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4TH–12TH CENTURIES
Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies
Publications
14
BYZANTINE TRADE,
4TH–12TH CENTURIES
THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF LOCAL, REGIONAL
AND INTERNATIONAL EXCHANGE
edited by
Marlia Mundell Mango
First published 2009 by Ashgate Publishing
Marlia Mundell Mango has asserted her moral right under the Copyright, Designs and
Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the editor of this work.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any
form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented,
including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system,
without permission in writing from the publishers.
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used
only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Acknowledgements ix
Abbreviations xi
List of Contributors xvii
List of Figures and Tables xxiii
From Byzantine Trade, 4th-12th Centuries. Copyright © 2009 by the Society for the Promotion
of Byzantine Studies. Published by Ashgate Publishing Ltd, Wey Court East, Union Road,
Farnham, Surrey, GU9 7PT, Great Britain.
v
vi CONTENTS
16. Michael Decker Export wine trade to West and East 239
17. Hiromi Kinoshita Foreign glass excavated in China,
from the 4th to 12th centuries 253
18. Philip M. Kenrick On the Silk Route: imported and
regional pottery at Zeugma 263
19. Anne McCabe Imported materia medica,
4th–12th centuries, and Byzantine
pharmacology 273
North
Index 463
Acknowledgements
From Byzantine Trade, 4th-12th Centuries. Copyright © 2009 by the Society for the Promotion
of Byzantine Studies. Published by Ashgate Publishing Ltd, Wey Court East, Union Road,
Farnham, Surrey, GU9 7PT, Great Britain.
ix
Abbreviations
From Byzantine Trade, 4th-12th Centuries. Copyright © 2009 by the Society for the Promotion
of Byzantine Studies. Published by Ashgate Publishing Ltd, Wey Court East, Union Road,
Farnham, Surrey, GU9 7PT, Great Britain.
xi
xii ABBREVIATIONS
From Byzantine Trade, 4th-12th Centuries . Copyright © 2009 by the Society for the Promotion
of Byzantine Studies. Published by Ashgate Publishing Ltd, Wey Court East, Union Road,
Farnham, Surrey, GU9 7PT, Great Britain.
xvii
xviii LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Figures
From Byzantine Trade, 4th-12th Centuries. Copyright © 2009 by the Society for the Promotion
of Byzantine Studies. Published by Ashgate Publishing Ltd, Wey Court East, Union Road,
Farnham, Surrey, GU9 7PT, Great Britain.
xxiii
xxiv FIGURES AND TABLES
Tables
The purpose of the symposium whose papers are published here was
to examine the nature and extent of Byzantine trade prior to and in the
wake of the Arab Conquest of the Levant in the 7th century, and during
subsequent centuries. Trade is taken broadly as monetized or bartered
exchange, but alternative mechanisms of circulation such as gift and pillage
are also considered. The following papers focus on recent archaeological
or other work related to local and international trade between the 4th and
12th centuries, rather than to the interregional movement of basic staples
within the Mediterranean.
Given the state management of much of this last type of circulation, it
does not meet the criteria of a monetized trade, a reason in itself to omit it
here. The role of the state features prominently in discussions of ancient
productivity by Rostovtzeff, Finley, Polanyi, Hopkins and others, who have
provided us with sophisticated models of the economy. These models are
of course relevant to the late Roman/early Byzantine economy; however,
since one may distinguish between economy and trade as subjects of study
and speculation, these economic models will not be examined directly
here. So often questions posed about the general economy set the agenda
for discussions of trade. Instead, these symposium papers cover trade as
distinct from the economy as a whole, and consider the concrete evidence
of traded materials, locations of trade, and mechanisms of operation – to
start from the bottom up, so to speak. Leaving aside the state and the
economy, the papers concentrate mainly on local and international trade
where state involvement was limited.
The Byzantine or Eastern Roman Empire conveniently (for us)
encompassed both the period of late antiquity when the role of the state
was overtly large, at least within the annona system that moved basic
staples, and a period in the middle ages when the civil annona and the
state’s role within it had ceased. This second period comprises a time
during which Byzantine society is often described as being so little
interested in trade that, left to its own devices (i.e. without a large state
role), it had allowed merchant colonies from the West to take control of
From Byzantine Trade, 4th-12th Centuries Copyright © 2009 by the Society for the Promotion
of Byzantine Studies. Published by Ashgate Publishing Ltd, Wey Court East, Union Road,
Farnham, Surrey, GU9 7PT, Great Britain.
3
4 BYZANTINE TRADE
commercial transactions by the 12th century. One may ask how these two
realities – early and later – can be reconciled, or whether they are in fact
realities. Were the strategic skills and organizational resources deployed
by the state until the 7th century lost thereafter, leaving Byzantine society
incapable of lower-scale or individual management? Did Byzantine and
Mediterranean trade virtually cease between the 7th and 10th centuries?
If so, how does one explain the well-established activities of local and
international trade recorded so soon after AD 900 in the Book of the
Eparch and the Cairo Geniza documents?1 Thus, the bridging period of
the 8th to 9th centuries is particularly important here, as in other contexts.
Altogether, ten papers here (5, 6, 8, 9, 11, 15, 17, 19, 24, 25) discuss the 8th
century.
This analysis could have been carried out in the recent three-volume
study edited by A. Laiou and published in 2002. Entitled The Economic
History of Byzantium, it promised thorough coverage. Instead, the late
antique/medieval dichotomy is perpetuated by focusing on the 7th to 15th
centuries, thus failing to analyze at the same level the preceding period of
formation that links Byzantium to the ancient world. The editor2 simply
explains that the earlier centuries – that is, late antiquity – have already
been adequately examined by A.H.M. Jones.3 However, not only did Jones
make little use of archaeological evidence, but an abundance of excavated
and surveyed material relevant to the study of trade and questions of
economic history has been made available since his time. In The Economic
History, late antiquity is allotted only 160 out of 1205 pages.4 Excellent as
this discussion is, an opportunity has clearly been missed to explore the
two periods equally.
If The Economic History of Byzantium published in 2002 failed to bridge
the perceived break between the ancient and medieval periods, Richard
Hodges and David Whitehouse in their Mohammed, Charlemagne and the
Origins of Europe (1983)5 had already compounded the chronological with
a geographical gap, namely the cessation of activity in the Mediterranean
attributed to the Arab Conquest. However, this reiteration of Pirenne’s
thesis provided new archaeological evidence for the development of
a northern bypass between Bagdad and Aachen. Since the Hodges and
1
Das Eparchenbuch Leon des Weisen, ed. J. Koder (Vienna, 1991); Goitein, Cairo Geniza.
2
Laiou, ed., Economic History.
3
A.H.M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire, 284–602: a social, economic and administrative
survey (Oxford, 1964).
4
Written by C. Morrisson and J.-P. Sodini, in Laiou, ed., Economic History, 171–220.
5
R. Hodges and D. Whitehouse, Mohammed, Charlemagne and the Origins of Europe
(London, 1983); R. Hodges and D. Whitehouse, Mahomet, Charlemagne et les origines de
l’Europe, trans. C. Morrissson, with a preface by C. Morrisson and J.-P. Sodini (Paris, 1996).
MARLIA MUNDELL MANGO 5
6
P. Horden and N. Purcell, The Corrupting Sea: a study of Mediterranean history (Oxford,
2000).
7
McCormick, Origins.
8
R. Macrides, ed., Travel in the Byzantine World (Aldershot, 2002).
9
C. Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages: Europe and the Mediterranean 400–800
(Oxford, 2005).
6 BYZANTINE TRADE
10
Lauffer, Diokletians Preisedikt.
11
A.S. Hunt and C.C. Edgar, eds. and trans., Selected Papyri (London–Cambridge, MA,
1952), 257–9.
12
K. Randsborg, The First Millennium A.D. in Europe and the Mediterranean: an archaeological
essay (Cambridge, 1993), 158–9.
13
N. Oikonomides, ‘The contents of the Byzantine house from the eleventh to the fifteenth
century’, DOP 44 (1990), 205–14; Goitein, Cairo Geniza, IV, 310–33.
MARLIA MUNDELL MANGO 7
14
W. Wright, Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum (London, 1870–72),
I, 81–2, 90–91.
15
E.L. Sukenik, ‘The ancient synagogue at el-Hammeh’, Journal of the Palestine Oriental
Society 15 (1935), 147–9; J. Naveh, On Stone and Mosaic: the Aramaic and Hebrew inscriptions from
ancient synagogues [Hebrew] (Jerusalem, 1978), 11.
16
E.H. Warmington, The Commerce between the Roman Empire and India, 2nd edn (London–
New York, 1974); M.G. Raschke, ‘New studies in Roman commerce with the East’, in ANRW,
604–1378.
17
Raschke, ‘Roman commerce’, 622–37.
18
Goitein, Cairo Geniza, IV, 169–70.
19
M. Mundell Mango, ‘Byzantine maritime trade with the East (4th–7th Centuries)’, ARAM
8 (1996), 143 n. 16.
20
Warmington, The Commerce, 180–205, 212–16.
21
Jones, Later Roman Empire, 847.
8 BYZANTINE TRADE
22
G. Dagron and D. Feissel, Inscriptions de Cilicie. TM Monographies 4 (Paris, 1987), 170–
85.
23
G. Dagron and J. Rougé, ‘Trois horoscopes de voyages en mer (5e siècle après J.-C.)’,
REB 40 (1982), 117–33; M. Mundell Mango, ‘Beyond the amphora: non-ceramic evidence for late
antique industry and trade’, in Kingsley and Decker, eds., Economy and Exchange, 95–102.
24
A.J. Festugière, Léontios de Néapolis, Vie de Syméon le Fou et Vie de Jean de Chypre (Paris,
1974), 550, 594; Mundell Mango, ‘Beyond the amphora’, 95–102.
25
Mundell Mango, ‘Beyond the amphora’, 98–9.
26
Bass and Van Doorninck, Yassı Ada, 315 and n. 25.
27
A. Karivieri, The Athenian Lamp Industry in Late Antiquity (Helsinki, 1996).
28
Goitein, Cairo Geniza, I, 46 and IV, 130.
MARLIA MUNDELL MANGO 9
29
Goitein, Cairo Geniza, I, 224, 455–7 n. 61.
30
See paper 15, note 44 below.
31
J.F. Haldon, Constantine Porphyrogenitus: three treaties on imperial military expeditions,
CFHB 28 (Vienna, 1990), 106–13.
32
Hayes, Pottery, maps 20–30 for African Red Slip Ware, for example.
10 BYZANTINE TRADE
combining earlier Roman-style lead glazing and a new white fabric – the
clay apparently available at Constantinople itself and at Preslav (paper
7) –, achieved a comparable effect without the Chinese and Islamic
technology innovations. Chinese porcelain is not found in Constantinople
until the 16th century.33 Nevertheless, a single 10th-century porcelain vase
is preserved at Venice among San Marco’s prized vessels,34 many of which
are identified by their distinctive 10th-century mounts as being high-status
Byzantine booty of the Fourth Crusade (paper 15). Was this porcelain
vase once at Constantinople, perhaps arriving there as a diplomatic gift?
Chinese sources record Byzantine embassies to China in 643, 667, 701, and
possibly 719; the first of these brought Byzantine purple glass,35 a good
example of which is also preserved at San Marco.36 Could a later embassy
have returned with porcelain? More surprising than the general absence
of Chinese porcelain is the lack of imports from adjacent Sasanian Persia
of pottery (paper 18), glass (paper 13), or metalware. Nor, apparently, has
Byzantine pottery or metalware been found in Sasanian Persian contexts,
although Byzantine glass has been found at two Sasanian sites.37 Is this
near lack of mutual exchange explained by political realities, preferences
of taste, or an unidentified trade mechanism? Procopius refers to the
revenues Persia gained through the Byzantine silk trade with the Far East.
Thus, Persia did not prevent this trade (as so often stated), but profited
from it. In contrast to the Sasanian and Chinese ceramics, pottery from the
Islamic world did circulate in Byzantium (paper 12).
As stated earlier, the symposium looks beyond the Mediterranean to
the West, East, South and North. The dust jacket of this publication shows
the map of the world devised for the mid-6th-century text of Christian
Topography of Cosmas Indicopleustes. This shows the Mediterranean,
the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf and the Caspian, all surrounded by the
ocean. But Cosmas himself knew that the Far East lay beyond India and
Taprobane (which he visited), and he knew what things were imported
from all those lands. Exports from the late antique Mediterranean have
been identified across three continents (fig. 1.1).
33
Hayes, Saraçhane, 261–4.
34
H.R. Hahnloser et al., Il Tesoro di San Marco, vol. II: Il Tesoro e il Museo (Florence, 1971),
no. 138.
35
F. Thierry and C. Morrisson, ‘Sur les monnaies byzantines trouvées en Chine’, Revue
numismatique 6e ser., XXXVI (1994), 132, 140.
36
Hahnloser et al., Tesoro, no. 123.
37
Personal communication by St-John Simpson. The silver bowls on a high foot
introduced in 6th-century Persia – see P.O. Harper, ‘Evidence for the existence of state controls
in the production of Sasanian silver vessels’, in S.A. Boyd and M. Mundell Mango, Ecclesiastical
Silver Plate in Sixth-Century Byzantium (Washington, DC, 1992), 147–53 – show evidence of late
Roman/Byzantine influence on their shape.
Figure 1.1 Map of main sites and areas discussed in papers 1–28; dots = findspots of early Byzantine artefacts outside the Empire;
dots in box = artefacts found in North Russia (see fig. 15.4), but possibly traded first into Central Asia (see M. Mundell
Mango, ‘Beyond the amphora: non-ceramic evidence for late antique industry and trade’, in Kingsley and Decker, eds.,
Economy and Exchange, 87, fig. 5.1.
12 BYZANTINE TRADE
38
Jones, Later Roman Empire, 826–7.
39
N. Oikonomides, ‘Silk trade and production in Byzantium from the sixth to the ninth
century: the seals of the kommerkiarioi’, DOP 40 (1986), 33–53; M. Sartre, IGLS 13 fasc. 1 (Paris,
1982), no. 9046.
MARLIA MUNDELL MANGO 13
40
Bass and Van Doorninck, Yassı Ada; Bass et al., Serçe Limanı.
41
L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei: text with introduction, translation and
commentary (Princeton, 1989).
42
R. Tomber, ‘Rome and Mesopotamia: importers into India in the first millennium
AD’, Antiquity 81 (2007), 972–88, esp. 979–84, figs 5–6; eadem, Indo-Roman Trade: from pots to
pepper (London, 2008), 39–43, 83, table 1 and 126, fig. 21.
43
Mundell Mango, ‘Maritime trade’, 155–7.
14 BYZANTINE TRADE
the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, finding locally carved ivory that recalls
work known within the Empire.
Papers 25–26 return to the medieval Mediterranean, to East and West.
Paper 25 examines a triangular system of trade networks linking the
Adriatic with Constantinople and Alexandria, as developed by Venice
between the 8th and 11th centuries. Trade goods varied according to local
demands and included alum, timber and Cretan cheese, as well as silk.
Paper 26 makes a scientific case study of related contacts, namely the use
in 11th-century mosaic decoration at Torcello of glass chemically similar to
that of Levantine glass found as cargo on the contemporary ship wrecked
at Serçe Limanı and probably bound for Constantinople.
The two final papers look to the North, as viewed from Constantinople,
to the Black Sea and beyond. Paper 27 considers the Crimea as the trading
gateway to the North, in particular at the evidence of exchange at Cherson
and Tmutarakan. Paper 28 takes the subject further into northern Russia,
tracing the links between new rural settlement and trade from the 10th
century, based on survey and excavation.
At the centre of the commercial network of Byzantine trade lies
Constantinople, the subject covered at the symposium by Cyril Mango. He
will publish his discussion of the capital as consumer or producer in his
forthcoming study of the urban history of the city. Extensive excavations,
begun in 2004,44 of its largest harbour (that of Theodosius at Yenikapı
summarized by Nergis Günsenin in paper 10; see Figure A) promise to
change the chronological profile of trade at Constantinople.
Other papers delivered at the symposium, held at Oxford in 2004, have
been or are to be published elsewhere, namely those of Franck Goddio
and Jonathan Cole on excavations in the Canopic region and port of
Alexandria; of Mark Horton on Zanzibar and Shanga; and of John Hayes
on pottery in late 12th-century Cyprus.
44
Gün Işığında. Istanbul’un 8000 yılı. Marmaray, Metro, Sultanahmet kazıları
(Istanbul, 2007), 164–299.