored the promises made in the
last electoral campaign (such as, giving to Russian language the status of the
second official language of the country, integration into the Russian-Belarusian
Union), especially those concerning the interests of national minorities.
Furthermore, the Communist Party has radically changed their political

188
orientation. They have distorted the “good friendship” relationships with
Russia and opt for other priorities such as integration into the European Union.
Besides, they have broadened the negotiation format in solving the
Transnistrian conflict, as well as they has given up the idea of solving this
conflict through the way of federalization of the state.
The results of the elections indicate that the favorite party among the Gagauz-
Yeri’s electorate was the Electoral Bloc Patria-Rodina. This party had an
incredible success (the largest in the country) in this area of the republic. For
the “Ravnopravie” Social-Political Movement and for the Labor Union “Patria-
Rodina”, the electorate voted 5.48% and 2.05% respectively. All these three
parties used an identical electoral message, in particular, focusing on external
policies in which Russia would be the strategic partner of Moldova. They also
led to creation on political arena of the Republic of Moldova of the left-wing
opposition, the ruling party's criticism being the driving force behind their
antipropaganda policy. This is the reason why these three parties has
accumulated more than 59% of the Gagauz-Yeri voters’ votes, while at the
country level they registered together no more than about 8%. Although the
Bulgarians in Taraclia voted the same electoral candidates, however their share
is a bit more than 20%. All of these findings help us make the following
conclusions:
- the earlier support for the PCRM was mostly due to the fact that initially it
was a pro Russia party, using some electoral slogans in particular attractive
for the Russian language speakers. They proclaimed the following
priorities of its ruling policy: granting the Russian language the status of
the second state’s official language; integration of Moldova into the
Russia-Belarus alliance; solving the Transnistrian conflict;
- civic and electoral identification of Gagauz as Moldovan citizens becomes
an increasingly difficult process and less present;
- granting autonomy to the Gagauz ethnic minority (although it occupies

189
 only 3,5% of the total population of Moldova) has led to getting even more
rid from the national political life and it has become a decisive factor for
stopping and blocking the process of identification of the Gagauz as
Moldovan citizens.
Nowadays, both ethno political situation created within the state and the
electorate of the Republic of Moldova emphasizes two fundamental aspects:
the analysis of the electoral behavior of the national minorities by the behavior
of native nation, because they differ to a certain extent. Such a dichotomous
situation is particularly noticeable in the ex-soviet space. Such a deviance
appears as a result of expressing unclear political interests, and the ethno
cultural distinction becomes a criterion of ideological and social-political
delimitation between the native and the minority nations. It is clear that the
coexistence of different ethnic identities is accompanied by multiple social and
political problems. But cultural identity as well as electoral identity determines
the monolithic nature of the state, so they must be cultivated.
Further, the analysis of the political activism of the Moldovan citizens in the
UTAG must take into account the large number of electoral campaigns, which
is valid only for them. We can even discuss about the fact that the Gagauz
electorate is a "tired" electorate. There is a high probability that this electorate
would deny the rules of so called democratic game and simply boycott the
electoral processes. In UTAG the elections take place more often than in the
rest of the Republic of Moldova since here are the regional ones. There are
elections for the People's Assembly of Gagauzia and for the Governor
(Bashkan) of Gagauzia. There is an election competition in each calendar year.
For instance, in the last four years, the sequence of elections was as follows:
2009 - parliamentary elections; 2008 - Elections in the People's Assembly;
2007 - local elections; 2006 - Governor's election. 2010 stands for the start of
the electoral cycle described. The situation could be even more complex in case
of voting the President of the Republic of Moldova by direct universal suffrage.

190
Besides the behavioral factor, the financial one also occurs. The UTAG budget
carries large expenses in order to ensure that the electoral processes are carried
out properly, and from this reason, in the last period of time elections are also
financially supported from the central budget. However, the central specialized
authorities do not agree to finance the UTAG elections since it is an internal
problem of UTAG. Este exemplul preconizat alocarea vreo-unei anumite sume
financiare în acest sens???
From the author's point of view, it would be desirable for elections in the
representative management organs of autonomous to take place
simultaneously, which will considerably reduce spending as well as it will not
“nag” the electorate in the region.
Another aspect that raises interest for the researchers in this regard is the
electoral predilections of the voters in the region regarding the political-
ideological orientation, which results from the electoral offer of the parties in
the Republic of Moldova. The analysis of the results recorded in the
administrative-territorial units allows us to observe an ideological left-wing
orientation of the Gagauz electorate. Thus, all parties that have won victory in
the region after the parliamentary elections are left-wing parties. During the
1994 parliamentary elections in those districts occupied by Gagauz, such as
Comrat, Ciadir-Lunga and Vulcăneşti, most of them voted in favor of the
Electoral Bloc "Unity-Edinstvo" Socialist Party and Movement (BEPSMUE) as
well as PDAM. These parties were the Gagauz's hope in granting them a
special favorable legal status, including at the national level. At that time, the
electoral candidates were representing the left-wing mainly for pro-CIS
(Commonwealth of Independent States) and did not stay for political and
economic reforms.
Elections in the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova on April 5, 2009, as
well as early ones of July 29, 2009 and November 28, 2010, reflected a
political reversal of PCRM in the autonomous region, but the results were not

191
as high as those recorded in 1998 and 2001, when PCRM were in opposition.
In the elections of 5 April 2009, their share was 63.61% of the total votes and
in the Gagauzian autonomy accounted for 49.48%. This happened as a result of
support from some Gagauz leaders, including Governor of Gagauzia, for other
active local electoral competitors, as follows: for UCM voted 15.47% and for
the Social Democratic Party (PSD) - 14.94%. Both parties were quite active
within the region. This support, as in the case of the Communists, was above
the country’s average registered by these parties.
Another aspect necessary to be mentioned is the analysis of integration
and disintegration trends. The basis of Gagauzia’s political system and its
relations with Chisinau have been set out in three documents: the Constitution
of the Republic of Moldova, the Code of Gagauzia (seen as a local constitution)
and the Law on the special legal status of Gagauzia. According to the above
documents, Gagauzia is a special, autonomous territorial unit within Moldova’s
borders, and as such, it embodies the right of the Gagauz people to self-
determination.345
Nonetheless, the documents emphasize that Gagauzia is an integral part of
the Republic of Moldova. Until 2003, under the region’s statute and under the
law on the special status of Gagauzia, the region’s government was given
powers to declare independence in the event that Moldova loses sovereignty.
However, the powers were de facto abolished with the introduction of
amendments to the constitution in 2003346. The amended constitution considers
Gagauzia to be a “constituent and integral” part of Moldova, while its land and
resources have been identified as assets of the Moldovan people347.
The political system of Gagauz-Yeri resembles the mixed parliamentary-
presidential system laid down in the Moldovan constitution. The highest

345
Act “Об особом правовом статусе гагаузии (гагауз ери)” dated 23 December 1994, Article 1,
Section 1, Constitution of the Republic of Moldova, Article 111, Section 1.
346
Kamil Calus, Gagauzia: growing separatism in Moldova?, OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 129,
p.3
347
Constitution of the Republic of Moldova, 29 July 1994 (reflecting amendments of 25 July 2003),
Article 111, Section 1.
192
representative body of Gagauzia The Gagauz People's Assembly (Halk
Toplushu), having the right to make local laws and regulations. Each village
from autonomy is represented there with at least one deputy, which are elected
directly in two rounds in single-mandate for a four-year term. In total Gagauz
People’s Assembly consists of 35 deputies.
Gagauz local parliament was granted the right to adopt local laws in the
areas of − science, culture and education; −public utilities and services and
urban planning; − health services, physical culture and sports; − local budget,
financial and taxation matters; − economy and ecology; − labour relations and
social security.
Moreover, the People’s Assembly of Gagauzia was also vested with
questions dealing with the internal territorial and administrative organization,
local elections and referenda, and the state of emergency can be declared on
Gagauz territory only on the initiative of the Gagauz legislative.
The Assembly is not restricted in its competence by ordinary Moldovan
laws; however, enactments of Gagauzia that conflict with the Moldovan
Constitution can be declared null and void. This is also true for stipulations of
the statute itself: On 6 May 1999 the Moldovan Constitutional Court annulled
Article 20 of the Autonomy Statute which it judged to be in contradiction to the
Constitution. The article enacts the Gagauz People’s Assembly to recommend
to the President, with the concurrence of the Supreme Magistracy Council, the
judges of the judicial bodies of Gagauzia. According to the Constitution,
however, they are to be appointed by Moldovan presidential decrees upon
proposals by the Supreme Magistracy Council.
After the adoption by Parliament of the Republic of Moldova July 25,
2003 Law on Amendments to the Constitution of the country. The People's
Assembly of Gagauzia has acquired the right of legislative initiative.
The Governor (Bashkan) - the highest official of Gagauzia, heads of
executive branch. All the organs of public administration in autonomy are

193
subordinate to him. The Governor is elected by direct secret ballot for a term of
4 years. In the post, he is a member of the Government of the Republic of
Moldova.
In contrast to other members of the cabinet, a governor cannot be
dismissed by the president at the PM’s request, and only the People’s
Assembly has the power to remove governor from office. The governor’s
duties include signing or vetoing laws adopted by the People’s Assembly, and
issuing regulations and directives. The governor also has the right to hold a
referendum and to disband the People’s Assembly it is unable to approve the
composition of a new Executive Committee348.
The Governor can be dismissed by the vote of 2/3 of the elected MPs, for
violations of the Moldovan Constitution, the law on the organization of UTA,
the decisions of People's Assembly, and in situations when commit a serious
crime.349
The first election of Governor and members of the People's Assembly of
Gagauzia (PAG) took place on May 28, 1995. Gagauzia Governors: G.
Tabunscic - 1995-1999. and the years 2003-2006 .; D. Croitor - 1999-2002; M.
Formuzal - 2006-
Permanent Executive Committee of Gagauzia is the Executive Committee,
approved by the National Assembly for 4 years at the head of autonomy.
Executive Committee has the right of legislative initiative in the National
Assembly. The heads of branch offices are part of the boards appropriate the
ministries and departments of Republic of Moldova.
The Executive Council (Bakannik Kometeti) as the permanent executive
authority fulfils the functions of a government. It is approved by the People’s
Assembly on the proposal of the Bashkan and is led by him. The directors of
the corresponding branch departments shall become members of the board of

348
Kamil Cazus, Gagauzia: growing separatism in Moldova?, OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 129,
p.4
349
Dorin Cimpoesu, República Moldova, între România si Rusia 1989-2009. Chisinäu: Casa Limbii
Romàne Nichita Stänescu, 2010, pag. 72
194
ministries and of the departments of the Republic of Moldova. This provision
was meant to ensure the participation of Gagauzia in the internal policy of
Moldova. In practice, however, it is reported not to be very efficient350.
The Prosecutor of Gagauzia and the heads of the departments of Justice,
National Security and Internal Affairs are appointed and dismissed by the
respective central authorities on the recommendation of the People’s Assembly,
respectively the Bashkan.
The main claims raised by the Gagauz against Chisinau authorities
If the fights for the power between the main Gagauz political formations are
an inherent element of a democratic system, then a series of events related to
the relations between the Gagauz autonomy and the central authorities raise
concerns for the political stability of the Republic of Moldova. There are a lot
of statements and actions and the main concern is to find out what the real
cause is. Mention should be made that practically every political faction from
the Gagauz autonomy thinks it has reasons enough to criticise the central
authorities. Evidently, the reasons for the dissatisfaction are different,
everybody though invoke the infringement of the special legal status of
Gagauzia. Thus, according to the leaders of the Gagauz autonomy, the central
authorities have conducted several reforms and adopted laws which diminished
the competence of UTA Gagauzia established by the Law No 344-XIII “Law
on the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri)”. Political problems are
invoked as well which might upset the relations between the region and the
center351.
The group led by Leonid Dobrov and Ivan Burgudji, who are called
nationalists-patriots, and who also invoke that the Law on the autonomous
region is not functioning. What makes the group of the two different from the

350
Randolf Oberschmidt, “Neue Satzung für Gagausien (Gagauz-Yeri) in der Republik Moldau”,
WGO-Monatshefte für Osteuropäisches Recht 41 (1999), 1, 13-21.
351
Veaceslav Berbeca, Gagauzia Autonomy: Political Blackmail or in search of new contractual
relations between Comrat and Chisinau, (IDIS) "Viitorul",
https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B74n_iQW5s9_OF9qUS0yMmk5Q3c/view?pref=2&pli=1, IDIS
“Viitorul”, 2013, pag.8.
195
rest of the power poles is their approach in relation to the center which is at the
limit of separatism. The team of the nationalist patriots sustain it “collected
circa five thousand signatures for the organisation of an independence
referendum in Gagauzia”352.
On February 2, 2014, in U. T. A. Gagauzia held two"referendums":
1) the "referendum" the legislative right to foreign self-determination to the
inhabitants of the Gagauz region;
2) "referendum" advisory on the external development course of Moldova. In
the framework of the referenda were attended by about 70% of the local
population with the right to vote, and over 98% of voters expressed themselves
for accession to the Customs Union Russia-Belarus-Kazakhstan. This event,
although controversial, is of special importance, both for the political elite in
Chisinau, and moldovan society in general, because it has revealed the
ineffectiveness of the dialogue between central and local authorities and has
shown the limits of Chisinau in relation to ensuring compliance with the rules
of law in the framework of the Gagauz autonomy. Moreover, the results of the
"referendums" have revealed a detachment rendered to the population in the
region of the direction and strategic reforms followed by Chisinau353.
But since at the referendum declared illegal by Chisinau, the gagauz and
bulgarians in the south are starting to see things a little differently. The events
in Ukraine, as it turns out, have had a strong impact on public opinion in
Gagauzia and Taraclia district. Now the majority mayors in the region have not
a categorical attitude combating the european integration of the Republic of
Moldova expressed until now354.
In the current context, the mayors are strongly for the territorial integrity
of the Republic of Moldova. Moreover, some of the mayors argue that a

352
http://www.trm.md/ro/regional/adunarea-populara-a-gagauziei-a-initiat-consultari-privind-
organizarea-unui-referendum/
353
Ion Mocanu, „Referendumul” din Găgăuzia - atac asupra statalității Republicii Moldova?, expert-
grup.org/ro/activitate/item/920-„referendumul”-din-găgăuzia-atac-asupra-integrității-republicii-
moldova?&category=5, 02.09.2016, time 21:55.
354
Nadine Chilianu, http://www.jc.md/moldova-e-patria-noastra-si-nu-vrem-nici-in-ucraina-nici-in-
alta-parte/, 23.08.2016
196
possible rise in the standard of living will influence the attitudes of the anti-
european of the Gagauz and Bulgars in southern of MOLDOVA.
The last issue necessary to be analyzed is the tendency to launch Youth
Inclusion Programs in the rural area (including Gagauzia) that provide
technical and consultative assistance, training and financial support to young
entrepreneurs, including those from rural areas, and facilitate occupation.
This is supported by idea that the young Gagauzians still keep distance from
Moldovans, especially adolescents. A more tolerant attitude has Gagauz
students, fact that allows us to conclude that culture degree influences the level
of manifested tolerance. Most of the Gagauzians feel close to the Russians.
In order to estimate the tendency and needs of the young graduates from
Gagauzia in the context of employment, there was a survey conducted among
100 interviewees (see Appendix No.1). The analysis of the data results shows
the efficiency of the actions undertaken by the authorities to promote the young
graduates in the labour market of Republic of Moldova.
Interviewees were asked to answer at the following questions:
1. What’s your gender?
According to their answer, 70 of interviewees were men and 30 were women.

Table 2.1 Interviewees’ answers for the question “What’s your gender?”

Interviewees’ gender Number of Share ( %)

interviewees
Men 70 70
Women 30 30

Source: Made by author

2. Specify your living area?

197
At this question 85 of the interviewees selected urban communities and the rest
15 selected rural communities.

Table 2.2 Interviewees’ answers for the question “Specify your living area?”
Interviewees living Number of Share (%)
area interviewees
Urban 85 90
Rural 15 10

Source: Made by author

Concerning the interviewees’ answer at this question, it has to be noticed that

according to the official statistical data, during 2008-2013 population of
Republic of Moldova in both rural and urban did not have remarkable changes.
By analyzing the Table below we may conclude the following: during this
period of time, urban population of Republic of Moldova decreased over 13
thousand of inhabitants and the rural population decreased over 29 thousand.
The main reason of this negative trend is emigration of young people from
rural area in urban area as well as emigration of population in other countries.

Table 2.2.a Population dynamics of Republic of Moldova in the rural and urban
areas (at the beginning of the year/Q1)

198
Period Population number, thousands of Total share (%)
inhabitants
Total Urban Rural Urban Rural
2008 …
… …
Source: Made by author based on the National Bureau of Statistics of the
Republic of Moldova data

There were significant changes in the population structure on different age

groups (see Appendix No. 15). During the period 2008-2013, there was a
decrease of people under the working age (cu 1.9 p.p) and an insignificant
increase of those above the working age (cu 1.4 p.p). These changes in the age
structure of the population are caused by the depopulation process, which has
been manifested in the last years in the Republic of Moldova due to the
emigration of the young population, especially from rural areas.
As a result, there was created a disproportion/gap between the rate of activity,
the employment rate and the unemployment rate, which may be different
depending on working environment. Thus, during the period 2009-2013, this
disproportion became larger between 7.5% and 11% in the domeniu de
activitate (ce vrei sa spui prin domeniu de activitate???), between 4.1% and 9%
in the field of employment and between 2.2% and 4.2% in the field of
unemployment (see Appendix No.16). (Eu nu prea am inteles esenta aceste
propozitii de aia nu sunt sigur daca am tradus correct)
This imbalance between urban and rural areas is also created by migratory
processes, as well as by the consequences of the economic crisis faced in recent
years. It has to be noted that all indicators had a downward trend.

Table 2.3
3. What’s your occupation?

199
At this question interviewees answered as follows: we have noticed that about
30% of the interviewees were students, while other 15% were those who were
working and studying at the same time. 40% have confirmed that they were
officially employed, while 15% were unemployed.
Interviewees’ Number of Share (%)
category interviewees
Student, pupil 30 30%
Student+employed 15 15%

Employed 40 40%

Unemployed 15 15%
Source: Made by author

If to compare with the official statistical data, we may notice that the number of
young people between the age 15 and 24 is decreasing among the total
economically active population, in 2013 being only 104.3 thousand compared
to 121.3 thousand in 2009. On the other hand, the 25-34 age groups registered
an increase of 54.7 thousand during the research period. The same trends may
be observed as per urban and rural analyze (see Appendix No.17).
In the years 2009-2013 there were also significant changes in the dynamics of
the young economically inactive population.
Economically inactive young people are persons who do not work, do not look
for a job, and do not plan to look for one. The number of inactive young people
aged 15-24 and 25-34 years decreased by 67.9 thousand in 2009-2013. In 2013,
the number of inactive young people from rural areas amounted to 295.2
thousand. Despite the downward trend, the number of inactive young people
still remains relatively high, which is mainly due to the lack of available jobs
preferred by them.
One of the problems of the national economy of the Republic of Moldova is the
employment of young people. Youth employment takes place in both formal

200
 and informal sectors. Employment in the formal sector includes those young
people who are employed by corporate enterprises, organizations and
institutions as legal entities as well as from non-corporate enterprises and
households as individuals. Employment in the informal sector includes all
persons who, regardless of their professional status, are employed in enterprises
from the informal sector: self-employed or employers working in informal
sector enterprises; members of informal production cooperatives; family
helpers employed in the informal sector; employees employed in informal
sector enterprises, etc.

Table 2.3.a Distribution of the young population by type of production unit

Age 2009 2013

Persons Share (%) Persons Share (%)
Sector (thousands) (thousands)
Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural
People ages 15-24
Formal sector

201
enterprises
Informal sector
enterprises
Households which
produces for its
own consume
People ages 25-34
Formal sector
enterprises
Informal sector
enterprises
Households which
produces for its
own consume
Source: Made by author based on the National Bureau of Statistics of the
Republic of Moldova data

By analyzing the above table we may make the following conclusion. In those
mentioned years, both age groups registered a decrease in the number of young
people in the formal sector, both at rural and urban level. At the same time,
there is a tendency to increase the number of young people employed in the
informal sector of the economy and in households. The main reason of these
negative trends is the increase in the share of the shadow economy, generated
by the imperfection of the legislation and the weak motivation to work in the
formal sector of the national economy.

4. Monthly income is:

202
a) Under 1500 lei - 5 (9%); b) 1500 – 3000 lei - 30 (25%); c) 3000 - 4500 lei –
35 (35%); d) 4500 - 6500 lei - 25 (27%); e) over 6500 lei – 5 (9%).

Table 2.4
Monthly Income Number of Share (%)
interviewees
under 1500 lei 5 9%
1500 – 3000 lei 30 25%

3000 - 4500 lei 35 35%

4500 - 6500 lei 25 27%

Over 6500 lei 5 9%
Source: made by author

5. In what age group do you belong?

a) under the age 18–0; b) age 18-25 (20%); c) age 26-25 (33%); d) age 36-40
(31%); e) over the age 50 – 0.

Table 2.5 Answers’ distribution for the question “In what age group do you
belong?”
Interviewees’ age Number of Share (%)
interviewees
Under the age 18 0 0%
Age18-25 20 20%

Age 26-25 40 33%

Age 36-40 40 31%

Over the age 50 0 0%
Source: made by author
Based on both this survey and official statistical data, it has to be noted that
employment changes by both professional statute and working environments

203
 are reflected in the table below. In the period 2009-2013, the number of
employed young people according to their professional status, by age group 15-
24, decreased in the urban and rural area by 7.6 thousand and 9.3 thousand
respectively and, 25-34 age group has increased by 32.2 thousand in urban
areas and by 22.5 in rural areas. The number of self-employed has increased by
2.1 thousand (age15-24) and by 8.5 thousand (age 25-34) in rural areas. The
number of employers decreased in both rural and urban areas.

Table 2.5.a Young employed population, by professional statute and working

environment (thousands)

Professio 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013

nal
Statute
Profession Urba Rur Urba Rur Urba Rur Urba Rur Urba Rur
al Statute: n al n al n al n al n al

204
Total
age 15-24
age 25-34
Self-
employed
Total
age 15-24
age 25-34
unpaid
family
workers
Total
age 15-24
age 25-34
Employers
Total
age 15-24
age 25-34
Source: Made by author based on the National Bureau of Statistics of the
Republic of Moldova data

6. Are you or not satisfied of the state policy in the field of employment?
At this question most of the interviewees answered that they a satisfied of the
state policies related to employment. Thus, 85 of interviewees selected “Yes”
while 15 of them answered that they were not satisfied.

Table 2.6 Answers’ distribution for the question “Are you or not satisfied of
the state policy in the field of employment?”
Answer options Number of Share (%)

205
 interviewees
Yes 85 90%
No 15 10%

Source: made by author

7. When do you spend the most money?

a) during the week – 25(29%); b) during the weekend – 40 (32%); c)
occasionally – 30 (30%); d) I don’t know/ I don’t answer – 0;

Table 2.7 Answers’ distribution for the question “when do you spend the
most money?”
Answer options Number of Share (%)
interviewees
During the week 25 29%
During the weekend 40 32%

Occasionally 30 30%

I don’t know/I don’t 0 0%

answer
Source: made by author

8. Where do you think is the best environment to achieve your potential

(physical and intellectual potential)?
a) in the rural community – 5 (9%); b) in the district – 30 (25%); c) in the
Chisinau – 35 (35%); d) oversees – 30 (36%)

Table 2.8
Region Number of Share (%)
interviewees

206
 In the rural community 5 9%
In the district 30 25%

In the Chişinău 35 35%

Oversees 30 36%
Source: made by author

9. How do you prefer to work?

At this question the survey showed the following results: we have noticed that
approximately 30% of interviewees prefer to work during the day, while other
15% answered that they prefer to work during the night. 40% confirmed that
they are willing to work in shifts and only 15% answered that they prefer to
work every two days.

Table 2.9
Working time Number of Share (%)
interviewees
During the day 30 30%
During the night 15 15%

In shifts 40 40%

Every two days 15 15%

Source: made by author

10. What skills does a person need to have in order to find a job?
At the question “What skills does a person need to have in order to find a
job?” the answers were divided as follows: the interviewees, there was no one
for knowing the business environment. The rest interviewees selected all the
options according to the table below.

Table 2.10 “What skills does a person need to have in order to find a job?”
207
 Necessary skills Number of Share (%)
interviewees
Knowing foriegn 100 100%
languages
Professional training 100 100%

Communication skills 100 100%

Ambition 100 100%

Postgraduate studies 100 100%
University studies 100 100%
Knowing the business 0 0%
environment
Education 100 100%
Source: made by author

11. What problems do young people face when they look for a job?
a) lack of experience – 5 (9%); b) insufficient professional training – 30 (25%);
c) nepotistic practices – 35 (35%); exaggerated employment requirements – 25
(27%); e) the focus of the job offers in urban areas – 5 (9%); discrimination –
0.

Table 2.11
Problems’ type Number of Share (%)
interviewees
lack of experience 5 9%
insufficient 30 25%
professional training
nepotistic practices 35 35%

exaggerated 25 27%
employment

208
 requirements
the focus of the job 5 9%
offers in urban areas
discrimination 0 0%
Source: made by author

12. How do you appreciate the access at the information in your

community, by the following sources?
At this question the survey shows the following results: 84.7% of interviewees
selected “Mass media” and “Internet” as important information sources, the
other 16.3% opined that “family, friends, advertising” were less important
information sources.

Table 2.12 Answers’ distribution for the question “How do you appreciate the
access at the information in your community, by the following sources?”
Information Very Import Indiffere Less Not Share
sources important ant nt importa importa (%)
nt nt
Mass-media --- 90 -- -- -- 84,7
Internet

Family, -- -- -- 10 -- 16,3
Friends,
Advertising
Source: made by author

13. How important are the following priorities for choosing a job?

209
 Our survey showed the following results: 74.7% selected “the continuation of
studies and creation of a family” as very important criteria and 26.3% selected
criteria such as “carrier and leaving oversees” as important.

Table 2.13 Answers’ distribution for the question “How important are the
following priorities for choosing a job?”
Priorities type Very Import Indiffere Less Not Share
important ant nt importan important (%)
t
Continuing 70 --- -- -- -- 74,7
studies and
creating a family
carrier and -- 30 -- --- -- 26,3
leaving oversees
Source: made by author

14. What features do you think a job must have?

a) to be clean – 5 (9%); b) to be fair – 30 (25%); c) to be well remunerated – 35
(35%), d) to have prestige – 25 (27%); e) other requirements – 5 (9%)

Table 2.14
Job requirements Number of Share (%)
interviewees
to be clean 5 9%
to be fair 30 25%

to be well remunerated 35 35%

to have prestige 25 27%

other requirements 5 9%
Source: made by author

210
15. What is your attitude by the leaving of young people of Republic of
Moldova oversees?
a) very favorable – 40 (42%); b) favorable – 30 (28%); c) impartial attitude –
20 (15%); d) not favorable – 10 (5%).
For the question “What is your attitude by the leaving of young people of
Republic of Moldova oversees?” answers were as follows: from total number
of interviewees 40 persons had a very favorable attitude (42%), 28 % had a
favorable attitude, 15 % had an impartial attitude and 5% answered for not
favorable.

Table 2.15
Appreciation grade Number of Share (%)
interviewees
very favorable 40 42%

favorable 30 28%

impartial attitude 20 15%

not favorable 10 5%

Source: made by author

We conclude that the majority of the population in the Republic of Moldova

(58.3% at the beginning of 2013), including 21.7% of the young people at the
age 15-29, is concentrated in rural areas. Therefore, the economic development
of the country depends mostly on how efficient and productive is used the rural
labor force.
Thus, we mention the following programs for young people in Gagauzia:
1. National Program of Economic Empowerment of Youth (PNAET),
adopted by GD of the Republic of Moldova no. 664 of 03.06.2008, which

211
mainly concerns aspects related to the development of agricultural business in
rural areas. The program targets young people between the ages of 18 and 30
who wish to develop their entrepreneurial skills, to launch their own business
in rural areas and / or to expand their own business in rural areas, creating new
jobs. The program aims to develop the young people entrepreneurial skills, in
particular those concerning the way how to manage resources optimally, and
facilitates the access of young entrepreneurs to the financial resources needed
for initiating and developing their own businesses. The program includes three
implementation components: (1) Entrepreneurship Training and Consultancy
(Organization in charge - Organization for the Development of Small and
Medium Enterprises, ODIMM); (2) Obtaining preferential credits of maximum
300 000 lei (repayment period if maximum 5 years), a part of 40% is a non-
reimbursable grant (agent in charge - Credit Line Directorate, DLC); (3) Post-
financing monitoring (DLC).
During 2012, under the National Program of Economic Empowerment of
Youth, there were funded 291 projects and were created 376 new jobs. Under
the same program, in order to facilitate the access of both entrepreneurs and
potential entrepreneurs, there were consulted 1100 young people on
entrepreneurship issues. Duration of program: 2008-2016.
2. The Business Development Project for Economic Empowerment of
Youth, funded by the World Bank, UNICEF and USAID, according to which,
there will be opened around 60 businesses with agricultural and non-
agricultural profile and with the experts assistance in the field of business
training and planning. Beneficiaries are young people between the ages of 18
and 30 from the small villages and cities of Moldova, and who are trained and
financially supported for starting a viable business, mainly in the agrarian
sector. Assistance is free of charge and provides the following: business
development training; assistance in identifying potential business opportunities,
technical drafting of business plans during the business registration process;

212
application support for grant and loan; post-creation assistance up to two years
after the start of the business.
3. The Effective Business Management program targets the future
entrepreneurs and active entrepreneurs who have created business under any
kind of organizational legal structure. In order to ensure effective business
management, the program aims to enhance entrepreneurial skills of the
entrepreneurs. The main activities are: organizing free courses on 8 training
modules with free choice option; financial management; human resource
management and labor law; registration as a payer of VAT and application of
the legislation in this field; accounting by domains of application; marketing;
international marketing; business planning; external economic activity and
customs relations.
4. Subsidizing Agricultural Producers Program aims to ensure the
sustainable development of the agri-food sector and of the rural communities.
The main activity is the subsidization of agricultural producers under the
Regulation on the methods of using the financial means of national fond for
subsidizing agricultural producers. According to the Government Decision of
the Republic of Moldova no. 152 of February 26, 2013 “On the approval of the
distribution of the financial means of the national fund for the agricultural
producers for the year 2013”, for young farmers who request subsidies under
the provisions of this Decision, the amount of financial support increased by
10% of the amount of the subsidy granted under general conditions, and one of
the purposes of the subsidy was to attract young farmers to start and develop
agricultural activities in the rural sector.
5. The PARE 1 + 1 Investment Program was approved by Government
Decision no. 972 of 18.10.2010 and it refers to migrant workers and / or their
relatives who wish to invest in the launching and / or developing of their own
businesses. The priorities of the PARE 1 + 1 Program are the creation of new
jobs in rural areas; export orientation; substitution of imports; implementing

213
energy efficiency projects; application of modern technologies. The program
comprises four components: a) information and communication; b)
entrepreneurship training and support; c) business financing; d) monitoring and
post-funding and program evaluation. This program is based on the “1 + 1”
rule, which means that for each leu (National currency of Republic of
Moldova) invested as a result of money transferred from oversees should be
supplemented with the same amount of money from the PARE Program. The
maximum amount of funding granted is 200 thousand lei. In December 2013,
there were signed 52 non-reimbursable investment contracts in Moldova,
totaling 29.3 million lei, including 9 million lei as grant. It has to be noted that
there were 35 newly created businesses with a period of activity of less than 12
months of the total number of enterprises registered in the program. The
analysis of the applications shows that emigrant workers invest their
accumulated savings in agriculture - 20 businesses (38%), services - 16
businesses (31%), production / processing - 13 businesses (25%), tourism - one
business. Most of the applications for participation in the PARE 1 + 1 Program
come from Chisinau (9 businesses), followed by Drochia, Orhei and Glodeni
with 3 businesses and the rest of the districts – 2 or 1 business.
6. Business Startup Program. In 2013, the Ministry of Youth and Sports, in
partnership with BRAIN POWER, organized in Chisinau an entrepreneurial
education program for young people intending to start a business. The program
aims to familiarize young people with the business environment and encourage
them to become entrepreneurs.
Starting with 2014, Moldova benefits from European non-reimbursable
funds to support agriculture, money being provided under the European
Program for Agriculture and Rural Development (ENPARD), initiated
by the European Union to support agriculture in the Eastern Partnership
states.

214
 At the present stage, the legal framework regarding the employment of
young graduates from the Republic of Moldova is based on the
following legislative and normative acts:
- The Law on Youth (No. 279-XIV of January 11, 1999) defining youth
policies, regulating the creation of social, economic and organizational
conditions for the development of young people in the interest of the
person and society, establishing the priority directions for the promotion of
the state policy in the field of youth, under the Constitution and the
international legal acts to which the Republic of Moldova is a party, and
constitutes the legal basis for the elaboration and adoption of new
normative acts in the field of youth;
- The National Youth Development Strategy 2014-2020 outlines the priority
directions for the development of the youth sector for seven years and
defines a specific action plan. This document provides the direct
involvement of young people, workers, youth organizations and other
actors in the political, economic, social and cultural life of the country.
The Strategy is included in sectoral documents that are part of the
Moldova 2020 National Development Strategy and is guided by the
principles, objectives and areas mentioned in the Council of Europe
Resolution of 27 November 2009 on a renewed framework for European
cooperation in the youth field (2010-2018);
- Moldova 2020. “The National Development Strategy: 7 solutions for
economic growth and poverty reduction” reflects the long-term economic
development of the Government of the Republic of Moldova, starting from
the development constraints that are characteristic of the national
economy. In terms of long-term strategic objectives, the Strategy focuses
on 7 development priorities, the first one being “Connecting the education
system to the requirements of the labor market, in order to increase labor
productivity and increase the employment rate in the economy”. Thus, one

215
 of the seven solutions provided by the Strategy and which aims to reach
economic growth and poverty reduction in the country refers to the
educational system. Education is considered one of the critical problems in
the development of the Republic of Moldova since there is a discrepancy
between the educational system’s results and the requirements of the real
economy;
- The 2014-2020 Education Development Strategy (approved by Decision
No. 944 of November 14, 2014) identifies major issues in the field of
education and proposes a clear vision of the economic impact of education,
according to which the quality of life and the economic competitiveness of
the country depend on the accessibility, quality and relevance of education,
so the educational system is meant to ensure the enhancing of the potential
of each person and to educate a competitive labor force. The strategy
provides the development of the educational system through the access,
relevance, quality and use of ICT, whose beneficiaries are young people as
part of the formal education system;
- The Moldova's 2014-2020 Agriculture and Rural Development Strategy
(approved by Government Decision No. 409 of 04.06.2014). In order to
improve living standards in rural areas, it sets out as a specific objective
“Increasing employment opportunities in the non-agricultural field and
income increase in rural areas”.
For the purpose of concluding international agreements and memoranda in the
field of youth, there were elaborated and approved:
- Government Decision no. 689 of 20.09.2011 “On the approval of the bill
on the Accession of the Republic of Moldova to the Partial Agreement on
the Youth Card for the Purpose of Promoting and Facilitating Youth
Mobility in Europe, adopted by Resolution ResAP (2003) 1 of 15 January
2003”;
- Government Decision no. 340 of 29.05.2012 “On the approval of the

216
 Agreement between the Ministry of Youth and Sport of the Republic of
Moldova and the Ministry of Education, Research, Youth and Sport of
Romania on cooperation in the fields of youth and sport” signed in Iasi on
March 3, 2012;
- Government Decision no. 187 of 24.03.2011 “On the approval of the
Agreement between the Government of the Republic of Moldova and the
Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine on Cooperation in the Field of Youth
Policy”, signed in Kiev on February 1, 2010.
A further issue of the Gagauz integration in the Moldovan value chain refers to
the involvement of Gagauz ethnic minorities in the central public
administration system of the Republic of Moldova. No doubts that the selection
of public servants of different rank should not be a subject of ethnical
discussion. However, there would be welcome the Moldovan citizens of
Gagauz ethnic group who have the necessary skills to be included in the
administrative hierarchy as well.
In our point of view, the little involvement of ethnic Gagauz in the
administrative structure of Moldovan society primarily is due to all linguistic
barriers since there is no discrimination among the legislation in this field.
The exit of the Gagauz persons with specific skills from the limits of their
autonomy and their involvement in the political and administrative processes at
national level would be an important step forward in the social-political
affirmation of the Gagauz ethnic group, as well as will contribute significantly
to the success of positive dynamics among the relationships between the central
and the autonomous authorities of the Republic of Moldova.

3.5 General Conclusions to Chapter III

217
 As a general conclusion to the present chapter, Gagauzia is starting to
assume that Gagauzia fulfills its main function as the custodian of the national
culture, the historical and cultural patrimony of the Gagauz people, guarantees
their preservation and development for the present and future generations. At
the same time, the rebirth, preservation, development and widening of the
sphere of use of the Gagauz language are the priority tasks of the public
authorities of Gagauzia. Gagauzia also recognizes and guarantees equal rights
to the preservation and development of the languages and cultures of all
nationalities living on its territory, creating opportunities for their free
development. Thus, on the territory of the Republic of Moldova has been
formed an autonomous region (mini-republic), which has its own public
authorities:
The People's Assembly of Gagauzia (Gagauzianin Halk Toplushu) - that
is, the representative and legislative authority; - Governor (Bashkan) Gagauz-
Yeri, who is the supreme official. He is subordinated to all the authorities of
Gagauzia's public administration; - The Executive Committee of Gagauzia
(Bakannik Komiteti) - the permanent executive body, which is formed by the
People's Assembly of Gagauzia. The popular assembly of Gagauzia is made up
of 35 deputies elected by universal, equal, direct, secret and free vote for a
four-year term.
The Governor (Bashkan) of Gagauzia is the guarantor of the execution of
the Gagauzia regulation, of ensuring the rights and freedoms of people and the
citizen; ensure the maintenance of the status of Gagauzia, the coordinated
functioning and interaction of its public authorities; represents autonomy on the
territory of the Republic of Moldova and in international relations. He is
elected by universal suffrage, equal, direct, secret and freely expressed for a
four-year term on an alternative basis.
The Executive Committee is formed by the People's Assembly. At the
proposal of the Governor of Gagauzia, with the vote of the majority of the

218
deputies, the composition of the Executive Committee of Gagauzia is approved
during its mandate within 15 days after the confirmation of the Executive
Committee of Gagauzia, the Governor presents to the Population Assembly the
activity program of the Executive Committee. In his activity he is accountable
to the People's Assembly of Gagauzia. He exercises his duties from the date of
the oath of his members to the Governor of Gagauzia. The termination of the
Governor's mandate results in the resignation of the Executive Committee of
Gagauzia. But, at the same time, he continues to exercise his mandate until the
formation of the new composition. As we can see, the Gagauzia Regulation is
entirely based on the "Gagauz-Yeri Special Law" (Gagauz-Yeri) Law, and
takes over the majority of the above-mentioned provisions, but makes more
complete stipulations and further develops its provisions. Adoption of the Law
on the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia was done without a constitutional
basis, so only in 2001 the Moldovan authorities along with those of Comrat
established a Parliamentary Commission to elaborate the legal basis for
amending the Constitution of the Republic Moldova and the framing of the
above-mentioned provisions of the law in the constitutional legal field.
Separate external opinions consider that the autonomy law of Gagauzia,
against the backdrop of the extremely tense situation since then in the Republic
of Moldova, appeared as a rare victory in the post-soviet space, which also
contributed to the alleviation of the Transnistrian conflict. 355 . In this case,
mention the experience of some European states in, such as Spain, Great
Britain, Italy, France, where ethno-political conflicts were solved, not rarely by
granting territorial autonomy. But without taking into account the "success" of
the 1994 negotiations, the political elites of the Republic of Moldova did not
demand a sympathy for the model of territorial autonomy, but opted for
postmodern concepts such as the desethnisation of civil society. This tactic is
motivated by the fact that the autonomy regulation could be a precedent that

355
Troebst S. Autonomia Găgăuziei Republicii Moldova, un exemplu de soluţionare a conflictelor
etnopolitice. // Republica Moldova între vest şi est. – Chişinău, 2001
219
would cause other national minorities in the south of the country to come
forward with similar claims. But at first, the Council of Europe and the OSCE
even tried to divert both sides involved in the conflict from autonomy,
proposing to Chişinău and Comrat a more general minority legislation. Overall,
the democratic transformations that took place in the Republic of Moldova
during the first decade of independence demonstrate that state governance
promotes a tolerant policy towards national minorities, and this is expressed in
particular through ethnic policy and the system of normative acts in the field of
minorities.

220
 CONCLUZII GENERALE ŞI RECOMANDĂRI

The conclusions that form the quintessence of the results obtained on

the basis of the scientific research carried out are the following:
Due to the historical history of the Moldavian state, at the present stage,
on their territory, together with Moldovans, settled and representatives of
different ethnic groups. One of these are the Gagauz, who inhabited the
territory of Bessarabia at the beginning of the 19th century, from the decision
of the Russian imperial authorities. Thus, for more than two centuries this
ethnic group is inhabiting the territory of southern Bessarabia. Today, the
Gagauz minority in the Republic of Moldova has territorial autonomy. This
autonomy was attributed by the "Law of the Republic of Moldova on the
Special Legal Status of Gagauzia" adopted by Parliament on 23 December
1994 and entered into force on 1 January 1996. Since July 1995 Gagauzia has
been headed by a governor (Bashkan), has its own parliament (People's
Assembly), and since 1998 it has its own constitution, that is, it has its own
governing organs. Although, A.T.U. Gagauzia remains a component part of the
Republic of Moldova, however, its population segment represents a special
category of population, taking into account their ethnic, political, and cultural
interests.
The ethnic structure of any country with important minority groups, as
well as the attempts to assess the relations between the population and the
minorities, have always been considered a difficult and delicate problem, since
"la matiere est mouvante", given that the legal status of of national minorities is
in constant elaboration and improvement. Gagauz, due to the special status they
have acquired on the territory of the Republic of Moldova, the compact
territory they live in, the historical and political context of popular territory of
our state, presents a vast scientific research interest. Studying the socio-
political aspects of the Gagauz in Moldova, we consider appropriate and

221
necessary analysis and some problems related to the ethnic origin, as well as
the socio-political context of their establishment in the Moldovan state.
During the "perestroika" period in the south of the Moldovan Soviet
Socialist Republic, the Gagauz Khalky Popular Movement was formed. It
appeared as a reaction to the pro-Romanian national liberation movements.
Thus, in November 1989, the "Gagauz Khalky" movement, worried about the
fate of its people and the fear of that the newly created Moldovan will reunited
with Romania, declared the formation of the Autonomous Republic of
Gagauzia in the composition of Moldova. The Supreme Soviet, of the RSSM
government ignored the Gagauz issue. At the Congress of the Gagauz Deputies
of all levels in the city of Comrat (19 August 1990) the creation of the Republic
of Gagauzia outside Moldova was declared (Declaration on "Freedom and
independence of the Gagauz people toward the Republic of Moldova"). This, of
course, has provoked hostility on the side of the Republican authorities and by
the order of Prime Minister M.Druc "Gagauz Khalky" was forbidden. In this
way, it was removed the propaganda tool of separation. But, at the same time
"Gagauz Khalky" activists went into the administrative structures.
The events in Moldova have triggered an alarm in some structures of the
higher power authorities in the former USSR. Some political forces from the
Center tried to solve not only the problems of defending the interests of the
native population in Moldova but also using the threat of territorial division, to
force the "fugitive" republic to return to the USSR. Practice has shown that the
overwhelming majority of the native population in the republic was against
toward the immediate alliance with Romania. But the rupture in the national
relations, the distrust against the MPs of the other nationalities did not allow
the conciliation between the deputies. Each of the sides was looking for an exit
from the situation, not understanding that the best solution can only be found
by mutual agreement. In this complicated situation Moldova's leadership was
not able to orient itself. Instead of taking into account the opinion of the people,

222
of its wishes, underlying the establishment of an independent state, the
leadership imposes on the people their ideals and opinions about the good of
the people, decides for them.
What began as an ethnic civil war ended, after a lengthy negotiation
process, with a compromise between the Gagauz government and the
Government of the Republic of Moldova, which recently declared
independence. On December 23, 1994, in the Chisinau capital, after long and
intense debates, the Parliament adopted the "Law on the Special Legal Status of
Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri) in the Republic of Moldova". The essence of this law
is to grant Gagauz in Moldova the right to self-determination on the basis of the
constitution of Gagauzia as an "autonomous territorial unit with a special legal
status, which as a form of self-determination of the Gagauz is a part of the
Republic of Moldova".
With the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova on July
29, 1994, radical deviations are observed in the state policy regarding national
minorities, these changes being made even at the expense of statehood and
independence of the country. It is Article 111 of the Constitution (the special
status of autonomy), which states that "Localities on the left bank of the
Dniester, as well as some settlements in the South of the Republic of Moldova
may be granted special forms and conditions of autonomy, according to special
statutes adopted by organic laws" .
The content of the research results gives authors the opportunity to
make the following recommendations
• The Gagauz must go out of the limits of autonomy from the point of view of
social affirmation. It is necessary to become aware of the membership at the
civic community of the Republic of Moldova. Autonomy is not to separate us,
it was adopted to ensure the integration of the Gagauz by preserving ethnicity.
The reality, from the point of view of Gagauz's involvement in the social
processes of the Republic of Moldova, is not satisfactory. Gagauz should be

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involved as much as possible in the development of the joint project called
Republic of Moldova. Separation and isolation can only lead to regression. It is
difficult to talk about the building of consolidated political relations between
the center and autonomy, given that only 46% of Gagauz (the lowest among all
interviewed ethnicities) is considered first of all the citizens of the Republic of
Moldova first. The degree of patriotism, even among the majority population,
is not extremely high, however, the fact that the Gagauz feel the least attached,
in comparation to the other ethnic groups in the Republic of Moldova, indicates
some inclusion issues that require resolution. In this context, it is worth citing
the statements of M. Formuzal, who in one of his interviews mentioned: "Here
(in ATUG - n.a.) there isn't and has never been a separatism. Here are the
patriots, citizens of the Republic of Moldova, who are interested in
strengthening the statehood of the Republic of Moldova, in the development of
democracy, in that the Republic of Moldova meets the standards of a modern
European country where are guarantees the livelihood of elderly people, where
are good jobs, good salaries, where freedom of speech is respected, where the
modern norms of democracy, to which modern Europe is related".
The results of the survey (Ethnobarometer) made at the crossroads of the of
2004-2005 years, when the Governor's interview was given in early 2009. With
all the optimism, don't think the situation in the field changed so radically
during these four years. But it is very gratifying to hear from the
institutionalized leader in the region such messages that inspire confidence. It is
very gratifying that there is political will on the part of decision-makers to
change the situation for the better for the common good of the Republic of
Moldova.
• We are aware of the need to carry out reforms in the field of education in
order to achieve both quantitative and qualitative changes. This is to not only
increase the number of teaching hours of learning the state language, but also to
work hard on the methodology and to acquire it by the Gagauz ethnics. In the

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opinion of the researcher in the field, D. Nikoglo, the linguistic issue in the
ATUG refers to three aspects: on the one hand, insufficiency at the
institutionalized level (kindergarten, school, university) of the Gagauz and
Romanian languages; secondly, the excessive weight of teaching in Russian;
and, finally, insufficient knowledge of foreign languages (Western). In this
regard, we are going to synthesize the following measures: - To develop a clear
conception of the national school. This conception must justify the necessity of
primary education in the Gagauz language and the subsequent teaching in the
Gagauz language of the following objects: humanitarian - the history of the
Gagauz people, Gagauz language and literature, music, plastic arts; physical
education and technological education. - To intensify the work of the
terminological committee which is meant to create the terminological basis of
the Gagauz language and to assist the press in complying with the spelling
rules. - To develop a program for introducing the state language into the
education system. A part of this program must be a special project to activate
the teaching process in Romanian at Pedagogical University I. Creangă "and
the University of Comrat.
In addition, schools and kindergartens with Romanian teaching languages must
be opened, and optional classes must be introduced in Russian schools. One of
the main tasks is to improve the teaching methodology of the Romanian
language. Similarly, the proposal to introduce 1-2-year preparatory courses for
admittance candidates to study the state language should be considered. It is
rational to keep Romanian language courses on the territory of ATU Gagauzia
and to open new ones in the rural area. In our opinion, the training of alolingual
students from both Gagauz and Moldovans ethnic will contribute to the
appropriation of the state language by the Gagauz and its intense spread in the
territory of Gagauzia.
This step will enable us and neighboring peoples to cultivate each other,
understand and tolerate. In addition, Gagauz students must continue their

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studies in Romania. An important objective is the neutralization, then the
uprooting of the preconceived attitude towards the Romanian language to the
Gagauz population, caused by the associations related to the Romanian regime
and the events of the early 1990s. - Develop a state-language media
development program. In connection with this, the quality and accessibility of
television programs must be improved, emotionally attractive and thus the
prestige of the state language.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

226
ANNEX I

Investigation
Study of the orientations and needs of young graduates from Gagauzia in the
context of employment

QUESTIONNAIRE

Dear Ladies and Gentlemen, I make an survey poll on the guidelines and
needs of young graduates in the context of employment. Are you kind enough
to answer a few questions? Your answers are confidential and will only be used
for this research.

1.What is your sex?

 Female
 Male

2.Specify the environment where you live:

 Rural
 Urban

3. What is your occupation?

 student, pupil
 student + employee
 employee
 unemployed
4. Your monthly income is:
 under 1500 lei
 1500 - 3000 lei
 3000 - 4500 lei

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  4500 - 6500 lei
 over 6500 lei

5. In what age group do you belong?

 under 18 years of age
 18-25 years
 26-25 years
 36-50 years
 over 50 years

6. Are you or not satisfied with the state policy in the field of
employment?

 Yes
 No

7. When do you spend the most money?

 during the week
 on the weekend
 occasional
 Do not know / do not answer

8. Where do you think you can best achieve your human potential
(physical and intellectual abilities)?

a) in the locality
b) in the district
c) in Chisinau
d) abroad

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 9. How do you prefer to work?

• day
• the night
• In turns
• Every two days

10. What are the most important qualifications to find a service?

• Knowledge of foreign languages

• Professional training
• Communication skills
• Ambition
• Postgraduate studies
• Postgraduate studies
• Education
• Knowing the business world

11. What do young people face in their employment?

• Lack of experience
• Insufficient professional training
• Nepotism
• Excessive employment demands
• Concentration of job offers in urban areas
• Discrimination

12. "How do you rate access to information in your locality, from the
following sources?

229
 Very Important Indifferent Not very Not
important important important
Internet     
Mass-     
media
Family     
Friends     
Advertisin     
g

13. "How important are the following priority criteria in choosing a

job?
Very Not very Not
Impo
importan So, so importan importan
rtant
t t t
Continuing studies □ □ □ □ □

Family formation □ □ □ □ □
Career □ □ □ □ □
Going abroad □ □ □ □ □

14. In your opinion, what features do you need to have a job?

❒ be clean

 be fair
 be well paid
 have prestige
 others

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15. What attitude do you have to the departure of young people from
Moldova abroad?

Very favorable
Favorable
 Neither None
Unfavorable
 Very Favorable

DECLARATION OF LIABILITY

I, the undersigned, declare under my personal responsibility that the

materials presented in the PhD thesis are the result of my own research and
scientific achievements. I am aware that if it does not, I will have the
consequences in accordance with the legislation in force.

Your last name, surname

Signature Date

231