History of Anyhropology

History of anthropology - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.
org/wiki/History_of_anthropology
History of anthropology
History of anthropology in this article refers primarily to the 18th- and 19th-century precursors of modern anthropology. The
term anthropology itself, innovated as a Neo-Latin scientific word during the Renaissance, has always meant "the study (or science)
of man". The topics to be included and the terminology have varied historically. At present they are more elaborate than they were
during the development of anthropology. For a presentation of modern social and cultural anthropology as they have developed in
Britain, France, and North America since approximately 1900, see the relevant sections under Anthropology.
Etymology
The term anthropology ostensibly is a produced compound of Greek ἄνθρωπος anthrōpos, "human being" (understood to mean
"humankind" or "humanity"), and a supposed -λογία -logia, "study".[1] The compound, however, is unknown in ancient Greek or
Latin, whether classical or mediaeval. It first appears sporadically in the scholarly Latin anthropologia of Renaissance France, where
it spawns the French word anthropologie, transferred into English as anthropology. It does belong to a class of words produced with
the -logy suffix, such as archeo-logy, bio-logy, etc., "the study (or science) of".
The mixed character of Greek anthropos and Latin -logia marks it as Neo-Latin.[2] There is no independent noun, logia, however, of
that meaning in classical Greek. The word λόγος (logos) has that meaning.[3] James Hunt attempted to rescue the etymology in his
first address to the Anthropological Society of London as president and founder, 1863. He did find an anthropologos from Aristotle
in the standard ancient Greek Lexicon, which he says defines the word as "speaking or treating of man".[4] This view is entirely
wishful thinking, as Liddell and Scott go on to explain the meaning: "i.e. fond of personal conversation".[5] If Aristotle, the very
philosopher of the logos, could produce such a word without serious intent, there probably was at that time no anthropology
identifiable under that name.
The lack of any ancient denotation of anthropology, however, is not an etymological problem. Liddell and Scott list 170 Greek
compounds ending in –logia, enough to justify its later use as a productive suffix.[6] The ancient Greeks often used suffixes in
forming compounds that had no independent variant.[7] The etymological dictionaries are united in attributing –logia to logos, from
legein, "to collect". The thing collected is primarily ideas, especially in speech. The American Heritage Dictionary says:[8] "(It is one
of) derivatives independently built to logos." Its morphological type is that of an abstract noun: log-os > log-ia (a "qualitative
abstract")[9]
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History of anthropology - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_anthropology
The Renaissance origin of the name of anthropology does not exclude the possibility that ancient authors presented anthropogical
material under another name (see below). Such an identification is speculative, depending on the theorist's view of anthropology;
nevertheless, speculations have been formulated by credible anthropologists, especially those that consider themselves functionalists
and others in history so classified now.
The science of history

Marvin Harris, a historian of anthropology, begins The Rise of Anthropological Theory with the statement that anthropology is "the
science of history".[10] He is not suggesting that history be renamed to anthropology, or that there is no distinction between history
and prehistory, or that anthropology excludes current social practices, as the general meaning of history, which it has in "history of
anthropology", would seem to imply. He is using "history" in a special sense, as the founders of cultural anthropology used it:[11] "the
natural history of society", in the words of Herbert Spencer,[12] or the "universal history of mankind", the 18th-century Age of
Enlightenment objective.[10] Just as natural history comprises the characteristics of organisms past and present, so cultural or social
history comprises the characteristics of society past and present. It includes both documented history and prehistory, but its slant is
toward institutional development rather than particular non-repeatable historical events.
According to Harris, the 19th-century anthropologists were theorizing under the presumption that the development of society
followed some sort of laws. He decries the loss of that view in the 20th century by the denial that any laws are discernable or that
current institutions have any bearing on ancient. He coins the term ideographic for them. The 19th-century views, on the other hand,
are nomothetic; that is, they provide laws. He intends "to reassert the methodological priority of the search for the laws of history in
the science of man".[13] He is looking for "a general theory of history".[14] His perception of the laws: "I believe that the analogue of
the Darwinian strategy in the realm of sociocultural phenomena is the principle of techno-environmental and techno-economic
determinism", he calls cultural materialism, which he also details in Cultural Materialism: The Struggle for a Science of Culture.
Elsewhere he refers to "my theories of historical determinism", defining the latter: "By a deterministic relationship among cultural
phenomena, I mean merely that similar variables under similar conditions tend to give rise to similar consequences."[15] The use of
"tends to" implies some degree of freedom to happen or not happen, but in strict determinism, given certain causes, the result and
only that result must occur. Different philosophers, however, use determinism in different senses. The deterministic element that
Harris sees is lack of human social engineering: "free will and moral choice have had virtually no significant effect upon the direction
taken thus far by evolving systems of social life."[16]
Harris agrees with the 19th-century view that laws are abstractions from empirical evidence: "...sociocultural entities are constructed
from the direct or indirect observation of the behavior and thought of specific individuals ...."[17] Institutions are not a physical
reality; only people are. When they act in society, they do so according to the laws of history, of which they are not aware; hence,
there is no historical element of free will. Like the 20th-century anthropologists in general, Harris places a high value on the
empiricism, or collection of data. This function must be performed by trained observers.
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He borrows terms from linguistics: just as a phon-etic system is a description of sounds developed without regard to the meaning
and structure of the language, while a phon-emic system describes the meaningful sounds actually used within the language, so
anthropological data can be emic and etic. Only trained observers can avoid eticism, or description without regard to the meaning in
the culture: "... etics are in part observers' emics incorrectly applied to a foreign system...."[18] He makes a further distinction
between synchronic and diachronic.[19] Synchronic ("same time") with reference to anthropological data is contemporaneous and
cross-cultural. Diachronic ("through time") data shows the development of lines through time. Cultural materialism, being a
"processually holistic and globally comparative scientific research strategy" must depend for accuracy on all four types of data.[20]
Cultural materialism differs from the others by the insertion of culture as the effect. Different material factors produce different
cultures.
Harris, like many other anthropologists, in looking for anthropological method and data before the use of the term anthropology, had
little difficulty finding them among the ancient authors. The ancients tended to see players on the stage of history as ethnic groups
characterized by the same or similar languages and customs: the Persians, the Germans, the Scythians, etc. Thus the term history
meant to a large degree the "story" of the fortunes of these players through time. The ancient authors never formulated laws. Apart
from a rudimentary three-age system, the stages of history, such as are found in Lubbock, Tylor, Morgan, Marx and others, are yet
unformulated.
Proto-anthropology
Eriksen and Nielsen use the term proto-anthropology to refer to near-anthropological writings, which contain some of the criteria for
being anthropology, but not all. They classify proto-anthropology as being "travel writing or social philosophy", going on to assert "It
is only when these aspects ... are fused, that is, when data and theory are brought together, that anthropology appears."[21] This
process began to occur in the 18th century of the Age of Enlightenment.
Classical Age
Many anthropological writers find anthropological-quality theorizing in the works of Classical Greece and Classical Rome; for
example, John Myres in Herodotus and Anthropology (1908); E. E. Sikes in The Anthropology of the Greeks (1914); Clyde
Kluckhohn in Anthropology and the Classics (1961), and many others.[22] An equally long list may be found in French and German
as well as other languages.
Herodotus
Herodotus was a 5th-century BC Greek historian who set about to chronicle and explain the Greco-Persian Wars that transpired early
in that century. He did so in a surviving work conventionally termed the History or the Histories. His first line begins: "These are the
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researches of Herodotus of Halicarnassus ...."
The Achaemenid Empire, deciding to bring Greece into its domain, conducted a massive invasion across the Bosphorus using multi-
cultural troops raised from many different locations. They were decisively defeated by the Greek city-states. Herodotus was far from
interested in only the non-repeatable events. He provides ethnic details and histories of the peoples within the empire and to the
north of it, in most cases being the first to do so. His methods were reading accounts, interviewing witnesses, and in some cases
taking notes for himself.
These "researches" have been considered anthropological since at least as early as the late 19th century. The title, "Father of History"
(pater historiae), had been conferred on him probably by Cicero.[23] Pointing out that John Myres in 1908 had believed that
Herodotus was an anthropologist on a par with those of his own day, James M. Redfield asserts: "Herodotus, as we know, was both
Father of History and Father of Anthropology."[24] Herodotus calls his method of travelling around taking notes "theorizing".
Redfield translates it as "tourism" with a scientific intent. He identifies three terms of Herodotus as overlapping on culture: diaitia,
material goods such as houses and consumables; ethea, the mores or customs; and nomoi, the authoritative precedents or laws.
Tacitus
The Roman historian, Tacitus, wrote many of our only surviving contemporary accounts of several ancient Celtic and Germanic
peoples.
Middle Ages
Another candidate for one of the first scholars to carry out comparative ethnographic-type studies in person was the medieval
Persian scholar Abu Rayhan al-Biruni of the Islamic Golden Age, who wrote about the peoples, customs, and religions of the Indian
subcontinent. According to Akbar S. Ahmed, like modern anthropologists, he engaged in extensive participant observation with a
given group of people, learnt their language and studied their primary texts, and presented his findings with objectivity and
neutrality using cross-cultural comparisons.[25] Others argue, however, that he hardly can be considered an anthropologist in the
conventional sense.[26] He wrote detailed comparative studies on the religions and cultures in the Middle East, Mediterranean, and
especially South Asia.[27][26] Biruni's tradition of comparative cross-cultural study continued in the Muslim world through to Ibn
Khaldun's work in the fourteenth century.[25][28]
Medieval scholars may be considered forerunners of modern anthropology as well, insofar as they conducted or wrote detailed
studies of the customs of peoples considered "different" from themselves in terms of geography. John of Plano Carpini reported of
his stay among the Mongols. His report was unusual in its detailed depiction of a non-European culture.[29]
Marco Polo's systematic observations of nature, anthropology, and geography are another example of studying human variation
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across space.[30] Polo's travels took him across such a diverse human landscape and his accounts of
the peoples he met as he journeyed were so detailed that they earned for Polo the name "the father of
modern anthropology".[31]
Renaissance
The first use of the term "anthropology" in English to refer to a natural science of humanity was
apparently in Richard Harvey's 1593 Philadelphus, a defense of the legend of Brutus in British
history, which, includes the passage: "Genealogy or issue which they had, Artes which they studied,
Actes which they did. This part of History is named Anthropology."
The Enlightenment roots of the discipline

Many scholars consider modern anthropology as an outgrowth of the Age of Enlightenment
(1715–89),[32] a period when Europeans attempted to study human behavior systematically, the
known varieties of which had been increasing since the fifteenth century as a result of the first Cannibalism among "the
European colonization wave. The traditions of jurisprudence, history, philology, and sociology then savages" in Brazil, as described
evolved into something more closely resembling the modern views of these disciplines and informed and pictured by André Thévet
the development of the social sciences, of which anthropology was a part.
It took Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) 25 years to write one of the first major treatises on anthropology, Anthropology from a
Pragmatic Point of View (1798), which treats it as a branch of philosophy.[33] Kant is not generally considered to be a modern
anthropologist, as he never left his region of Germany, nor did he study any cultures besides his own.[34] He did, however, begin
teaching an annual course in anthropology in 1772. Developments in the systematic study of ancient civilizations through the
disciplines of Classics and Egyptology informed both archaeology and eventually social anthropology, as did the study of East and
South Asian languages and cultures. At the same time, the Romantic reaction to the Enlightenment produced thinkers, such as
Johann Gottfried Herder[35] and later Wilhelm Dilthey, whose work formed the basis for the "culture concept", which is central to the
discipline.
Institutionally, anthropology emerged from the development of natural history (expounded by authors such as Buffon) that occurred
during the European colonization of the seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Programs of ethnographic
study originated in this era as the study of the "human primitives" overseen by colonial administrations.
There was a tendency in late eighteenth century Enlightenment thought to understand human society as natural phenomena that
behaved according to certain principles and that could be observed empirically. In some ways, studying the language, culture,
physiology, and artifacts of European colonies was not unlike studying the flora and fauna of those places.
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Early anthropology was divided between proponents of unilinealism, who argued that all societies
passed through a single evolutionary process, from the most primitive to the most advanced, and
various forms of non-lineal theorists, who tended to subscribe to ideas such as diffusionism.[36] Most
nineteenth-century social theorists, including anthropologists, viewed non-European societies as
windows onto the pre-industrial human past.
Overview of the modern discipline

Marxist anthropologist Eric Wolf once characterized anthropology as "the most scientific of the
humanities, and the most humanistic of the social sciences". Understanding how anthropology
developed contributes to understanding how it fits into other academic disciplines. Scholarly
traditions of jurisprudence, history, philology and sociology developed during this time and
informed the development of the social sciences of which anthropology was a part. At the same time,
the Romantic reaction to the Enlightenment produced thinkers such as Herder and later Wilhelm
Dilthey whose work formed the basis for the culture concept which is central to the discipline.
These intellectual movements in part grappled with one of the greatest paradoxes of modernity: as
the world is becoming smaller and more integrated, people's experience of the world is increasingly Table of natural history, 1728
atomized and dispersed. As Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels observed in the 1840s: Cyclopaedia
All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed.
They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death
question for all civilized nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw
material but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products are
consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants,
satisfied by the production of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their
satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national
seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal
interdependence of nations.
Ironically, this universal interdependence, rather than leading to greater human solidarity, has coincided with increasing racial,
ethnic, religious, and class divisions, and new—and to some confusing or disturbing—cultural expressions. These are the conditions
of life with which people today must contend, but they have their origins in processes that began in the 16th century and accelerated
in the 19th century.
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Institutionally anthropology emerged from natural history (expounded by authors such as Buffon). This
was the study of human beings—typically people living in European colonies. Thus studying the
language, culture, physiology, and artifacts of European colonies was more or less equivalent to studying
the flora and fauna of those places. It was for this reason, for instance, that Lewis Henry Morgan could
write monographs on both The League of the Iroquois and The American Beaver and His Works. This is
also why the material culture of 'civilized' nations such as China have historically been displayed in fine
arts museums alongside European art while artifacts from Africa or Native North American cultures
were displayed in natural history museums with dinosaur bones and nature dioramas. Curatorial
practice has changed dramatically in recent years, and it would be wrong to see anthropology as merely
an extension of colonial rule and European chauvinism, since its relationship to imperialism was and is
complex.
Drawing on the methods of the natural sciences as well as developing new techniques involving not only
structured interviews but unstructured "participant-observation"—and drawing on the new theory of
Immanuel Kant
evolution through natural selection, they proposed the scientific study of a new object: "humankind",
(1724-1804)
conceived of as a whole. Crucial to this study is the concept "culture", which anthropologists defined both
as a universal capacity and propensity for social learning, thinking, and acting (which they see as a
product of human evolution and something that distinguishes Homo sapiens—and perhaps all species of genus Homo—from other
species), and as a particular adaptation to local conditions that takes the form of highly variable beliefs and practices. Thus, "culture"
not only transcends the opposition between nature and nurture; it transcends and absorbs the peculiarly European distinction
between politics, religion, kinship, and the economy as autonomous domains. Anthropology thus transcends the divisions between
the natural sciences, social sciences, and humanities to explore the biological, linguistic, material, and symbolic dimensions of
humankind in all forms.
National anthropological traditions

As academic disciplines began to differentiate over the course of the nineteenth century, anthropology grew increasingly distinct
from the biological approach of natural history, on the one hand, and from purely historical or literary fields such as Classics, on the
other. A common criticism was that many social sciences (such as economists, sociologists, and psychologists) in Western countries
focused disproportionately on Western subjects, while anthropology focused disproportionately on the "other".[37]
Britain
Museums such as the British Museum weren't the only site of anthropological studies: with the New Imperialism period, starting in
the 1870s, zoos became unattended "laboratories", especially the so-called "ethnological exhibitions" or "Negro villages". Thus,
"savages" from the colonies were displayed, often nudes, in cages, in what has been called "human zoos". For example, in 1906,
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Congolese pygmy Ota Benga was put by anthropologist Madison Grant in a cage in the Bronx Zoo, labelled "the missing link"
between an orangutan and the "white race"—Grant, a renowned eugenicist, was also the author of The Passing of the Great Race
(1916). Such exhibitions were attempts to illustrate and prove in the same movement the validity of scientific racism, which first
formulation may be found in Arthur de Gobineau's An Essay on the Inequality of Human Races (1853–55). In 1931, the Colonial
Exhibition in Paris still displayed Kanaks from New Caledonia in the "indigenous village"; it received 24 million visitors in six
months, thus demonstrating the popularity of such "human zoos".
Anthropology grew increasingly distinct from natural history and by the end of the nineteenth century the discipline began to
crystallize into its modern form—by 1935, for example, it was possible for T.K. Penniman to write a history of the discipline entitled A
Hundred Years of Anthropology. At the time, the field was dominated by 'the comparative method'. It was assumed that all societies
passed through a single evolutionary process from the most primitive to most advanced. Non-European societies were thus seen as
evolutionary 'living fossils' that could be studied in order to understand the European past. Scholars wrote histories of prehistoric
migrations which were sometimes valuable but often also fanciful. It was during this time that Europeans first accurately traced
Polynesian migrations across the Pacific Ocean for instance—although some of them believed it originated in Egypt. Finally, the
concept of race was actively discussed as a way to classify—and rank—human beings based on difference.
E.B. Tylor and James Frazer
Edward Burnett Tylor (2 October 1832 – 2 January 1917) and James George Frazer (1 January 1854 – 7 May 1941) are generally
considered the antecedents to modern social anthropology in Britain. Although Tylor undertook a field trip to Mexico, both he and
Frazer derived most of the material for their comparative studies through extensive reading, not fieldwork, mainly the Classics
(literature and history of Greece and Rome), the work of the early European folklorists, and reports from missionaries, travelers, and
contemporaneous ethnologists.
Tylor advocated strongly for unilinealism and a form of "uniformity of mankind".[38] Tylor in particular laid the groundwork for
theories of cultural diffusionism, stating that there are three ways that different groups can have similar cultural forms or
technologies: "independent invention, inheritance from ancestors in a distant region, transmission from one race [sic] to
another".[39]
Tylor formulated one of the early and influential anthropological conceptions of culture as "that complex whole, which includes
knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by [humans] as [members] of society".[40]
However, as Stocking notes, Tylor mainly concerned himself with describing and mapping the distribution of particular elements of
culture, rather than with the larger function, and he generally seemed to assume a Victorian idea of progress rather than the idea of
non-directional, multilineal cultural development proposed by later anthropologists.
Tylor also theorized about the origins of religious beliefs in human beings, proposing a theory of animism as the earliest stage, and
noting that "religion" has many components, of which he believed the most important to be belief in supernatural beings (as opposed
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to moral systems, cosmology, etc.). Frazer, a Scottish scholar

with a broad knowledge of Classics, also concerned himself
with religion, myth, and magic. His comparative studies, most
influentially in the numerous editions of The Golden Bough,
analyzed similarities in religious belief and symbolism
globally. Neither Tylor nor Frazer, however, was particularly
interested in fieldwork, nor were they interested in examining
how the cultural elements and institutions fit together. The
Golden Bough was abridged drastically in subsequent editions
after his first.
Bronislaw Malinowski and the British School
Toward the turn of the twentieth century, a number of

anthropologists became dissatisfied with this categorization of
Sir James George Frazer
cultural elements; historical reconstructions also came to
Sir E. B. Tylor (1832-1917), (1854-1941)
seem increasingly speculative to them. Under the influence of
nineteenth-century British
several younger scholars, a new approach came to
anthropologist
predominate among British anthropologists, concerned with analyzing how societies held
together in the present (synchronic analysis, rather than diachronic or historical analysis), and
emphasizing long-term (one to several years) immersion fieldwork. Cambridge University
financed a multidisciplinary expedition to the Torres Strait Islands in 1898, organized by Alfred Cort Haddon and including a
physician-anthropologist, William Rivers, as well as a linguist, a botanist, and other specialists. The findings of the expedition set
new standards for ethnographic description.
A decade and a half later, Polish anthropology student Bronisław Malinowski (1884–1942) was beginning what he expected to be a
brief period of fieldwork in the old model, collecting lists of cultural items, when the outbreak of the First World War stranded him in
New Guinea. As a subject of the Austro-Hungarian Empire resident on a British colonial possession, he was effectively confined to
New Guinea for several years.[41]
He made use of the time by undertaking far more intensive fieldwork than had been done by British anthropologists, and his classic
ethnography, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922) advocated an approach to fieldwork that became standard in the field: getting
"the native's point of view" through participant observation. Theoretically, he advocated a functionalist interpretation, which
examined how social institutions functioned to satisfy individual needs.
British social anthropology had an expansive moment in the Interwar period, with key contributions coming from the Polish-British
Bronisław Malinowski and Meyer Fortes[42]
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A. R. Radcliffe-Brown also published a seminal work in 1922. He had carried out his initial fieldwork in the Andaman Islands in the
old style of historical reconstruction. However, after reading the work of French sociologists Émile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss,
Radcliffe-Brown published an account of his research (entitled simply The Andaman Islanders) that paid close attention to the
meaning and purpose of rituals and myths. Over time, he developed an approach known as structural functionalism, which focused
on how institutions in societies worked to balance out or create an equilibrium in the social system to keep it functioning
harmoniously. (This contrasted with Malinowski's functionalism, and was quite different from the later French structuralism, which
examined the conceptual structures in language and symbolism.)
Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown's influence stemmed from the fact that they, like Boas, actively trained students and aggressively
built up institutions that furthered their programmatic ambitions. This was particularly the case with Radcliffe-Brown, who spread
his agenda for "Social Anthropology" by teaching at universities across the British Commonwealth. From the late 1930s until the
postwar period appeared a string of monographs and edited volumes that cemented the paradigm of British Social Anthropology
(BSA). Famous ethnographies include The Nuer, by Edward Evan Evans-Pritchard, and The Dynamics of Clanship Among the
Tallensi, by Meyer Fortes; well-known edited volumes include African Systems of Kinship and Marriage and African Political
Systems.
Post WW II trends
Max Gluckman, together with many of his colleagues at the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute and students at Manchester University,
collectively known as the Manchester School, took BSA in new directions through their introduction of explicitly Marxist-informed
theory, their emphasis on conflicts and conflict resolution, and their attention to the ways in which individuals negotiate and make
use of the social structural possibilities.
In Britain, anthropology had a great intellectual impact, it "contributed to the erosion of Christianity, the growth of cultural
relativism, an awareness of the survival of the primitive in modern life, and the replacement of diachronic modes of analysis with
synchronic, all of which are central to modern culture."[43]
Later in the 1960s and 1970s, Edmund Leach and his students Mary Douglas and Nur Yalman, among others, introduced French
structuralism in the style of Lévi-Strauss; while British anthropology has continued to emphasize social organization and economics
over purely symbolic or literary topics, differences among British, French, and American sociocultural anthropologies have
diminished with increasing dialogue and borrowing of both theory and methods. Today, social anthropology in Britain engages
internationally with many other social theories and has branched in many directions.
In countries of the British Commonwealth, social anthropology has often been institutionally separate from physical anthropology
and primatology, which may be connected with departments of biology or zoology; and from archaeology, which may be connected
with departments of Classics, Egyptology, and the like. In other countries (and in some, particularly smaller, British and North
American universities), anthropologists have also found themselves institutionally linked with scholars of folklore, museum studies,
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human geography, sociology, social relations, ethnic studies, cultural studies, and social work.
Anthropology has been used in Britain to provide an alternative explanation for the Financial crisis of 2007–2010 to the technical
explanations rooted in economic and political theory. Dr. Gillian Tett, a Cambridge University trained anthropologist who went on to
become a senior editor at the Financial Times is one of the leaders in this use of anthropology.
Canada
Canadian anthropology began, as in other parts of the Colonial world, as ethnological data in the records of travellers and
missionaries. In Canada, Jesuit missionaries such as Fathers LeClercq, Le Jeune and Sagard, in the 17th century, provide the oldest
ethnographic records of native tribes in what was then the Dominion of Canada. The academic discipline has drawn strongly on both
the British Social Anthropology and the American Cultural Anthropology traditions, producing a hybrid "Socio-cultural"
anthropology.
George Mercer Dawson
True anthropology began with a Government department: the Geological Survey of Canada, and George Mercer Dawson (director in
1895). Dawson's support for anthropology created impetus for the profession in Canada. This was expanded upon by Prime Minister
Wilfrid Laurier, who established a Division of Anthropology within the Geological Survey in 1910.
Edward Sapir
Anthropologists were recruited from England and the USA, setting the foundation for the unique Canadian style of anthropology.
Scholars include the linguist and Boasian Edward Sapir.
France
Anthropology in France has a less clear genealogy than the British and American traditions, in part because many French writers
influential in anthropology have been trained or held faculty positions in sociology, philosophy, or other fields rather than in
anthropology.
Marcel Mauss
Most commentators consider Marcel Mauss (1872–1950), nephew of the influential sociologist Émile Durkheim, to be the founder of
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the French anthropological tradition. Mauss belonged to Durkheim's Année Sociologique group.
While Durkheim and others examined the state of modern societies, Mauss and his collaborators
(such as Henri Hubert and Robert Hertz) drew on ethnography and philology to analyze societies
that were not as 'differentiated' as European nation states.
Two works by Mauss in particular proved to have enduring relevance: Essay on the Gift, a
seminal analysis of exchange and reciprocity, and his Huxley lecture on the notion of the person,
the first comparative study of notions of person and selfhood cross-culturally.[44]
Throughout the interwar years, French interest in anthropology often dovetailed with wider
cultural movements such as surrealism and primitivism, which drew on ethnography for
inspiration. Marcel Griaule and Michel Leiris are examples of people who combined anthropology
with the French avant-garde. During this time most of what is known as ethnologie was restricted
to museums, such as the Musée de l'Homme founded by Paul Rivet, and anthropology had a close
relationship with studies of folklore.
Claude Lévi-Strauss
Émile Durkheim
Above all, Claude Lévi-Strauss helped institutionalize anthropology in France. Along with the
enormous influence that his theory of structuralism exerted across multiple disciplines, Lévi-
Strauss established ties with American and British anthropologists. At the same time, he established centers and laboratories within
France to provide an institutional context within anthropology, while training influential students such as Maurice Godelier and
Françoise Héritier. They proved influential in the world of French anthropology. Much of the distinct character of France's
anthropology today is a result of the fact that most anthropology is carried out in nationally funded research laboratories (CNRS)
rather than academic departments in universities
Other influential writers in the 1970s include Pierre Clastres, who explains in his books on the Guayaki tribe in Paraguay that
"primitive societies" actively oppose the institution of the state. These stateless societies are not less evolved than societies with
states, but chose to conjure the institution of authority as a separate function from society. The leader is only a spokesperson for the
group when it has to deal with other groups ("international relations") but has no inside authority, and may be violently removed if
he attempts to abuse this position.[45]
The most important French social theorist since Foucault and Lévi-Strauss is Pierre Bourdieu, who trained formally in philosophy
and sociology and eventually held the Chair of Sociology at the Collège de France. Like Mauss and others before him, he worked on
topics both in sociology and anthropology. His fieldwork among the Kabyle of Algeria places him solidly in anthropology, while his
analysis of the function and reproduction of fashion and cultural capital in European societies places him as solidly in sociology.
12 of 29 29-09-2023, 01:44
United States
From its beginnings in the early 19th century through the early 20th century, anthropology in the
United States was influenced by the presence of Native American societies.
Cultural anthropology in the United States was influenced greatly by the ready availability of Blumenbach's five races.
Native American societies as ethnographic subjects. The field was pioneered by staff of the Bureau
of Indian Affairs and the Smithsonian Institution's Bureau of American Ethnology, men such as
John Wesley Powell and Frank Hamilton Cushing.
Late-eighteenth-century ethnology established the scientific foundation for the field, which began
to mature in the United States during the presidency of Andrew Jackson (1829–1837). Jackson
was responsible for implementing the Indian Removal Act, the coerced and forced removal of an
estimated 100,000 American Indians during the 1830s to Indian Territory in present-day
Oklahoma; for insuring that the franchise was extended to all white men, irrespective of financial
means while denying virtually all black men the right to vote; and, for suppressing abolitionists'
efforts to end slavery while vigorously defending that institution. Finally, he was responsible for
appointing Chief Justice Roger B. Taney who would decide, in Scott v. Sandford (1857), that
Negroes were "beings of an inferior order, and altogether unfit to associate with the white race ...
and so far inferior that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect". As a result
of this decision, black people, whether free or enslaved, could never become citizens of the United
States.
It was in this context that the so-called American School of Anthropology thrived as the champion Franz Boas, one of the pioneers of
of polygenism or the doctrine of multiple origins—sparking a debate between those influenced by modern anthropology, often called
the Bible who believed in the unity of humanity and those who argued from a scientific standpoint the "Father of American
for the plurality of origins and the antiquity of distinct types. Like the monogenists, these theories Anthropology"
were not monolithic and often used words like races, species, hybrid, and mongrel
interchangeably. A scientific consensus began to emerge during this period "that there exists a
Genus Homo, embracing many primordial types of 'species'". Charles Caldwell, Samuel George Morton, Samuel A. Cartwright,
George Gliddon, Josiah C. Nott, and Louis Agassiz, and even South Carolina Governor James Henry Hammond were all influential
proponents of this school. While some were disinterested scientists, others were passionate advocates who used science to promote
slavery in a period of increasing sectional strife. All were complicit in establishing the putative science that justified slavery, informed
the Dred Scott decision, underpinned miscegenation laws, and eventually fueled Jim Crow. Samuel G. Morton, for example, claimed
to be just a scientist but he did not hesitate to provide evidence of Negro inferiority to John C. Calhoun, the prominent pro-slavery
Secretary of State to help him negotiate the annexation of Texas as a slave state.
13 of 29 29-09-2023, 01:44
The high-water mark of polygenic theories was Josiah Nott and Gliddon's voluminous eight-hundred page tome titled Types of
Mankind, published in 1854. Reproducing the work of Louis Agassiz and Samuel Morton, the authors spread the virulent and
explicitly racist views to a wider, more popular audience. The first printing sold out quickly and by the end of the century it had
undergone nine editions. Although many Southerners felt that all the justification for slavery they needed was found in the Bible,
others used the new science to defend slavery and the repression of American Indians. Abolitionists, however, felt they had to take
this science on its own terms. And for the first time, African American intellectuals waded into the contentious debate. In the
immediate wake of Types of Mankind and during the pitched political battles that led to Civil War, Frederick Douglass (1818–1895),
the statesman and persuasive abolitionist, directly attacked the leading theorists of the American School of Anthropology. In an 1854
address, entitled "The Claims of the Negro Ethnologically Considered", Douglass argued that "by making the enslaved a character fit
only for slavery, [slaveowners] excuse themselves for refusing to make the slave a freeman.... For let it be once granted that the
human race are of multitudinous origin, naturally different in their moral, physical, and intellectual capacities ... a chance is left for
slavery, as a necessary institution.... There is no doubt that Messrs. Nott, Glidden, Morton, Smith and Agassiz were duly consulted by
our slavery propagating statesmen" (p. 287).
Lewis Henry Morgan in the United States
Lewis Henry Morgan (1818–1881), a lawyer from Rochester, New York, became an advocate for and ethnological scholar of the
Iroquois. His comparative analyses of religion, government, material culture, and especially kinship patterns proved to be influential
contributions to the field of anthropology. Like other scholars of his day (such as Edward Tylor), Morgan argued that human
societies could be classified into categories of cultural evolution on a scale of progression that ranged from savagery, to barbarism,
to civilization. He focused on understanding how cultures integrated and systematized, and how the various features of one culture
indicate an evolutionary status in comparison with other cultures. Generally, Morgan used technology (such as bowmaking or
pottery) as an indicator of position on this scale.
Franz Boas
Franz Boas established academic anthropology in the United States in opposition to this sort of evolutionary perspective. His
approach was empirical, skeptical of overgeneralizations, and eschewed attempts to establish universal laws. For example, Boas
studied immigrant children to demonstrate that biological race was not immutable, and that human conduct and behavior resulted
from nurture, rather than nature.
Influenced by the German tradition, Boas argued that the world was full of distinct cultures, rather than societies whose evolution
could be measured by how much or how little "civilization" they had. He believed that each culture has to be studied in its
particularity, and argued that cross-cultural generalizations, like those made in the natural sciences, were not possible.
In doing so, he fought discrimination against immigrants, blacks, and indigenous peoples of the Americas.[46] Many American
14 of 29 29-09-2023, 01:44
anthropologists adopted his agenda for social reform, and theories of race continue to be popular subjects for anthropologists today.
The so-called "Four Field Approach" has its origins in Boasian Anthropology, dividing the discipline in the four crucial and
interrelated fields of sociocultural, biological, linguistic, and archaic anthropology (e.g. archaeology). Anthropology in the United
States continues to be deeply influenced by the Boasian tradition, especially its emphasis on culture.
Boas used his positions at Columbia University and the American Museum of Natural History to
train and develop multiple generations of students. His first generation of students included
Alfred Kroeber, Robert Lowie, Edward Sapir and Ruth Benedict, who each produced richly
detailed studies of indigenous North American cultures. They provided a wealth of details used to
attack the theory of a single evolutionary process. Kroeber and Sapir's focus on Native American
languages helped establish linguistics as a truly general science and free it from its historical focus
on Indo-European languages.
The publication of Alfred Kroeber's textbook, Anthropology, marked a turning point in American
anthropology. After three decades of amassing material, Boasians felt a growing urge to
generalize. This was most obvious in the 'Culture and Personality' studies carried out by younger
Boasians such as Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict. Influenced by psychoanalytic psychologists
including Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung, these authors sought to understand the way that
individual personalities were shaped by the wider cultural and social forces in which they grew
up.
Ruth Benedict in 1937
Though such works as Coming of Age in Samoa and The Chrysanthemum and the Sword remain
popular with the American public, Mead and Benedict never had the impact on the discipline of
anthropology that some expected. Boas had planned for Ruth Benedict to succeed him as chair of Columbia's anthropology
department, but she was sidelined by Ralph Linton, and Mead was limited to her offices at the AMNH.
Other countries
Anthropology as it emerged amongst the Western colonial powers (mentioned above) has generally taken a different path than that
in the countries of southern and central Europe (Italy, Greece, and the successors to the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman empires). In
the former, the encounter with multiple, distinct cultures, often very different in organization and language from those of Europe,
has led to a continuing emphasis on cross-cultural comparison and a receptiveness to certain kinds of cultural relativism.[47]
In the successor states of continental Europe, on the other hand, anthropologists often joined with folklorists and linguists in
building cultural perspectives on nationalism. Ethnologists in these countries tended to focus on differentiating among local
ethnolinguistic groups, documenting local folk culture, and representing the prehistory of what has become a nation through various
forms of public education (e.g., museums of several kinds).[48]
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In this scheme, Russia occupied a middle position. On the one hand, it had a large region (largely east of the Urals) of highly distinct,
pre-industrial, often non-literate peoples, similar to the situation in the Americas. On the other hand, Russia also participated to
some degree in the nationalist (cultural and political) movements of Central and Eastern Europe. After the Revolution of 1917, views
expressed by anthropologists in the USSR, and later the Soviet Bloc countries, were highly shaped by the requirement to conform to
Marxist theories of social evolution.[49]
In Greece, there was since the 19th century a science of the folklore called laographia (laography), in the form of "a science of the
interior", although theoretically weak; but the connotation of the field deeply changed after World War II, when a wave of Anglo-
American anthropologists introduced a science "of the outside".[50]
In Italy, the development of ethnology and related studies did not receive as much attention as other branches of learning,[51] but
nonetheless included important researchers and thinkers like Ernesto De Martino.[52]
Some German and Austrian scholars have increased cultural anthropology as both legal anthropology regarding "other" societies and
anthropology of Western civilization.[53]
India
Asian countries and former British colonies like India also developed their own traditions of studying anthropology.[54] In India the
Asiatic Society was established on 15 January 1784 in Kolkata by Sir William Jones, a philologist although, anthropology was not
separately studied in this pioneering centre of learning in India, the scholars in Asiatic Society studied language, history, arts and the
sciences.[55] The next impetus for Anthropology in India came with the Census operations by the British administration in
1881.Indian census data and its publications included huge amount of anthropological information and the first Census
Commissioner Sir H.H.Risley(1851-1911)constructed the racial classification of the Indian population in 1908.[56] The focus of the
Indian census, however changed after the independence of the country.The national government in India became more interested to
employ census operations towards the economic development and reconstruction of the country.[57] The first professional journal of
anthropology in India was the Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay which was founded in 1886. The founding editor of
the journal was Edward Tyrrell Leith, a British national and professor of Law at the Government Law College, Bombay (now
Mumbai). This journal continued up to 1973.[58] Anthropology, first under the name of Ethnography was included as a section in the
first Indian Science Congress Association meeting held in 1914 and since then the subject continued to be included in the Indian
Science Congress and the pioneering Indian anthropologists, like B.S.Guha,S.S.Sarkar, N.K.Bose,D.N.Majumdar, Irawati Karve,
Surajit Sinha, Pranab Ganguly and many eminent scholars delivered their presidential lectures in the Anthropology section of the
Indian Science Congress.[59] The first Department of Anthropology was established at Calcutta University in 1920 by the famous
Indian Vice-Chancellor, Sir Asutosh Mukhopadhyay and Ananthakrishna Ayer (a pioneering Indian anthropologist) was its Head of
the Department.[60] Famous Indian anthropologists, some of them trained outside India, were the founder teachers in the
Department.[61] Saratchandra Mitra(1863-1938), who was the first professor of Anthropology in the first department of
16 of 29 29-09-2023, 01:44
Anthropology in India at the University of Calcutta in 1921[62][63] Ramaprasad Chanda(1873-1942),[64] Haran Chandra
Chakladar(1874-1958),}[65] Panchanan Mitra(1892-1936),[66] B.S. Guha(1894-1961),[67] K.P. Chattppadhaya(1897-1963),[68]
T.C.Das(1898-1964),[69] N.K.Bose(1901-1972),[70] Irawati Karve (1905-1970),[71] D.Sen (1909-1980),[72] S.S.Sarkar(1908-1969),[73]
and many others(including Varrier Elwin(1902-1964)[74] and D.N.Majumdar(1903-1960)[75] developed a strong empirical tradition
of Anthropology in India characterised by ethnographic fieldwork[76] in social-cultural anthropology and anthropometry[77] in
physical anthropology. The thrust on a holistic approach was the cardinal feature of anthropology in India. The second professional
journal of anthropology, which has completed one hundred year in 2021 named Man in India was established by Sarat Chandra
Roy,(1871–1942) a pioneering Indian anthropologist, in 1921.[78] In his landmark article published in the first volume of Man in
India Roy elaborately discussed the origin of professional anthropological research in India.[79] Roy not only critically evaluated the
major theories developed in the then western anthropology, like evolutionism, diffusionism and functionalism with much skepticism
but he also made a novel attempt to synthesize the ideas of ancient Indian philosophers with western anthropological concepts.
Panchanan Mitra,(1892 –1936) who was a professor of ancient Indian history,culture and anthropology during 1919-29 and 1930-36
at the University of Calcutta,[80] and a contemporary of S.C.Roy also held similar views as regards the importance of the Indian
philosophy towards the development of an Indian anthropological tradition.[81][82] Panchanan Mitra was among the first Indians to
study at Yale University and conducted several anthropological expeditions in India and abroad.He was the head of the department
of anthropology of the University of Calcutta and is mostly known for his pioneering book, Prehistoric India, as early as 1923.
Another notable Indian anthropologist of the pre-independence period was Bhupendranath Datta (1880 – 1961) who was the
younger brother of the famous Hindu revivalist social reformer Swami Vivekananda. He joined the anti-British struggle and sent to
prison by the colonial government in India, and later earned an M.A. in sociology from Brown University, USA and a PhD in
anthropology from the University of Hamburg, Germany in 1923. His books Dialectics of Hindu Ritualism (1950) and Studies in
Indian Social Polity (1963) although published much later, can be regarded as pioneering works on Indian society and culture from a
Marxist perspective. Datta's scholarship was not limited to his specialised area in biological anthropology in which he did his
doctorate but was as vast as to include sociology, history, law, philosophy, statistics and literature.Some of his remarkable books
were Bharater Ditiya Swadhinatar Sangram (1949), Bharatiyo Samaj Padhyati (1958), Amar Amerikar Abhijnata (1933),
Baishnab Sahitye Samajtatta (1945), Banglar Itihas (1963), Hindu Law of Inheritance (1957), Dialectics of Land Economics of
India (1952) and Swami Vivekananda: Patriot-Prophet—a study (1954).[83]
Gradually, universities in Lucknow,[84] Delhi,[85] Madras,[86] Pune,[87] and Ranchi[88] also developed strong traditions of
anthropological research and teaching and the largest governmental organisation, the Anthropological Survey of India was
established by Dr. B.S. Guha which also began with the holistic framework of anthropology and added interdisciplinary
collaborations with other biological and social sciences, like biochemistry, geography and linguistics.[89][90] A report of the
University Grants Commission(UGC) of India in 2001 revealed that anthropology as an independent discipline of teaching and
research emerged in colonial India and before 1960 there were only nine anthropology departments in the country. The report
further observed that more than 60 percent of anthropology departments were created after 1960 and they were mainly established
in those states where there was higher concentration of tribal population, which included Eastern and North Eastern regions. The
process of opening new departments of anthropology continues even today. In more than 90 percent of the universities anthropology
17 of 29 29-09-2023, 01:44
departments are having an integrated course outline where all sub-disciplines of anthropology are being taught.[91] Anthropology
and anthropologists in India played important roles in the Annual Conferences of the Indian Science Congress Association in pre-
independence and post-independence periods. Notable sectional presidential lectures were delivered by B.S. Guha (1938),[92] T.C.
Das (1941),[92] S.S. Sarkar (1951),[73] D.N. Majumdar(1946)[93] and N.K. Bose (1963)[94] who highlighted the contributions of both
Indian and foreign anthropologists in all the sub-disciplines of the subject. In contrast to Europe, Indian anthropologists paid more
importance to the collection of data from the field rather than on building theories.[95][96] In this context the seminal contributions
of S.R.K. Chopra(1931-1984) of Panjab University deserve mention. Professor Chopra discovered pre-hominid fossils from the
Siwalik hills, which documented the important stages of human evolution and also designed an instrument known as 'pelvimeter' for
measuring angles of the pelvis in primates including humans.[97][98] Nirmal Kumar Bose after joining the Anthropological Survey of
India in 1959 as Director involved all researchers in a mega project to collect data on the socio-economic and cultural aspects of
villages covering 311 districts of India out of 322 and the results of this survey was published in a volume entitled Peasant life in
India: A Study in Indian Unity and Diversity in 1961.The plethora of data on the material and ideological aspects of rural India
contained in the book is one of the best works done by the anthropologists in the government department. This is a book which has
tremendous contemporary policy relevance at least for three important reasons. First this book revealed with empirical information
that peasant life in India cannot be improved without understanding its material diversity. Second, it showed the real value of
collecting first hand information from the peasants, which should be the guiding principle behind planning and policy formulation
from below, not from the top. Third, peasant life in India has an underlying cultural unity of non-competitive tolerance and peaceful
coexistence, which shaped the ambition and aspiration of the peasants throughout the centuries.[99] At the end of his life N.K.Bose in
his posthumous article spoke out on the role of anthropologists in nation building in unequivocal terms
An anthropologist does not merely play the part of an observer in a game of chess. He has a greater and deeper commitment,
namely, that in India he has to draw a lesson from what he observes, so that he can utilize his knowledge in the attainment of the
egalitarian ideal which our nation has set before itself as its goal. If he also accepts this ideal, then, with his superior analytical
apparatus, and the use of comparisons and synthetic thinking, he can suggest many modifications in the ways in which the
government or leaders of society are trying to bring about justice where injustice prevails today. And this is where anthropology
has a very significant role to play and a heavy responsibility to bear (Bose 1974: iv).[100]
The empirical tradition of Indian anthropology was continued by the People of India project launched by the Anthropological Survey
of India by its Director General Dr.K.S.Singh.[101] The People of India project started in October 1985 and its objectives were to (i)
generate a brief, descriptive anthropological profile of all the communities of India and (ii) the impact on them of change and
development processes and the links that bring them together.From 1985-1992 as many as 4635 communities in all the states and
union territories of India were identified and described out of the 6748 listed initially. As many as 600 scholars participated in this
project, including 19 from 26 institutions. About 100 workshops and rounds of discussions were held in all the states and union
territories, and in these about 3000 scholars participated. The outputs of this project have already been published under several
volumes.[102]
In the post-independence period the Indian anthropologists also became interested in the task of nation building, which was evident
18 of 29 29-09-2023, 01:44
in the notable works done by T.C. Das on Bengal famine and B.S.Guha, the founder director of the Anthropological Survey of India
on the social tensions among the Bengali refugees from erstwhile East Pakistan in an UNESCO project.[103][104][105][106][107][108] The
work of T.C.Das who was a teacher at the Department of Anthropology, Calcutta University on the Great Bengal Famine was
published in 1949. This was a unique study which depicted the misery of the famine affected people of Bengal through the
anthropological method of fieldwork and was published by the University of Calcutta in 1949.[109][110] Much later, T.C.Das's
firsthand empirical information on Bengal famine was profusely used by the Nobel Laureate economist Amartya Sen and the
American historian Mark Tauger to build their own theoretical formulations on famine and Bengali society and culture under acutely
critical conditions[111][112] Das's another earlier study on the Purum Kuki tribe of the north-east India also became well-known at the
national and international levels since the data presented by Das in his book The Purums: An Old Kuki tribe of Manipur published in
1945 by the Calcutta University became one of the major sources of database in the acrimonious debate on descent versus alliance
theories on kinship in Anglo-American Anthropology which involved mavericks like Claude Levi-Strauss, George Homans, David
Schneider, Rodney Needham, Floyd Lounsbury and others.The Indian anthropologists too continued their ethnographic enterprise
on the Purum on behalf of the premier governmental institution of the country--- the Anthropological Survey of India. A team of
anthropologists were sent to the field area where Das conducted his ethnographic observations during 1931-1936 and a book was
published entitled Proceedings of the Symposium on Purum (Chote) Revisited in 1985 as an outcome of a symposium in which about
20 anthropologists, two educated members of the tribe participated and presented their views/papers on the Purums (Das Gupta
et.al. 1985).[113] Another important anthropological study on the social impact assessment of the resettlement of the refugees in the
Anadaman islands from the then East Pakistan was done by Surajit Sinha in 1951.[114] Resettlement of displaced people by mega
development projects(dams and industries) under the five year plans was also studied by the anthropologists in the post-
independence period. Irawati Karve,[115] who contributed profusely in both Physical and Social Anthropology conducted a study with
Jai Nimbkar published in a book entitled A Survey of the People Displaced Through the Koyna Dam (1969) was the first of its kind
on displacement caused by a big dam in India.[116][117] In 1960 B.K.Roy Burman,[118] an anthropologist appointed as Assistant
Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Government of India undertook an anthropological study on the
problems of the tribal and other populations who were displaced by the establishment of the huge public sector steel factory at
Rourkela in Orissa. On his suggestion the study of the ‘Social Processes in the Industrialization of Rourkela’ was taken up as a project
for being investigated by the Census Organization. The study was carried out by a team under the leadership of Roy Burman and the
results were published by him under the Monograph Series of the Census of India, 1961. It is not only the first social impact
assessment research on industrialisation in India but one of the pioneering studies on development caused displacement and
resettlement at the global level.[119][120] The application of anthropological knowledge for the development and welfare of the tribal
populations in the post-independence period became a major thrust area of study for the anthropologists and notable contributions
in this field were made by Verrier Elwin, Christoph von Fürer-Haimendorf, L.P.Vidyarthi, B.N.Sahay, Sachchidananda,
B.K.RoyBurman and others.[121][122][123] The physical anthropologists in India have also contributed immensely not only in the study
of the classification of human groups on the basis of the biological characters but also in the bio-social fields of human
growth,nutrition and health in the context of society and culture.[124][125] The colonial ‘Physical Anthropology’ (represented by
H.H.Risley and his classification of the Indian population into ‘Races’) gradually transformed into much wider ‘Human Biology’,
which devoted itself to the task of building a healthy nation.[126][127]
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The development of world anthropologies has followed different trajectories.
20th-century developments
In the mid-20th century, American anthropology began to study its own history more systematically. In 1967 Marvin Harris
published his The Rise of Anthropological Theory, presenting argumentative examinations of anthropology's historical
developments, and George W. Stocking, Jr., established the historicist school, examining the historical contexts of anthropological
movements.
See also
▪ History of archaeology
▪ List of anthropologists
▪ Musée de l'Homme founded by Paul Rivet
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▪ Elwell, Frank W. (2007). "Harris on the Universal Structure of Societies" (http://www.faculty.rsu.edu/users/f/felwell/www/Theorists/
Essays/Harris1.htm). Socio-cultural Systems.
▪ The Historyscoper (http://historyscoper.com/anthropologistscope.html)
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History of anthropology - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.

The science of history

researches of Herodotus of Halicarnassus ...."

The Enlightenment roots of the discipline

Overview of the modern discipline

National anthropological traditions

E.B. Tylor and James Frazer

to moral systems, cosmology, etc.). Frazer, a Scottish scholar

Bronislaw Malinowski and the British School

Toward the turn of the twentieth century, a number of

George Mercer Dawson

Lewis Henry Morgan in the United States

The development of world anthropologies has followed different trajectories.

12. Harris 2001, p. 159

60. "Archived copy" (https://web.archive.org/web/20120316084320/http://www.new.dli.ernet.in/rawdataupload/upload/insa/INSA_1/20

77. "Anthropometry | Human Body Measurement & Analysis" (https://www.britannica.com/science/anthropometry).

Fieldnotes and memoirs of anthropologists

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