Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Language Vs Sex and Gender
Language Vs Sex and Gender
5th Group
Amorim José Salazar
Jaime Rodomo Sofrino
Nurja Agostinho
Paulo Juvêncio Machaieie
Viriato Mateus Matosse
Universidade Púnguè
Chimoio
2021
3
5th Group
Amorim José Salazar
Jaime Rodomo Sofrino
Nurja Agostinho
Paulo Juvêncio Machaieie
Viriato Mateus Matosse
Universidade Púnguè
Chimoio
2021
4
Content
Chapter I – Introduction........................................................................................................................4
1. Introduction........................................................................................................................................4
1.2. Objectives.......................................................................................................................................4
1.2.1. General....................................................................................................................................4
1.2.2. Specific....................................................................................................................................4
1.3. Methodology...............................................................................................................................4
3. Conclusion........................................................................................................................................15
Chapter I – Introduction
1. Introduction
This work analyses historical and contemporary sociolinguistic dynamics behind the
genesis and diversity of Mozambican languages. Focusing on the situation of contact
between Portuguese and African languages, it is shown how the privileged status
ascribed to Portuguese has contributed to increasing the proportion of Mozambican
citizens who can speak this language, including as a first language. This work is going
also to explain the language variation and show the attitudes toward the English
language. It is organized in three major chapters, the first named introduction will
introduce the work presenting introductory aspects, the second named theoretical
framework will do the development of the work, and the last chapter named conclusion
is going to present the concluding remarks of the work.
1.2. Objectives
1.2.1. General
To comprehend the sociolinguistic situation of Mozambique
1.2.2. Specific
To explain Mozambique language status;
To bring the historical context of diversity of languages in Mozambique;
To describe management of multilingualism in Mozambique.
To explain the current status of Portuguese in the country
To indicate the people attitude toward English language
1.3. Methodology
For the accomplishment of this piece of research paper has been used physical material
such as books as well as electronic sources such as PDFs and internet pages.
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According to Index Mundi (2020)2 based on the 2017 national census, the Mozambican
languages are distributed in number of speakers (as native language) as follow:
Makhuwa 26.1%, Portuguese (official) 16.6%, Tsonga 8.6%, Nyanja 8.1, Sena 7.1%,
Lomwe 7.1%, Chuwabo 4.7%, Ndau 3.8%, Tswa 3.8%, other Mozambican languages
11.8%, other 0.5%, unspecified 1.8%.
3
Joseph Kiprop September 1 2017, What Languages Are Spoken In Mozambique?
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The culture of Mozambique is in large part derived from its history of Bantu, Swahili,
and Portuguese rule, and has expanded since independence in 1975. The majority of
its inhabitants are black Africans. Its main language is Portuguese. The cultures and
traditions of Islam, Swahili and Bantu speakers co-exist harmoniously in the country.
Ethnic groups makes up a large percentage of the population, and include Shangaan,
Chokwe, Manyoka, Sena and Makua.
Other cultures include Europeans, Euro-Africans and Indians. Even through the country
boasts a variety of languages, social relationships, artistic traditions, Mozambicans
share a common culture in their love and expression of song, poetry, dynamic dance
and performance.4
4
Siyabona Africa, 2021 in https://www.mozambique.co.za/About_Mozambique-travel/mozambique-
culture.html
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that borders were created, mapping the African landscape into different parches where
people of the same tribe suddenly found themselves alienated from each other. Though
the Berlin conference was at the continental scale, newly formed countries were still to
embark on an even more brutal mapping. In South Africa, demarcations were drawn on
the basis of linguistic differences.
Knowledge of the Portuguese language was the main instrument of integration in the
urban environment. This means that “without the right of linguistic capital, you simply do
not get access to the spaces where other important resources are produced and
circulated, and you do not get to have anything to say about what is valuable and what
is not” (HELLER, 2011: 37).
Indigenous education was located away from the city centre and was designed to
gradually transform the primitive indigenous population of the overseas provinces to the
civilized life of educated people. This segregationist colony policy, which limited a large
number of Mozambicans, awoke the revolt of nationalist movements seeking the
country’s independence.
It should also be mentioned that the creation of these homelands along linguistic lines
was aimed at fostering animosity between native people. Each was meant to see the
other as different. This was very conducive for a divide-and-rule strategy. Portuguese is
therefore well set to appear as unifying languages among such diverse language
groups where none would want to be dominated by the other. This was a psychological
blatant lie as indigenous languages had long coexisted and had enriched each other
freely without any threat of dominating or being dominated.
The segregationist policy was also extensive at the level of education, which was
organized as two distinct subsystems: an "official" for the children of the colonialists or
‘assimilados’ and another for the remaining "indigenous.
At the time of the Colonial War, FRELIMO decided to use Portuguese as a lingua franca
among Mozambicans, who were of different origins. This is to maintain unity and
because in Mozambique there are several tribes that speak different languages. In
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1975, the government adopted the Portuguese language as its official language. Thus,
Portuguese was adopted almost without problems by Mozambique (after independence)
because of FRELIMO, which had used it at the beginning of the struggle for
independence. Consequently, Portuguese was used in public domains. (LOPES, L.
2012:15)
When Mozambique gained independence in 1975, “the percentage of speakers of
Portuguese was very low (about 25%), the majority of which were speakers of
Portuguese as a second language with only a small percentage claiming the language
as their mother tongue” (GONÇALVES, 2005:187). Despite this, the new government
led by FRELIMO adopted a policy whereby Portuguese was declared the official
language and the language of national unity, thus, the language truly became a
language of prestige (GONÇALVES, 2001: 978).
The first publications of note on Southern-African native languages date back to the
early 19th century; by the end of the century, an African-language literature and press
was blooming, centred around the main missions stations. The missions promoted the
use of local varieties in native education, which constituted then one of their preserves.
Although Portuguese is official language, in education, it operates from the first year of
schooling to doctoral level at university. The choice obviously would default on one’s
home language a luxury that a native Mozambican child could only dream of then and
unfortunately now. The luxury that is increasingly becoming alien to the Mozambican
child as the hegemony of Portuguese language unleashes its subtleties. Whatever the
future, nonetheless, African languages would still remain a defining factor in the
multilingual state of Mozambique.
Mozambique excluded the use of local African languages in official and urban
environments because these languages were connoted with tribalism, divisionism
and retrogression, and they would not be functional and formally adequate for building
a modern nation. This political decision shows that “the linkage of language to ethnicity
and nationalism, language attitudes, and language planning and development was
decisive for the maintenance of Portuguese as the urban and the official language.
Transnational and operational reasons have contributed to the choice of Portuguese in
detriment to local African languages (GONÇALVES, 2010). Language here becomes
the ideological control mechanism, which establishes state hegemony (MOYO,
2003:29). Portuguese assumed the role of a new identity marker that linked its speakers
indexically to progressand modernization. Here, as pointed by SILVERSTEIN (1998:
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130), we can see that “language, like any social semiotic, is indexical in its most
essential modality”.
However, what is less understood is how the very same temporal discourses that
excluded African languages from modernity are equally determining of how these
languages are perceived in the more pluralist and multicultural situation of
contemporary Mozambique. In the early 1990, with the democratization of the country,
local African languages won “new orders of visibility” (KERFOOT AND HYLTENSTAM,
2017) characterized by the increasing use of these once marginalized languages in
official contexts and urban spaces. However, despite this, Portuguese continues, in fact,
to be the messianic language of the state, being associated with the rhetoric of
modernity, anti traditionalism, urbanization and co-optation of elites, clearly articulating
a historical continuity with colonial Portuguese. While local African languages may have
won extended recognition, they remain inserted in historicist discourses associated with
the past, with traditional values, tribalism, regionalism, and at times even
conservationism, as well as features of Mozambican heritage. This post-independence
ideology justifies that postcolonial states are "first and foremost products of colonialism"
(AHLUWALIA, 2001: 71).
It can be say that currently in Mozambique notions of temporality and visibility through
which local African languages and Portuguese have figured are part of the narrative of
modernity and progress (STROUD and GUISSEMO, 2015: 18). This study also makes it
clear that the challenges of democracy, as well as those of globalization bring a new
ideology of management of multilingualism in which the local African languages play an
important role in the development.
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Therefore, these languages need to have a greater space for autonomy through
engagement in acts of Linguistic Citizenship (see, for example, STROUD 2001, 2009)
and must not always appear as shadows of the Portuguese language. As happened
earlier in Malawi, local African languages should be recognized in Mozambique for the
crucial role they play in national development, at various levels, as languages of
instruction, as well as for communication in agricultural, health and home craft activities
that affect people’s lives in rural areas (see MOYO, 2003: 35).
S. ASHBY & S. BARBOSA (2011) argue that, the different MP varieties exhibit varying
forms and degrees of Bantu substratum interference, including the monothongization of
diphthongs, vowel and consonant sequence simplification, glide epenthesis, syncope,
apocope, apheresis, the voicing dissimilation and dissimilation and juxtaposition of
consonants, aspirated devoiced consonants in word-final position, whistled fricatives,
palatization and denasalization. Individually and overall, these descriptions offer
testimony of the phenomena that characterize different spoken varieties of Mozambican
Portuguese and contribute toward a more balanced understanding of the linguistic
variation that sets MP apart from other varieties of Portuguese. (S. ASHBY & S.
BARBOSA (2011:25)
draws on the European Portuguese, new semantic values and syntactic properties have
developed.
development and teacher training has already been completed. Thus far, the program
has been limited to about 16 languages (chosen through political processes, and due to
the fact that those languages already had orthographies – although some of the
orthographies are still under review for finalization) in around 700 schools, including 128
schools in Nampula and Zambezia provinces.
According to Mr. Vicente Bisqué from the Curriculum and Research branch of the
MINEDH, there is considerable demand for L1 education among local stakeholders, and
use of L1s is growing in radio and in local politics. However, the current bilingual
program faces major challenges in its ability to scale up due to the stress it puts on the
education management systems, the need for the development of local language
materials and teacher training for bilingual education, and high rates of student
absenteeism. The main structure of the current bilingual program is as follows:
Grades 1–3: Language of instruction in L1 (reading and mathematics are taught
in L1)
Grades 1–3: Introduction to oral Portuguese, physical education classes in
Portuguese (to increase oral vocabulary knowledge of verbs and other key
words)
Grade 3: Introduction to reading and writing in Portuguese
Grade 4: Transition to LOI in Portuguese
Grades 4–7: Continued teaching of L1 as a subject. (USAID VAMOS LER! 2017,
p.12)
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Currently the Bantu languages, that are indeed governing the Mozambican inhabitants
since so long ago, exert an influence on the Portuguese spoken in Mozambique, this
leads to different spoken varieties of Mozambican Portuguese and contribute to set
Mozambican Portuguese apart from other varieties of Portuguese. The extensive
borrowings not only from the Bantu languages, but also from English bring new
semantic values and syntactic properties to the Portuguese.
Regarding to the status of English language in Mozambique, it has to be said that the
attitudes toward it are very positive in Mozambique. And it makes sense since the
country can be described as an island as it is surrounded by only English speaking
countries.
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