TALLINNA ÜLIKOOL

HUMANITAARTEADUSTE DISSERTATSIOONID

TALLINN UNIVERSITY
DISSERTATIONS ON HUMANITIES

37

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 RAILI ALLMÄE

IRON AGE CREMATION BURIALS IN SOUTH-

EASTERN AND WEST ESTONIA.
AN OSTEOLOGICAL APPROACH

Tallinn 2017

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TALLINNA ÜLIKOOL
HUMANITAARTEADUSTE DISSERTATSIOONID
TALLINN UNIVERSITY
DISSERTATIONS ON HUMANITIES

37

Raili Allmäe
IRON AGE CREMATION BURIALS IN SOUTH-EASTERN AND WEST ESTONIA.
AN OSTEOLOGICAL APPROACH
Institute of Humanities, Tallinn University, Tallinn, Estonia

The dissertation was accepted for the defence of the degree of Doctor Philosphiae in History
by the Doctoral Studies Council of Humanities of Tallinn University on April 18th, 2017.

Supervisors: Marika Mägi, Senior Researcher at Tallinn University

Leiu Heapost, PhD
Opponents: Gunita Zarina, Senior Researcher at Latvian University
Laurynas Kurila, Researcher at Lithuanian Institute of History

The defence will take place on June 19th, 2017 at 16 o’clock at Tallinn University lecture
hall M-649, Uus-Sadama st 5, Tallinn.

This research was supported by the European Social Fund’s Doctoral Studies and
Internationalisation Programme DoRa and by the Estonian Ministry of Education and
Research, targeted financing no. SF0042476s03 and SF0130012s08. Also by Estonian
Science Foundation grants ETF5973 and ETF6899.

Copyright: Raili Allmäe, 2017

Copyright: Tallinn University, 2017

ISSN 1736-5031(pdf)
ISBN 978-9949-29-330-8(pdf)

Tallinn University
Narva Rd 25
10120 Tallinn
www.tlu.ee

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CONTENTS
LIST OF PUBLICATIONS ..................................................................................................... 7
ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................ 9
PREFACE ............................................................................................................................. 10
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................................................................................. 11
INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 12
The study of cremated human remains in Northern Europe ............................................. 13
The osteological research on cremated human remains in Estonia ................................... 17
The history of palaeodemographic investigations in Estonia............................................ 19
AIMS ..................................................................................................................................... 22
1. MATERIAL ...................................................................................................................... 23
1.1. West Estonia .............................................................................................................. 23
1.2. South-eastern Estonia ................................................................................................ 25
2. METHODS........................................................................................................................ 27
2.1. Relationship between bone finds and number of burials ........................................... 27
2.2. Estimating minimum and probable number of buried individuals ............................. 27
2.2.1. West Estonian graves ......................................................................................... 27
2.2.2. South-eastern Estonian graves............................................................................ 28
2.3. Proportion of determinable cremated bone units in grave ......................................... 29
2.4. Colouration of cremated bones as an indicator of cremation temperature ................. 29
2.5. The fracture pattern of cremated bones...................................................................... 30
2.6. Fragmentation stage of the cremains ......................................................................... 31
2.7. Assessment of sex and age at death ........................................................................... 31
2.8. Demographic estimations........................................................................................... 32
2.9. Radiocarbon dating of bone ....................................................................................... 34
2.9.1. Radiocarbon dating of cremation burials............................................................ 34
2.9.2. Radiocarbon dating of inhumation burials ......................................................... 34
2.10. Statistical analysis .................................................................................................... 35
3. RESULTS.......................................................................................................................... 36
3.1. Cremated bone material ............................................................................................. 36
3.1.1. Radiocarbon dates .............................................................................................. 36
3.1.2. The fragmentation of cremated bones and proportion of determined bone units
in graves as an indicator of burial practice ........................................................ 36
3.1.3. The colouration of cremated bones as an indicator of pyre temperature ............ 40
3.1.4. Character of cremated bone material and its relation to burial practice ............. 41
3.2. Demographic figures and community size ................................................................. 42
3.2.1. Number of burials, biological sex and age at death assessments ........................ 42
3.2.2. Radiocarbon dates and time-span of grave usage ............................................... 44
3.2.3. Demographic figures: mortality, fertility and community size ........................... 46
3.3. Temporal and cultural differences in middle and late Iron Age west Estonian and
south-eastern Estonian burial customs ....................................................................... 50
3.3.1. The grave types, dates and burial practice .......................................................... 50
3.3.2. The influence of the funeral pyre on human remains ......................................... 51
3.3.3. Other agents responsible for bone fragmentation in recovered cremation burial
deposits .............................................................................................................. 52

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 3.3.4. The character of cremated bones and burial customs in Iron Age Estonia ......... 54
3.3.5. Pyre sites ............................................................................................................ 58
3.3.6. Cemetery and community size ........................................................................... 59
3.3.7. Burial customs for children and infants.............................................................. 60
CONCLUSIONS ................................................................................................................... 65
REFERENCES ...................................................................................................................... 68
Appendix 1. Table 6. Community size calculations. Models ........................................... 81
Appendix 2. Measurements of cremated bone fragments. Tables 7.1.-7.2. ...................... 82
Appendix 3. Lifetables non-corrected. Tables 8.1.-8.6. .................................................... 83
Appendix 4. Life tables corrected after Rösing and Jankauskas (1997). Tables 9.1.-9.6. ... 85
Appendix 5. Poanse demographic calculations. Tables 10.1.-10.4 ................................... 87
PUBLICATIONS .................................................................................................................. 89
I. Some remarks on Kaseküla stone-cist grave, Läänemaa, Estonia ................................. 91
II. Kirikumägi at Siksälä: evidence of a new grave form of South-Eastern Estonia? ..... 101
III. Observations on Estonian Iron Age cremations ........................................................ 119
IV. The demography of Iron Age graves in Estonia ....................................................... 139
KOKKUVÕTE .................................................................................................................... 157
ELULOOKIRJELDUS ........................................................................................................ 160
CURRICULUM VITAE ..................................................................................................... 160

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LIST OF PUBLICATIONS
This dissertation is based on four publications, which are referred to in the analytical
overview by Roman numerals.
I. Allmäe, R. (2010). Some remarks on Kaseküla stone-cist grave, Läänemaa, Estonia.
Fennoscandia Archaeologica, XXVII, 45–52.
II. Valk, H., Allmäe, R. (2010). Kirikumägi at Siksälä: evidence of a new grave form of
South-Eastern Estonia? Estonian Journal of Archaeology, 14(1), 40–55.
III. Allmäe, R. (2013). Observations on Estonian Iron Age cremations. Archaeologia
Baltica, 19, 31–47.
IV. Allmäe, R. (2014). The demography of Iron Age graves in Estonia. Lietuvos
Archeologija, 40, 103–120.
The author’s responsibility for publication II was analysis of the osteological material and
drawing conclusions based on cremated human remains, the preparation and writing of
publication II was shared with the co-author.

List of other related publications

Mägi, M., Allmäe, R., Maldre, L. (1998). Viking Age graveyard at Piila, Saaremaa.
Archeological Fieldwork in Estonia 1997 / Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis 1997, 99–116.
Allmäe, R. (2003). Läänemaa 5.–13. sajandi kalmete antropoloogiline aines. In: M. Mandel,
Läänemaa 5.–13. sajandi kalmed. Lisa 1. Tallinn: Eesti Ajaloomuuseum, 243–262.
Allmäe, R., Maldre, L. (2005). Rõsna-Saare I kääbaskalmistu – esialgseid osteoloogilisi
andmeid. In: Ü. Tamla, ed., Setumaa kogumik, 3: Uurimusi Setumaa loodusest, ajaloost ja
folkloristikast. Tallinn: Ajaloo Instituut, 121–137.
Allmäe, R. (2006). Grave 2 of Maidla – the burial site of a single family. Estonian Journal of
Archaeology, 10(1), 3–23.
Allmäe, R., Aun, M., Maldre, L. (2007). Cremations of the culture of long barrows in
Northern Setumaa in the second half of the first millenium. Preliminary results.
Humanbiologia Budapestinensis, 30, 113–122.
Aun, M., Allmäe, R., Maldre, L. (2008). Pikk-kääbaste tähendusest (Rõsna küla
kääbaskalmistute materjali alusel). In: Ü. Tamla, ed., Setumaa kogumik, 4. Uurimusi
Setumaa loodusest, ajaloost ja folkloristikast. Tallinn: Tallinna Ülikooli Ajaloo Instituut,
269–290.
Allmäe, R. (2008). Role of fire in burial customs. On the basis of two Iron Age burial places
in Estonia. In: AEA 2008 Annual Conference, The consequences of Fire, 12.–14. September
2008, Århus, Denmark. Denmark: Moesgård Museum, 17–19.
Valk, H., Allmäe, R. (2009). Põletusmatused Siksälä Kerigumäel. In: M. Aun, ed., Setomaa,
2. Vanem ajalugu muinasajast kuni 1920. aastani. Tartu: Eesti Rahva Muuseum, 387.

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Allmäe, R., Aun, M., Maldre, L. (2009). Rõsna-Saarõ I kääbaskalmistu. In: M. Aun, ed.,
Setomaa, 2. Vanem ajalugu muinasajast kuni 1920. aastani. Tartu: Eesti Rahva Muuseum,
88–94.
Mandel, M., Allmäe, R. (2009). Ergebnisse der archäologischen Ausgrabungen in Uugla.
Archeological Fieldwork in Estonia / Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis 2008, 114–123.
Mandel, M., Allmäe, R. (2013). Forschungs- und Herrichtungsarbeiten im Gräberfeld zu
Maidla. Archaeological Fieldworks in Estonia / Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis 2012, 281–
288.
Allmäe, R. (2014). Rõsna kääbaskalmistud Põhja-Setumaal: põletusmatuste
uuringutulemused. In: Ü. Tamla, V. Lang, eds., Ajast ja ruumist. Uurimusi Mare Auna auks.
Muinasaja teadus, 25. Tallinn; Tartu: Tallinna Ülikooli Ajaloo Instituut, Tartu Ülikooli
ajaloo ja arheoloogia instituut, 39–50.
Mandel, M., Allmäe, R., Maldre, L. (2015). Eine weitere Überraschung vom Gräberfeld zu
Maidla. Archeological Fieldwork in Estonia / Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis 2014, 107–
112.
Аллмяэ Р., Аун М., Малдре Л. (2007). Предварительные результаты изучения
остеогического материала курганных могильников Рысна-Сааре I и II в Северной
Сетумаа (Юго-Восточная Эстония). In: Археология и история Пскова и Псковской
земли. Семинар имени академика В. В. Седова. Материалы LII заседания,
посвященного памяти профессора А. Р. Артемьева. Псков: Институт археологии
РАН, 298–310.
Аллмяэ Р., Аун М., Малдре Л. (2008). К вопросу о значении длинных курганов (по
археологическим и остеологическим данным). In: Археология и история Пскова и
Псковской земли. Семинар имени академика В. В. Седова. Материалы LIII заседания.
Псков: Институт археологии РАН, 303–312.

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ABSTRACT
Several Estonian Middle and Late Iron Age graves with cremations and
inhumations from west and south-eastern Estonia were investigated in the period
1997 to 2011. During the research period various descriptive and metric data on
cremated bone materials from west and south-eastern Estonia were recorded.
The first aim of the study was to systematise and interpret the data collected on
descriptive and metric features of cremated bone material in order to provide some
generalisations on Estonian cremations. A comparative study of graves on the basis
of the minimum number of buried individuals and the number of determined bone
finds in graves, as well as bone fragmentation and colouration, is presented. Some
conclusions on possible temporal changes and cultural differences in burial
practices are made on the basis of these characteristics. Radiocarbon dating by the
Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (AMS) method using burnt and inhumed human
bones from six investigated graves was conducted in order to specify the usage time
of the graves. The second aim of the study was to estimate the number of burials in
graves, the age at death and sex of the deceased, and to model the demographic
figures for some Estonian Iron Age communities. Three graves from south-eastern
Estonia and two from west Estonia were suitable for palaeodemographic analysis.
The five burial grounds studied were exploited by communities of 4–9 people
usually, which corresponds to one family or household. The Rõsna-Saare I barrow
cemetery in south-eastern Estonia indicated the possibility of a somewhat larger
community, which may mean an extended family, larger household, or usage by
two nuclear families. The crude death rate estimated on the bases of juvenility
indices varied at Rõsna village between 55.1‰ and 60.0‰ (58.5‰ on average)
during the Middle Iron Age. The estimated crude death rate was somewhat lower
(38.9‰) in Late Iron Age Maidla, and extremely high (92,1‰) in Middle Iron Age
Maidla, indicating an unsustainable community The third aim of the study was to
assess possible regional, cultural and temporal differences in the handling of human
remains in connection with burial customs in west and south-eastern Estonia.
During the Middle Iron age in south-eastern sand barrow cemeteries only
cremations were detected, although cremation was practiced with child or infant
deaths. In west Estonian stone graves during the Middle and Late Iron Age,
inhumation and cremation were both practiced; the burial practice of children and
infants is ambiguous, as their cremated remains are rarely found in graves.

Key words: cremation, Iron Age, bone fragment size, radiocarbon dates, cremated
bone, Estonia, burial custom, palaeodemography.

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PREFACE
“Curiosity killed the cat…
Satisfaction brought it back.”
English proverb

I would say the first half of this phrase has always been true. The investigation of
cremated human remains came out of pure curiosity. How much information can we
acquire from burned bones in graves? Is an investigation even possible? What are
the results? I should admit that there we moments when I felt very much like that
curious cat. Today I know that to understand the message present in burnt bones
takes time, a lot of time; in order to reach even general conclusions, add some more
time. I hope one day the second half of the proverb will also come true. Cremated
human remains are common finds in Estonian Iron Age graves, and studies of the
artefacts, grave construction and funerary practice surrounding Iron Age burials
using cremations have been conducted for decades and are numerous in Estonian
archaeological research.
Despite of the enormous amount of cremains collected from archeologically
investigated burial places, materials studied osteologically are scarce in Estonia.
There are various reasons for this. The first is the number of osteologists in Estonia.
Researchers in the field of osteoarchaeology are very few in comparison with the
number of active archaeologists. Therefore the new generation of anthropologists
and osteoarchaeologists is warmly welcomed. Secondly, analysing cremated human
and animal remains is time- and labour-intensive; the results of the work are seldom
sensational. The determination of species, assessment of age and sex of cremated
humans, measurement, counting the bones, assessment of colour and fracture
pattern of bones and description of composition of bone assemblages, etc. – these
are processes that take time, and sometimes several iterations.
The third set of reasons would be methodological. The results of osteological
analysis depend on excavation technique and need fair archaeological context, thus
good collaboration with the archaeologists who excavate the burial place is
mandatory. If you can participate in the archaeological fieldwork by yourself, this is
even better. Osteological methodology is also important and depends on material.
Methods that work for one material do not necessarily work for another. In the case
of scattered cremations, the results of analysis might have little to say if the
osteologist does not synthesise the results (for example, using established criteria to
distinguish plausible burials in a grave) in order to facilitate conclusions.
However, despite all of this, curiosity can do more than kill the cat. It can force you
to find relations, reason and patterns, even if these are hidden to begin with.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I have had very good company on this road, and I hope it will last.
Archaeozoologist Liina Maldre is the colleague I want to thank most. The time we
spent together working with cremated bone materials from the graves of Läänemaa
(west Estonia) and northern Setumaa (south-eastern Estonia) is precious. I am
grateful to my tutor and dear colleague Leiu Heapost for her kind and subtle
teaching through the years at the Institute of History. I am thankful to my tutor
Marika Mägi for valuable comments on my papers and writings. Without the
guidance and leadership of archaeologists Mare Aun and Mati Mandel the puzzle of
cremations would have not been solved for these cemeteries: thank you. I am
grateful to Rimantas Jankauskas, from Vilnius University, for enlightenment in the
field of human cremation, and for encouraging discussion and for giving valuable
advice.
I’m very grateful to my reviewers, Professor Elisabeth Iregren and Dr. Laurynas
Kurila; their comments and advice have been extremely helpful.
There are so many colleagues and friends to whom I am thankful for inspiration,
encouragement, discussion, support, and jokes; however, you know it already.
My family – when I had good times, when I had hard times, you were always on my
side. It kept me going.

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INTRODUCTION
In Estonia cremation burials appear in the Late Bronze Age (1100–500 BC), for
example in stone-cist graves and ship graves, however inhumation is still
characteristic for the period (Lang, 2007a: 154; Jaanits et al, 1982: 150–151).
Cremation burials are occasionally found beneath Late Bronze Age cists and Early
Iron Age (500 BC–450 AD) tarand graves (Laul, 2001: 27–32; Lang, 2007a: 217–
218). In south-eastern Estonia, including Setumaa, the tradition to bury cremated
human remains in pit graves also appeared in Bronze Age and lasted during the Pre-
Roman period (500 BC–50 AD) and Roman Iron Age (50–450 AD), and even up to
medieval times (Laul, 2001: 27–31; Kiristaja, 2009: 48–54; Lillak, 2009: 82; Aun,
2009: 83).
During the Early Iron Age, cremations appear in cairn graves and are found
occasionally in many Pre-Roman early tarand, where they appear with inhumations
(Lang, 2006: 65–67, 2007a: 170–180; Kalman, 2000a, 2000b, 2000c, 2000d;
Kivirüüt, 2014). In Roman Iron Age tarand graves cremation as well inhumation
was practiced (Lang, 2007a: 191–205; Mägi, 2005a, 2005b); however, cremation
was the prevailing burial practice during the Roman Iron Age, for example in
tarand graves in south-eastern Estonia (Laul, 2001: 195–197; Lang, 2007a: 198–
201, 2007b: 144). Roman Iron Age (50 AD–450 AD) burial sites are not found in
continental west Estonia (Lang, 2007a: 202; Mandel, 2000: 108, 2003: 11). At the
beginning of the Middle Iron Age (450–800 AD) burial sites, for example stone
graves without formal structure like Maidla I, Lihula and Ehmja ‘Varetemägi’,
appear in Läänemaa, west Estonia; in these graves cremations as well inhumations
are found (Mandel, 2003: 27–42, 128; Tvauri, 2012: 257). As well as underground
cremation burial, the stone grave without formal structure is the most common
grave type during the Late Iron Age (800–1200 AD) in west Estonia (Mandel,
2003: 170; Mägi, 2004; Tvauri, 2012: 258–268). In south-eastern and eastern
Estonia sand barrows with cremation burials appear at the beginning of the Middle
Iron Age. Cremation barrows are attributed to the Culture of Long Barrows, and are
most numerous in the villages Laossina and Rõsna, in northern Setomaa, on the
western shore of Lake Peipsi (Aun, 1992, 2009: 70–116; Tvauri, 2012: 269).
The present study mainly concerns human skeletal remains collected from Middle
and Late Iron Age burial grounds in south-eastern and west Estonia, and is the first
attempt to generalise the results of research conducted during the 1997–2011
period. Human skeletal remains from the sand barrows of northern Setumaa (south-
eastern Estonia) and from stone graves of west Estonia were the core of the
research. Additionally, one Late Bronze Age stone cist grave in west Estonia was
investigated to shed light on the burial customs relating to children. One Early Iron
Age tarand grave and one Late Iron Age flat-ground cemetery in south-eastern
were studied to find possible differences in the character of skeletal materials
collected from graves.The inhumated and cremated human skeletal remains from
ten graves from West Estonia (2008 bone assemblages) and five graves (548 bone

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assemblages) from South-eastern Estonia were analysed, the results were
systematised and interpreted in order describe burial sites and burial practise, and to
find some temporal and/or regional differences in burial custom.
Firstly the character of cremated bone assemblages was described. The colouration
of bones was assessed in order estimate the cremation temperature and burial
practice. To estimate the fragmentation stage of cremated bones in graves the
longest tubular bone fragment and biggest cranial vault fragment were measured in
bone units collected from graves. For this purpose the percentage of bone units
where at least one determinable cremated human bone fragment was recovered, was
also calculated. Secondly, the minimum, and the plausible, number of buried
individuals, their biological age at death and their sex were estimated for graves in
order to describe skeletal populations buried and to model the living communities
who used the graves. Radiocarbon dating (AMS method) was used to specify the
time-span of grave usage and to find out possible re-use of graves. The third aim of
the research was to find possible temporal, regional and/or sociocultural differences
in burial practice. For this purpose, the character of the skeletal remains and burial
practice was analysed and interpreted. Special attention has been paid to the burial
practice of children, and to the peculiarities of cremated bone units collected from
possible pyre sites. The possibility to detect the ritual crushing of bones within the
framework of the burial customs of Middle and Late Iron Age communities is
discussed in light of recent research into cremated bones in neighbouring countries.
In Estonian archaeological collections the amount of collected cremains is
significant; however materials studied osteologically are scarce. The present study
of osteological materials from Middle and Late Iron Age graves from west and
south-eastern Estonia aims to fill this gap to some extent.

THE STUDY OF CREMATED HUMAN REMAINS IN NORTHERN

EUROPE
In discussions with my colleagues from countries around the Baltic Sea I have
realised that most of the work done with cremated osteological materials is still
reports in archives, very few of which have been published in recent years.
Despite this I have found that various research has been published on cremated
bones in Northern Europe, usually based on extensive material. Very intriguing
aspects of cremation are studied, and rapidly developing scientific methods allow
the study of the osteological materials in quite new ways. This will hopefully
reclaim the cremation grave as a source of archaeological and osteological
research.Cremated human and animal remains were deemed worthless in
archaeology because of the fragmentation of bones and the little information they
carried. The importance and value of cremated human remains is recognised mainly
due to research of Swedish professor Nils-Gustaf Gejvall. In his osteological works
Niels-Gustaf Gejvall demonstrated that cremations are a valuable source of

13
demographic estimates, and of cultural studies, of past societies (1948, 1959, 1961,
1963, and 1981).
Elisabeth Iregren, a student of professor Gejvall, investigated cremated human and
animal bones from the Iron to Viking Age at Varby-Varberg near Stockholm
(Iregren, 1972). The methods Iregren used in her dissertation were mainly worked
out by professor Gejvall (1948, 1963), although Iregren made several important
conclusions about the composition and size of the human population and about the
pathologies evidenced on bones; the composition of animal remains in graves; the
age composition of domesticated animals; and how human and animal remains were
burnt. She also made important observations concerning the representation of
different skeletal elements in cremation layers and urn graves and established
criteria by which to define pyre sites (Iregren, 1972). Later on, to mention only few,
Iregren (1983, 1997) analysed and interpreted cremated osteological (human and
animal) materials from several Swedish Iron Age graves, as well as making
important conclusions on the burial customs of the Iron Age, especially on the basis
of the accompanying animals in cremation graves.
Pirjo Lahtiperä, also a student of professor Gejvall, who worked in cooperation with
Unto Salo on Finnish Iron Age graves at the Valley of Kokemäe River, investigated
cremated human bone material from 16 burial sites and determined the age at death
and/or sex of 50 individuals. She also described the bone concentrations she
studied, measured the long bone fragments and described bone colour (Lahtiperä,
1970: 199–219).
Per Holck, Norwegian researcher investigated eastern Norwegian cremation graves
from the Bronze to Late Iron Age (1986). With his study “Cremated Bones: A
Medical-anthropological Study of Archaeological Material on Cremation Burials”
Holck has achieved significant results relating to prehistoric cremation practice,
pyre temperature and the peculiarity of burials, especially child burials, as well as
discussing different aging and sexing methods, pathologies and the occurrence of
animal bones in graves. Probably the most valuable part of Holck’s study is the
proposed classification using grades of cremation (Holck, 1997/2008: 90–114).
Holck has revised his study twice: in 1997 the analysis of Danish cremation graves
were added, while in 2008 there were only minor changes (Holck, 1997/2008).
Berit Sigvallius (1994) analysed Swedish Iron Age cremations from North Spanga
in her doctoral dissertation “Funeral Pyres”. Apart from comprehensive analysis of
human and animal remains she also made some cremation experiments with
different animals, pyre constructions and different species of timber. She concluded
that experienced people conducted the cremation process and that burial rituals
included crushing the bones because the bones do not fragment to such high degree
only through fire (Sigvallius, 1994: 31–33). The idea of ritually crushing cremated
bones before burial is also suggested by Anders Kaliff (Kaliff 1992, 1997; Kaliff,
Oestigaard, 2004). Sigvallius (1994, 118–120) also found out that in North Spanga
the proportions of clean bones in graves diminishes and proportions of sooty bones
increases from The Early Iron Age to the Late Iron Age, but both may occur in

14
parallel from the Migration Period to the Viking Age. For demographic calculations
Sigvallius suggested only models taking into account only adults, because
children’s cremains are seldom found in Iron Age graves.
Caroline Arcini (2005) has found that the osteological composition of Swedish
cremation graves is various, with especially highly variable presence of the petrous
part of the temporal bone. The presence of petrous parts is frequent in compact
burial assemblages in some kind of container (61–94%), and is very low (10–15%)
in other burials (scattered cremations, bone layers, cremation pits, etc.). Arcini
(2005) also proposed criteria to distinguish a burial place from the pyre site: the
pyre site is usually a sooty patch with some charcoal and soot and tiny bone
fragments; the absence of the petrous part of temporal bone is common.
In Finland published osteological studies based on cremation graves are scarce. The
first thoroughly investigated and published cremation cemetery in Finland is
Vainionmäki A (Purhonen, 1996). Vainionmäki A is a cremation cemetery under
level ground, where single and scattered human remains were found. Individual
burials were not usually discernible at Vainionmäki A, due to the collective nature
of most burials (Purhonen, 1996: 120). Tarja Formisto (1996) investigated the
cremated bones at Vainionmäki A grave in order to estimate the number of burials
in graves, the sex and the age at death of individuals to ascertain the composition of
animal species and described bone material in general. Formisto (1996: 86) argues
that in some cases the burials were carried out at pyre sites, because the bone
fragments are often sooty. Formisto (1996: 81–87) found that the size of cremated
bone fragments varied from 0.5–8 cm, and were usually 1–3 cm long. She argues
that cremated bone fragments are of the same size in all cremation graves, and that
it is very unlikely that bones were crushed before burial.
The second published study on cremated bone material of Finnish cremation graves
concerns osteological material from Rikala under the level-ground cremation
cemetery at Salo (Mäntyla-Asplund, Storå, 2010). The archaeological and
osteological study, which includes radiocarbon dating of cremated bone,
demonstrate the quite complicated nature of Rikala cemetery and was based on
scattered human remains of 14 individuals across multiple periods (1st–7th cc. AD).
The authors emphasise the importance of radiocarbon dates and osteological
analysis in the interpretation of cremation graves.
In the 1990s in the Baltic States, cremations were mainly investigated to ascertain
the number of burials in the grave, their age and sex composition and the
demographic characteristics of the living population. Rimantas Jankauskas has
studied 1st–7th century inhumation and cremation graves at Marvele (Jankauskas,
Urbanavicius, 1998; Jankauskas, 2002, 2009), while Laurynas Kurila (2009) has
investigated east Lithuanian barrow cemeteries, finding that the results of
osteological ageing and sexing of cremains was an important contribution to the
study of burial customs as well as to demographic calculations. Recently Laurynas
Kurila has published an impressive series of papers on cremation graves (Kurila,
2015a, 2015b, 2015c). Kurila (2015a) analysed the accuracy of sex estimations

15
based on cremated remains and found the accuracy of sexing female graves is
85.5%, although the accuracy for male graves is much lower at 52.5%. In his
subsequent work, Kurila (2015b) analysed the male and female graves in order to
identify social classes in east Lithuanian Iron Age communities. He found
connections with wealth and the military dimension of the male graves, and for this
reason sharper stratification among males than among females. Recently (Kurila,
2015c) a comparative study of inhumation and cremation burials was conducted in
order to assess the reliability of cremated human remains as a source of
demographic modelling. The author found one significant limitation of cremated
burials – the deficit of identified sub-adults, which in most cases causes biased
demographic profiles. However, in his study Kurila found that many demographic
figures display a rather close match between inhumation and cremation samples,
emphasising the value of macroscopic study of cremated bones.
In Latvia, Gunita Zariņa (2006, 2009) has also included the analyses of cremation
burials in the large-scale study of Latvian demography from the Mesolithic to the
Early Modern period. Zariņa also detected dramatic fluctuation in population size
because of economic and political processes in the Laukskola Liv community of the
10th–13th centuries (Zariņa, 2006, 2009: 180–184).
In Estonia investigation of Middle and Iron Age cremation graves has mainly
focused on the number of individuals buried in the grave, their age and sex
composition; in addition the work ascertained the number of animal species in the
grave and the relation of these remains to the burials. The practice of studying
cremation graves is somewhat different in Estonia in comparison with other Baltic
States, and with Scandinavia or Finland. In Estonia, this material has been studied
by a close cooperation of archaeologists, anthropologists and archaeozoologists, and
the results of this work published in many scientific papers and books (Mägi et al,
1998; Mandel, 2003; Allmäe, 2003; Maldre, 2003; Allmäe, Maldre, 2005; Allmäe
et al, 2007a, 2007b, 2008; Aun et al, 2008; Mandel, Allmäe, 2009; Valk, Allmäe,
2009, 2010; Mandel et al, 2015). The same practice is followed in north-east
Russia, where the graves of the Long Barrow Culture are being studied
(Khvoshchinskaya, 2004).
In recent years in Scandinavia research into cremated human bones has focused
more on methodological issues, experiments and uses of new technologies, for
example stereology, computed tomography and radiography of burial vessels,
together with osteological study of cremated bones (Harvig et al, 2012, 2014a;
Jaeger, Johansen, 2013; Harvig, Lynnerup, 2013). Experimental archaeology has
demonstrated that the cremation of piglets about the size a human infant leaves a
remarkable number of burnt bones. According to Jaeger and Johansen (2013) the
reason why infant remains are seldom found amongst cremations is probably caused
by other factors, such as burial custom or a separate burial place/form for infants.
Harvig and colleagues (2012) developed a methodology to study container burials.
Combining osteological and other scientific methods, the results of investigations
are more reliable as well easier to conduct. Harvig and Lynnerup (2013) have found

16
that in Danish Late Bronze Age urns the burials often contain the remains of entire
cremated individuals, and the ritual crushing of cremains before placement into
burial urns was not observable. Based on osetological study, CT scans, and
estimation of volume and weight of cremains in urns, the authors argue that under-
representation of archaeologically recovered human remains may be to a large
extent due to taphonomic processes. The authors also proposed methodological
suggestions to estimate the fragmentation of cremated human remains: the
Fragmentation Index, i.e. the weight in grams (g) of cremated bones divided by
volume (cm3), a highly valuable method when container burial is under study.
Lately Harvig and colleagues (2014a) have conducted a comparative study of
osteological materials from Late Bronze Age urn burials and Early Iron pit graves at
Fraugde, Denmark, in order to follow the peculiarities of osteological material in
different grave types and across changes in burial practice. They found important
differences in cremation temperature and handling of the bone after cremation, the
fragmentation stage and the composition of cremains for different Late Bronze Age
and Early Iron Age burials/graves. According to the authors the cremation pits of
the Early Iron Age are intentional secondary deposits, as pyre debris is rarely found
in this pit.
During last decades cremated bones in graves have gained new value. Rapid
development of scientific methods in archaeology enable us to radiocarbon date
graves on the basis of burnt bones (Lanting et al, 2001) to seek the origin of buried
people with the help of isotopic studies (Harvig et al, 2014b) or to look for ancient
DNA in cremation graves (Pusch et al, 2000). The experiment to artificially enrich
dental enamel and calcinated boned with strontium demonstrated that calcinated
bone is more resistant to post-mortem exchange than tooth enamel (Snoeck et al,
2015), which makes calcinated bones a promising source for strontium isotope
studies. The possibility to date cremated bones has opened the door to a re-
evaluation of chronologies of Bronze and Iron Age graves in Europe (De Mulder et
al, 2007, 2009, 2014; Mäntyla-Asplund, Storå, 2010; Allmäe, 2013, 2014a). The
reliability of AMS dating of cremated bone has been questioned, and experiments
have been conducted to ensure this method is being used successfully (Naysmiths et
al, 2007). The studies to evaluate the effect of funeral pyre materials on radiocarbon
dates of cremated bone are important in the field of archaeological chronology
(Olsen et al, 2013, Hüls et al, 2010).
Therefore, cremated human remains are a valuable source in the study of past
populations and societies, including demography, and in the study of these cultures’
mortuary customs.

THE OSTEOLOGICAL RESEARCH ON CREMATED HUMAN REMAINS

IN ESTONIA
Cremated human remains from Estonian Iron Age graves have been studied since
the 1990s. The analyses of cremated bones are generally macroscopic, i.e. their

17
main target has been the identification of the number of people buried, their
biological sex and age at death (Kalling, 1993; Mägi et al, 1998; Kalman, 2000b;
Allmäe, 2003).
A somewhat different approach to investigating cremation cemeteries has been
adopted by archaeologist Marge Konsa, who conducts intrasite spatial analysis of
cemeteries. She has studied artefact distribution patterns and cremated bones in
10th–13th cc. Madi cemetery (south Estonia) with dispersed cremation burials
(Konsa, Engbring, 2011; Konsa, 2013). Konsa (2013) found that the correlation
between general distribution of bones and artefacts was very weak. Apparently
cremated bones were distinguished from the rest of the pyre remains and treated
separately from grave goods.
The first known study of cremated human bones in Estonia was conducted by Ken
Kalling (1993), who analysed cremated human remains (cremains) from the Viimsi
I and II tarand graves, dated to 350–500 AD (Lang, 1993: 55, 2007a: 133). Anu
Kivirüüt (2011, 2014) has revisited the material twice.
In 1997 Marika Mägi excavated the Viking Age graves at Piila. The cremated bone
material was analysed by author and archaeozoologist Liina Maldre (Mägi et al,
1998). Two conclusions were made on the basis of osteological analysis. First, the
cremation temperature was high: the bones were all white, calcinated and highly
fragmented. The second conclusion was that the majority of identified bones
belonged to animals; human bones were rarely identified in the grave.
Maldre began collaborating with archaeologist Mati Mandel in 1998. Mandel has
excavated west Estonian cremations since the 1970s (Mandel, 2003). The cremated
and non-cremated human and animal bones of eight 5th–13th century stone graves
were analysed, including analysis of long-bone fragment size and some
observations on bone colour (Allmäe, 2003; Maldre, 2003). In his study of the 5th–
13th century stone graves of Läänemaa (west Estonia) Mandel (2003) combined the
archaeological and osteological data.
Jonathan Kalman (2000a, 2000b, 2000c) has made determinations of cremated
bones occurring in Early Iron Age tarand graves. In 2014 Anu Kivirüüt (2014) has
revisited the cremated (and inhumated) osteological materials of Tandemäe and
Viimsi I and II tarand graves, analysed before by Kalman (2000b) and Kalling
(1993), respectively. Kivirüüt (2014) used osteological and spatial analysis methods
to receive new data concerning the Iron Age tarand graves in Northern Estonia. The
author estimated the minimum number of burials and the cremation grade of
burials; she also presented demographic data and described peculiarities of burials,
including handling of the corpses. New information was presented regarding the
burial rituals and grave layout of Iron Age society in northern Estonia.
Since 2004 cremains from Long Barrow Culture (6th–10th cc.) sand barrows in
south-eastern Estonia have been analysed. Mare Aun excavated the sand barrow
cemeteries between 1970 and 1990 (Аun, 1992). The combined study of the result
of the analysis of burial archaeology and osteology are published in several papers,

18
including analysis of bone fragment sizes (Allmäe, Maldre, 2005; Allmäe et al,
2007a, 2009; Aun et al, 2008). I found out that cremation as a burial ritual was
common in adult as well child deaths in the area of Long Barrow Culture in south-
eastern Estonia. Moreover, age segregation was found, as one sand barrow (no 9)
contained only sub-adult burials. In addition, an important discovery was that no
sacrificed animals were found in child burials.
Leiu Heapost (2007) identified cremations at Kalmetemägi (Siksälä in south-eastern
Estonia).
In 2008 the cremains of the Uugla III stone grave (11th–13th centuries) in western
Estonia were analysed and published (Mandel, Allmäe, 2009). In 2009 the cremains
of the Kirikumägi flat ground cemetery (990–1160 AD) in south-eastern Estonia
were analysed (Valk, Allmäe, 2009). In 2010 the archaeological and
anthropological study of Kirikumägi flat ground cemetery was published, including
analysis of the colour and size of bone fragments (Valk, Allmäe, 2010). In both
cases new grave form was discovered – flat-ground burials of cremated human
remains.
During the research 1997–2011 various descriptive and metric data on cremated
bone materials from Läänemaa (west Estonia) and southern Estonia were collected
by the author. The results of analysis were systematised and generalising
observations on cremated bone materials and burial practice were presented by
author (Allmäe, 2013, 2014a, 2014b). In these papers, conclusions on temporal
changes in cremation burial practise were made based on the correlations between
the radiocarbon dates and the bone fragmentation stage in different graves. A
comparative study of the graves on the basis of other characteristics, for example
the minimum number of buried individuals, the number of determined bone finds
among the total number of bone finds, and the colour of the cremated bone
fragments in graves is also presented. The colour of the bones has a descriptive
value in this study, and is only briefly discussed.
Between 2012 and 2015 small excavations at Maidla’s second stone-grave were
conducted by Mati Mandel to investigate the whole grave area; during these years
some new inhumation and cremation burials were discovered (Mandel, Allmäe,
2013; Mandel et al, 2015).

THE HISTORY OF PALAEODEMOGRAPHIC INVESTIGATIONS IN

ESTONIA
Palaeodemographic studies are not very numerous in Estonia, as there are some
requirements for material and data, for example the whole burial place should be
excavated, migration should be excluded, skeletal material should be complete,
accurate data concerning burial chronology and origin of series should be available,
etc. (Acsádi, Nemeskéri, 1970; Alesan et al, 1999).

19
 The first attempts to analyse the demography of Estonian ancient
populations were made on the basis of archaeological data (Ligi, 1989; Lang, Ligi,
1991; Lang, 1996). These authors used the type and number of artefacts and number
of bone assemblages in graves to calculate the size of the community that used the
burial place, and made assumptions on population density and population size based
on the burial grounds in different Estonian districts.
The first palaeodemographic calculations based on osteological research into
prehistoric graves were conducted for the Roman Iron Age tarand grave Viimsi II
in northern Estonia (Lang, 1993), and for the Pre-Roman tarand in Poanse in
western Estonia (Kalman, 2000a).
Ken Kalling (1995, 1997) performed the first known study of palaeodemography
based on archaeoanthropological materials from Medieval and Early Modern Tartu.
Kalling analysed the skeletal population buried in Tartu’s Jaani Church during the
13th–14th centuries and proposed a demographic model for population.
The skeletal sample from 14th–18th century Tääksi village cemetery (southern
Estonia) was demographically analysed by the author (Allmäe, 1998); the material
contained some cremations from the 15th–16th centuries (Sokolovski, 1990; Allmäe,
1998). The second grave of Maidla in western Estonia contained 10th–11th century
cremations and inhumations from the 12th–13th centuries (Mandel, 2003).
Demographic analysis based on these skeletal materials was conducted by the
author of the present paper (Allmäe, 2006). Leiu Heapost (2007) has analysed the
demography of the 11th–15th centuries Kalmetemägi in Siksälä in south-eastern
Estonia. That study concerns mainly inhumation burials, but some cremations were
also included in the calculations. Heapost analysed temporal changes in mortality
figures, estimated life expectancies for different age groups and calculated
population size.
Between 1997 and 2011, several Middle (450–800 AD) and Late (800–1250 AD)
Iron Age cremation graves in western and south-eastern Estonia were analysed by
the author. During the research period the estimations of the minimum, and
plausible, numbers of buried individuals in graves, the assessment of their sex, and
their age at death was conducted. Amongst the material studied there are five burial
places that are a good source for demographic calculations. New radiocarbon dating
methodology (Lanting et al, 2001) enables one to date the cremated bone material,
helping to date cremation graves where artefacts are rare and therefore
archaeochronological dating is difficult. The radiocarbon dates (AMS method) of
burnt human bones from six investigated graves are presented in this paper. The
goal of these analyses was to specify the time span over which the communities
used these graves. In 2010 the search for missing infants and children in Late Iron
Age graves in Läänemaa (west Estonia) concluded with a publication in which
radiocarbon dating and osteological analysis of inhumed infant burials from
Kaseküla Late Bronze Age stone-cist grave confirmed the reuse of the grave 2000
years later for infants (Allmäe, 2010).

20
The results of this research enabled the calculation of demographic figures, which
in turn enabled conclusions to be drawn on prehistoric burial practices and usage
period of graves for Middle and Late Iron Age graves in west and south-eastern
Estonia (Allmäe, 2014 a, 2014b).

21
AIMS
The overall objective of the present study is to summarise the research on Middle
and Late Iron Age human cremations in Läänemaa (west Estonia) and south-eastern
Estonia. The research had three main aims.
The first aim was to summarise the results of descriptive and metric analyses of
cremated bone material from west and south-Eastern Estonia in order to find links
and patterns between burial custom and character of cremated bone material.
The second aim was to establish demographic figures and models to characterise
the Iron Age communities who used the graves during certain periods.
The third aim was to find out if any regional or socio-cultural peculiarities, or
temporal changes, can be identified in Iron Age burial customs.

22
1. MATERIAL
During the research period a total of 2556 bone finds or bone units from west
Estonia and south-eastern Estonia were analysed. The material mainly comes from
Middle (450–800 AD) and Late Iron (800–1250 AD) graves. The exceptions are
Põlgaste tarand grave, which is from the Early Iron Age or Roman Iron Age (500
BC–450 AD) and Kaseküla stone-cist grave, from the Late Bronze Age (1100–500
BC). The material analysed consists mainly of cremated human bones, and to some
extent inhumations. The minor part is formed of inhumed burials in situ, mainly
recovered from Maidla stone graves and from Kaseküla stone-cist grave. It should
be noted that cremated human remains in Estonian deposits are not washed and
sieved. The material is often packed with some soil and pyre debris. Most materials
are collected from excavations without sieving; the sieving of soil has only become
common practice in Estonian archaeology quite recently, i.e. since the 1990s.

1.1. WEST ESTONIA

The list of analysed materials from West Estonia (Läänemaa) is as follows (Figure
1):
 Kaseküla stone-cist grave in western Estonia was archaeologically investigated
by Mati Mandel in 1973. Stone-cist graves are above-ground structures that have
one or several cists in the middle and which are enclosed by one or several
circular stonewalls, filled with soil and stones and covered with a stone heap
(Lang, 2007a: 147). Inside the central stone-cist commingled unburnt human
bones and a fragment of a bronze razor were found; outside (north) of the stone
encirclement remains of another human burial were found (Mandel, 1973, 1975:
74). The fragmentary and commingled bone material from Kaseküla stone-cist
grave area has been gathered by squares (2 m x 2m); the number of collected
bone finds is 81, the material is deposited in the Estonian History Museum. The
bone material was analysed by the author twice in 2009, as a discrepancy
occurred between the former result (Kalman, 2000d) and the new analysis
conducted by the author. A lot of bone material was also taken for analyses by
another researcher between the two periods of analysis. It must be noted that in
the 1970s the soil removed from archaeological objects was not sieved before
disposal, which explains why most of the (expected) human teeth are absent
from the deposited material. The osteological material of Kaseküla stone-cist
grave has been popular among researchers and has been analysed by several
(Kalman, 2000d; Allmäe, 2010). According to Margot Laneman (2012), the
material was not analysed by osteologist Martin Malve, although Laneman’s
paper is based on the osteolgical remarks of the latter. Mandel (1975) dated the
burial site to the second half of the first millennium BC; later on Valter Lang
(1996: 297) dated it to the Late Bronze Age (1100–500 BC). Lang also

23
 suggested the possibility of secondary burials in the grave (Lang, 1996: 297),
and later research confirmed these suggestions (Allmäe, 2010; Laneman, 2012).
 Lihula stone grave from 5th–7th centuries AD was investigated by Mati Mandel
in 1974 (Mandel, 2003: 27–30). 144 bone finds were collected by 2 m x 2 m
plots from the grave area; the material contained commingled cremated and non-
cremated human remains; 21 burials were recorded (Mandel, 2003; Allmäe,
2003).
 Keskvere II underground cremation burial from the 7th–8th centuries was
investigated by Mati Mandel in 2001 (2003: 103–104, 123–133); 10 bone finds
were collected from a 4.3 m x 3 m plot. The material contained cremated and
non-cremated bone fragments (Mandel, 2003: 104; Allmäe, 2003: 245–246).
 The stone graves of Uugla (I, II, III) were investigated by Mati Mandel in 1977,
1981 and 2008, respectively; the osteological material (513 bone finds) was
collected by 2 m x 2 m plots. The graves are dated 11th–13th centuries and
contain only cremations (Mandel, 2003; Mandel, Allmäe, 2009). Ehmja stone
grave from the 5th–7th centuries AD and from the 10th to 13th centuries AD was
excavated by Mati Mandel between 1982 and 1991. 248 bone finds were
collected from the plots of 2 m x 2 m. Eight burials pits were recorded, probably
from the 5th–7th centuries. In addition, scattered cremation burials from the 10th–
13th centuries were recorded in the upper layers of the grave. Ehmja stone grave
was repeatedly disturbed during prehistoric times. Mandel (2003) has suggested
this happened as a result of the reuse of the cemetery. The grave contained
cremated and uncremated human bones (Mandel, 2003; Allmäe, 2003).
 The stone graves of Maidla I (5th–6th centuries AD) and II (10th–13th centuries
AD) were excavated by Mati Mandel between 1983 and 1985, and between
1987 and 1990 (Mandel, 2003: 39). The first Maidla stone grave was mainly
used during the 5th and 6th centuries AD, while some 11th–13th century artefacts
were also found in the southern part of grave (Mandel, 2003: 42). The bone
material consists of 268 finds, collected by 2 m x 2 m plots. The grave generally
contained scattered cremation burials although some inhumations were also
found (Mandel, 2003: 40–41; Allmäe, 2003). The second stone grave at Maidla
was used mainly from the second half of the 10th century to the beginning of the
13th century AD (Mandel, 2003, 59). The bone material consists of 674 finds,
collected by 2 m x 2 m plots. The grave contained inhumations as well scattered
cremation burials (Mandel, 2003; Allmäe, 2003, 2006). In recent years new
discoveries have been made at the Maidla grave field, for example a double
inhumation burial was found in the periphery of the grave area in 2008 (Mandel,
Allmäe, 2013), and some inhumations were recovered in 2014 (Mandel et al,
2015).
 The Kirbla stone grave, dating from the 11th–12th centuries AD, was excavated
by Mati Mandel in 1983 (Mandel, 2003: 90). 70 bone finds were collected by

24
 2 m x 2 m squares. The human bone material consisted only of burnt bones
(Mandel, 2003; Allmäe, 2003).
The analysed bone material from west Estonia consists of 2008 bone finds.

Figure 1. Investigated Estonian Iron Age cemeteries.

1.2. SOUTH-EASTERN ESTONIA

The list of analysed material from south-eastern Estonia is as follows (Figure1):
 The Põlgaste tarand grave, dating to the 3rd–5th centuries AD (Early Iron Age)
was excavated by Silvia Laul between 1970 and 1973 (Laul, 2001: 40–43).
Tarand graves are burial places with characteristic quadrangular stone
enclosures, commonly with a north–south orientation (Jaanits et al, 1982: 207;
Lang, 2007a: 170, 192). The bone material from the Põlgaste grave was
collected by 1m x 1m plots and is all cremated (Laul, 2001: 42). The cremains
of the Põlgaste tarand grave were analysed in 2010–2011. Unfortunately the
author could not find any whole-bone material excavated from the grave. The
only bone finds available were collected from the western, earlier, part of the
grave where bone material was slightly burned in comparison with that of the
eastern tarands (Laul, 2001: 42, 196). The analysed part of the cremains consists
of 59 bone units.

25
 Suure-Rõsna, Rõsna-Saare I and II sand-barrow cemeteries from the second half
of the 1st millenium AD were excavated by Mare Aun during the 1980s. Rõsna-
Saare I cemetery consisted of ten barrows, Rõsna-Saare II cemetery of eleven
barrows and Suure-Rõsna ten barrows, of which six were excavated (Aun, 1992:
100–105). The barrow cemeteries consist of rounded and long barrows of piled
sand, with various burial customs apparent; the cremated bones were commonly
buried as quite compact assemblages under and into the barrows (Aun, 1992,
2005; Aun et al, 2008). The human bone material collected from the barrows is
all cremated (Allmäe, Maldre, 2005; Allmäe et al, 2007a; Allmäe, 2013). The
total number of analysed bone units from the barrow cemeteries is 420.
 Kirikumägi flat-ground cemetery from the late 10th–12th century AD was
excavated by Heiki Valk in 2003–2004 and 2007. The scattered cremation
burials were detected in an underground level. 69 bone assemblages were
collected. The bones were mainly cremated, with the exception of some unburnt
teeth and temporal bones from a 3- or 4-year-old child (Valk, Allmäe, 2010).
The analysed bone materials from graves of south-eastern Estonia consist of 548
bone finds.

26
2. METHODS
The present study is based on macroscopic investigation of cremated bones.

2.1. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN BONE FINDS AND NUMBER OF

BURIALS
Usually the cremated bone fragments are collected from the burial site and packed
as assemblages or units. All these assemblages/units are numbered. Some
archaeologists call these units bone finds; some have argued that this packed unit of
bone fragments is not an archaeological find, but an assemblage of bones. It does
not matter what we call these packed bone units, it is important to define what the
unit, find or assemblage we study is. To begin with we have to realise that the bone
assemblage/unit/find is not automatically one burial. This is especially true for
burial places where cremated bones are scattered, and somewhat true for other types
of grave where the burial technique is not recognised on site. How well we
understand the burial technique later depends on excavation methodology: how the
material was excavated, collected, packed and described on site: put simply, how
well archaeologists understand the bone material on site and how osteologists
understand the excavation situation during the process of analysis. However, one
packed and numbered collection of bone fragments gathered during archaeological
excavations is a good unit to study the peculiarity of the material, the
fragmentations and dispersal of cremated bones in different graves.

2.2. ESTIMATING MINIMUM AND PROBABLE NUMBER OF BURIED

INDIVIDUALS

2.2.1. West Estonian graves

2.2.1.1. West Estonian cremation graves

It is known, that some parts of skeleton are more resistant to heat-induced changes
and preserve better among cremated bones (Holck, 1997/2008). Thus, the minimum
number of buried individuals (MNI) among the examined cremains is very often
determined according to the recurrent bone fragment method. Several different bone
fragments were counted during analyses, but in most cases the pars petrosa of os
temporale was the best unit for estimating the MNI. In some cases, where recurrent
fragments did not occur, the individuals were distinguished on the basis of estimates
of biological age (for example, if in a bone assemblage the cranial vault fragments
of an adult and unfused epiphysis of a long bone, or the crowns of deciduous teeth
were found, etc.).
The probable number of individuals (PNI) was estimated on the basis of fragments
(20 or more) of cranial vault combined with at least one determined fragment of

27
human skeleton. The cranium was preferred because the fragments are easily
determinable amongst cremated bones, and most likely full corpses were cremated.
To estimate the PNI distances between bone units were also taken into account. The
PNI is an important unit for graves with scattered or disturbed cremations (Maidla I
and II graves, Ehmja, Kirbla, Uugla I–III, Lihula). On one hand, in most cases the
bone fragments are collected according to quite large plots, i.e. 2 m x 2 m; on the
other hand, we do not know how much material was carried from pyre to the burial
place. The material was analysed and the PNI was determined according to the
criteria described above.

2.2.1.2. Kaseküla stone-cist grave with inhumations

The method of recurrent bone fragments (for example, pars petrosa of the temporal
bone, the diaphyses of infant long bones, etc.) was used to estimate the minimum
number inhumations in the grave.

2.2.2. South-eastern Estonian graves

2.2.2.1. South-eastern sand barrow cemeteries

Material from barrows has also been collected as bone assemblages. The
assemblages here are much more representative examples and perceived as concrete
burials. The MNI was estimated for every barrow in all analysed sand-barrow
cemeteries. Numerous different recurrent bone fragments were recorded; however,
here also the pars petrosa of os temporale, as the most frequently found element,
was the best unit for calculating the MNI. Unfortunately the number of cranial
fragments was not counted because at the beginning it seemed that the bone
assemblages were well-defined units, i.e. archaeologically distinguishable burials.
The collected and deposited units were named main and additional assemblages. It
was not always possible to decide if the additional bone assemblage(s) were part of
the main one or not, and sometimes it seemed that the numbered main bone
assemblages were not equal to one burial. The discrepancy between the MNI and
archaeologically determined number of burials/assemblages is obvious; the
osteologically estimated MNI is usually smaller than the archaeologically
estimated.
There are two reasons for this. First, the criteria for burial are not clearly
distinguishable during excavation. It is nearly impossible to decide which of two
main assemblages an additional assemblage might belong to, or if it is a separate
burial. Secondly, as is often the case we do not know how much of the cremains
were collected from the pyre and buried in the barrows.
Finally the PNI was determined taking into account the distances of collected bone
units, the MNI, the colour of the cremains, the size and composition of the collected
bone unit, and the results of age and sex determinations. In comparison with former
published studies (Allmäe, Maldre, 2005; Allmäe et al, 2007a; Aun et al, 2008) in

28
later publications (Allmäe, 2013, 2014a) some recalculations of PNI and MNI for
sand-barrow cemeteries have been performed.

2.2.2.2. Tarand-grave and flat-ground cemeteries in south-eastern Estonia

In both cases the osteological material was collected by square plots. In Kirikumägi
flat-ground cemetery at Siksälä the bone assemblages are smaller than in Põlgaste
tarand grave. The MNI and PNI were estimated for both cemeteries. Unfortunately
the materials represent only part of these burial places: Kirikumägi has only been
partially excavated and from Põlgaste tarand grave some of the bone material went
missing from the depository.

2.3. PROPORTION OF DETERMINABLE CREMATED BONE UNITS IN

GRAVE
The number of bone units, where determination of at least one human bone
fragment was possible, was calculated for the ten graves under study. The
hypothesis is that this characteristic describes the dispersal of bones – the high
number of units with non-determined bone fragments should define a burial place
with scattered cremation burials.

2.4. COLOURATION OF CREMATED BONES AS AN INDICATOR OF

CREMATION TEMPERATURE
Bone colour was not recorded according to the accepted colour standards, as the
material has been analysed over quite a long period (1997–2011). During that time
the methodology of recording bone material changed to some extent. However, the
general notes and impressions of bone material are briefly discussed, as some
pattern was observable. The changes in bone colour due to cremation is discussed in
the light of works by Shipman et al (1984), McCutcheon (1992), Holck
(1997/2008), Walker et al (2008) and Wahl (2008).
“Charred” bones occur in cremations when oxygen flow and heat were insufficient
for proper combustion (Holck, 1997/2008, Walker et al, 2008, Wahl, 2008). The
bone fragments indicating this appear as blackish or dark brownish amongst the
cremains: according to McCutcheon (1992) these specimens have been heated to
340 ºC; according to Holck (1997/2008) grade 1 combustion (200–400 ºC), to Wahl
(2008) grade 2 (300–400 ºC), and stage II/III (285–525 ºC) according Shipman et al
(1984). The appearance of black/dark brownish bones was recorded in the studied
bone materials. The percentage of bone units with brownish/blackish bone
fragments is presented as a percentage of the total number of bone units within the
studied material.
A grey colour appears at the temperatures of 550 ºC to 650 ºC according to Wahl
(2008) and Walker et al (2008); Shipman et al (1984) have described light grey

29
with secondary colours of brown and light brownish grey from 525 ºC to 645 ºC;
McCutcheon (1992) observed light brownish grey at temperature up to 600 ºC;
Holck (1997/2008) has determined dark and light grey colours at temperatures of
400 ºC– 800 ºC. The grey colour is attributed to bones that are not completely
burned.
At high temperatures, of 800 ºC or more, the bones become calcinated and a white
colour is prevalent, according to Holck (1997/2008). McCutcheon (1992) and Wahl
(2008) argue that the white colour appears at the somewhat lower temperature of
650–700 ºC. According to Shipman et al (1984) the predominant colour of bone is a
neutral white with blue-grey or light grey at the temperatures up to 940 ºC. When
bones are heated in excess of 940 ºC, the specimens are neutral white with some
medium grey and reddish-yellow (Shipman et al, 1984).
‘Sooty’ bones occur in burials where the bones are buried with pyre remains. This
means that the cremated bone fragments and other pyre remains are collected from
the cremation site and buried in the grave, or that the cremation place and the grave
are the same, or that we have found the actual cremations place itself. Sooty bones
were found in all the above-mentioned cases. When clean bones occur in a grave we
may conclude that the cremation pyre is located away from the grave (Sigvallius,
1994). Clean burned bones in graves give a clue about a burial technique in which
bone fragments are carefully gathered from the cremation site without pyre remains.
The occurrence of sooty bones was recorded for the graves under study here.

2.5. THE FRACTURE PATTERN OF CREMATED BONES

The alteration of bones due to heat has been studied for decades and is different if
they are dry bones, fresh/green/de-fleshed bones, or fleshed bones/corpses. The
thermal fractures and alteration characteristic to the cremation of corpses are
warping, transverse, especially curved transverse, fractures, and longitudinal
fractures, splintering and delaminating (often seen on cranial bone), patina, etc.
(Holck, 1997/2008; Buikstra, Swegle, 1989; Whyte, 2001; Mayne Correia, 1997;
Symes et al, 2008; Musgrave et al, 2010). The results of experimental studies done
to distinguish the condition of human remains before cremation have been
ambiguous, even contradictory (Mayne Correia, 1997; Fairgive, 2008: 50–52;
Gonçalves, 2012: 21–24; Larsson, Nilsson Stutz, 2014). For example recently
Gonçalves and colleagues (2011) have also found occasional curved fractures and
warping on cremated dry bone and suggest it is related to the preservation of
collagen in bone rather than being an indicator of fleshed or recently de-fleshed
human remains being burned. The warping of dry bones has also been observed by
Buikstra and Swegle (1989). However, the cracks and fractures that appear on
bones vary depending on whether the soft tissue is present or not during cremation
(Larsson, Nilsson Stutz, 2014). The presence of deep multiple lateral cracks, deep
checking, curved fractures, and also uneven colouration of bones are commonly the
indicators of burning fleshed corpses (Larsson, Nilsson Stutz, 2014). Hence, when

30
all or some of these features are absent or occur rarely there is a possibility that dry
bones or bones with a low collagen content were cremated.
The heat-induced alterations of bones were recorded macroscopically to estimate if
the corpses were burned. However, the inconsistent observation of various patterns
has to be admitted, as the pattern was not recorded for every bone unit during the
research on the first archaeological samples.

2.6. FRAGMENTATION STAGE OF THE CREMAINS

The most reasonable way to estimate the fragmentation of cremains is to measure
the biggest bone fragment(s) in one packed unit or bone assemblage. The bone
fragment size was measured for all analysed materials. The bone fragment size is
post-excavational, though it must be noted that the material was not sieved or
washed during excavation, or after. The maximum length of the long-bone fragment
was measured for every packed bone unit for the ten burial places under study. In
addition, the biggest fragment of cranial vault was measured for ten burial places.
Two measurements were taken for cranial vault fragments: the maximum length
and the transversal length/width. The metric characteristic of the cranial vault size is
expressed as cross multiplication of these two measurements. A sliding calliper was
used to measure the bone fragments.

2.7. ASSESSMENT OF SEX AND AGE AT DEATH

The sex and age at death of the deceased were determined according to common
osteological standards (Miles, 1963; Workshop, 1980; Brothwell, 1981; Buikstra,
Ubelaker, 1994; White, Folkens, 2000; Bass, 2005; Mays, 2006). No archaeological
gender assessments were available during biological sex and age assessment.
Specific to cremated bone material is that most of the age and sex related
morphological features on the post-cranial skeleton are not observable. To assess
biological sex of the cremated adult individuals the morphological traits of the
occipital bones (external occipital protuberance, nuchal lines), the temporal bones
(mastoid process, temporal line, zygomatic process), the frontal bones (superciliary
ridge, supraorbital margin, temporal ridge, glabella), the zygomatic bones (frontal
process), and mandible (condylar process, mandibular ramus and angle, mental
tubercules and protuberance) were used. In some cases morphological traits on the
post-cranial skeleton (for example muscle attachment areas of the long bones) were
used as additional criteria; general robustness of skeletal elements was also
observed.
To assess age at death of cremated individuals the suture closure of cranial bones,
the union of epiphyses and dental development were used. If applicable, other
criteria were used to estimate or specify the age at death: the morphology of the
cranial vault (Gejvall in Sigvallius, 1994) and the morphology of tooth roots – the

31
roots of older individuals become more rounded due to the deposition of cementum.
Hypercementosis is quite common in older individuals (Acsádi, Nemeskéri, 1970;
Soames, Southam, 1993), which can also add data to ageing attempts. Age-related
pathologies on cremated bones, for example osteoarthritis or osteophytosis on
vertebrae or anywhere on skeletal elements, were also used. The ageing of sub-
adults is more reliable due to stages of epiphyseal fusion and dental development.
It must be emphasised that the age and sex determinations based on cremated
human remains are less reliable than those based on inhumations. This is because of
the incompleteness of human remains in cremations due to high fragmentation of
bones; thus only a few skeletal elements are available for identification.
In the case of Kaseküla stone-cist inhumations the maximum lengths of the long
bone diaphyses of infants were measured to estimate the age at death. The values
were compared to the standard correlation between age estimates and maximum
lengths of infant long bone diaphyses (Lovejoy et al, 1990) and to the same
correlations compiled on the basis of Italian and Estonian archaeological material
(Facchini, Veschi, 2004; Allmäe, 1998).

2.8. DEMOGRAPHIC ESTIMATIONS

Demographic estimations were performed using several methods. In our model we
assume that the population is stationary and that birth and death rates are equal
(growth = 0). The reason is that Estonian populations under study are all too small-
scale to model positive or negative natural increase.
Firstly, the method of life tables proposed by G. Acsádi and J. Nemeskéri (1970)
was used to estimate the life expectancy at birth (e00). Here the natural data received
from skeletal samples are used.
Secondly, the life tables were corrected according to F. W. Rösing and R.
Jankauskas (1997), where the proportion of small children (0–4 years) in the
population was increased to 45% of the total skeletal population under the study.
This means that 45% of the population died before they reached the age of 5.
J. P. Bocquet and C. L. Masset (Bocquet, Masset, 1977; Bocquet-Appel, Masset,
1982) established the third model used here to estimate the demographic figures for
past populations. The ratio of sub-adults to adults or the juvenility indices was also
calculated for every population under the study:
number of children deceased between 5 and 14
number of adults deceased at 20 and later
in short: D5–14/D20+
The model was worked out to get over the problem of small children (0–4 years)
often being under-represented in the graves. The juvenility index allows us to
estimate demographic parameters without the bias due to infant under-

32
representation in osteological collections. Additionally it allows for control of
systematic bias in the calculation of adult age distribution.
The formula (Bocquet, Masset, 1977; Bocquet-Appel, Masset, 1982) to estimate
newborn life expectancy from the juvenility index is following:

e00=78.721*log10√1/x–3.384±1.503
where x=D5–14/D20+
The newborn life expectancy, crude death rate (1/e00), and the size of living
populations was calculated according to all three models. In these models we
assume that the population is stationary, i.e. birth and death rates are equal (growth
= 0).
The size of the living population was calculated according to the formula proposed
by D. Ubelaker (1989):
P=N*e00/T
where P = population size,
N = number of burials at cemetery,
e00 = life expectancy at birth (in years),
T = the time span over which the burial place was used (in years).
In our model we made assumptions concerning the time-span of the cemetery’s use.
To model the population sizes for Rõsna cemeteries the estimated usage period of
the grave (T) is 150 years and for Maidla first grave 75 years. The exception is the
second Maidla grave, where 250 years of grave usage was established by
archaeologist Mati Mandel (2003), and is used in the presented calculations.
However, the usage period of the grave is an estimate for archaeological
populations, as we are never able to know the exact beginning or abandonment time
of a particular burial site. An overview of how community size depends on the
proposed usage period of the grave is presented in Appendix 1. The calculated
community size declines if we extend the grave usage period, and grows if we
reduce it. While the archaeological/typological date of a grave might be for example
400 years, we cannot be certain that the grave was used continuously for the whole
period. Therefore for calculations we should pick a model that indicates the
sustainability of the community for some time in particular conditions (the
population is stationary, the birth and death rates are equal).
Reproduction was estimated according to two different models. In the first model
fertility rate and the number of female offspring born per woman (GRR) was
estimated from the juvenility indices of Boquet-Appel and Masset (1982) and
calibrated from R. McCaa (1998, 2000), then the total number of offspring per
woman (TFR) was calculated: GRRx2.05=TFR.

33
Henneberg (1975) established the second model we used to estimate reproduction
from archaeological human remains. The approach is somewhat different in
comparison with conventional palaeodemography. Henneberg (1975) combines
demographic (mortality structure) as well as biological characteristics of human
fertility to construct reproduction model for human palaeopopulations. To estimate
the reproduction rate of the population the following definitions and calculations are
used: the potential gross reproduction rate (Rpot) or the average number of births per
couple of adult individuals during their lifetime; the net reproduction rate (Ro) or
the average number of adult descendants per adult individual of parental generation,
and the absolute number of offspring born per average adult couple (C). To
calculate the last figure we need a hypothetical value Uc (the total number of births
achievable throughout the full reproductive period). The closest to reality, Uc is
around eight (Acsádi, Nemeskéri, 1970), but it could be lower or higher. In the
present study the number of offspring born per average couple (C) was calculated
using a Uc value of 7.45 (Lorimer, 1954 in Henneberg, 1975).
The masculinity index for every population was calculated by dividing the number
of males by the number of females in the population.

2.9. RADIOCARBON DATING OF BONE

2.9.1. Radiocarbon dating of cremation burials

Nine samples of cremated human bones from six graves were dated. The
radiocarbon dating of cremated bone fragments from Maidla I (Hela-2403) and
Maidla II (Hela-1958) stone graves, Rõsna-Saare I (Hela-1959 Hela-1960) and
Rõsna-Saare II (Hela-1961) barrow cemeteries, Suure-Rõsna (Hela-1962) barrow
cemetery and Põlgaste tarand grave (Hela-2404, Hela-2405) was performed in 2009
and 2010 at the Dating Laboratory of the Finnish Museum of Natural History,
University of Helsinki. The 14C concentration was measured using the AMS
method. The results were calibrated according to the Intcal09 curve (Reimer et al,
2009) and Oxcal 4.1 software (Bronk Ramsey, 2009).

2.9.2. Radiocarbon dating of inhumation burials

Three samples of human bones from the Kaseküla stone-cist grave (Poz-32412,
Poz-32413, Poz-32414) were radiocarbon dated in Poznan Radiocarbon Laboratory
using the AMS method; calibration was made by OxCaL 3.10 software Bronk
Ramsey (2009), atmospheric data from Reimer et al (2009).
Three pieces of bone were removed from deposited material for radiocarbon dating
in summer 2009: a fragment of the cranial vault of an adult from the central stone-
cist (find No 29), the left femur of an infant in the central stone-cist (find No 29)
and the petrous part of the left temporal bone of an infant from the encirclement
area (find No 40).

34
One non-cremated bone fragment (Hela-1919) from Maidla II was also dated at the
Dating Laboratory of the Finnish Museum of Natural History, University of
Helsinki. The 14C concentration was measured using the AMS method. The results
were calibrated according to the Intcal09 curve (Reimer et al, 2009) and Oxcal 4.1
software (Bronk Ramsey, 2009).

2.10. STATISTICAL ANALYSIS

The idea was to compare different cremation graves on the basis of correlations
between observed characteristics. The average size of long-bone fragments, the
proportion of determined bone finds amongst material, and radiocarbon dates of the
graves should indicate differences in burial practice. It should be possible to
observe the changes in burial practice over time and also the cultural and
geographical differences this reveals. R 2.15.2 was used for statistical analysis.

35
3. RESULTS

3.1. CREMATED BONE MATERIAL

3.1.1. Radiocarbon dates

Radiocarbon dates (AMS method) of cremated bones from six of the graves under
study were conducted to specify the time period when the grave was in use (Table
1, Allmäe, 2013).
The main purpose of this analysis was to find out if there is any correlation between
the characteristics of bone material and the time period when the grave was in use.
The relative dates of stone graves at Maidla (Mandel, 2003) are as follows: the
Maidla I grave dates to the 5th–6th centuries AD and Maidla II to the 10th–13th
centuries AD. The 14C dating of cremated bone material confirms the gap, but
indicates usage of the Maidla I grave somewhat earlier. The south-eastern Estonian
sand barrow graves studied are dated to the 6th–8th centuries AD (Aun, 1992). The
radiocarbon dates indicate usage of sand barrow cemeteries somewhat earlier
(Table 1). The tarand grave of Põlgaste was dated to the 3rd–5th centuries AD (Laul,
2001: 42–43). The AMS dates of cremated bones from the earlier part of grave here
also show somewhat earlier usage of the grave (Table 1).
The tarand grave of Põlgaste was archaeochronologically dated to the 3rd–5th
centuries (Laul, 2001: 27, 40–41). Radiocarbon dates of cremated bones from the
older part of the grave indicate somewhat earlier establishment of the burial place –
at the end of the Pre-Roman or the beginning of the Roman Iron Age (Table 1). The
flat ground cemetery Kirikumägi at Siksälä was radiocarbon dated on the basis of
charcoal amongst the cremains (Valk, Allmäe, 2010) producing grave dates from
the end of 10th to the beginning of the 12th century (Table 2).

3.1.2. The fragmentation of cremated bones and proportion of determined

bone units in graves as an indicator of burial practice
The fragmentation of cremated bones and proportion of determined bone units were
estimated for ten graves (Table 2, Appendix 2: Tables 7.1.–7.2.). The proportion of
bone finds determined is quite small for west Estonian Late Iron Age stone graves
with scattered cremations. The new form of cremation grave, Iron Age flat ground
burials was detected in Kirikumägi, Siksälä, in south-east Estonia (Valk, Allmäe,
2009, 2010). Here, as in west Estonian stone graves, the cremains were scattered
and the number of bone units determined was relatively small. The cremains in sand
barrows from the Long Barrow Culture in south-east Estonia are buried under
barrows or in barrows, and the buried bone assemblages are mainly quite large and
compact here (Aun, 1992, 2005; Aun et al, 2008). The Maidla first grave in west
Estonia is contemporaneous with south-eastern sand barrows, in addition to

36
Table 1. Radiocarbon dates (AMS method) of cremated bones
Sample Location in Radiocarbon Calibrated date
Grave Specimen Analysed Lab number d13C(‰)
number grave determination
bone fragment (95.4%) (68.2%)
Square plot
Left ulna 258 (11.9%) 297AD
Maidla I MI-240 104F Adult HELA- 2403 -22.4 1675 +-30 BP 341 – 413 AD
proximal end 321 (83.5%) 427 AD
stone grave
Square plot
Maidla II MII-180 96/96 n-o Adult Cranial vault HELA-1958 -22.2 1000 ± 30 BP 980-1160 AD 990 – 1120 AD
stone grave
Square plot
40 BC (91.5%) 88 AD
Põlgaste Po-2 8/b-c Adult Cranial vault HELA- 2404 -23.9 1565 ± 35 BP 5 – 74 AD
103 AD (4.4%)122 AD
tarand grave
Square plot
20 BC (5.4%)12 BC
Põlgaste Po-3 10/f Adult Cranial vault HELA- 2405 -20.9 1595 ± 35 BP 45 BC – 80AD
1 BC (62.8%) 65AD
tarand grave
Long barrow
Rõsna-Saare no 7.
- Adult Axis HELA-1959 -27.2 1620 ± 35 BP 410 – 570 AD 430 – 540 AD
I 1st bone set
under barrow.
Rounded
barrow no 9.
Rõsna-Saare 420 AD (29.3%) 470 AD
RSI-157 3rd bone set in Sub-adult Long bone HELA-1960 -26.7 1535 ± 35 BP 390 – 550 AD
I 480 AD (38.9%) 540 AD
the center of
barrow
Long barrow
Rõsna-Saare no 7. 3rd set in 390 AD (36.3%) 460 AD
RSII-86 Adult Cranial vault HELA-1961 -24.4 1959 ±30 BP 340 – 540 AD
II the center of 480 AD (31.9%) 540 AD
barrow
Rounded
barrow no 6. 430 AD (32.2%) 490 AD
Suure-Rõsna SR-40 7th bone set in Adult Cranial vault HELA-1962 -22.5 1977+-30 BP 420 – 600 AD 510 AD (1.5%) 520 AD
the center 530 AD (34.5%) 580 AD
barrow.

37
Table 2. Descriptive and metric features of cremated bones in the analysed graves.
West Estonian graves South-eastern Estonian graves
Name of grave
Rõsna-Saare Rõsna-Saare
Kirbla Ehmja Maidla I Maidla II Uugla III Põlgaste Suure Rõsna Kirikumägi
I II
Number of studied
70 248 268 674 326 59 159 97 164 69
bone units
Grave type Stone-grave Stone-grave Stone-grave Stone-grave Stone-grave Tarand grave Sand barrow Sand barrow Sand barrow Flat-ground
Archaeochronological 5–7 5–6
11-12 10–13 11–13 3–5 6–8 7–8 6–8 10–12
dates* (cc.) 11–12 (11–13)
Radiocarbon dates 40BC–122AD 410–570AD
– – 258–427AD 980–1060AD – 340–540AD 420–600AD 990–116AD**
(95.4%) probability 45BC–80AD 390–550AD
% of determined
13 17.2 41.9 29.7 18.1 81.7 70.6 66.6 55.1 25.6
bone units
Minimum number of
1 5 17 32 7 18 34 22 26 4
cremation burials
Number of measured
long bone fragments 51 151 205 541 316 54 106 61 140 29
per grave
Longest bone fr. in
bone unit; ave per 3.2 2.2 4.3 3.2 2.7 5.7 4.7 4.9 4.3 3
grave (cm)
Number of measured
27 75 139 248 192 47 65 40 84 15
cranial fragments
Biggest cranial
fragment in bone
3.4 2.7 7.4 5.0 3.2 12.9 8.6 8.9 7.3 4.6
unit. ave per grave
LxW (cm)
% of bone units with
2.6 1.8 9.2 9.7 5.8 3.4 11.4 9.4 4.8 2.6
"charred" bones
*
from Mandel, 2003; Laul, 2001; Aun, 1992; Valk, Allmäe 2010; ** radiocarbon date from Valk, Allmäe, 2010

38
Figure 2. Correlation between radiocarbon date, bone fragmentation and proportion
of determined bone units in grave.

which the fragmentation of cremains and number of determined bone finds is also
comparable. The Põlgaste tarand grave is the earliest, with the proportion of
determined bone finds being highest and bone fragmentation lowest. It seems that
burial practices are quite easily distinguishable through the percentage of bone units
determined and fragmentation of cremains.The proportion of determined bone units
is varies between the 10th–13th century graves and the 1st BC–8th AD century graves,
the latter with higher proportions (Figure 2). The graves from earlier graves also
had less bone fragmentation. Both measurements (cranial and long-bone fragment)
decline with time – the earlier graves with burials of compact bone assemblages
show a lower amount of fragmentation than the later ones. This also confirms that
the custom of scattered cremation burials is distinguishable on the basis of higher
bone fragmentation. The size of average bone fragments in graves diminishes with
time – in Late Iron Age graves the bone fragmentation is higher.
Thus, we may argue that Late Iron Age cremation can be distinguished from earlier
sand barrow cemeteries by this descriptive feature.

39
3.1.3. The colouration of cremated bones as an indicator of pyre temperature
The colouration of cremated bones was assessed for eight graves. The cremains in
West Estonian stone graves (Maidla I–II, Uugla III) were commonly pale, often
with white and grey colours dominating, sometimes with brownish and blue hues,
thus the temperature of the cremation pyre would have been at least moderate. For
example in the Uugla III stone grave, 87.1% of bone finds are described as white,
with the blue hue also found very frequently here. For the Maidla II grave, Mandel
(2003: 42–45, 59) has described the bone fragments as heavily burned and observed
occasional melting of bronze artefacts in the grave. The Maidla I stone grave
contained slightly and heavily burned bones (Mandel, 2003: 30–40) and bone
fragments here were also slightly bigger in comparison with other studied western
Estonian graves (Allmäe, 2003: 250–251, 2013). The bone fragments were mainly
of a pale colour sometimes with a brownish hue. Wahl (2008) has observed white
with brownish, greyish and ochre colours at 800 ºC and above, and argues that these
secondary colours correspond to local soil conditions. The proportion of bone finds
with a dark brown and/or black colour among west Estonian graves was more
frequent in the Maidla stone graves (Table 2). Sooty bones were quite common in
west Estonian stone graves too, as the cremation often took place in the grave area
(Mandel, 2003: 153; Allmäe, 2003).
The studied south-eastern Estonian graves with cremations are of varied
construction: Põlgaste is a tarand grave, Kirikumägi is a flat ground cemetery and
others are sand barrow cemeteries (Rõsna-Saare I–II, Suure-Rõsna).
The prevailing colour of bones within the Põlgaste tarand grave material is pale
with a light brown and occasional orange-red hue. Archaeologist Silvia Laul (2001:
196), who excavated Põlgaste tarand grave, has argued the bones have been slightly
burned. The cremated bone material in Põlgaste grave included calcinated
fragments and surprisingly uniform colouration. The latter is attributed to the
cremation of dry bones; here calcinated bones are light brown or tan (Buikstra,
Swegle, 1989: 249–252). Dark brown and black fragments were observed only very
rarely among the material (Allmäe, 2013).
In Kirikumägi flat ground cemetery mainly light coloured bone assemblages were
found, with shades varying from light yellow greyish to light brownish;
occasionally dark grey shades were also observed - the cremation temperature
would have been al least 600 ºC, most likely above 800 ºC (Valk, Allmäe, 2010).
More detailed observations were conducted to describe the colouration of the
cremains in south-eastern Estonian sand barrows (Suure-Rõsna, Rõsna-Saare I and
II). The prevailing colour of the bone units in sand barrows was white with a yellow
hue (39.5% of bone units), with the next most common colour described as pale
with a greyish beige or greyish yellow hue (37.1%), and brownish or dark grey
colouration recorded for 10.2% of bone units. Dark brown and black colours
(incompletely burned bone fragments) were recorded for 4.8–11.4% of bone units

40
(Table 2), while bone units buried with charcoal and soot (‘sooty bones’) formed
11% of buried bone assemblages (Allmäe, 2013).
According to the observations on colouration of archaeological cremains from the
Middle and Late Iron Age the cremation temperature would have been above 600
ºC, and most likely above 800 ºC (Valk, Allmäe, 2010; Allmäe, 2013). The
occasional find of unburnt or charred fragments are not unusual among cremains
(Table 2). In addition the grey colouration is common, showing incomplete burning
of the organic part of the bone. The secondary surface colour, for example yellow
or beige, or sooty bones, is caused by soil conditions or burial practice.

3.1.4. Character of cremated bone material and its relation to burial practice
Nearly all bone materials showed fracture patterns and surface patterns
characteristic to burning corpses, the only exception being the tarand grave at
Põlgaste from the beginning of first millennium. Here the fracture pattern and
colouration cremains could indicate possible secondary burial – the cremations of
dry bones (Allmäe, 2013, 2014b).
The colour of bones gives us a hint of the heat of the cremation pyre and also of the
burial environment. White bones, sometimes with a yellow hue, are evidence of
quite high pyre temperatures, definitely at least 800 ºC. White and pale bones were
often found in west and south-eastern Estonian graves. A yellow hue on the surface
of bones and in bone spongiosa is quite common for cremations above 800 ºC
(Wahl, 2008). The greyish beige or greyish yellow colour of bone assemblages,
which often occurred in south-eastern barrows, is much more difficult to interpret.
The suggestion is that the bones are moderately burned, plausibly at temperatures
between 600 and 800 ºC. Most likely, the beige colour is caused from the burial
environment, while a greyish tone is partly caused by incomplete oxidation of
fragments and partly by the burial environment. A grey and light grey colour is
observed for a wide range of pyre temperatures, mainly beginning around 550–650
ºC. These colours were also found for example in Maidla I stone grave. The dark
greyish-brown bone units are probably cremated at lower temperatures than 600 ºC
(McCutcheon, 1992; Shipman et al, 1984; Holck, 1997/2008; Walker et al, 2008;
Wahl, 2008). The dark greyish brown bone units were occasionally found from
nearly all graves, for example in south-eastern sand barrows 10.2% of bone units
were accounted in this group. These bone units are possibly the indication of
unsuccessful cremation, something (for example weather) could have hindered the
burning process. Bone units consisting of white fragments with a yellow hue were
frequent in sand-barrows, suggesting that these bones were ‘clean’, not buried with
charcoal or soot but carefully picked from the pyre remains before burial. For
example, ‘clean’ bones form 30.2% of bones from Swedish Early Iron Age
cremations and only 0.8% of Late Iron Age cremations (Sigvallius, 1994). On the
other hand many (11.0%) of bone assemblages were buried in sand barrows with a
remarkable amount of charcoal and soot – meaning with pyre remains. The
occurrence of ‘clean and white’ and ‘greyish brown and sooty” bones in south-

41
eastern sand barrows demonstrates different contemporaneous burial practices for
cremains. In western Estonian stone graves sooty bones were quite common as the
cremation often took place in the grave area (Mandel, 2003: 153–159; Allmäe,
2003, 2013, 2014b).

3.2. DEMOGRAPHIC FIGURES AND COMMUNITY SIZE

3.2.1. Number of burials, biological sex and age at death assessments

The number of analysed graves is fourteen; the main results are presented in Table
3. In many west Estonian graves (Maidla I and II, Ehmja, Lihula, Keskvere II)
cremations as well as inhumations were detected (Allmäe, 2003, 2013; Mandel,
2003). In the studied south-eastern graves cremation was prevalent (Aun, 1992;
Laul, 2001; Allmäe, 2013), except for the Kirikumägi flat-ground cemetery at
Siksälä, where unburnt fragments of a skeleton of a 3–4-year old child were found
(Valk, Allmäe, 2009, 2010).
The minimum number of burials (MNI) and the plausible number of burials (PNI)
differ in most cases, and the discrepancy is expectedly greater in larger graves. The
biological sex of buried individuals was frequently not determinable (Table 3),
especially for cremation burials. Worth mentioning from west Estonia are the graves
at Maidla. In the second Maidla grave an estimation of biological sex was possible
for only 18 of 42 cremated individuals ten female and eight male individuals were
distinguished (Allmäe, 2003: 248). Four male and five female burials were
distinguished amongst 17 cremation burials in the Maidla I grave (Allmäe, 2003:
245). In south-eastern graves only cremations were present, however the bone
material had a much higher diagnostic value and the success rate in sex estimations
was expectedly higher (Table 3).
The proportion of sub-adults in graves is 50% or below (Table 3). The proportion
has, of course, less importance in small graves (Uugla I–III, Kirbla), where only a
few individuals are buried and/or cremated on the site (Allmäe, 2003, 2013, 2014a;
Mandel, 2003). In partially investigated graves (Ehmja, Lihula, Keskvere, Põlgaste,
Kirikumägi) the age structure can be distorted because only some of the
osteological material was available for anthropological study. Therefore the
proportion of sub-adults is significant in graves that have been thoroughly
investigated: Maidla I, Maidla II, Rõsna-Saare I, Rõsna-Saare II and Suure-Rõsna.
It seems that the proportion of sub-adults (aged under 15 years) is quite similar for
these graves – from 34.4% to 40.0%. The only exception is the second Maidla
grave, where the proportion of sub-adults is slightly lower – 29.7%. Even then the
proportion of sub-adults could be overestimated here because it is highly probable
that the infant burials, or at least some of them, are from the Medieval period
(Allmäe, 2014a).

42
Table 3. Minimum and plausible number of burials; results of age and sex assessment.
Name of the grave Maidla Maidla Keskvere Lihula Ehmja Uugla I Uugla II Uugla Kirbla Rõsna- Rõsna- Suure- Kiriku- Põlgaste
I II III Saare I Saare II Rõsna mägi
stone- stone- flat- stone- stone- stone- stone- stone- stone- sand sand sand flat- tarand
Type of the grave
grave grave ground grave grave grave grave grave grave barrow barrow barrow ground grave
5–6 5–7
Period * (cc) AD 10–13 7–8 5–7 11–13 12–13 11–13 11–12 6–8 7–8 6–8 10–12** 3-5
(11–13) 11–12
Number of bone units 268 674 10 144 248 157 30 326 70 159 97 164 69 59
Archaelogically
determined nested - - - - - - - - - 65 53 41 - -
bone units **
Minimu number of
19 51 1 10 5 4 1 7 1 34 22 26 4 18
individuals (MNI)
Plausible number of
20 74 3 21 10 4 1 11 2 61 46 40 4 23
individuals (PNI)
Cremations 17 42 3 10 5 4 1 11 2 61 46 40 3 23
Inhumations 3 32 - 9 5 - - - - - - - 1 -
Subadults (0-15 y.) 8 22 1 4 5 0 0 1 1 21 18 15 1 4
Adults ( 15+ y.) 12 52 2 17 5 4 1 10 1 40 28 25 3 19
Males 5 13 - 2 2 - - 2 - 14 10 8 1 12
Females 5 16 - 4 - 1 1 3 1 15 8 8 1 6
Proportion of sex
0.50 0.39 n/a 0.29 0.2 0.25 1 0.45 1 0.48 0.39 0.4 0.5 0.78
estimations
Masculinisation index 1.0 0.81 - 0.5 - - - 0.67 - 0.93 1.25 1.0 1.0 2.0
Undetermined sex 2 23 2 11 3 3 0 5 0 11 10 9 1 1
*
archaeochronological dates from Aun, 1992; Laul, 2001; Mandel, 2003; Aun et al, 2008; ** radiocarbon date from Valk, Allmäe, 2010.

43
3.2.2. Radiocarbon dates and time-span of grave usage

The radiocarbon dates (AMS) of cremated and non-cremated bones from six
investigated graves are presented in Table 4. The number of AMS dates is small,
but do help to specify the time span over which the grave was in use.
According to AMS dates the first stone-grave of Maidla is from the 3rd–5th centuries
(archaeologically dated to 5th–6th cc.); the cremations in the second grave are from
the 10th–12th centuries, as is already suggested by Mandel (2003). One infant
inhumation from this grave was also radiocarbon dated, showing that apart from the
12th–13th century inhumations (Mandel, 2003), some of the infant inhumation(s)
could be even be from Medieval times (Allmäe, 2014a, Table 4). The sand barrows
from south-eastern Estonia have been radiocarbon dated to the 4th–6th centuries,
probably indicating a somewhat earlier establishment of the graves in comparison
with archaeochronological dating from 6th–8th cc. (Table 4; Allmäe, 2014a.)
Radiocarbon dating of cremated bone possibly yielding a somewhat older age is a
phenomenon supported by experimental evidence (Hüls et al, 2010; Olsen et al,
2013). Hüls and his coworkers (Hüls et al, 2010) found that depending on the
cremation temperature, its duration, the composition of the burning atmosphere, and
the composition/age of the fuel, an aging effect of 50–100 years may be possible.
Therefore we cannot exclude the possibility that relatively old AMS dates are
because of the burial techniques employed. On the other hand, there are available
radiocarbon dates from charcoal amongst cremated bones collected from cremation
burials found under the barrows of Rõsna-Saare I (Tln-285; 1825±80 BP) and in the
Suure-Rõsna cemetery (Tln-735; 1920±35 BP). The charcoal beneath the first
barrow of Rõsna-Saare I cemetery gave a calibrated date of 25–391 AD (95.4%
probability), and Suure-Rõsna’s 6th barrow (95.4% probability) gave a date of 1–
221 AD (Tvauri, 2012: 272). However, the dates from cremated human bones
(Table 1, 4) were not only collected from beneath the barrows, but also from the
burials inside the barrows.
The infant inhumations in Kaseküla stone-cist grave at Läänemaa were radiocarbon
dated to specify when these burials took place, and if the infant burials are
contemporaneous with Bronze Age burials or from later periods. The results of
AMS dating showed that infants were buried during the Late Iron Age – 2000 years
later than the adults in the stone-cists (Table 4; Allmäe, 2010). Radiocarbon dating
(AMS) of burnt and unburnt bones in the graves is a good tool to specify when the
burial place was used and when it was reused again after a time gap.
The radiocarbon dates of cremated bones from five investigated graves were used to
model the demographic figures and usage period of these graves (Table 5).

44
Table 4. Radiocarbon dates of cremated and inhumed human bones in graves.
Archaeochro-
Burial place Construction Bone sample Location in grave nological date Lab no BP 95.4 % 68.2 %
of the grave*
stone grave adult, left ulna
Maidla I 104/F 5th – 6th cc. HELA-2403 1675 +-30 BP 258 – 427 AD 341-413 AD
irregular prox., cremated
stone grave adult, cranial
Maidla II 96N–96O 10th – 13th cc. HELA-1958 1000 ± 30 BP 980 – 1160 AD 990-1120 AD
irregular vault, cremated
infant, os
stone grave temporale, pars
Maidla II 75S 12th – 13th cc HELA-1919 440 ± 30 BP 1410 – 1610 AD 1430-1465 AD
irregular petrosa,
uncremated
Rõsna- 1st bone set under
barrow no 7, adult, axis,
Saare the barrow, 6th – 8th cc. HELA-1959 1565 ± 35 BP 410 – 570 AD 430-540 AD
long cremated
I cremated
Rõsna- RSI-157 in the
barrow no 9, subadult, long
Saare center of barrow, 6th – 8th cc. HELA -1960 1595 ± 35 BP 390 – 550 AD 420 – 540 AD
rounded bone fr., cremated
I cremated
RSII-86 in the
Rõsna- barrow no 7, adult cranial vault,
center of barrow, 7th – 8th cc. HELA-1961 1620 ± 35 BP 340 – 540 AD 390 – 540 AD
Saare II long cremated
cremated
Suure- barrow no 6, adult cranial vault, SR-40 in the center
6th – 8th cc. HELA-1962 1535 ± 35 BP 420 – 600 AD 430 – 580 AD
Rõsna rounded cremated of barrow, cremated
adult cranial vault,
Kaseküla stone cist No 29, in stone cist 1100–500 BC POZ-32412 2780 ± 30 BP 1010 – 840 BC 980 – 895 BC
uncremated
infant, left femur,
Kaseküla stone cist No 29, in stone cist 1100–500 BC POZ-32413 1195 ± 30 BP 710 – 940 AD 760 – 900 AD
uncremated
infant, petrous part No 40, in stone
Kaseküla stone cist of left temporal circle, square plot 1100 – 500 BC POZ-32414 920± 30 BP 1020 – 1190 AD 1040 – 1160 AD
bone, uncremated 9/Q

*Dates from Mandel 2003, Aun 1992, Lang 1996

45
3.2.3. Demographic figures: mortality, fertility and community size
The modelled demographic characteristics for five Estonian graves under study are
presented in Table 5; life tables with raw data are given in Appendix 3, Tables 8.1.–
8.6.; and life tables with corrected data in Appendix 4: Tables 9.1.–9.6.
Newborn life expectancy, calculated according to non-corrected life tables (raw
data), indicates the highest values for graves, and points to relatively low mortality.
The data, corrected according to Rösing and Jankauskas (1997), in which the
proportion of infants and small children (0–4 years) is increased to 45% of the total
number of individuals, shows lower and probably more reliable values for newborn
life expectancy (Table 5).
The model based on the juvenile ratio (Bocquet, Masset, 1977; Bocquet-Appel,
Masset, 1982) proposes the lowest newborn life expectancy. The juvenility indices
D5–14/D20+ for sand barrow cemeteries vary from 0.28 to 0.31 (0.30 for the
summarised Rõsna sample), e00 between 16.7 and 18.1 years (17.1 years for
summarised sample) indicating mortality between 55.1‰ and 60.0‰ (58.5‰ for
the summarised sample). These mortality values are much higher in comparison
with those received from non-corrected life tables (31–38‰), and slightly higher in
comparison with the mortality obtained from corrected life tables (45–54‰).
The Maidla stone graves show higher variability in juvenility indices and newborn
life expectancy (Table 5). The Maidla I grave indicates a very high crude death rate
(92.1‰) and extremely low newborn life expectancy (e00=10.9), conditions under
which a community is hardly sustainable. For the Maidla II grave the mortality rate
is the lowest (38.9‰), and life expectancy at birth (e00=25.7) the highest in
comparison with other communities under study.
We should bear in mind that Maidla I is a very small grave (only 20 burials), and
that in the Maidla II grave the older children (over 5 years) could also be under-
represented as well as infants as only two cremations of sub-adults were detected in
the grave (Allmäe, 2003). The GRR and TFR fertility rates received from the
juvenility indices are also presented in Table 5. According to this model, the lowest
number of offspring is characteristic to women of Late Iron Age Maidla, and the
highest to Middle Iron Age women at Suure-Rõsna. The number of offspring (TFR
based on juvenility index model) increases with mortality, as expected, because
higher infant mortality reduces the birth interval. When a nursing child dies, the
natural sterility due to the lactation period is interrupted and conception happens
earlier (Wood, 1990). Human reproductive strategies may change under the
influence or interaction of several economic, social and biological factors. Fertility
may increase, for example during war, famine and drought, although the mortality
rate is high at the same time. This phenomenon is observable in the studied
material: low newborn life expectancy is related to a higher number of offspring.
The number of children born per woman was also calculated according to the
model proposed by M. Henneberg (1975), showing more realistic values. The

46
cumulative number of deliveries per woman or per adult couple is from 3.88 to 5.06
in the communities under the study. The number of offspring varies from 3.82 to
5.06 for south-eastern barrow cemeteries, and between 3.88 and 4.8 for west
Estonian stone-graves (Table 5). Ro or net reproduction rate indicates the
replaceability of generations; Ro>1 for all observed communities suggests a positive
increase.
The sizes of living populations calculated according to different life expectancies
indicate that in most cases one household or family used the graves under the study.
The model also suggests that the Rõsna-Saare I cemetery might have been used by a
somewhat larger household or extended family, or was used for somewhat longer
period. The calculated size of living population is sensitive to the estimated time of
grave use: if the time span diminishes the size of the calculated population will be
larger, according to these models (Table 5; Appendix 1).
The first Maidla stone grave in west Estonia was probably established at the end of
the Roman Iron Age or at the beginning of the Middle Iron Age. One family at most
used the grave, and the crude death rate was very high (e00=10.9). This meant that
the community was probably not sustainable and perhaps inhabited the site for a
short period only. The same pattern characterises the Pre-Roman Iron Age tarand
graves at Poanse. Newborn life expectancy here is extremely low at 10.8 and 14.4
years, respectively (Appendix 1; Appendix 5: Tables 10.1.–10.4.). However, the
crude death rates are very high and the calculated community sizes very small (2.9
people at Maidla I, 2.0 at Poanse I and 3.4 at Poanse II). The time-span over which
these graves were used is 75, 250 and 150 years, respectively. It might be that the
assumptions on time-span are wrong and the graves were used for a shorter period.
The estimate of the population size is highly dependent on the term of grave use
and of estimated life expectancy at birth. Our idea that graves, especially tarand
graves, were used for several centuries could be somewhat overestimated. For
example, if we diminish the term of grave use of Poanse I from 250 to 100 years,
and of Poanse II from and 150 to 50 years, and use newborn life expectancy derived
from the juvenility ratio (e00=10.8; e00=14.4 years), we get another reality
(Appendix 1). The size of community for Poanse I tarand grave is 5 and for Poanse
II is 10.
During the Late Iron Age a community of 7–10 individuals used the second Maidla
grave in western Estonia – probably one family or household (Allmäe, 2006). The
estimated family size is in accordance with the earlier results of various authors on
the average size of the Estonian family in the 13th century and later periods
(Blumfeldt, 1937; Ligi, 1961; Tarvel, 1972; Palli, 1996); Mägi (2002: 11, 74, 123)
has argued that that for example stone graves on Saaremaa belonged to just one or
two elite families. The present study also suggests that probably one family or
household (8–9 individuals) had its own burial ground at Maidla during the 10th–
13th centuries. Newborn life expectancy was 25.7 years, the crude death rate was
38.9‰, and women gave birth to 4 to 5 children on average. This level of newborn
life expectancy implies low child mortality and favourable living conditions, or the

47
under-representation of sub-adult (older than 5 years) burials in the grave. There are
many possible reasons for child under-enumeration in the graves: the segregation in
sub-adult burial practice is plausible (Allmäe, 2010), the crushing of cremains
before burial or excavation technique. For example the crushing of burnt bones
before burial in Late Iron Age western Estonia is probable (Allmäe, 2013); in this
case, the fragile cremains of children become invisible in graves (Sigvallius, 1994:
32; Holck, 1997). In adequate excavation techniques are less plausible, as in the
first Maidla grave the number of sub-adults is representative.

Table 5. Demographic data of Estonian graves

Rõsna- Rõsna- Suure-
Sand
Name of the grave Maidla I Maidla II
Saare I Saare II Rõsna
barrows
Type of the grave stone-grave stone-grave sand barrow sand barrow sand barrow summarised
Archaeochronological dates 5th–6th cc. 10th–13thcc. 6th– 8thcc. 7th–8th cc. 6th– 8th cc. 6th– 8th cc.
341–413 990–1120 420–540 390–540 430–580 390–580
AMS dates 68.2 % (range)
AD AD AD AD AD AD
258–427 980–1160 390–570 340–540 420–600 340–600
AMS dates 95.4 % (range)
AD AD AD AD AD AD
Number of burials 20 74 61 46 40 147
Sex determination
Males 5 13 14 10 8 32
Females 5 16 15 8 8 31
Index of masculinisation (%) 1.0 0.81 0.87 1.25 1 1.03
Undetermined sex 2 23 11 10 9 30
Age structure
Subadults 0-15 (yrs) 8 22 21 18 15 54
0 0 7 5 5 3 13
1–6 3 6 6 6 4 16
5–9 4 8 7 3 5 15
10 – 14 1 1 3 4 3 10
Adults (yrs) 12 52 40 28 25 93
15 – 25 0 1 5 5 1 11
20 – 39 5 25 13 6 5 24
35 – 64 3 12 11 5 3 19
60+ 0 2 0 2 4 6
Adult 20 + 4 12 11 10 12 33
Proportin of subadults 40% 29.70% 34.40% 39.10% 37.50% 36.73
Proportion of adults 60% 70.30% 65.60% 60.90% 62.50% 63.27
T = usage of grave (yrs) 75 250* 150 150 150 150

48
 Life tables, raw data after Acsady & Nemeskeri (1970).

e00 newborn life expectancy 30.3 28.16 27.25 26.54 32.08 28.35

Crude death=crude birth rate 0.033 0.036 0.037 0.038 0.031 0.035
**
Population size 8.1 8.3 11.1 8.1 8.6 27.8
Corrected life tables after Rösing and Jankauskas (1997)

e00 newborn life expectancy 19.92 19.15 18.67 19.44 22.01 19.75

Crude death=crude birth rate 0.050 0.052 0.054 0.051 0.045 0.051
**
Population size 8.2 8.5 11.3 8.3 8.8 28.3
After Boquet & Masset 1982
Juvenility index 5-14/20+ 0.43 0.18 0.28 0.31 0.31 0.30

e00 newborn life expectancy 10.9 25.7 18.1 16.9 16.7 17.1

Crude death=crude birth rate 0.0921 0.0389 0.0551 0.0593 0.0600 0.0585
Population size ** 2.9 7.6 7.4 5.2 4.4 16.7
GRR - 2.5 3.5 3.5 4.1 3.8
TFR - 5.1 6.9 7.2 8.4 7.8
**
Population size 2.9–8.2 7.6-8.5 7.4-11.3 5.2-8.3 4.4-8.8 16.7-28.3
Reproduction after Henneberg (1976)
Rpot 0.648784 0.5208709 0.5139019 0.543373 0.6789304 0.5671374
R0 (Uc=7.45) 1.45 1.18 1.25 1.23 1.58 1.34
C - average number of births 4.8 3.88 3.82 4.05 5.06 4.22
* **
after Mandel 2003 after Ubelaker 1989
Concerning community size, the results of osteological analysis of cremains from
the Middle Iron Age barrow cemeteries at Rõsna (south-eastern Estonia) indicate
the same pattern – one family or household used one barrow cemetery. The
assumptions on community size based on the archeologically determined number of
burials (Rõsna-Saare I and Rõsna-Saare II) and a mortality rate of 40‰ show
similar results (Ligi, 1989; Lang, Ligi, 1991: 227); barrow cemeteries should be
regarded as the burial places of a single family, or at least a small group of people
(Lang, Ligi, 1991: 226–228; Ligi, 1989). Similar results have been obtained from
Iron Age east Lithuania: community sizes of 5–15 individuals usually buried their
dead in one barrow cemetery, this number of individuals corresponding to a group
of people the size of the average nuclear family over several generations (Kurila,
2009).
Newborn life expectancy at Rõsna during the Middle Iron Age was 17.1 years,
crude death rate was 58.5‰ on average and women gave birth to 4.2–7.8 children,
depending on the model, (Table 5), indicating relatively unfavourable living
conditions in comparison with Late Iron Age Maidla.

49
The present study demonstrates that demographic figures depend on the model or
sample chosen. The overall variability in the proportion of adults and sub-adults in
graves is not striking, but when skeletal samples are very small, any minor change
in proportions of age cohort has a significant impact on the demographic figures.

3.3. TEMPORAL AND CULTURAL DIFFERENCES IN MIDDLE AND

LATE IRON AGE WEST ESTONIAN AND SOUTH-EASTERN ESTONIAN
BURIAL CUSTOMS

3.3.1. The grave types, dates and burial practice

The studied Iron Age graves in west and south-eastern Estonia are of different sizes,
construction types and periods, and burial practice (cremation, inhumation) has also
influenced the character and composition of bone material.
Some of graves have been more or less thoroughly investigated (the graves at
Maidla and Rõsna; and those at Kirbla and the Uugla stone graves respectively),
while others (Põlgaste tarand grave, the flat-ground cemetery at Siksälä, and
several stone-graves at Läänemaa) have been investigated only partially. Most of
the Iron Age graves investigated during the present study have a construction that is
well known in Estonia through the irregular stone graves at Läänemaa (west
Estonia), the rounded and long sand barrows characteristic to the Long-Barrow
Culture in south-eastern Estonia, the tarand graves in various forms characteristic
of Estonia since the Early Iron Age in different parts of Estonia (Mandel, 2003;
Lang, 2007a: 170, 203; Laul, 2001: 190–195; Aun, 1992, 2005). The Late Bronze
Age stone-cist grave at Kaseküla (Mandel, 1975; Lang, 1996: 297) has been studied
as a case of a special burial place for Late Iron Age infants (Allmäe, 2010). The
flat-ground (or under level ground) cemeteries with cremations were not recovered
since 2009–2010 at Siksälä in south-eastern Estonia and at Uugla, west Estonia
(Valk, Allmäe, 2009, 2010; Mandel, 2011); the scattered cremains under level
ground is a new type of burial ground for Estonia.
In many west Estonian stone graves (Maidla I and II, Ehmja, Lihula) cremations as
well as inhumations were practiced while at Uugla, Keskvere and Kirbla only
cremations were present (Allmäe, 2003, 2013, 2014a; Mandel, 2003; Table 3).
In the studied south-eastern Estonian graves cremation was prevalent (Aun, 1992;
Laul, 2001; Allmäe, 2013, 2014b), except for the Kirikumägi flat-ground cemetery
at Siksälä, where unburnt fragments of the skeleton of a 3- to 4-year old child were
found (Valk, Allmäe, 2009, 2010). In Suure-Rõsna barrow cemetery, some unburnt
human vertebrae were found in one bone assemblage, this could have happened due
to unsuccessful cremation in which the temperature and oxygen flow were
insufficient to properly burn the corpse.
According to archaeochronological dates the tarand grave at Põlgaste is from the
3rd–5th cc. (Laul, 2001: 42), the Maidla I stone grave is from the 5th–6th cc. (Mandel,

50
2003) and the sand-barrow cemeteries at Rõsna, south-eastern Estonia, from the
6th–8th cc. (Aun, 1992). However, radiocarbon dates (AMS) of cremated bones
added new information regarding the dating of the burial sites. Two samples of
cremated bone dated cremation burials in the tarand grave at Põlgaste to the 1st
century BC–2nd century AD; one sample dated cremation burial in the first stone
grave at Maidla to the (3rd)4th–5th centuries AD, and four samples of cremated bone
dated burials in the sand barrow cemeteries at Rõsna to the 4th–6th centuries AD.
However, in comparison with archaeological chronology these burials sites could
have been established somewhat earlier (Allmäe, 2013, 2014a). The usage periods
of Maidla I stone grave and Rõsna sand barrows overlap despite the overall
fragmentation of cremated bones and proportion of sub-adult burials are similar.
The proportion of sub-adults was only 17.4% at Põlgaste tarand grave, although
nothing certain can be concluded on the number of sub-adult burials, as the no all of
the material was available for study. The cremated bones themselves from the
Põlgaste tarand grave demonstrated peculiar characteristics. They exhibited very
even colouration and non-typical fracture patterns that could be attributed to the
cremation of the bones (Buikstra, Swegle, 1989; Whyte, 2001). Cremating dry
bones is a phenomenon found earlier in connection with an Early Iron Age tarand
grave at Tandemägi, Estonia (Kalman, 2000b; Lang, 2007a: 180), and, for example,
detected in Early Bronze Age graves in Sassary, Italy (Piga et al, 2008). The custom
of cremating human remains after the corpses had decayed is probably uncommon
for the Middle Iron Age, although there is some evidence for this from Early Iron
Age Estonia. However, Anu Kivirüüt (2014) has lately re-visited the osteological
material from Tandemägi and disagrees with Kalman (2000b). Kivirüüt argues that
the corpses have been burnt, but at low temperatures. Further studies of osteological
materials from tarand graves are essential to unravel the variability in Early Iron
Age burial custom. All other studied graves in west and south-eastern Estonia
indicated colouration and fracture patterns characteristic of burning corpses.

3.3.2. The influence of the funeral pyre on human remains

The effects of a funeral pyre on human bodies have been studied thoroughly for
decades, thus the effects of temperature on bodies and bones are well known. The
thermal alteration of bones due to temperature, oxygen flow and duration of burning
are expressed in shrinkage, different fracture patterns and colouration of bones
(Shipman et al, 1984; McKinley, 1989, 1994a, 1994b; Buikstra, Swegle, 1989;
McCutcheon, 1992; Stiner et al, 1995; Warren, Maples, 1997; Bennet, 1997;
Whyte, 2001; Wahl, 2008; Walker, Miller, 2005; Holck, 1997/2008: Walker et al,
2008, Symes et al, 2008; etc.).
The observations and experiments in modern crematoria have demonstrated that
cremation of an adult individual produces 3075 g/7.8 l of cremains on average, with
the volume of cremains diminishing to 2.95 l after the bones are intentionally
crushed. The more modern incinerators diminish the amount of cremains by one
third, to approximately 2000–2500 g, giving good good proof that cremation is an
extremely important factor (Holck, 1997/2008). Surprising variation in the weight

51
of cremains was found by Warren and Maples (1997). They found that the weight
of cremains of fully developed adults ranged from 876 g to 3784 g, the average
being 2430 g. Hence, we know that the heat of the funeral pyre results in
fragmentation and remarkable variation in weight and volume of cremains. On one
hand, these amounts of cremains are not often found in archaeological cremation
burials; on the other hand, the bone fragment size of modern cremations is
comparable to the ancient cremations buried in sealed containers (McKinley,
1994a). Having examined the heat of the funeral pyre, it would be safe to assume
that the temperature of the funeral pyre is just one of the main reasons for the
fragmentary nature of bones recovered from prehistoric graves and that cremains
are subjected to factors other than heat.

3.3.3. Other agents responsible for bone fragmentation in recovered cremation

burial deposits
The fragmentation of cremated bones after the funeral pyre is caused by cremain
handling, i.e. cooling, raking, collecting, sorting, transporting and burying. Ritual
crushing of cremated bones before burial has also been suggested. Further
fragmentation can be the result of the excavation of the material, as well as
subsequent sieving, cleaning and washing during post-excavation processes, as well
as when depositing and analysing the bone material (Lange et al, 1987; McKinley,
1989, 1994a, 1994b; Formisto, 1996: 87; Sigvallius, 1994; Kaliff, 1997: 70; Kaliff,
Oestigaard, 2004; Holck, 1997/2008: 35; Harvig et al, 2012, 2014a; Harvig,
Lynnerup, 2013; Pankowská et al, 2014; Harvig, 2015). It has been argued that
taphonomic processes in soil and both the excavation and post-excavation activities
can cause the largest amount of damage to archaeologically recovered cremains
rather than coming from ritual behaviour in the past (McKinley, 1994a; Formisto,
1996; Harvig, Lynnerup, 2013; Harvig, 2015). The influence of archaeological
excavation on the degree of cremain fragmentation depends on the soil type,
excavation methodology, time of excavation, and other possible factors (Harvig et
al, 2012). The maximum size of the cremated bone fragment recovered from
modern crematoria is 25 cm, immediately after raking cremains the maximum
length reduces (McKinley, 1994c), which means that all activities after the funeral
pyre and before burial cause extra fragmentation. Further fragmentation depends on
when and how the bones are handled. The hot bones are brittle, cool ones are
relatively hardy (Harvig, 2015).
When dealing with archaeologically recovered cremated bones it should be noted at
this point that bone fragment size means here the size after excavation rather than
the size of the deposited bones (McKinley, 1994c). This has been described well in
studies by Danish researchers on how micro-excavation of burial urn affects bone
fragment size (Harvig et al, 2014a). Later on, several possible agents appear that
affect cremated human bones before they are analysed by an osteoarchaeologist.
Pankowská and colleagues (2014) have found laboratory techniques to be the most
destructive; for example in sieved cremains the bone fragments are approximately

52
three times smaller than materials from micro-excavation. Therefore, the idea of the
ritual crushing of bones has been neglected by many authors, with good reason.
Finnish scholars (Wickholm, Raninen, 2006) have pointed out that even if the ritual
activities are difficult to prove, they should not be excluded from burial
archaeology, despite activities after the funeral pyre and before burial being in a
grey area for ancient cremations.
The problems of research into ancient burial customs and rituals are probably the
reason why contextual taphonomy is gaining popularity. The main purpose of
contextual taphonomy is to distinguish cultural, post-depositional, excavation and
post-excavation factors (Pankowská et al, 2014).
We can hypothesise that apart from taphonomic processes in soil, excavation and
post-excavation activities, the fragmentation stage of cremains, the amount
discovered in-grave reveals some other factors. For example 1) the burial custom
itself - scattered cremations, compact nested burial of cremains (the latter
sometimes in some kind of container), burial of cremains in several places; 2) the
variability of actions with cremains before burial – collection, sorting, division and
manipulation of bones.
Can we prove ritual activity with the help osteological research? We do not know
how our ancestors thought and acted during the death and funeral of a family or
community member. We cannot perceive their beliefs and we will never have a
clear vision of their burial customs. Therefore partial burials of cremated bones or
the burial of bones in several places is intriguing, although not easily detectable
using archaeological or osteological methods.
The basic variables of cremation deposits are the representation of cremains, their
volume and weight, and the degree of fragmentation (McKinley, 1989). The degree
of fragmentation can be measured directly – for example measuring the size of bone
fragments (Lahtiperä, 1970; Iregren, 1972; McKinley, 1994a, 1994b, 1994c;
Formisto, 1996; Allmäe, 2003, 2013; Allmäe, Maldre, 2005, Valk, Allmäe, 2010) or
relatively, using the ratio of weight and volume of cremains (Harvig, Lynnerup,
2013; Pankowská et al, 2014). The latter is not applicable to scattered human
remains, or in other cases, where burials are not discernible. Unfortunately the
Estonian material was not suitable for weighing and volumetric measurement
because of the collective nature of burials with scattered cremains and the mixed
nature of animal and human bones in barrow cemeteries, where the all fragments
cannot be sorted according to species. For Estonian material the measurements of
long bone and cranial fragments was conducted to estimate the fragmentation stage.
It should be noted that Estonian materials are not usually sieved during excavation
and neither are they washed and sieved afterwards. This means that the post-
excavation effects are not comparable to those caused by the method used in, for
example, Britain (McKinley, 1994c).
In Estonia the fragmentation is less pronounced in graves from the Early to Middle
Iron Age, despite the grave construction - sand barrow, tarand grave or irregular

53
stone grave. The graves with higher fragmentation of cremains are mainly from the
Late Iron Age regardless of whether the burnt bones were recovered from sandy
soil, clay-rich heavy soil or from stone-graves.
The crushing of bones has been the subject of discussion for decades. Some authors
argue that it is part of a burial ritual (Holck, 1997/2008: 35; Kaliff, 1992, 1997;
Sigvallius, 1994; Kaliff, Oestigaard, 2004), while others rationalise the subject and
refer on effect of taphonomic processes in situ, or propose that post-excavation
activities are responsible for heavily fragmented bones (McKinley, 1994a;
Formisto, 1996, Harvig et al, 2012; Harvig, Lynnerup, 2013, Pankowská et al,
2014, Harvig, 2015).
Based on research into Danish Late Bronze Age urn graves Harvig and colleagues
(2012) have rejected the idea that cremains were deliberately crushed before burial
in an urn or that some kind of deliberate insertion of different bones was carried out
during the funeral. We could argue the same for south-eastern sand barrow
cemeteries; here the crushing of cremated bones was not practiced as evidenced by
the fact that the bone units often contain large spongy parts of bones, which are
easy to crush even today.
Later on Harvig and colleagues (2013, 2014a) compared cremated bone materials
from Danish Bronze Age urn burials and Early Iron Age cremation pits. The former
contains well preserved cremains of individuals; the latter demonstrates a lack of
some anatomical areas, extreme fragmentation and heavy wear. The authors
reached the conclusion that the extreme fragmentation of cremains in Danish Early
Iron Age cremation pits points to handling of cremains before deposition and is not
caused only by post-depositional taphonomic processes; they defined cremation pits
as deliberate sorted deposits, because usually no pyre debris is found amongst the
bones (Harvig et al, 2014a). Proving ritual crushing of bones in west Estonian Late
Iron Age stone graves with scattered cremains is complicated, because it's difficult
to distinguish taphonomic wear from the results of ritual crushing; the same has
been concluded for Danish Early Iron pit graves (Harvig, 2015). According to
McKinley and Bond (McKinley 1994b, 1994c; McKinley, Bond, 2001) the
fragmentation of bone occurs for several reasons, for example from the raking of
the burning remains during the cremation process, of the later collection and
subsequent interment of remains, making it difficult to assess whether bone was
deliberately fragmented as part of the cremation ritual. Therefore we cannot rule out
the ritual crushing of cremains in Late Iron Age west Estonia, although neither can
we confirm it.

3.3.4. The character of cremated bones and burial customs in Iron Age Estonia
Tarand graves were used in Estonia from the Pre-Roman Iron Age (Lang, 2007a:
170, 188, 2007b: 104, 122), becoming the most widespread grave type during the
Roman Iron Age (Lang, 2007a: 219, 2007b: 126). The osteological material from
north Estonian tarand graves have been well studied over recent decades (Kalling,
1993; Kalman 2000a, 2000b, 2000c, 2000d; Kivirüüt, 2011, 2014), although very

54
little is known about the cremated bones in south-eastern Estonian tarand graves.
Amongst the south-eastern Estonian cremation cemeteries studied, the tarand grave
at Põlgaste (radiocarbon dated from the 1st century BC to the beginning of the 2nd
century AD), demonstrated osteological features not very well recognised in
Estonian archaeology. The cremated bones exhibited quite large bone fragments
and, while the majority of bone units were determinable, the number of estimated
remains of sub-adults was modest (17.4%). This would seem to suggest that sub-
adults were not commonly buried in that tarand grave, or that the part of the grave
that consisted of sub-adults was not available for osteological analysis. The
colouration of the cremains was evenly pale with a light brown and occasional
orange-red hue and the fracture pattern was not typical of cremated corpses. It
should also be noted that only some of the bone fragments had been calcinated.
The secondary burial custom is suggested because of osteological analysis. The
bodies should have decayed to some extent before the cremation of the remains and
therefore before burial in the tarand grave.
The burial custom according to which fragments are carefully picked from pyre site
and buried as compact nested bone assemblages is indicated by less fragmentation,
better preservation of the spongy parts of bones, a greater number of determined
bone units, and a higher proportion of identified individuals, including the cremated
remains of infants and children (Allmäe, 2013). The latter is characteristic of
Estonian (4th)6th–8th century sand barrow cemeteries with cremations. Mare Aun,
long-standing researcher into the Long Barrow Culture, has observed various burial
practices in sand barrow cemeteries. The cremated bones are placed into barrows
and sometimes also buried under the barrows in clay, wooden or other organic
containers, or simply laid in as assemblages of cremains (Aun, 2005: 106, 2006:
115). It should also be noted that pyre sites have not been found near barrow
cemeteries – the cremations themselves took place somewhere else (Aun, 2006:
177), and the cremains were collected and carried to the burial place. In barrow
cemeteries human remains pointed to two different contemporaneous burial
customs. The first was of careful collection of bones from the pyre site, bone units
that are of white or yellow colour and do not contain soot, rather these assemblages
consist of clean bones. The other custom was to collect and bury cremated bones
with pyre debris, soot and charcoal, in which case ‘sooty’ bone assemblages were
detected in graves.
In west Estonia the first Maidla stone grave from the (4th)5th–6th centuries that has
scattered human cremains is contemporaneous with sand barrow cemeteries in
south-eastern Estonia. The common characteristics of these Middle Iron Age graves
are relatively low fragmentation of cremated bones and a comparable proportion of
sub-adult burials (Allmäe, 2013). We may speculate that the similarity could result
from the simultaneity of the graves and a comparable community attitude towards
children.
The third burial custom observed was the scattering of the cremains of several
people over the grave. This custom causes the dispersal of bone fragments in a way

55
that it produces high numbers of small non-determined bone units, making the
determination of the number of individuals in the grave difficult. The phenomenon
to scatter human cremains all over the burial place is deliberate and attributed to the
burial custom of collective nature (Purhonen, 1996: 120; Wickholm, Raninen, 2006;
Mägi, 2007, 2013). The goal was to mix the remains in the way that individual
graves are not discernible. The scattering of the human remains and all other pyre
goods after the funeral pyre had burnt down has been attributed to ritualistic activity
the purpose of which was to emphasise the collective nature of the ancestors
(Wessmann, 2010: 58).
Obviously the bones have been manipulated after cremation in west Estonia.
Unfortunately the possible way in which cremains were influenced by the stone
structure of the grave was not observed during excavation. Therefore we do not
know if the bones were scattered between existing stone constructions or if the
remains were later covered by the stones. However, characteristics of graves with
scattered cremations were observed at the second Maidla stone grave: bigger units
of bone were found outside the pyre sites and most artefact complexes were not
related to bone assemblages (Allmäe, 2003: 247). Only one correlation was found
in the graves in the form of spearheads related to the estimated concentration areas
of cremated human bones (Mandel, 2003: 135; Allmäe, 2004). Intrasite spatial
analysis of the 10th–13th century cemetery at Madi (south Estonia), which has
dispersed cremations, has also shown no clustering of the artefacts and burnt bones
in-grave (Konsa, 2013), and neither do the distribution patterns of artefacts and
burnt bones overlap in most cases here. Konsa has suggested that the cremated
bones have been distinguished from the rest of the pyre remains and treated
separately from grave goods (Konsa, 2013).
As we see, graves with scattered human cremains were not only found in west
Estonia, but also in south and south-eastern Estonia. In south-eastern Estonia, at
Kirikumägi, Siksälä archaeologist Heiki Valk discovered a flat-ground cemetery
from the 10th–12th centuries with scattered human cremains. Here the cremation
grade and the fragmentation stage of cremated bones is similar to Late Iron Age
stone graves in west Estonia (Valk, Allmäe, 2009, 2010), despite the different grave
construction (stone grave in west Estonia, flat-ground cemetery without stone
constructions at Siksälä) and different soil conditions. In west Estonia the soil is
thick and clay-rich, in addition to which later excavation activities could easily have
destroyed the spongy parts of bones. At Siksälä the soil is light and sandy and
excavation hardly damaged the bones. Despite the differences in grave construction
and soil condition the size of bone fragment at Siksälä flat-ground cemetery is
comparable to those in Late Iron Age west Estonian stone graves. The similarity in
bone fragmentation could be due to the handling of bones before burial, for
example crushing. The pyre site itself was not found in the grave area at Siksälä,
although this could be due to the fact that the excavation area is quite small and the
cremation place itself has not been found yet, or it may be because the pyre site is
not in the grave area as we see in the case of sand barrow cemeteries at Rõsna.

56
Apart from Estonia cremation cemeteries under level ground (cemeteries without
formal structure) with scattered human remains are also characteristic to Karelia,
Curonia and Finland (Mägi, 2002: 24, 2013: 185; Wickholm, 2008; Wessmann,
2010: 19). In recent decades the results of osteological analysis of cremated bones
have been published only for two Finnish graves. The first is cremation cemetery A
at Vainionmäki, Laitila (600–800 AD), excavated between 1986 and 1994.
Formisto (1996: 81–87) has suggested that the cremation itself was conducted in the
grave area. For several west Estonian cremation graves Mandel (2003) has
suggested the same. Mandel (2003) has described heavily burned areas that have a
greasy charcoal layer in the grave area. This is in accordance with criteria
previously established by other researches (Iregren, 1972: 73; McKinley, 1989;
Arcini, 2005) to determine the areas where corpses were burned in the grave area.
The average size of the longest bone fragments measured in the Vainionmäki A
grave was 1–3 cm, with a maximum length of about 8 cm. Bone colour is described
as grey, although the bones were covered with soot, which sometimes caused
difficulties in determining the actual colour (Formisto, 1996: 81–87). Despite the
time gap, the Vainionmäki A cremation grave, with irregular stone settings,
scattered cremains, many sooty bones and comparable bone fragmentation stage is
very similar to west Estonian graves, especially the Maidla II stone grave from the
10th–13th centuries.
The second Finnish example is Rikala, under the level-ground cremation cemetery
at Salo (initially dated to the Merovingian period). The osteological study and
radiocarbon dating of cremated bones from Rikala (section VII) revealed that this
grave had quite a complicated nature, for example the scattered human remains and
multiperiod use of the grave. According to new research the grave was used from
the second half of the 1st century to the beginning of 7th century AD (Mäntyla-
Asplund, Storå, 2010). Despite the time gap there are some similarities between
Rikala at Salo (1st–7th cc.) and west Estonian Late Iron Age stone graves with
irregular stone settings, or with the flat-ground cemetery Kirikumägi at Siksälä
(10th–12th cc., south-eastern Estonia). These are cremation cemeteries under level
ground (flat-ground cemeteries). Kirikumägi and Rikala (Mäntyla-Asplund, Storå,
2010; Valk, Allmäe, 2010) show no trace of funeral pyres in the grave area. Partial
excavation of these two graves could also be the reason why pyre sites are not
detected at Rikala, Salo, or at Kirikumägi at Siksälä. However, it is possible that the
funeral pyre was arranged far away from the grave area in both cases. Further large
scale studies could reveal the peculiarities of mortuary practices relating to under
level ground cemeteries.
The cremated bone material from Late Iron Age graves at Läänemaa (west Estonia)
and Siksälä (south-eastern Estonia) are more fragmented, indicating a smaller
proportion of bone fragments. The bones themselves are often sooty, in many cases
the pyre sites are found in the grave area with, occasionally, the cremated remains
of infants and children found. We may assume that the character of the cremated
bones is caused by the mortuary practise of the Late Iron Age, i.e. scattering

57
cremains with pyre debris into the grave area, although we cannot rule out the
possibility that bones were crushed before burial, or that some bone parts were
taken from the pyre site and then buried somewhere else. Graves with few human
bones, or a total absence of them, have already been described, often along with
reasoning about distribution of cremains between several burial and/or ritual places
(Gejvall, 1961; McKinley, 1989; Kaliff, 1992: 121–122; Sigvallius, 1994: 27–32;
Parker Pearson, 1999; Allmäe, 2003: 258; Wickholm, Raninen, 2003: 4; Kaliff,
Oestigaard, 2004; Williams, 2008; Wickholm, 2008: 90; Wessmann, 2010: 53–54;
Tvauri, 2012: 194; Veselka, Lemmers, 2014).
‘Grave’ as a concept can be symbolic, although it can be difficult to distinguish the
pyre site from the burial site or cult place.

3.3.5. Pyre sites

Caroline Arcini (2005) has argued that osteological materials recovered from pyre
sites are often characterised by a lack of the petrous parts of the temporal bone. In
light of this observation we can speculate that the Late Iron Age graves at Kirbla
and Uugla (I, II, III), which have burned areas with greasy black soil, commonly
with small pieces of artefact and heavily cremated bones, are mainly excavated pyre
sites with a surrounding area of scattered cremains. The excavations of stone graves
in Läänemaa have revealed several pyre sites inside grave areas (Mandel, 2003: 39–
47, 70–73, 75–80, 82, 90; Mandel, Allmäe, 2009). Analysis of osteological material
showed that petrous parts of the temporal bones in the Uugla graves were mainly
found in pieces, while not even this was found in the Kirbla grave (Allmäe, 2003:
246–247; Mandel, Allmäe, 2009). Uugla II is stone-circle grave, the only example
found in west Estonia so far. The cremation was carried out inside a stone circle of
2 m x 1.6 m on site (Mandel, 2003: 82). At Kirbla cremated human bones were
mainly found in connection with a sooty patch of 3 m x 2.2 m (Mandel 2003, 90).
At Uugla I and III very fragmentary bone material was also mainly found in sooty
areas (Mandel, 2003: 82; Allmäe, 2003: 247; Mandel, Allmäe, 2009). Where was
the bulk of the human remains found at the Uugla pyre site? Mati Mandel (2011)
has found cremated bones under level ground around the Uugla III grave; here
cremains were found associated with sooty soil patches or in small pits, no artefacts
were found with bones. All three small Uugla (I–III) stone graves are all very close
to each other, although we could suggest that Uugla is similar to the Maidla II grave
field, where human remains were cremated in the grave area and then sorted and
scattered or buried near the pyre sites.
The second important observation made by Arcini (2005) is that pyre sites may
contain a relatively large number of animal bones or even whole skeletons, while at
the same time very few human bones are detected. These features are in some
extent characteristic of Estonian Viking Age stone-circle graves at Piila, Saaremaa
Island (Mägi et al, 1998), especially grave IV: 2, where a number of dog bones
where recovered but only a few human bones. Cremated dogs have been found in
association with sooty patches in Late Iron Age stone graves at Läänemaa, for

58
example at Uugla I and III and Kirbla. Cremated dogs have also been found in the
same circumstances at Maidla II (Maldre, 2003: 269–274). We might hypothesise
that at Piila human cremains were carefully picked from the pyre site and buried
elsewhere or otherwise, and that some cremated human bones with artefacts were
brought to cult or burial place from pyre sites, as suggested by Marika Mägi (2007).
It should be noted that Mägi et al (1998) found the probable pyre site for mainly
human remains in grave IV: 4 at Piila, where a 10 cm thick sooty layer with
cremated bones was found (Mägi et al, 1998).
Arcini (2005) has pointed out that “the belief that pyre sites were collective and
used repeatedly has led to the search for larger pyre sites with traces of repeated
cremations, which is expected to generate an abundance of charcoal and fire-burnt
soil.” However, this is not always the case because cremation conducted at one site
only once and left uncovered leaves no remarkable traces. The remarkably sooty
and greasy patches of soil, or even areas at the Läänemaa stone graves are
obviously pyre sites used recurrently. Pyre sites were not found in the grave area in
south-eastern Estonia and it is possible that they were far away from the cemetery,
for example near settlements, where it was easier to control the funeral pyre during
the cremation process. It is not unusual that pyre sites are not found in the grave
area; even at Spong Hill, the largest excavated Anglo-Saxon cremation cemetery in
the UK, no pyre sites were found (McKinley 1994c). On the other hand, most
Romano-British cemeteries probably functioned as crematoria, although the
evidence of actual pyre sites is scarce (McKinley, 2008). Cremation in the grave
area has also been suggested for Vainionmäki A cremation cemetery (Formisto,
1996: 81–87). The cremation technology, pyre sites and their relationship to burial
custom in prehistoric Estonia is a subject worthy of further study, certainly to date
we have very little knowledge of this subject.

3.3.6. Cemetery and community size

The size of community using one burial place has been an important question for
social archaeology. Previous demographic studies of Estonian prehistoric and
historic periods have been based on different assumptions and modelled using
various methods. The first demographic model used to calculate community sizes
for prehistoric Estonian communities were based on the number of nested bone
assemblages in sand barrows (Ligi, 1989) and the number of artefacts in tarand
graves, using a presumed mortality rate 40‰. The estimated average size of
community that used one tarand grave was 5–9 individuals in north-eastern, south-
eastern and central Estonia, and 3–4 individuals in north-western Estonia (Lang,
Ligi, 1991: 224–225). Valter Lang (1996: 375) subsequently corrected these
numbers to 7–13 and 3–8 individuals respectively. A community size of 8–10
individuals was obtained from skeletal remains from Roman Iron Age tarand grave
I at Viimsi in northern Estonia (Lang, 1993: 56), which is in good accordance with
artefact-based calculations.

59
Osteological research into skeletal materials from Pre-Roman Iron Age tarand
graves at Poanse (west Estonia) suggested a community of 4–6 individuals
depending on the period of grave use (Kalman 2000a; Lang 2007a, 224), while the
community at Tandemägi (Võhma, Northern Estonia) consisted of 6 individuals
(Kalman, 2000b; Lang, 2000: 206). Lang (2007a: 224–225, 2007b: 357) pointed out
that one family used the tarand graves for centuries and that the custom of burying
only members of the nuclear family, and sometimes only some of them, in stone
graves was practised during the Pre-Roman and Roman Iron Ages in Estonia.
The demographic models used to assess the size of living population based on
Middle Iron Age ((4th)6th–8th cc.) cemeteries at Rõsna and at Maidla demonstrate
that cemeteries were commonly used by one family or household (Allmäe, 2014a,
2014b). Similar results have been obtained in Sweden, Norway and Lithuania
(Iregren, 1972: 59–62, 120; Holck, 1997/2008: 59; Kurila, 2009).
Based on the analyses of osteological materials the Late Iron Age stone-grave at
Maidla, dating from the 10th–13th centuries, was also used by one family or
household (Allmäe, 2006, 2014a). According to archaeological data the same was
found for Late Iron Age stone-graves on Saaremaa, where generally one, but
sometimes 2 or 3 families, used one cemetery (Mägi, 2002: 74).
Hence, the demographic calculations based on human skeletal remains tend to
support earlier demographic assumptions based on the archaeological and
osteoarchaeoalogical materials under study.
The present study also demonstrates that demographic figures depend on the model
or sample chosen. The overall variability in the proportion of adults and sub-adults
in graves is not striking, but when skeletal samples are very small, any minor
change in proportions of age cohorts has a significant impact on demographic
figures.

3.3.7. Burial customs for children and infants

There is a common argument that in some burial places the number of infants and
children is under-represented, both for inhumation as well as cremation burials. The
proposed reasons for this vary from suggesting that the bones of infants are too
fragile to survive in unsuitable soil conditions (Walker et al, 1988; Guy et al, 1997;
Buckberry, 2000), that infants may have been buried elsewhere or have been lost
from the cemeteries because of their continuous use, or that excavation techniques
were responsible (Molleson, 1991; Saunders, 1992; Roberts, Manchester, 1995;
Mays, 2006; Chamberlain, 2006). The disappearance of infant and child remains
from cremation graves is more likely to be due to the destructive effects of pyre
temperature, the extreme fragility of burned infant bones and later taphonomic
factors in the grave (Holck, 1997; Waterhouse, 2013; Jaeger, Johansen, 2013). Very
few sub-adult burials have been found amongst Iron Age cremation burials (Iregren,
1972: 50; Holck, 1997/2008: 63, 119; Sigvallius, 1994: 40).

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Osteological analysis of 5th–13th century west Estonian graves demonstrates that
28.1% of burials belong to children, 51.9% of inhumations, and only 12.3% of
cremations (Allmäe, 2003). In south-eastern Estonian sand barrows of the (4th)6th–
8th centuries, the proportion of sub-adult cremations varies between 34.4–39.1%
(Allmäe, 2014a, 2014b; Table 5). Infant cremations were totally absent in west
Estonia, but were relatively numerous in south-eastern barrow cemeteries (Allmäe,
Maldre, 2005; Allmäe et al, 2008), raising the question: is this a regional or
temporal difference in the burial practice of sub-adults?
The Long Barrow Culture sand-barrows that have been investigated are from the
(4th)6th–8th centuries, although the west Estonian graves are usually from Late Iron
Age. The only exception is the first Maidla stone grave, also dated to the (4th)5th–6th
centuries. Here the proportion of child cremations is quite representative – six
burials from a total of 20. For example, in the second Maidla grave, from Late Iron
Age, the number of detected child cremations is only two (74 burials in total).
With this surprisingly small number of child cremations in mind, the Kaseküla
stone-cist grave, with its remarkable number of buried infants (Kalman, 2000d),
caught the author’s attention because next to the Bronze Age stone-cist there is a
Kaseküla 14th century stone-grave from Late Iron Age that has cremations (Mandel,
1975: 76, 2003: 108). In connection with the missing child burials in Late Iron Age
west Estonian stone-graves the possibility to date the adult and infant inhumations
in the stone-cist grave was intriguing: are the remains of infants buried at the same
time with the adult in the cist? The results of radiocarbon dating and osteological
analyses demonstrated that the infant remains in the Kaseküla stone-cist grave
originate from the Late Iron Age, when the prevailing mortuary custom in West
Estonia was cremation (Table 4; Allmäe, 2010). The later thorough radiocarbon
dating of Kaseküla stone-cist grave confirmed the recurrent use of the burial place
between the Bronze Age and Late Iron Age (Laneman, 2012).
Secondary burials, or reuse of prehistoric stone graves, was known to Estonian
archaeology, although these sites had not been radiocarbon dated or discussed
comprehensively (Jaanits et al, 1982: 150, 178; Lang, 2000: 147, 2007a: 57–59,
191–192; Mandel, 2003: 140; Vedru, 2009). In relation to this, Tõnno Jonuks
(2009: 175) has pointed out that the importance of once established burial places for
our ancestors can be connected particularly to secondary burials in the graves. The
same idea has been expressed by other researchers (Wickholm, Raninen, 2006;
Wickholm, 2007, 2008; Wessman, 2010). Recently the radiocarbon dating of the
Muuksi stone-cist and Jaani stone-grave at Väo (both in northern Estonia) have
confirmed the recurrent use of one burial places from the Bronze Age to Late Iron
Age in Estonia (Laneman, Lang, 2013; Laneman et al, 2015).
Taking into account the possibility that infant and child remains were not cremated
and not buried in family graves as a rule in west Estonia, but rather somewhere else,
the Kaseküla stone-cist grave area might be an alternative burial place for
community infants at Kaseküla during the Late Iron Age. The stone-cists graves are
visible in the contemporary landscape as round heaps covered with sod that are

61
approximately 10–15 m in diameter and up to 1.5 m high (Lang, 2007a: 148). The
significance of landscapes and monumental graves for our ancestors has been
discussed by Gurly Vedru (2009), who suggested that the later reuse of burial sites
was due to the people’s need to manifest themselves through ancestors and/or place.
It is possible that the act of burial also served to physically ‘plant’ the dead into the
land, making the remains an inalienable and fixed part of that land (Parker Pearson,
1999: 17). The grave at Kaseküla had probably acquired a different significance
after 2000 years, but we do not know the reason why. Unfortunately we can only
surmise what our ancestors thought at the time. Was the Kaseküla stone-cist grave a
secret place to bury still-born and unexpectedly deceased infants, or to hide the
consequences of infanticide? Ideas about why infants have been treated differently
and were buried in unusual places in prehistoric times has been discussed by many
authors. Proposals vary from human sacrifice to hiding the remains of unwanted
children (victims of infanticide) to more practical reasons, like infant cremation
being too time and resource intense (Holck, 1997; Green, 1998; Purhonen, 1999;
Parker Pearson, 1999; Mays, 2006; Chamberlain, 2006; Faerman, Smith, 2008;
Smith et al, 2011). Several reasons for infanticide have been suggested, including
adaptive behaviour under certain conditions, such as ritual sacrifice, the need to
control fertility and reproduction, control resources, eliminate disabled offspring,
manipulate sex ratios and eliminate possible illegitimate offspring (Chamberlain,
2006: 171). However, we cannot know the beliefs, thought patterns or reasoning of
our ancestors and so the question of why infants were buried in Bronze Age stone-
cist is still unanswered many centuries later.
The use of earlier stone graves is well-known in Sweden (Welinder, 1998: 188–
189), where a similarity to the Kaseküla grave can for example be observed in the
Bronze Age cairns in Gotland. Here tens of infants were buried in the cairns,
radiocarbon dating suggesting that they were used during the Middle Ages as an
alternative to Christian churchyards (Lindqvist, 1981).
The use of old graves to bury the remains of infants and small children is not an
uncommon habit in human societies. Cillinis – special burial grounds for children –
are well known from early Christian Ireland, for example, and the differential
treatment of children’s remains in the Neolithic and Bronze Age is recorded
through the reuse of earlier monumental graves, such as Megalithic tombs (Finlay,
2000). The use of Megaliths as burial grounds for infants, and for other ambiguous
categories of individual, leads to a re-think of both the meaning and significance of
the original monument (Finlay, 2000: 420). In Christian societies, un-baptised
people, suicide victims and other people who violated Christian practices were not
buried in consecrated land around churches and chapels (Purhonen, 1998: 119–
120). This could introduce a necessity for separate burial grounds and different
funerary practices for these members of society. The radiocarbon dating of one
infant inhumation from the second stone grave at Maidla also showed medieval
dating (15th–16th cc. AD), hence the reuse of stone graves to bury un-baptised
infants is not ruled out in west Estonian prehistoric graves (Allmäe, 2014a). The use

62
of old village cemeteries during the Christian period has probably been more
common than archaeologists usually believe (Wickholm, 2007: 114); for example
radiocarbon dating showed that Rikala cremation cemetery was used for much
longer than previously thought (Mäntyla-Asplund, Storå, 2010). A remarkable
number of infant burials has been found in the Lastekangrud Bronze Age stone-cist
grave at Rebala (northern Estonia). In fact only young individuals were found
buried here; moreover, 15 burials out of forty belong to infants (Kalman, 2000d;
Lang et al, 2001: 39–45). The burials at Lastekangrud are not radiocarbon dated
yet, although future research results from this grave could be illuminating.
The skeletal evidence of children and juveniles from graves is crucial to understand
the burial custom of children. Becker (2007) has emphasised that special attention
should be paid to sub-adult skeletal material, as children's role in society change
with age. Stig Welinder (1998: 187) has argued that when all modes of burial are
taken into account there is no notable lack of children’s graves. Usually
archaeologists focus on one grave type and archaeological period to find
connections between contemporaneous burials in different grave forms, neglecting
surrounding burials places.
In the Culture of Long Barrows from (4th)6th–8th centuries in Northern Setumaa
(south-eastern Estonia) the remains of deceased infants and children were
commonly cremated and buried in family or community graves (Allmäe, Maldre,
2005, Allmäe et al, 2007a, 2008; Aun et al, 2008, Allmäe, 2014b). There are some
barrows at Rõsna-Saare I and II cemetery where only the cremains of infants and
children were buried, thus segregation by age exists within burial the ground here.
For example in Rõsna-Saare I cemetery, in barrow number 2, a single child was
buried, while in barrow number 9 five children were buried. In Rõsna-Saare II
cemetery a single child less than 6 years old was buried in the 6th barrow (the
longest one in the cemetery) in a wooden construction and with remarkable grave
goods. In Rõsna-Saare II cemetery in the 4th barrow a new-born baby, and in the
11th barrow a 5 year old child were the buried with grave goods; no other burials
were found here (Allmäe et al, 2007a). The relatively high percentage of child
cremations in south-eastern sand barrow cemeteries (34.4–39.1%) shows something
about local burial customs and sociocultural behaviour. The cremains of infants
have been found in Long Barrow Culture sand barrows in Pskov, Russia
(Khvoshchinskaya, 2004).
The differences in the west and south-eastern Estonian burial practice of children
and infants are obvious. Cremation burials in Maidla II began during the 10th
century (Mandel, 2003: 59). Mandel has suggested (2003: 176) that the inhumations
in grave 2 in Maidla could have been later ones, probably from the end of the 12th
century or the first half of 13thcentury. The number of child cremations was low in
Maidla second stone-grave from the Late Iron Age, whereas the number of child
inhumations was rather representative (Allmäe, 2003, 2006, 2013, 2014a, 2014b).
The radiocarbon dating of one infant inhumation from Maidla second grave
(Allmäe, 2014a) showed the 15th–16th centuries, thus secondary infant burials in the

63
grave are likely, thus cremation and inhumation burials of children were probably
not practiced in parallel. The occurrence of secondary infant burials in Maidla
second grave demonstrated the same pattern seen at Kaseküla – later reuse of the
grave, although of course the time-span between primary and secondary burials at
Kaseküla is remarkably longer. The same phenomenon of reuse of under level-
ground cemeteries is also known in Finland (Wickholm, 2008; Mäntyla-Asplund,
Storå, 2010).
After the cremation process only 1% of the body weight of foetuses and 2.5% of
children are found (Warren, Maples, 1997). It’s highly likely, that the cremains of
infants and children have mainly been lost due to in-grave taphonomic processes. If
the bones were ritually crushed before burial then archaeologists are not able to find
the cremation burials of infants and small children. It should be noted that heavily
burnt white or pale bones from south-eastern sand barrows are very fragile:
crushing the spongy parts of the bones is easy. Despite this the number of infant
burials is quite representative in sand barrow cemeteries. In west Estonian Late Iron
Age graves fewer spongy parts of bones are found, as well as fewer child cremains.
If human remains, cremated or not, were buried somewhere else they have also
been lost to further study.
The difference in mortuary practice observable through the presence of infant and
child cremations in graves is cultural as well as temporal. More precisely, the
cremains of infants and children are often found in the graves of the Long Barrow
Culture in south-eastern Estonia in the (4th)6th–8th centuries and are well represented
in the (4th)5th–6th century stone grave at Maidla I. In Late Iron Age stone graves
infant and child cremations are scarce, due to burial practice or taphonomic
processes in the grave. The inhumation burials of infants and children in Late Iron
Age graves are probably from later periods, from the end of the Late Iron Age and
sometimes even from the Medieval period.

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CONCLUSIONS
Fifteen Estonian graves with cremations and inhumations were investigated: ten
graves (2008 bone units) from west and five graves (548 bone units) from south-
eastern Estonia. During the research period various descriptive and metric data on
cremated bone materials were collected. In addition, the results of biological age at
death and sex of buried individuals, and estimates of the minimum and plausible
number of burials enabled us to describe the composition of skeletal populations
buried in different graves and to model some demographic figures for living
communities. The collected data and research results were systematised and
interpreted in order to provide some conclusions on Estonian cremations and burial
customs during the Middle and Late Iron Age in west and south-eastern Estonia.
The Accelerated Mass Spectrometry (AMS) method was used to radiocarbon date
cremated and non-cremated bones from seven investigated graves. The radiocarbon
dates helped to specify the time span over which the grave was in use and to find
out if graves had been re-used. The AMS dates of cremated bones from the Maidla
stone graves indicate a somewhat earlier establishment of the first Maidla grave in
comparison with archaeological dating (5th–6th cc.). The radiocarbon date of
cremated bone from Maidla second grave confirmed Late Iron Age (10th–12th cc.)
cremation burials in the grave. One radiocarbon dated infant inhumation from the
second Maidla stone grave shows that apart from the 12th–13th century inhumations,
some of the infant inhumation(s) could be from the Medieval period. The infant
inhumations in the Kaseküla stone-cist grave at Läänemaa (west Estonia) were
radiocarbon dated to specify when these burials took place, and whether the infant
burials were contemporaneous with Bronze Age burials or from later periods. The
results of radiocarbon dating demonstrated that the infants were buried during the
Late Iron Age, 2000 years after the adult in the stone-cist. In this way a distinctive
mortuary custom was discovered for Late Iron Age infants in Läänemaa.
The sand barrows from south-eastern Estonia are archaeologically dated to the 6th–
8th centuries, with radiocarbon dates of four cremated bone samples giving the 4th–
6th centuries. Two samples of cremated bone from the 3rd–5th cc. tarand grave at
Põlgaste were dated to the second half of the 1st century BC to the beginning of the
2nd century AD. Radiocarbon dating indicated the possibility of a somewhat earlier
establishment and use of the graves in comparison with archaeochronological
dating in south-eastern Estonia. To establish a reliable chronology for the studied
graves in the future the number of samples that are radiocarbon dated should be far
more representative.
A comparative study of ten graves on the basis of the dates, bone fragmentation and
number of in-grave determined bone finds was conducted. The study showed that
there is a difference in the proportion of determined bone units between the 10th–
13th cc. AD and the 1st c. BC – 8th c. AD graves, the latter indicating higher
proportions. The graves from the 1st c. BC – 8th c. AD also indicated less bone
fragmentation. Both measurements (cranial and long-bone fragments) reduce over

65
time – the earlier graves with burials of compact bone assemblages show a lower
stage of fragmentation than the later ones. This also confirms that the custom of
scattered cremation burials is distinguishable on the basis of higher bone
fragmentation and lower success of identifications.
Nearly all bone materials demonstrated fracture patterns and surface patterns
characteristic to the burning of corpses, the only exception being the tarand grave at
Põlgaste from the beginning of first millennium. Here possible secondary burial is
suggested by the cremations of the bones. The colouration of cremated bone
material varied within the graves. Temperatures between 600 and 800 ºC at least are
suggested for funeral pyres, if the bones are of a pale colour. Nearly all graves
indicated incompletely burned bone fragments of dark brown and black; the
proportion was higher for the Maidla stone graves in western Estonia and for the
south-eastern Estonian sand barrow cemeteries. The Põlgaste tarand grave and
Uugla III stone grave both indicated relatively uniform colouration of bone
material.
The burial practices in west and south-eastern Estonia were different, for example
in south-eastern graves no pyre sites have been found in the grave areas. In contrast,
in west Estonian graves pyre sites are present and thus cremation probably took
place at the burial site, with most of the cremains scattered or buried nearby. The
crushing of bones before burial is not observable at south-eastern barrow
cemeteries, although it is not ruled out for Late Iron Age graves. Child cremations
are more frequent in south-eastern barrow cemeteries from (4th)6th–8th centuries,
and in (4th)5th–6th century Maidla I stone grave in comparison with Late Iron Age
graves. At the Late Iron Age Maidla II stone grave child cremation was extremely
rare. The other Late Iron Age graves were too small to draw this kind of conclusion.
There are many possible reasons for child under-enumeration in graves, for
example the segregation of sub-adult burial is plausible, in addition to which the
crushing of cremains before burial is not ruled out in Late Iron Age western
Estonia. In this case the fragile cremains of infants and children become invisible in
graves. Insufficient excavation technique is less plausible, as in the first Maidla
grave the number of sub-adults is quite representative. The second reason why
infant and child burials are rare in cremations is the taphonomic factors and/or the
excavation technique.
The change in mortuary practise that we observed through different bone
fragmentation stages and in the proportion of determined bone units is temporal on
one hand, as in the later graves with scattered cremations the average as well as
median size of bone fragments is smaller. On the other hand the difference in
mortuary practice, which is observable through the presence of infant and child
cremations in graves, is cultural as well as temporal. More precisely, the cremains
of infants and children were rarely found in Late Iron Age graves, but were often
found in the graves of the Long Barrow Culture in south eastern Estonia from
(4th)6th ̶ 8th centuries and well represented in the (4th)5th–6th century first stone grave

66
at Maidla. To support these hypotheses the necessity to analyse more cremated bone
materials from various dates and from different cultural areas is obvious.
The first stone grave at Maidla, from the Middle Iron Age in west Estonia, was used
by one family at most. The crude death rate was very high (e00=10.9) and probably
the community was not sustainable and inhabited the site, or used cemetery, for a
short period only. In the Late Iron Age a community of 8–9 individuals – probably
one family or household – used the second stone grave at Maidla. Life expectancy
at birth was 25.7 years, the crude death rate was 38.9‰, and women gave birth to
3.88–5.1 children on average in the 10th–13th centuries. Life expectancy at birth
shows low child mortality and favourable living conditions, or an under-
representation of sub-adult (older than 5 years) burials in the grave. Concerning the
community size, the results of osteological analysis of cremains from the Middle
Iron Age barrow cemeteries at Rõsna (south-eastern Estonia) indicate the same
pattern – one family or household commonly used one barrow cemetery. Life
expectancy at birth at Rõsna during the Middle Iron Age was 17.1 years, the crude
death rate was 58.5‰ on average, and women gave birth to 4.2–7.8 children,
indicating relatively unfavourable living conditions in comparison with Late Iron
Age Maidla.
The present study demonstrates that demographic figures depend on the model or
sample we choose. The overall variability in the proportion of adults and sub-adults
in graves is not striking, but when skeletal samples are very small, any minor
change in proportions of age cohorts has a remarkable impact on demographic
figures. The acquired knowledge also reminds us to stay critical of the material we
work with. It is essential to consider all the facts carefully before making
palaeodemographic estimates and reconstructing life-cycles on the basis of the
single graves of our ancestors.
The mortuary practices and life-cycles of our ancestral communities is a puzzle that
we will probably be piecing together for a long time to come. Research might be
more fruitful if based on a certain region, comprised different burial places, and was
fairly retrospective. These regional (bio) archaeological studies would then enable
us to follow the transitions of burial customs and the possible reuse of burial
grounds, and to get more reliable data for palaeodemographic predictions.

67
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APPENDIX 1. TABLE 6. COMMUNITY SIZE CALCULATIONS. MODELS
Life Grave usage in years and respective community size
Number
expectancy
of
Grave at birth in 350 250 150 100 50
burials
yrs**
Poanse I 22.3 2.9 4.1 6.8 10.2 20.5
46
tarand grave* 10.8 1.4 2.0 3.3 5.0 9.9

Poanse II 25.1 2.5 3.5 5.9 8.8 17.6

35
tarand grave* 14.4 1.4 2.0 3.4 5.0 10.1

Maidla I 30.3 1.7 2.4 4.0 6.1 12.1

20
stone grave 10.9 0.6 0.9 1.5 2.2 4.4

Maidla II 28.2 6.0 8.3 13.9 20.8 41.7

74
stone grave 27.6 5.8 8.2 13.6 20.4 40.8

Rõsna-Saare I 27.2 4.7 6.6 11.1 16.6 33,2

sand-barrow 61
cemetery 18.1 3.2 4.4 7.4 11.0 22.1

Rõsna-Saare II 26.5 3.5 4.9 8.1 12.2 24.4

sand-barrow 46
cemetery 16.9 2.2 3.1 5.2 7.8 15.5

Suure Rõsna 32.1 3.7 5.1 8.6 12.8 25.7

sand-barrow 40
cemetery 16.7 19 2.7 4.5 6.7 13.4
* Poanse demographic data from Kalman (2000d)
**Life expectancy at birth from 1) non-corrected life tables and 2) after Boquet and
Masset formula (1982).

81
APPENDIX 2. MEASUREMENTS OF CREMATED BONE FRAGMENTS. TABLES 7.1.-7.2.

Table 7.1. Measurements of the longest bone fragments in cremated bone units (cm).
Rõsna- Rõsna- Suure- Kiriku-
Sample Kirbla Ehmja Maidla I Maidla II Uugla III Põlgaste
Saare I Saare II Rõsna mägi
5-7
Date 11-12 5-6 10-13 11-13 3-5 6-8 7-8 6-8 10-12
11-12
N 51 151 205 540 316 54 106 61 140 29
Ave 3.2 2.2 4.3 3.2 2.7 5.7 4.7 4.9 4.3 3.0
Mode 3.0 2.0 3.5 2.2 2.7 4.5 4.4 3.8 5.1 1.3
Median 3.0 2.0 3.8 3.0 2.7 5.4 4.4 4.6 4.0 2.4
Max 5.0 8.6 10.1 17.2 5.2 12.6 9.5 9.8 8.8 6.6
Min 1.7 0.9 1.7 1.1 0.8 1.8 1.8 1.7 1.2 1.1
STD 0.8 1.0 1.5 1.3 0.8 2.6 1.8 1.8 1.6 1.6
Var 0.693584 0.933262 2.312259 1.686081 0.657928 6.693697 3.153653 3.142858 2.658993 2.654360

Table 7.2. Measurements of the biggest cranial fragments in cremated bone units (cm*cm).
Rõsna- Rõsna- Suure- Kiriku-
Sample Kirbla Ehmja Maidla I Maidla II Uugla III Põlgaste
Saare I Saare II Rõsna mägi
5-7
Date 11-12 5-6 10-13 11-13 3-5 6-8 7-8 6-8 10-12
11-12
N 27 75 139 248 192 47 65 40 84 15
Ave 3.4 2.7 7.4 5.0 3.2 12.9 8.6 8.9 7.3 4.6
Mode 8.6 1.0 7.1 2.2 2.4 5.5 8.4 n/a 1.9 4.6
Median 2.9 2.0 5.9 4.1 2.9 12.0 7.8 6.9 6.1 4.6
Max 8.6 15.8 28.1 32.7 11.3 31.3 23.4 42.3 23.6 11.0
Min 0.9 0.5 1.1 0.9 0.7 3.6 1.7 2.1 1.5 1.3
STD 2.3 2.7 5.0 3.8 1.5 6.4 5.2 7.6 4.8 2.7
Var 5.147379 7.108258 24.719200 14.489692 2.103583 40.603612 26.548999 58.072666 22.831203 7.284335

82
APPENDIX 3. LIFETABLES NON-CORRECTED. TABLES 8.1.-8.6.
Table 8.1. Rõsna-Saare I barrow cemetery. Non-corrected lifetable.
x Dx dx lx qx Lx Tx ex
0 5.00 8.20 100.00 0.08 95.90 2727.37 27.27
1-4 6.00 9.84 91.80 0.11 347.54 2631.47 28.66
5-9 6.25 10.25 81.97 0.13 384.22 2283.93 27.86
10-14 3.75 6.15 71.72 0.09 343.24 1899.70 26.49
15-19 5.96 9.78 65.57 0.15 303.43 1556.47 23.74
20-39 15.86 26.00 55.80 0.47 855.92 1253.04 22.46
40-59 14.14 23.18 29.79 0.78 364.06 397.12 13.33
60+ 4.03 6.61 6.61 1.00 33.06 33.06 5.00
61.00 100.00 2727.37

Table 8.2. Rõsna-Saare II barrow cemetery. Non-corrected lifetable.

x Dx dx lx qx Lx Tx ex
0 5.00 10.87 100.00 0.11 94.57 2653.89 26.54
1-4 5.33 11.59 89.13 0.13 333.33 2559.33 28.71
5-9 3.96 8.61 77.54 0.11 366.17 2226.00 28.71
10-14 3.71 8.06 68.93 0.12 324.50 1859.83 26.98
15-19 2.94 6.40 60.87 0.11 288.35 1535.33 25.22
20-39 11.78 25.60 54.47 0.47 833.33 1246.98 22.89
40-59 9.44 20.53 28.86 0.71 371.98 413.65 14.33
60+ 3.83 8.33 8.33 1.00 41.67 41.67 5.00
46.00 100.00 2653.89

Table 8.3. Suure Rõsna barrow cemetery. Non corrected lifetables.

x Dx dx lx qx Lx Tx ex
0 3.00 7.50 100.00 0.08 96.25 3208.29 32.08
1-4 4.42 11.04 92.50 0.12 347.92 3112.04 33.64
5-9 4.79 11.98 81.46 0.15 377.34 2764.12 33.93
10-14 2.79 6.98 69.48 0.10 329.95 2386.78 34.35
15-19 0.50 1.25 62.50 0.02 309.38 2056.83 32.91
20-39 6.17 15.43 61.25 0.25 1070.74 1747.45 28.53
40-59 12.50 31.26 45.82 0.68 603.89 676.71 14.77
60+ 5.83 14.56 14.56 1.00 72.82 72.82 5.00
40.00 100.00 3208.29

83
Table 8.4. Sand barrow cemeteries at Rõsna (summarised data). Non-corrected lifetables.
x Dx dx lx qx Lx Tx ex
0 13.00 8.84 100.00 0.09 95.58 2835.24 28.35
1-4 15.75 10.71 91.16 0.12 343.20 2739.66 30.05
5-9 15.00 10.20 80.44 0.13 376.70 2396.46 29.79
10-14 10.25 6.97 70.24 0.10 333.76 2019.76 28.76
15-19 9.41 6.40 63.27 0.10 300.33 1686.00 26.65
20-39 33.81 23.00 56.87 0.40 907.31 1385.68 24.37
40-59 36.09 24.55 33.86 0.72 431.80 478.37 14.13
60+ 13.69 9.31 9.31 1.00 46.57 46.57 5.00
147.00 100.00 2835.24

Table 8.5. Maidla I stone grave. Non-corrected life table.

x Dx dx lx qx Lx Tx ex
0 0,00 0,00 100,00 0,00 100,00 3030,30 30,30
1-4 3,00 15,00 100,00 0,15 370,00 2930,30 29,30
5-9 4,38 21,88 85,00 0,26 370,31 2560,30 30,12
10-14 0,63 3,13 63,13 0,05 307,81 2189,99 34,69
15-19 0,50 2,50 60,00 0,04 293,75 1882,18 31,37
20-39 2,90 14,48 57,50 0,25 1005,19 1588,43 27,62
40-59 6,56 32,81 43,02 0,76 532,22 583,24 13,56
60+ 2,04 10,20 10,20 1,00 51,02 51,02 5,00
20,00 100,00 3030,30

Table 8.6. Maidla II stone grave. Non-corrected life table.

x Dx dx lx qx Lx Tx ex
0 7.00 9.46 100.00 0.09 95.27 2815.95 28.16
1-4 5.83 7.88 90.54 0.09 346.40 2720.68 30.05
5-9 8.17 11.04 82.66 0.13 385.70 2374.28 28.72
10-14 1.00 1.35 71.62 0.02 354.74 1988.58 27.76
15-19 1.81 2.45 70.27 0.03 345.23 1633.84 23.25
20-24 6.70 9.06 67.82 0.13 316.45 1288.62 19.00
25-29 8.20 11.09 58.76 0.19 266.08 972.17 16.54
30-34 8.70 11.76 47.67 0.25 208.96 706.09 14.81
35-39 6.70 9.06 35.91 0.25 156.91 497.13 13.84
40-44 5.45 7.37 26.85 0.27 115.84 340.22 12.67
45-49 3.17 4.28 19.48 0.22 86.71 224.38 11.52
50-54 3.17 4.28 15.20 0.28 65.32 137.67 9.06
55-59 3.17 4.28 10.92 0.39 43.92 72.35 6.62
60-64 3.17 4.28 6.64 0.64 22.52 28.44 4.28
65+ 1.75 2.36 2.36 1.00 5.91 5.91 2.50
74.00 100.00 2815.95

84
APPENDIX 4. LIFE TABLES CORRECTED AFTER RÖSING AND
JANKAUSKAS (1997). TABLES 9.1.-9.6.
Table 9.1. Rõsna-Saare I barrow cemetery. Corrected life table after Rösing and
Jankauskas (1997)
x Dx dx lx qx Lx Tx ex
0 27.28 30.00 100.00 0.30 85.00 1867.31 18.67
1-4 13.64 15.00 70.00 0.21 249.98 1782.31 25.46
5-9 6.25 6.87 54.99 0.13 257.78 1532.33 27.86
10-14 3.75 4.12 48.12 0.09 230.28 1274.55 26.49
15-19 5.96 6.56 43.99 0.15 203.58 1044.26 23.74
20-39 15.86 17.45 37.44 0.47 574.25 840.69 22.46
40-59 14.14 15.55 19.99 0.78 244.25 266.43 13.33
60+ 4.03 4.44 4.44 1.00 22.18 22.18 5.00
90.9 1867.31

Table 9.2. Rõsna-Saare II barrow cemetery. Corrected life table after Rösing and
Jankauskas (1997)
x Dx dx lx qx Lx Tx ex
0 19.45 30.00 100.00 0.30 85.00 1943.76 19.44
1-4 9.73 15.00 70.00 0.21 250.02 1858.76 26.55
5-9 3.96 6.10 55.01 0.11 259.77 1608.74 29.25
10-14 3.71 5.72 48.90 0.12 230.21 1348.97 27.59
15-19 2.94 4.54 43.18 0.11 204.56 1118.77 25.91
20-39 11.78 18.16 38.64 0.47 591.18 914.21 23.66
40-59 9.44 14.57 20.48 0.71 263.89 323.02 15.77
60+ 3.83 5.91 5.91 1.00 29.56 59.13 10.00
64.8 100.00 1914.19

Table 9.3. Suure Rõsna barrow cemetery. Corrected life table after Rösing and
Jankauskas (1997)
x Dx dx lx qx Lx Tx ex
0 17.78 30.00 100.00 0.30 85.00 2201.11 22.01
1-4 8.89 15.00 70.00 0.21 249.99 2116.11 30.23
5-9 4.79 8.09 54.99 0.15 254.75 1866.13 33.93
10-14 2.79 4.71 46.91 0.10 222.76 1611.37 34.35
15-19 0.50 0.84 42.20 0.02 208.87 1388.62 32.91
20-39 6.17 10.41 41.35 0.25 722.88 1179.75 28.53
40-59 12.50 21.10 30.94 0.68 407.70 456.87 14.77
60+ 5.83 9.83 9.83 1.00 49.17 49.17 5.00
59.2 100.00 2201.11

85
Table 9.4. Rõsna barrow cemeteries (summarised). Corrected life table after Rösing and
Jankauskas (1997)
x Dx dx lx qx Lx Tx ex
0 64.4 30.0 100.0 0.3 85.0 1975.2 19.75
1-4 32.2 15.0 70.0 0.2 250.2 1890.2 26.99
5-9 15.0 7.0 55.1 0.1 257.8 1640.0 29.79
10-14 10.3 4.8 48.1 0.1 228.4 1382.2 28.76
15-19 9.4 4.4 43.3 0.1 205.5 1153.8 26.65
20-39 33.8 15.7 38.9 0.4 620.9 948.3 24.37
40-59 36.1 16.8 23.2 0.7 295.5 327.4 14.13
60+ 13.7 6.4 6.4 1.0 31.9 31.9 5.00
214.8 100.0 1975.2
Table 9.5. Maidla I stone grave. Corrected life table after Rösing and Jankauskas (1997).
x Dx dx lx qx Lx Tx ex
0 9.27 30.00 100.00 0.30 85.00 1991.91 19.92
1-4 4.64 15.00 70.00 0.21 250.02 1906.91 27.24
5-9 4.38 14.16 55.01 0.26 239.65 1656.88 30.12
10-14 0.63 2.02 40.85 0.05 199.20 1417.24 34.69
15-19 0.50 1.62 38.83 0.04 190.10 1218.04 31.37
20-39 2.90 9.37 37.21 0.25 650.50 1027.94 27.62
40-59 6.56 21.24 27.84 0.76 344.42 377.44 13.56
60+ 2.04 6.60 6.60 1.00 33.02 33.02 5.00
30.9 100.00 1991.91
Table 9.6. Maidla II stone grave. Corrected life table after Rösing and Jankauskas (1997)
x Dx dx lx qx Lx Tx ex
0 33.36 30.00 100.00 0.30 85.00 1914.94 19.15
1-4 16.68 15.00 70.00 0.21 250.01 1829.94 26.14
5-9 8.17 7.34 55.00 0.13 256.66 1579.92 28.72
10-14 1.00 0.90 47.66 0.02 236.05 1323.27 27.76
15-19 1.81 1.63 46.76 0.03 229.72 1087.21 23.25
20-24 6.70 6.03 45.13 0.13 210.57 857.49 19.00
25-29 8.20 7.38 39.10 0.19 177.06 646.91 16.54
30-34 8.70 7.83 31.72 0.25 139.05 469.85 14.81
35-39 6.70 6.03 23.90 0.25 104.41 330.80 13.84
40-44 5.45 4.90 17.87 0.27 77.08 226.39 12.67
45-49 3.17 2.85 12.96 0.22 57.70 149.31 11.52
50-54 3.17 2.85 10.12 0.28 43.46 91.61 9.06
55-59 3.17 2.85 7.27 0.39 29.23 48.15 6.62
60-64 3.17 2.85 4.42 0.64 14.99 18.92 4.28
65+ 1.75 1.57 1.57 1.00 3.93 3.93 2.50
111.20 100.00 1914.94

86
APPENDIX 5. POANSE DEMOGRAPHIC CALCULATIONS. TABLES
10.1.-10.4
Table 10.1. Poanse I tarand grave. Non-corrected life table.
x n dx lx qx Lx Tx ex
0 7.0 15.37 100.00 0.15 92.32 2227.3 22.27
1-4 4.3 9.49 84.63 0.11 319.54 2134.98 25.23
5-9 5.7 12.41 75.14 0.17 344.66 1815.45 24.16
10-14 2.9 6.34 62.73 0.10 297.80 1470.78 23.45
15-19 6.1 13.31 56.39 0.24 248.68 1172.99 20.80
20-24 4.7 10.37 43.08 0.24 189.49 924.30 21.45
25-29 1.2 2.59 32.71 0.08 157.09 734.82 22.46
30-34 1.3 2.92 30.12 0.10 143.33 577.72 19.18
35-39 1.2 2.72 27.21 0.10 129.25 434.39 15.96
40-44 2.8 6.07 24.49 0.25 107.27 305.14 12.46
45-49 2.6 5.68 18.42 0.31 77.89 197.87 10.74
50-54 1.8 3.92 12.74 0.31 53.88 119.98 9.42
55-59 1.3 2.94 8.81 0.33 36.72 66.10 7.50
60-64 1.3 2.94 5.88 0.50 22.03 29.38 5.00
65+ 1.3 2.94 2.94 1.00 7.34 7.34 2.50
46 100 2227.3
Table 10.2. Poanse II tarand grave. Non-corrected life table.
x Dx dx lx qx Lx Tx ex
0 3.00 8.57 100.00 0.09 95.71 2511.30 25.11
1-4 6.40 18.29 91.43 0.20 329.14 2415.59 26.42
5-9 2.60 7.43 73.14 0.10 347.14 2086.44 28.53
10-14 3.48 9.94 65.71 0.15 303.71 1739.30 26.47
15-19 2.30 6.57 55.77 0.12 262.43 1435.59 25.74
20-24 3.00 8.57 49.20 0.17 224.57 1173.16 23.84
25-29 0.80 2.29 40.63 0.06 197.43 948.59 23.35
30-34 1.64 4.69 38.34 0.12 179.98 751.16 19.59
35-39 2.09 5.98 33.65 0.18 153.30 571.18 16.97
40-44 2.20 6.28 27.67 0.23 122.65 417.87 15.10
45-49 0.74 2.12 21.39 0.10 101.64 295.22 13.80
50-54 1.68 4.79 19.27 0.25 84.36 193.58 10.05
55-59 1.68 4.79 14.48 0.33 60.44 109.21 7.54
60-64 1.68 4.79 9.69 0.49 36.51 48.78 5.03
65+ 1.68 4.79 4.91 0.97 12.27 12.27 2.50
35.0 2511.3

87
Table 10.3. Poanse I tarand grave. Corrected lifetable after Rösing and Jankauskas
(1997)
x n dx lx qx Lx Tx ex
0 18.69 30.00 100.00 0.30 85.00 1664.00 16.64
1-4 9.35 15.00 70.00 0.21 250.01 1579.00 22.56
5-9 5.66 9.08 55.00 0.17 252.31 1328.99 24.16
10-14 2.89 4.64 45.92 0.10 218.00 1076.68 23.45
15-19 6.07 9.74 41.28 0.24 182.05 858.68 20.80
20-24 4.73 7.59 31.54 0.24 138.71 676.63 21.45
25-29 1.18 1.89 23.95 0.08 115.00 537.92 22.46
30-34 1.33 2.13 22.05 0.10 104.93 422.92 19.18
35-39 1.24 1.99 19.92 0.10 94.62 317.99 15.96
40-44 2.77 4.45 17.93 0.25 78.52 223.38 12.46
45-49 2.59 4.16 13.48 0.31 57.02 144.85 10.74
50-54 1.79 2.87 9.33 0.31 39.44 87.83 9.42
55-59 1.34 2.15 6.45 0.33 26.88 48.39 7.50
60-64 1.34 2.15 4.30 0.50 16.13 21.51 5.00
65+ 1.34 2.15 2.15 1.00 5.38 5.38 2.50
62.31 100.00 1664.00
Table 10.4. Poanse II tarand grave. Corrected life table after Rösing and Jankauskas
(1997)
x Dx dx lx qx Lx Tx ex
0 13.94 30.00 100.00 0.30 85.00 1900.77 19.01
1-4 6.97 15.00 70.00 0.21 250.00 1815.77 25.94
5-9 2.60 5.60 55.00 0.10 261.01 1565.77 28.47
10-14 3.48 7.49 49.40 0.15 228.30 1304.76 26.41
15-19 2.30 4.95 41.92 0.12 197.20 1076.46 25.68
20-24 3.00 6.46 36.97 0.17 168.69 879.25 23.79
25-29 0.80 1.72 30.51 0.06 148.24 710.56 23.29
30-34 1.64 3.53 28.79 0.12 135.10 562.32 19.53
35-39 2.09 4.50 25.25 0.18 115.01 427.21 16.92
40-44 2.20 4.73 20.75 0.23 91.92 312.21 15.05
45-49 0.74 1.60 16.02 0.10 76.09 220.28 13.75
50-54 1.68 3.60 14.42 0.25 63.08 144.19 10.00
55-59 1.68 3.60 10.81 0.33 45.06 81.11 7.50
60-64 1.68 3.60 7.21 0.50 27.04 36.05 5.00
65+ 1.68 3.60 3.60 1.00 9.01 9.01 2.50
46.5 1900.8

88
PUBLICATIONS
I
Allmäe, R. (2010). Some remarks on Kaseküla stone-cist grave, Läänemaa, Estonia.
Fennoscandia Archaeologica, XXVII, 45–52.
 Fennoscandia archaeologica XXVII (2010)

Raili Allmäe
SOME REMARKS ON KASEKÜLA STONE-CIST GRAVE,
LÄÄNEMAA, ESTONIA.

Abstract
The stone-cist grave of Kaseküla, Läänemaa, Western Estonia, is an intriguing archaeological object
regarding human remains. The number of infant burials in the grave is remarkable. The results of
osteological analysis and radiocarbon dating (AMS) of human remains of this site are presented in
this paper. The phenomenon of numerous infant burials and (re)usage of ancient burial places will
be discussed, also what care should be taken regarding the demographic estimations and models
based on human remains of ancient burial places.

Keywords: stone-graves, secondary burials, infant burials, reuse of graves

Raili Allmäe, Institute of History, Tallinn University, Rüütli 6, 10130 Tallinn, Estonia.
E-mail: raili.allmae@ai.ee

INTRODUCTION iron shepherd’s crook pins are the latest finds in

Stone-cist graves are above-ground structures that
have one or several cists in the middle and which
are enclosed by one or several circular stone walls,
filled with soil and stones and covered with a stone
heap (Lang 2007b: 147). Stone-cist graves appear
into Estonian landscape with the transition to the
Late Bronze Age (1100–500 BC) and are more
characteristic to the northern and western coastal
areas of Estonia (Lang 2007b). Archaeologist
Mati Mandel investigated the Kaseküla stone-cist
grave area in western Estonia in 1973 (Figs. 1–2).
Inside the central stone-cist commingled unburnt
human bones and a fragment of bronze razor were
found; outside (north) of the stone encirclement
the remains of another human burial were found
(Mandel 1973; Mandel 1975: 76). The most nu-
merous artefacts between the central cist and the
circular wall were pieces of pottery, also some
pieces of iron and a fragment of a iron shepherd’s
crook pin were found (Mandel 1975: 76). Unfor-
tunately the archaeologists have not yet dated the
ceramics found in Kaseküla stone-cist grave, thus
its connection to primary or secondary burials is
not ascertained. The form of shepherd’s crook pins
reached Estonia from Ukraine and Belarus during
the middle Pre-Roman Age (Lang 2007b: 184);
stone-cist graves according to current data (Lang
2007b: 161). Mandel (1975) dated the burial site
to the second half of the first millennium BC (Pre-
Roman Iron Age); later on, Lang (1996: 297) dated
it to the Late Bronze Age (1100–500 BC) and also
suggested the possibility of secondary burials in the
grave. It is not surprising that only a few artefacts
were found in the Kaseküla stone-cist grave. The
Estonian stone-cist graves do not contain many
grave goods; approximately one in three graves has
a cist(s) that contains finds that can be identified
and dated, whereas finds are twice as frequent in
the burials outside the cist (Lang 2007b: 155).
The osteological material from the site was
analysed by Jonathan Kalman at the end the
1990s. The central cist contained the remains of
a man aged about 50 years and the remains of at
least three infants; within the stone encirclement
burials of at least 16 infants and one 3–4 year old
child were found; outside (north) of the stone en-
circlement the remains of at least two more adults
lay, although the majority of at least one skeleton
was absent (Kalman 2000). In his paper, Kalman
(2000) has proposed three explanations why such
a remarkable number of infants have been buried
there: a special burial place for children, human
sacrifice or epidemics.

45

93

Fig. 1. Location of Kaseküla stone-cist grave.
The author of the present paper has studied
cremated osteological materials of several western
Estonian stone-graves of the Middle and Late Iron
Age (Allmäe 2003) and has made some demo-
graphic estimations on the basis of the osteologi-
cal materials of stone-grave 2 of Maidla (Allmäe
2006). It was noticed that the cremated remains
of infants and children amongst analysed crema-
tions were scant. The results of the osteological
study of the Kaseküla stone-cist grave (Kalman
2000) were intriguing and raised a question: do
the remains of infants buried there date from the
Bronze Age or from later periods? Unfortunately,
the placement of infant burials in the stone-cist
grave area was not published by Kalman (2000),
which made it necessary to analyse the osteologi-
cal material once again.
The present study offers new analysis of the hu-
man remains of the Kaseküla stone-cist grave, the
radiocarbon dating of bone material is presented,
and some issues concerning the use of stone-
graves, burials of infants and the demographic
estimations based on ancient burial places are
discussed.
OUTLINE OF MATERIAL AND METHODS
The fragmentary and commingled bone material
from the Kaseküla stone-cist grave area (Fig.
2) has been gathered by squares (2 x 2m). The
number of the collected bone finds is 81, and the
material is deposited in the Estonian History Mu-
seum. Three pieces of bones were removed from
46
94
the deposited material for radiocarbon dating in
summer 2009: a fragment of the cranial vault of
an adult from the central stone-cist (find No 29), a
left femoral bone of an infant in the central stone-
cist (find No 29) and the petrous part of the left
temporal bone of an infant from the encirclement
area (find No 40). The author analysed the bone
material in summer 2009. Because a discrepancy
occurred between the former (Kalman 2000) and
the new results of the analysis, the material was
analysed once again in autumn 2009. A lot of bone
samples were taken by another researcher between
these two osteological analysis in 2009.
On the one hand, the commingled osteologi-
cal material is quite poorly preserved – the bones
are fragmented and eroded, on the other hand,
the remains of infants are numerous and some
bones even measurable. The ossificated thyroid
cartilage found in the stone-cist also refers to
a good excavation technique and preservation
of osteological material. In the 1970s the soil
removed from archaeological objects was not
sieved before disposal, this explains why most
of the (expected) human teeth are absent amongst
the deposited material.
The method of recurrent bone fragments was
used to determine the minimum number of burials.
The sex and age of the deceased was determined
according to common osteological standards
(Ubelaker 1978; WEA 1980; Brothwell 1981;
Buikstra & Ubelaker 1994; Bass 2005; Mays
2006). The maximum lengths of the diaphyses of
long bones of infants were measured. The values
were compared to the standard correlation be-
tween age estimates and maximum lengths of long
bone diaphyses of infants (Lovejoy et al. 1990)
and to the same correlations compiled on the basis
of Italian and Estonian archaeological materials
(Allmäe 1998; Facchini & Vesci 2004).
Three samples of human bones were radiocar-
bon dated in Poznan Radiocarbon Laboratory by
AMS method (calibration was made by OxCaL
3.10 software, Bronk Ramsey 2005, atmospheric
data from Reimer et al. 2004).
RESULTS OF OSTEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
The minimum number of individuals (28) was
determined on the basis of petrous portions’ of
the temporal bones in the osteological material
collected; of which the vast majority (25, right
side) belonged to infants. Four infants were found
in the central stone cist and 21 inside the stone
encirclement of the grave (Fig. 2). As expected,
other skeletal parts of infants – fragments of long
bones, a cranial vault, facial bones, mandibles,
ribs, vertebral bodies and arches, and so forth –
were found in the stone cist and, also, in larger
quantities elsewhere in the stone encirclement
area. The diaphyses of long bones (10) were
measured to certify that the remains belong to an
infant age group. The maximum lengths never
exceeded the variation range characteristic to
infants under 6 months old according to Lovejoy
et al. (1990), but were in some cases below the
variation range. At the same time these values
were in the range of infants under 6 months old
of Italian (Bologna) Modern sample and Esto-
nian archaeological Medieval and Modern series
(Allmäe 1998; Facchini & Vesci 2004). The few
available measurements of long bones suggest that
perinatal deaths were more plausible for infants
buried in the Kaseküla
Kalman (2000) has suggested that the remains
of three adults have been buried on the site: an
adult male in the central cist and two adults outside
(north) of the stone encirclement, where Mandel
(1975: 76) found the remains of another probable
k l m n o p
4
X X
X
X X
8 X
X
X B
X X
9 X
XX
X X
X
10
11
12
stone-cist. Kalman (2000: 20) distinguished the
other skeleton outside of the stone encirclement
on the basis of one piece of cranium – the frag-
ment from the nuchal area. Thus, the new analyses
indicated the presence of two male skeletons in
the grave area too, but the presence of the bones
of a third adult was not confirmed. Amongst the
bone material three petrous parts (right side) of
the temporal bones were found, which may belong
to adults or even to children.
According to the results of the new osteologi-
cal analysis the remains of two adults have been
distinguished: the fragments of bones and teeth
of a male skeleton were found in the north of the
stone encirclement area (squares 4–5/p) where
the remains of the second cist were found (Fig.
2, A). The remains of an adult male were found
in the central cist and its surroundings, in squares
8–9–10/o–q–p (Fig. 2, B). Both men were of old
age, 50 years and older. The burial of a 3–4 year
old child was confirmed, the skeletal parts and
teeth were found in square 9/q (Fig. 2, C). It de-
serves to be noted that the teeth of the buried male
B were also found outside of the cist, in squares
10/n and 10/o, probably caused by later digging
into the cist. The teeth of two other skeletons, A
q r
A
X
X
X
X X
X X C
X X
Fig. 2. The distribution of burials
in the Kaseküla stone-cist grave
area (adapted from Mandel 1973).
A: Male aged 50 years or more, B:
male aged 50 years or more, C: 3–4
1m
year old child, X: infants, location
in square is fictional.
47
95
Table 1. Radiocarbon (AMS) dates of Kaseküla bone samples.
Lab. No. Uncal. BP Calibrated 1/2
Poz-32412 2780±30 980–895/1010–840 BC
Poz-32413 1195±30 760–900/710–940 AD
Poz-32414 920±30 1040–1160/1020–1190 AD
1)
Petrous part
(squares 4–5/p) and C (square 9/q), were probably
lying in the area, where the body decomposed
(Fig 2). In short, 28 burials we estimated from
the grave area, including 25 infants, one child
aged 3–4 years and two male adults older than
50 years. In the central stone cist the remains of
four infants were buried. The remains of at least
21 infants were found around the central cist in
the stone encirclement area. It is noteworthy that
all infant burials were more or less related to the
central cist (Fig. 2).
RADIOCARBON DATING OF INHUMATED
HUMAN REMAINS
The remarkable number of buried infants in the
Kaseküla stone-cist grave was intriguing. The ex-
amination of the Kaseküla bone material in sum-
mer 2009 proved that the skeletal parts of infants
were somewhat better preserved in comparison
with the adult burial. This intrigued to date the
adult burial in the central cist and also some infant
bones in grave. Are the remains of infants buried
at the same time with the adult in the cist?
Two bone samples were taken from the stone-
cist; the third sample was taken from the stone
encirclement area (Table 1). The results of ra-
diocarbon analysis date the adult burial in the
stone-cist to the Late Bronze Age, as suggested
earlier by Lang (1996: 297). Other results of
radiocarbon dating were surprising; the infants
have been buried to the grave area approximately
2000 years later, including the remains of infants
Fig. 3. Calibrated dates of Kaseküla bone samples.
48
96
Context Material N/C (%)
Stone cist, find #29 Cranial vault, adult 1.7/6.7
Stone cist, find #29 Left femur, infant 3.0/9.2
Square 9/q, find #40 Left temporal bone1, infant 3.2/11.3
found inside the Late Bronze Age stone-cist
(Table 1; Fig. 3). Lang (2007b:154) has pointed
out that the number of burials in Estonian stone-
cist graves varies from several to tens of burials
and is in good correlation with the duration of the
use of the graves; the graves often contain grave
goods from the Late Bronze Age to Roman Iron
Age. The radiocarbon dating of human bones
proved that in stone-cist graves the burials may
originate from later periods of the Iron Age, in
the case of the Kaseküla stone-cist grave from
Late Iron Age.
DISCUSSION
Often observations and arguments are presented
in literature that in some burial places the number
of infants and children is underrepresented. The
proposed reasons to explain this phenomenon vary
from suggesting that the bones of infants (burnt
and unburnt) were too fragile to survive (Walker et
al. 1988; Holck 1995), the infants may have been
buried elsewhere, or have been lost in cemeter-
ies due to continuous use of cemeteries or false
excavation techniques (Molleson 1991; Saunders
1992; Roberts & Manchester 1995; Mays 2006).
Stig Welinder (1998: 187) argues that there is no
notable lack of children’s graves, when all kinds
of burials are included in the analysis.
Secondary burials in prehistoric stone graves
are known in Estonian archaeology (Jaanits et al.
1982: 150, 178; Lang 2000: 147; Mandel 2003:
140; Lang 2007a: 57– 9, 191–2; Vedru 2009), but
the subject has not been studied comprehensively.
Recently Tõnno Jonuks (2009: 175) has discussed
the absence of research concerning secondary
burials in Estonian prehistoric burial grounds.
Jonuks (2009) pointed out that the importance of
once established burial places for our ancestors
can be connected especially to secondary burials
in the graves. There have been discussions (Parker
Pearson 1999: 17) that funerary archaeologists
concentrate on the period when the cemetery was
in use, but give less attention to why it fell out of
use or was abandoned, or re-used after some time
again – not sufficient attention is paid to important
aspects of cemetery dynamics.
The reuse of the Kaseküla stone-cist grave
nearly 2000 years later has been proved by ra-
diocarbon dating. The phenomenon to use ear-
lier stone graves is well-known from Sweden
(Welinder 1998: 188–9), the similarity to the
Kaseküla grave can for example be observed in
the Bronze Age cairns in Gotland, where tens
of infants have been buried into the cairns, the
radiocarbon dating suggest that the cairns were
used during the Middle Ages as an alternative to
Christian churchyards (Lindqvist 1981).
The grave of Kaseküla had probably acquired
a different significance after 2000 years, but we
do not know the reason why – unfortunately we
can only assume what our ancestors thought at
the time. The stone-cists graves are visible in
contemporary landscape as round heaps covered
with sod that are approximately 10–15 m in di-
ameter and up to 1,5 m in height (Lang 2007b:
148). The significance of monumental graves and
the landscapes for our ancestors has been lately
discussed by Gurly Vedru (2009), she suggested
that the later reuse of burial sites was due to the
need to manifest oneself through ancestors and/
or place. It is possible that the act of burial also
served to physically ‘plant’ the dead into land,
making the remains an inalienable and fixed part
of that land (Parker Pearson 1999: 17). The use
of megaliths as burial grounds for infants, and for
other ambiguous categories of individuals, leads
to re-think both the meaning and significance of
the original monument (Finley 2000: 420). The
infant remains in the Kaseküla stone-cist grave
originate from the Late Iron Age, when the pre-
vailing mortuary custom in western Estonia was
cremation. For example, the number of child
cremations was few in stone-grave 2 of Maidla
from the Late Iron Age, whereas the number
of child inhumations was rather representative
(Allmäe 2003; 2006). The author has also studied
cremations of the Culture of Long Barrows from
the second half of the first millennium in northern
Setumaa (south-east Estonia). There the cremains
of infants and children were commonly buried
into the family or community graves (Allmäe &
Maldre 2005; Allmäe et al. 2007, Allmäe et al.
2008; Aun et al. 2008). The differences in west-
ern and south-eastern Estonian cremations are
obvious and it leads to another research problem:
are the remains of infants and children of Late
Iron Age in western Estonia treated differently
and/or were buried somewhere else than their
family grave? Is it possible that the inhumations
of infants in stone-grave 2 of Maidla are from a
later period?
Cremation burials into grave 2 in Maidla began
during the 10th century (Mandel 2003: 59). Mandel
has suggested (2003:176) that the inhumations
in grave 2 in Maidla could have been later ones,
probably from the end of 12th century or from the
first half of 13th century. The radiocarbon dating
of one infant inhumation from grave 2 in Maidla
(unpublished data of author) referred to an even
later period, thus secondary burials in the grave
are likely. The occurrence of secondary infant
burials in grave 2 of Maidla demonstrated the
same pattern - later reuse of the grave, of course
the time-span between primary and secondary
burials in Kaseküla stone-cist grave is remarkably
longer. The secondary infant burials in ancient
graves have not been previously distinguished in
Estonian archaeology with radiocarbon dating
of bones. Radiocarbon dating (AMS) of human
bones (cremated as well un-cremated bones) is a
good method to distinguish later and/or second-
ary burials in graves, especially when there is
no, few or confusing archaeological artefacts in
graves. Unfortunately the radiocarbon dating of
inhumated infant burials was not available when
the demographic estimations were compiled for
stone-grave 2 of Maidla (Allmäe 2006).
The use of old graves for burying the remains
of infants and small children is not an uncommon
habit in human societies. Cillinis, special burial
grounds for children are for example well-known
from Early Christian Ireland, but also the dif-
ferential treatment of children’s remains in the
Neolithic and Bronze Age is known – the reuse of
earlier monumental graves like Megalithic tombs
to bury infants was practised (Finley 2000). In
49
97
Christian societies, un-baptised people, suicide
victims and other people who violated Christian
practises were not buried into consecrated land
around churches and chapels (Purhonen 1998:
119–20). This brought along the necessity to
separate burial grounds and different funerary
practices for these members of the society. The
reasoning why infants were not buried into regular
and/or family graves in prehistoric times is com-
plicated, as we do not discern the beliefs, rules
and attitudes of ancient people.
Taking into account that remains of infants and
children were not cremated and not buried into
family graves as a rule, but rather somewhere
else, the Kaseküla stone-cist grave area might be
an alternative burial place for infants of the Late
Iron Age community. It is noteworthy that next
to the Kaseküla stone-cist grave there is a Late
Iron Age stone-grave (No 14) with cremation
burials (Mandel 1975: 76; Mandel 2003: 108),
not totally excavated and not yet osteologically
investigated.
Per Holck (1995) has proposed that the crema-
tion of newborns was avoided, because it was a
time and resource consuming process. Were the
remains of infants buried elsewhere to avoid too
much trouble with cremation? This is one possi-
bility. Was the Kaseküla stone-cist grave a secret
place to bury still-born and unexpectedly died
infants or to hide the consequences of infanticide
during hundreds of years? The concepts why
infants have been treated differentially and were
buried into unusual places in prehistoric times
has been discussed by many authors; the ideas
vary from human sacrifice to hiding the remains
of unwanted children – victims of infanticide
(Green 1998; Purhonen 1999; Parker Pearson
1999; Mays 2006; Chamberlain 2006; Faerman
& Smith 2008). Several causes and reasoning
for infanticide have been suggested, including
adaptive behaviour under certain conditions, like
the need to control fertility and reproduction,
control resources, eliminate disabled offspring,
manipulate sex ratios, eliminate possible illegiti-
mate offspring and ritual sacrifice (Chamberlain
2006: 171).
Stig Welinder (1998: 189–90) has studied the
selection of mortuary practices of children and
is suggesting that the burial ritual presumably
corresponds to steps in the growing-up process
of children. Again, quite a good example of such
biased age structure of skeletal sample is demon-
50
98
strated in the Lastekangrud stone-cist graves in
Rebala, northern Estonia. Vello Lõugas (1983)
archaeologically excavated the stone-graves of
Rebala Lastekangrud in 1982. Osteological analy-
ses determined a comparatively high number
of infant burials – 17 inhumations of children
and juveniles/young adults amongst 24 burials
(Kalman 1999). The stone-cist graves were
archaeologically re-investigated in 2000 (Lang
et al. 2001). The recent result of osteological
analyses is even more surprising; the total number
of inhumation burials in graves was 40, and of
them 23 were children’s burials (up to 14 years)
and 7 juveniles/young adults (up to 22 years); the
number of infants increased from 6 to 15 (Kalman
1999; Lang et al. 2001: 39–45). Once again, the
plausible later burials in the area of stone-cist
graves and possible segregation of burial customs
according to the age of deceased offer intriguing
further studies.
It is vital to continue research of such burial
places with noteworthy bias in age structure,
especially of these burial grounds where the
number of infants and children is over- or under-
represented. The radiocarbon dating of human
remains is a good method to understand the usage
and reusage of prehistoric burial grounds. The
results of research may provide us important new
data regarding ancient burial customs, and may
help us to understand our ancestors’ beliefs and
attitudes towards life and death.
CONCLUSIONS
The new analysis of osteological material and
radiocarbon dating of human bones confirmed
the existence of Late Iron Age infant burials in
the Kaseküla stone-cist grave of the Late Bronze
Age. It also provided new important information
concerning the Late Iron Age burial customs in
western Estonia. The acquired knowledge also
reminds us to stay critical towards material we
work with. It is essential to consider all the facts
carefully before making palaeo-demographic esti-
mations and reconstructing lifecycles on the basis
of single graves of our ancestors. The radiocarbon
dating of human bones is a good tool to date graves
when there are none, few or confusing artefacts in
the grave. It also helps to specify probable later
burials, when there is a bias in the age structure
of skeletal sample. The mortuary practices and
lifecycles of our ancestral communities is a puzzle
that we probably piece together for a long time.
The research would be more fruitful if based on
a certain region, comprised different burial places
and were fairly retrospective. The regional (bio)
archaeological studies then enable us to follow the
transitions of burial customs, the possible reuse
of burial grounds and to get more reliable data for
palaeo-demographic estimations.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The author is very grateful to archaeologists Mati
Mandel and Jüri Peets for encouraging me to write
this paper. The author is also thankful to Jüri Peets
and reviewer for constructive critics, to Reet Maldre
and Jaana Ratas for preparing the illustrations and to
Helle Solnask for revising English. The study was
undertaken in the frame of target funded research
project of Estonian Government (SF0130012s08)
and supported by the research grant from Estonian
Science Foundation (N 6899).
REFERENCES
Unpublished sources
Mandel, M. 1973. Aruanne Kaseküla kivikirstkalme
kaevamistest 1973. aastal. Eesti Ajaloo Muuseumi
Arhiiv, Tallinn.
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         

    

      

    
             
            
               
            
              
     

             
  
            


   

            

            
           
        
         
          
         
           
           
              
          
  
              
              
             
              
               
            

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   

          

                
          

104
     

             
             
                
            
                 
             
        
             
              
           
             
               
               
               
            
              
                
     
              
                
           
         
       

   

             
                
          
            
                
               
 
              
              
               
              
          
        
               
              
              
              
              

105
   

             
           
              
              
            
                
               
               

  

            
             
              
          
             
             

            

         

    


             
   
 
 
          
  
 
 
         

          
  
 
  
           
 
 
 
 



            

106
     

            
            
          
            
             
            
           
          
       
            
             
            
  
         
              
               
            
           
          
               
            
   
          
           
             
             
           
              
           
             
              
         
  
              
                
            
          
          
            
            
              
  
           
            

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   

           
           
           
          
            
           
           
              
           
           
         
           
             
               
             
              
          
          
             
          
            
          
 
             
            
          
           
             

               
  

 
       
          
          

        
       
        
        
      

      
        

108
     

           

              
           
            
           
           
         
             
   
           
            
            
             
 
           
              
            
            
 
             
           
 
             
               
              
              
              
               
          
               
       

 

           
              
      ±       
      
           

             
              
            ±    
            

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   

          
                
              
   

  

           
             
            
            
             
             
                  
             
      
            
            
          
            
            
               
               
             
                 
          
              
               
          
             
             
               
            
           
             
              
            
  
              
            
             
            
           

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     

                  
                  

         

               
              
          
           
              
         
            
               
          
           
           
            
             
            

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   

          

            
          
             
               
              
           
            
             
         
             
            
            
            
            
           
             
            
               
              

     

            
                
          
          
               
          
          
             
            
           
               
           
              
           
         
          
             
          

     

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     

              
              
            
           
          
               
            
               
               
              
   
         
             
          
           
             
            
             
            
             
             
            
           
          
           
           
          
           
           
            
              
      
           
             
              
            
               
           
           
          
 

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  плщдк
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      

113
   

             
           
             
               
              
              
            
            
               
    



            
            
           
              
             
              
            
           
            
             
    
            
               
             
             
            
           
            
             
            
             



          
          
         
     
           
    

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     



               

            
         
 
                   
             
            
      
         ллмяэ Р Аун М  Малдре Л Предварительные
результаты изучения остеолгического материала курганных могильников РыснаСааре  и 
в Северной Сетумаа ЮгоВосточная Эстония  Археология и история Пскова и Псковской
земли Семинар имени академика В В Седова Материалы  заседания посвященного памяти
профессора А Р Артемьева Институт Археологии Российской Академии Наук Псковский
Археологический Центр Псков 
    Аун М Археологические памятники второй половины го тысячелетия нэ
в ЮгоВосточной Эстонии Олион Таллинн
           
           
 
              
            

              
       
              
             
  
             
    
        
          
  
              
  
         
             
              
          
               
       
                
            
    
     Лопатин Н В Проблема соотношения Пскова и Изборска в  вв 
              
            
         
              
     

115
   

              
   
     Рябинин  А Жальничные могилы Ижорской возвышенности 
Новое в археологии Северозапада СССР  В М Массон Наука Ленинград 
     Рябинин  А Водская земля Великого Новгорода результаты
археологических исследований  гг Дмитрий Буланин СПетербург
              
            

          
             
            
     
              
 
              
                
       
               
              
                
  
            
        

    

    



        

           
           
         
           
          
            
              
         
           
         
             
           
       

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     

           

            
        
        
           
         
          
          
        
          
          
         
          
         
 
       
      ±      
         
          
        
           

    ±     ±    
          
 
         
         
        
            
           
   
        
           
          
           
           
         
            
          
          
             
    
       
         
         

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   

        

         
           
             
        
           
          
        
       
        
         
       
  
       
         
        
           
        
          
         
       
       
         
            
           
          
      
       
     
          
         
           
   
        
          
        
            
        
           
           
        

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III
Allmäe, R. (2013). Observations on Estonian Iron Age cremations. Archaeologia
Baltica, 19, 31–47.
O B S E RVAT I O n S O n E S T O n I A n I R O n A G E

BALTICA 19
C R E M AT I O n S

RAILI ALLMÄE

ARCHAEOLOGIA
Abstract

Several Estonian burial places with cremations were investigated in the period 1997 to 2011. during the research, various
descriptive and metric data on cremated bone materials was observed. The present paper is an attempt to systematise and
interpret the data collected, in order to provide some generalisations on Estonian cremations. A comparative study of graves
on the basis of the minimum number of buried individuals and the number of determined bone finds in graves, as well as
bone fragmentation, is presented. Radiocarbon dating (AMS method) of burnt human bones from six investigated graves was
conducted in order to specify the usage time of the graves. Some conclusions on possible temporal changes and cultural dif-
ferences in burial practices are made on the basis of these characteristics.
Key words: cremation, Iron Age, bone fragment size, radiocarbon dates, cremated bone, Estonia.

Introduction
Osteological material from Iron Age cremations in Es-
tonia has been studied since the 1990s. The analyses
of cremated bones are mostly macroscopic; the main
aim of the analyses has been the identification of the
number of buried people, their age at death, and their
sex. The anthropological identifications are then com-
bined with archaeological data to interpret the artefacts
in the graves and the burial customs of the period and/
or cultural area. Less attention has been paid to the col-
our and fragmentation of the bones, overall descrip-
tions of deposited bone material, burial practices, and
palaeodemographic analyses.
The first known study of cremated human bones in Est-
onia was conducted by Ken Kalling (1993), who ana-
lysed cremated human remains (cremains) from Viimsi
I tarand grave, dated to 350–500 Ad (Lang 1993, p.55;
2007, p.133). Anu Kivirüüt (2011) has revisited this
material.
Jonathan Kalman (2000a; 2000b; 2000c) has made
determinations of cremated bones which occurred in
Early Iron Age tarand graves. Leiu Heapost (2007)
identified cremations at Kalmetemägi, Siksälä, in
southeast Estonia.
In 1998, Marika Mägi excavated the Viking Age graves
of Piila. The cremated bone material was analysed by
the archaeozoologist Liina Maldre and the author of
the present paper (Mägi et al. 1998). The idea of the
I
SOCIETIES
anthropological analyses was to estimate the number O f T H E PA S T:
APPROACHES
of buried people, their age and sex. In addition, two TO LAndSCAPE
conclusions were made on the basis of osteological
analyses. first, the cremation temperature was high:
the bones were all white, calcinated and highly frag-
mented. The second conclusion was that the majority of
the identified bones belonged to animals; human bones
were rarely identified in the graves. In 1998, coopera-
tion with the archaeologist Mati Mandel started; Man-
del has excavated west Estonian cremations since the
1970s (Mandel 2003). The cremated and non-cremated
human and animal bones of eight fifth to 13th-century
stone graves were analysed, including the analysis of
long-bone fragment size (Allmäe 2003; Maldre 2003).
In his study of the fifth to 13th-century stone graves of
Läänemaa (western Estonia), Mandel (2003) combined
the archaeological and osteological data. In 2006, a de-
mographic analysis based on anthropological materials
for the Maidla II stone grave was published (Allmäe
2006). Since 2004, cremains from Long Barrow Cul-
ture (fifth to tenth centuries) sand barrows in southeast
Estonia have been analysed. Mare Aun excavated the
sand barrow cemeteries between 1970 and 1980 (Аun
1992). The combined study of the results of the analy-
ses of burial archaeology and osteology are published
in several papers, including an analysis of bone frag-
ment sizes (Allmäe, Maldre 2005; Allmäe et al. 2007;
Aun et al. 2008; Allmäe et al. 2009).
In 2008, the cremains of the Uugla III stone grave
(11th to 13th centuries) in western Estonia were ana-
lysed and published (Mandel, Allmäe 2009). In 2009,

31

121
 the cremains of the Kirikumägi flat ground cemetery
(990–1160 Ad) in southeast Estonia were analysed
Observations on Estonian Iron
(Valk, Allmäe 2009). In 2010, the archaeological and
anthropological study of Kirikumägi flat ground ceme-
tery was published, including an analysis of the colour
and size of bone fragments (Valk, Allmäe 2010).
Age Cremations
during the 1997 to 2011 research period, various de-
scriptive and metric data on cremated bones was col-
lected. The present paper is an attempt to analyse and
systematise this data, and to make some generalising
observations on Estonian burial places with crema-
ALLMÄE
tions. The radiocarbon dates (AMS method) of burnt
RAILI
human bones from the six investigated graves are also
presented. Some conclusions on temporal changes
in cremation burial practices are made based on cor-
relations between the dates and the bone fragmenta-
tion stage in different graves. A comparative study
of the graves on the basis of other characteristics, for
example, the minimum number of buried individuals,
the number of determined bone finds among the total
number of bone finds, and the colour of the cremated
bone fragments in graves, is also presented. The colour
of the bones has a descriptive value in this study, and is
only briefly discussed.
Material
The list of analysed material from western Estonia is
as follows (fig. 1):
• Ehmja stone grave, from the fifth to seventh cen-
turies Ad and from the tenth to 13th centuries Ad,
were excavated by M. Mandel between 1982 and
1991. A total of 248 bone finds were collected
from square plots two metres by two metres. Eight
burial pits were recorded, probably from the fifth
to the seventh centuries. In addition, scattered cre-
mation burials from the tenth to the 13th centuries
were recorded from the upper layers of the grave.
Ehmja stone grave was repeatedly disturbed dur-
ing Prehistoric times. Mandel (2003) has suggest-
ed it happened during the reuse of the cemetery.
The grave contained cremated and uncremated hu-
man bones (Mandel 2003; Allmäe 2003).
• The stone graves of Maidla I (fifth to sixth centu-
ries Ad) and II (tenth to 13th centuries Ad) were
excavated by M. Mandel between 1983 and 1985,
and between 1987 and 1990 (Mandel 2003, p.39).
The first stone grave of Maidla was mainly used during
the fifth and sixth centuries AD, while some later buri-
als from the 12th and 13th centuries were also found
(Mandel 2003, p.2). The bone material consists of
32
122
268 finds, which were collected in two-by-two-metre
square plots. The grave generally contained scattered
cremation burials, although some inhumations were
also found (Mandel 2003; Allmäe 2003).
The second stone grave of Maidla was used mainly
from the tenth century to the beginning of the 13th
century Ad (Mandel 2003, p.59). The bone material
consists of 674 finds, which were collected in two-by-
two-metre square plots. The grave contained inhuma-
tions, as well as scattered cremation burials (Mandel
2003; Allmäe 2003).
• Kirbla stone grave, dating from the 11th or 12th
century Ad, was excavated by Mati Mandel in
1983 (Mandel 2003, p.90). A total of 70 bone finds
were collected in two-by-two-metre square plots.
The human bone material consisted only of burnt
bones (Mandel 2003; Allmäe 2003).
• Uugla III stone grave, dating from the 11th or 12th
century Ad, was excavated by Mati Mandel in
2008. A total of 326 bone finds were collected in
two-by-two-metre square plots. The material con-
sisted of only cremated bones (Mandel, Allmäe
2009).
The stone graves analysed in western Estonia were
all of an irregular stone construction (Mandel 2003,
p.128, pp.132-133).
The list of analysed material from southeast Estonia is
as follows (fig. 1):
The Põlgaste tarand grave, dating from the third to the
fifth centuries AD (Early Iron Age), was excavated
by Silvia Laul between 1970 and 1973 (Laul 2001,
p.40ff). Tarand graves are burial places with charac-
teristic quadrangular stone enclosures, commonly with
a north-south orientation (Jaanits et al. 1982, p.207;
Lang 2007, pp.170, 192). The bone material of Põl-
gaste grave was collected by plots of one square metre,
and is all cremated (Laul 2001, p.42). The cremains of
Põlgaste tarand grave were analysed in 2010 and 2011.
Unfortunately, the author could not find any whole
bone material excavated in the grave. The only bone
finds available were collected from the western, earlier
part of the grave, where the bone material was slightly
burnt in comparison with that of the eastern tarands
(Laul 2001, pp.42, 196). The analysed part of the cre-
mains consists of 59 bone units.
Suure Rõsna, Rõsna-Saare I and II sand-barrow cem-
eteries from the second half of the first millennium AD
were excavated by Mare Aun during the 1980s (Aun
1992). The barrow cemeteries consist of rounded and
long barrows of piled sand, with various burial cus-
 fig. 1. The Estonian cremation graves studied.
I

ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 19

33
SOCIETIES

APPROACHES
O f T H E PA S T:

TO LAndSCAPE

123
 toms; the cremated bones were commonly buried as
quite compact assemblages (sometimes in containers)
Observations on Estonian Iron
under and in the barrows (Aun 1992; Aun 2005). The
human bone material collected from the barrows is all
cremated (Allmäe, Maldre 2005; Allmäe et al. 2007).
The total number of analysed bone units is 420.
Age Cremations
Kirikumägi flat ground cemetery from the late tenth to
the 12th century AD was excavated by Heiki Valk in
2003 and 2004, and 2007. The scattered cremation bur-
ials were detected at an underground level. A total of
69 bone assemblages were collected. The bones were
ALLMÄE
mainly cremated, with the exception of some unburnt
RAILI
teeth and temporal bones from a three or four-year-old
child (Valk, Allmäe 2010).
Methodology
Bone assemblage or unit or find
Usually, the cremated bone fragments are collected
from the burial site and packed as assemblages or
units. All these assemblages/units are numbered. Some
archaeologists call these units bone finds; some have
argued that this packed unit of bone fragments is not
an archaeological find, but an assemblage of bones. It
does not matter what we call these packed bone units,
it is important to define what the unit, find or assem-
blage we study is. first, we have to realise that the bone
assemblage/unit/find is not automatically one burial.
This is especially true of burial places where cremated
bones are scattered, and somewhat true for other types
of grave where the burial technique is not recognised
on site. It all depends on the excavation methodology:
how the material was excavated, collected, packed and
described on site; or, to put it briefly, how well archae-
ologists understand the bone material on site. On the
other hand, one packed and numbered collection of
bone fragments is a good unit by which to study the
peculiarity of the material, the fragmentations and the
dispersal of cremated bones in different graves.
Minimum number of buried people
and percentage of bone finds
determined
Minimum number of buried people (MNI). It is known
that some parts of the skeleton are more resistant to
heat-induced changes, and preserve better among the
cremated bones (Holck 2008). Thus, the minimum
number of buried people among examined cremains is
very often determined according to the recurrent bone
34
124
fragment method. The most common well-preserved
bone fragment is a petrous part of the temporal bone.
The minimum number of buried people for the ana-
lysed cremations in Estonia was in most cases estimat-
ed on the basis of this bone fragment.
Percentage of determined bone finds in material. The
percentage of bone units where the determination of
at least one human bone fragment was calculated. The
hypothesis is that this characteristic describes the dis-
persal of bones: a high number of units with non-de-
termined bone fragments should define a burial place
with scattered cremation burials.
Colouration and fracture pattern on
bones in different burial places
Bone colour was not recorded according to accepted
colour standards, as the material was analysed over
quite a long period of time (1997 to 2011). during
that time, the methodology for recording bone ma-
terial changed to some extent. However, the general
notes and impressions of bone material are only briefly
mentioned, as some pattern was observable. The de-
scription of changes in bone colour during cremation
is discussed in the light of works by Shipman et al.
(1984), McCutcheon (1992), Holck (2008), Walker et
al. (2008) and Wahl (2008).
‘Charred’ bones occur in cremations when the oxy-
gen flow and heat were insufficient for proper burning
(Holck 2008; Walker et al. 2008; Wahl 2008). Bone
fragments indicating this appear as blackish or dark
brown bone fragments among cremains: according
to McCutcheon (1992), the specimens were heated to
340ºC; according to Holck (2008) grade 1 combustion
(200–400ºC), to Wahl (2008) grade 2 (300–400ºC),
and according to Shipman et al. (1984) stage II/III
(285–525ºC). These bones often appear within the
group of bones which are burnt at higher temperatures
(Holck 2008, p.94). The appearance of black/dark
brown bones was recorded in the studied bone materi-
als. The percentage of bone units with brown/blackish
bone fragments is presented as a percentage of the total
number of bone units within the studied material.
The grey colour of bones appears at temperatures of
550ºC to 650ºC, according to Wahl (2008) and Walker
et al. (2008). Shipman et al. (1984) described light
grey with secondary colours of brown and light brown-
ish grey from 525ºC to 645ºC. McCutcheon (1992)
observed light brownish grey at temperatures up to
600ºC. Holck (2008) determined dark and light grey
colours at temperatures of 400ºC to 800ºC. The grey
colour is attributed to bones which are not completely or afterwards. The maximum length of the long-bone

burnt.
At high temperatures of 800ºC or more, the bones be-
come calcinated and the white colour of cremains is
prevalent, according to Holck (2008). McCutcheon
(1992) and Wahl (2008) argue that the white colour
appears at the somewhat lower temperature of 650ºC
BALTICA 19
fragment was measured for every packed bone unit
for ten burial sites under examination. In addition, the
biggest fragment of cranial vault was measured for ten
burial sites. Two measurements were taken for cranial
vault fragments: the maximum length and the transver-
sal length/width.The metric characteristic of the cra-
nial vault size is expressed as the cross multiplication

ARCHAEOLOGIA
to 700ºC. According to Shipman et al. (1984), the
of these two measurements. A sliding calliper was used
predominant colour of the bones is neutral white with
for measuring bone fragments.
blue-grey or light grey at temperatures of up to 940ºC.
When bones are heated in excess of 940ºC, the speci-
mens are neutral white with some medium grey and Radiocarbon dates of cremated human
reddish-yellow (Shipman et al. 1984). bones
‘Sooty’ bones occur in burials where the bones are
The date of cremated bone fragments from Maidla I
buried with pyre remains. This means that the bone
(HELA-2403) and II (HELA-1958) stone graves, Rõs-
fragments are not carefully picked out from crema-
na-Saare I (HELA-1959; 1960) and II ( HELA-1961)
tions and buried in the grave, or that the cremation site
barrow cemeteries, Suure Rõsna (HELA-1962) barrow
and the grave are the same, or that we have found the
cemetery, and Põlgaste tarand grave (HELA- 2404;
actual cremation site itself. Sooty bones are found in
2405) was conducted in 2009 and 2010 at the dating
I
all such cases. When clean bones occur in a grave, we
Laboratory of the finnish Museum of natural History, SOCIETIES
may conclude that the cremation pyre is located away O f T H E PA S T:
University of Helsinki. The 14C concentration was APPROACHES
from the grave (Sigvallius 1994). The occurrence of TO LAndSCAPE
measured using the AMS method. The results are cali-
sooty bones was recorded for the graves under exami-
brated according to Intcal09 curve (Reimer et al. 2009)
nation here.
and Oxcal 4.1 software (Bronk-Ramsey 2009).

fracture pattern of cremated bones

Statistical analyses of descriptive
The alteration of bones due to heat has been studied characteristics of different burial
for decades. Changes in the surface structure of bones places
are macroscopic and microscopic, and are different if
The idea is to compare different graves on the basis
dry bones or fleshed bones/corpses are cremated. The
of correlations between characteristics observed. The
thermal fractures and alterations characteristic of the
average size of long-bone fragments, the proportion of
cremation of corpses are warping, transverse and lon-
determined bone finds among the material and the radi-
gitudinal fractures, splintering and delaminating (often
ocarbon dates of the graves should indicate differences
seen on the cranial bone), curved transverse fractures,
in burial practices. It should be possible to observe the
patina, and so on (Buikstra, Swegle 1989; Symes et
changes in burial practice over time, and also cultural
al. 2008; Musgrave et al. 2010). Characteristic heat-
and geographical differences in this practice.
induced alterations of bones for burnt corpses were
recorded for every grave. However, an inconsistent ob- R 2.15.2 was used for statistical analyses.
servation of various patterns has to be admitted, as the
pattern was not recorded for every bone unit.
Results and discussion

Bone fragments and The analysed bone material is mainly from Middle
their measurements Iron Age and Late Iron Age cemeteries (Aun 1992;
Mandel 2003; Valk, Allmäe 2010). The only exception
The most reasonable way to estimate the fragmentation is Põlgaste tarand grave, which is dated to the Early
of cremains is to measure the biggest bone fragment(s) Iron Age (Laul 2001, p.40ff).
in one packed unit. The bone fragment size was meas-
ured for all analysed materials. The bone fragment size
is post-excavational, but it should be noted that the
material was not sieved or washed during excavation

35

125
 Radiocarbon dates
Observations on Estonian Iron
Radiocarbon dating (AMS method) of cremated bones
from six of the graves studied was conducted in or-
der to specify the time period when the grave was in
use (Tables 1; 2). The main purpose of this analysis
Age Cremations
was to find out if there is any correlation between the
characteristics of the bone material and the time period
when the grave was in use. The relative dates of the
stone graves at Maidla are (Mandel 2003): the Maidla
I grave, fifth to sixth century AD, and Maidla II, tenth
to 13th century Ad. The 14C dating of cremated bone
ALLMÄE
RAILI
material confirms the gap, but indicates the use of the
Maidla I grave somewhat earlier (Tables 1; 2). The
southeast Estonian sand barrow graves studied are dat-
ed to the sixth to the eighth centuries Ad (Aun 1992).
The radiocarbon dates indicate the use of sand barrow
cemeteries somewhat earlier (Tables 1; 2), and support
the idea proposed by Mare Aun (1992, p.113, pp.151-
152) that the barrows were piled up over a short time
when an important member of the community died.
The tarand grave at Põlgaste was dated to the third to
the fifth century AD (Laul 2001, p.42ff). The AMS
dates of cremated bones from the earlier part of the
grave here also refer to the somewhat earlier use of the
grave (Tables 1; 2). The AMS dates of the cremains
studied indicate somewhat earlier grave use in com-
parison with former relative dates (Table 1).
number of bone finds, percentage of
determined bone finds, and minimum
number of buried individuals
The number of cremated bone finds from west Estonia
studied is 1,586, and from southeast Estonia 548. The
discrepancy is probably due to the burial practice that
I will discuss below. Of course, a lot depends on how
we interpret the deposited cremains. If we conclude
that every packed unit is one burial, then we calculate
an exceptional number of burials for graves with scat-
tered human cremations. On the other hand, burials in
sand barrows or in earlier tarand graves are easier to
understand, as the buried bone assemblages are com-
pact here, and perceived and defined as burials already
on site.
According to the method of recurrent bone fragments,
the minimum number of buried individuals (MnI) in
the west Estonian stone graves studied is 62, and in
the graves of southeast Estonia 99. More detailed data
is presented in Table 2. It is worth mentioning that the
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126
minimum number of individuals differs from what is
archaeologically predicted, and also from the osteolog-
ically determined plausible number of buried deceased.
The plausible number of burials is not discussed in the
present paper, although it has been described earlier
for west Estonian burial sites with scattered cremated
bones (Allmäe 2003; 2006).
The proportion of bone finds where at least one hu-
man bone fragment was recognised is also quite a
good characteristic to follow. The proportion of bone
finds determined is quite small for west Estonian Late
Iron Age stone graves with scattered cremations (Ta-
ble 2). The new form of cremation grave, Iron Age flat
ground burials, was detected in Kirikumägi, Siksälä,
in southeast Estonia (Valk, Allmäe 2009; 2010). Here,
as in west Estonian stone graves, the cremains were
scattered and the number of bone units determined was
relatively small. Thus, we may argue that the Late Iron
Age cremation is distinguished from earlier sand bar-
row cemeteries on the basis of this descriptive feature
(Table 2). The cremains in sand barrows of Long Bar-
row Culture in southeast Estonia are buried under bar-
rows or in barrows, and the buried bone assemblages
are mostly quite large and compact here (Aun 1992;
2005; Aun et al. 2008). Burial practices are quite eas-
ily distinguishable through the percentage of bone
units determined. The same trend is observable for
the Põlgaste tarand grave, the proportion of bone finds
determined is highest here, and at the same time the
minimum number of individuals is highest in relation
to the bone finds studied (Table 2).
fracture pattern and colour of bones
Estonian cremations indicated a fracture pattern on the
bones characteristic of the cremation of corpses (fleshed
bone). The bone material from Põlgaste tarand grave
is somewhat different, where the absence of warping
and longitudinal splitting, and only a few bones with
curved transverse cracking, were observed. The same
peculiarities have been registered at the Tandemägi IV
grave (Early Iron Age), where a secondary cremation
burial after the flesh had decayed is supposed (Kal-
man 2000b; Lang 2007, p.180). Experiments with dry
bones have indicated that bones that are burned when
dry show superficial checking and cracking, a lack of
longitudinal splitting, and no warping (Buikstra, Swe-
gle 1989, p.248).
It has been argued that there is no direct correlation
between the cremation temperature and the colour
Ta b l e 1 . R a d i o c a r b o n d a t e s ( A M S m e t h o d ) o f c r e m a t e d b o n e s

BALTICA 19
Grave Number Location Speci- Analysed Lab number Calibrated date
of bone in grave men bone frag- radiocarbon
find ment determination (95.4%) (68.2%)
Maidla I MI-240 Square Adult? Long bone HELA 2403 258 (11,9%) 297Ad 341 Ad - 413 Ad
104f 1675 +-30 BP 321 (83,5%) 427 Ad

ARCHAEOLOGIA
Maidla II MII-180 Square Adult Cranial Hela-1958 980 Ad - 1060 Ad 980 Ad - 1060 Ad
96/96 n-o vault 1000 ± 30 BP

Põlgaste Po-2 Square Adult Cranial HELA 2404 40 BC (91,5%) 88 Ad 5 Ad - 74 Ad

8/b-c vault 1959 +-30 BP 103 Ad (4.4%)122 Ad

Põlgaste Po-3 Square Adult Cranial HELA 2405 45 BC - 80 Ad 20 BC (5,4%) 12 BC

10/f vault 1977+-30 BP 1 BC (62,8%) 65 Ad

Rõsna- - Long Adult Axis HELA-1959 410 Ad - 570 Ad 430 Ad - 540 Ad

Saare I barrow 7 1565 ± 35 BP

Rõsna- RSI-157 Rounded Child Long bone HELA -1960 390 Ad - 550 Ad 420 Ad (29.3%) 470 Ad
Saare I barrow 9 1595 ± 35 BP 480 Ad (38.9%) 540 Ad I
Rõsna- RSII-86 Long Adult Cranial HELA-1961 340 Ad - 540 Ad 390 Ad (36.3%) 460 Ad SOCIETIES
O f T H E PA S T:
Saare II barrow 7 vault 1620 ± 35 BP 480 Ad (31.9%) 540 Ad APPROACHES
TO LAndSCAPE
Suure- SR-40 Rounded Adult Cranial HELA-1962 420 Ad - 600 Ad 430 Ad (32.2%) 490 Ad
Rõsna barrow 6 vault 1535 ± 35 BP 510 Ad (1.5%) 520 Ad
530 Ad (34.5%) 580 Ad

of the bones, and that the colour should be observed
together with alterations in the bone structure (Ship-
man et al. 1984; Holck 2008; Walker et al. 2008; Wahl
2008). Sometimes, a wide range of colour alterations is
found within a single cremation. This is especially true
when whole corpses/fleshed remains have been burnt
(Symes et al. 2008, p.35ff; McKinley 2008, p.168ff).
Earlier experiments and research that show that the
colour of the bones alone is not a trustworthy indica-
tor of the burning temperature are convincing. In ad-
dition, it should also be noted that the colour of burnt
bones may change if they are buried (Shipman et al.
1984; Wahl 2008). Shipman et al. (1984) also mentions
errors in the determination of colour, because of indi-
vidual differences in the research used to perceive fine
colour distinctions.
for the Estonian bone materials investigated, colour
standards were not used to determine the colour of the
cremains, the observations on fracture pattern were
not consistent, and microscopic investigations on bone
structure were not conducted. Therefore, for these sub-
jects only some general notes and observations are pre-
sented.
Dark brown and black bone fragments were occasion-
ally found in nearly all the Estonian graves studied
(Table 2). The appearance of incompletely burnt dark
brown and black bones within the group of bones,
which are burned at higher temperatures, has been re-
corded earlier (Holck 2008, p.94). Bone material from
other parts of Estonia also contains heat-altered bone
fragments, which are characteristic of the grade 1 burn-
ing described by Holck (2008); for example, cremated
cranial fragments in Viimsi tarand grave, from 350 to
500 Ad, in northern Estonia (Kalling 1993; Lang 1993,
p.55; Lang 2007, p.133; Kivirüüt 2011). Here we can
find glassy black and dark brown fragments of cranial
vault very similar at first sight to pieces of ceramics.
Additionally, in the Tõnija tarand grave excavated by
M. Mägi between 1995 and 2001 (Mägi 2001), the
author of the present paper observed dark-brown and

37

127
 Ta b l e 2 . T h e d a t e s a n d d e s c r i p t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f a n a l y s e d c r e m a t i o n
graves
Observations on Estonian Iron

West Estonian grave

Southeastern Estonian graves
Age Cremations

name of Uugla Rõsna- Rõsna- Suure Kiriku-

Kirbla Ehmja Maidla I Maidla II Põlgaste
grave III Saare I Saare II Rõsna mägi
number of
studied bone 70 248 268 674 326 59 159 97 164 69
units
Stone- Stone- Stone- Stone- Stone- Tarand- Sand Sand flat-
ALLMÄE

Grave type Sand barrow

grave grave grave grave grave grave barrow barrow ground
RAILI

Relative dates 11-12 11-12 5-6 10-13 11-13 3-5 6-8 7-8 6-8 -
(cc.) (5-7) (12-13)

Radiocarbon 258-427 980-1060 40BC-122Ad 410-570 Ad 340-540 420-600 990-1160

- - -
dates (95,4%) Ad Ad 45BC-80Ad 390-550 Ad Ad Ad Ad*
probability
% of deter-
mined bone 13.0 17.2 41.9 29.7 18.1 81.7 70.6 66.6 55.1 25.6
units

% of bone
units with
‘charred’ 2.6 1.8 9.2 9.7 5.8 3.4 11.4 9.4 4.8 2.6
bones

Minimum
number of 1 5 17 32 7 18 29 22 26 4
burials

* radiocarbon dated charcoal amongst cremated bones. The other date is somewhat earlier (68.3% probability 723-893 Ad),
but no bones were found with charcoal here (Valk, Allmäe 2010)

brownish-black fragments of human cranium among
the unburned human bones. The different handling of
head and body is observed in tarand graves, and is as-
sumed to be a ritual practice (Lang 2007, p.180).
We s t E s t o n i a n s t o n e g r a v e s
Kirbla, Ehmja and Uugla III are quite small cemeter-
ies, containing seven or fewer burials. The Maidla I
grave is somewhat larger: the minimum number of
buried individuals was 17. The Maidla II stone grave
is most representative of the studied west Estonian
graves, with the largest grave area and the largest
number of cremation burials (fig. 1; Table 2). The
cremains in west Estonian stone graves were usually
pale, often with white and grey dominating, sometimes
with brownish and blue hues, so the temperature of
the cremation pyre should have been at least moder-
ate. for example, in the Uugla III stone grave, 87.1%
of the bone finds are described as white, with a blue
hue also being very frequent. for the Maidla II grave,
Mandel (2003, pp.42ff, p.59) has described the bone
fragments as very burnt, and observed the occasional
melting of bronze artefacts in the grave. The Maidla I
stone grave contained slightly and heavily burnt bones

38

128
(Mandel 2003, pp.30-40), and the bone fragments here
were also slightly bigger in comparison with the other
west Estonian graves studied (Allmäe 2003, p.250ff).
The bone fragments were mainly a pale colour with
a brownish hue. McCutcheon (1992) observed a light
brownish grey in a specimen heated to 600ºC. Wahl
(2008) has observed white with brownish, greyish and
ochre colours at a temperature of 800ºC and above, and
argues that these secondary colours correspond to local
soil conditions.
The proportion of bone finds with a dark brown and/
or black colour among west Estonian graves was more
frequent in the Maidla stone graves (Table 2).
Sooty bones were quite common in west Estonian
stone graves too, as the cremation often took place in
the grave area (Mandel 2003, p.153ff; Allmäe 2003).
Southeast cremation burials
The studied southeastern graves with cremations are
of varied construction: Põlgaste is a tarand grave, Kiri-
kumägi is a flat ground cemetery, and others are sand
barrow cemeteries (fig. 1; Table 2).
The prevailing colour of bones within the Põlgaste
tarand grave material is pale with a light brown and oc-
casional orange-red hue. Shipman and her colleagues
(1984) have described reddish-brown and reddish-yel-
low colours on burnt bones at temperatures of 285ºC
to 645ºC. The archaeologist Silvia Laul (2001, p.196),
who excavated Põlgaste tarand grave, has argued that
the bones were slightly burnt.
The cremated bone material in the Põlgaste grave ex-
hibited the occurrence of calcinated fragments and sur-
prisingly uniform colouration. The latter is attributed to
the cremation of dry bones, here calcinated bones are
light brown or tan (Buikstra, Swegle 1989, p.249ff).
Dark brown and black fragments were very rarely
observed among the material, while sooty bone finds
were absent (Table 2).
In Kirikumägi flat ground cemetery, mainly light-
coloured bone assemblages were found, with shades
varying from light yellow-greyish to light-brownish;
occasionally dark grey shades were also observed,
The cremation temperature should have been at least
600ºC, most likely above 800ºC (Valk, Allmäe 2010).
More detailed observations were conducted to describe
the colouration of the cremains in southeast Estonian
sand barrows (Suure Rõsna, Rõsna-Saare I and II). The
BALTICA 19
prevailing colour of the bone units in sand barrows
was white with a yellow hue (39.5% of bone units),
with the next most common colour described as pale
with a greyish beige or greyish yellow hue (37.1%),
and a brownish or dark grey colouration recorded for
10.2% of bone units. Dark brown and black colours
(incompletely burned bones) were recorded for 8.6%
ARCHAEOLOGIA
of bone units, while bone units buried with charcoal
and soot (‘sooty bones’) formed 11% of buried bone
assemblages.
Bone units consisting of white fragments with a yellow
hue were frequent, suggesting that these bones were
‘clean’, not buried with charcoal or soot, but carefully
picked from the pyre remains before burial. For exam-
ple, ‘clean’ bones form 30.2% of bones from Swedish
Early Iron Age cremations, and only 0.8% of Late Iron
Age cremations (Sigvallius 1984). On the other hand,
many bone assemblages (11%) were pyre remains,
buried in sand barrows with a remarkable amount of
I
charcoal and soot. The occurrence of ‘clean and white’ SOCIETIES
O f T H E PA S T:
and ‘greyish brown and sooty’ bones in sand barrows APPROACHES
demonstrates different contemporaneous burial prac- TO LAndSCAPE
tices of cremains in southeast Estonia.
The surface patterns on bones indicate typical altera-
tion, warping, splitting and cracking caused by heat.
The colour of the bones gives us a hint of the heat of
the cremation pyre, and also of the burial environment.
White bones with a yellow hue are evidence of quite a
high pyre temperature, at least 800ºC. A yellow hue on
the surface of the bones and in bone spongiosa is quite
common for cremations above 800ºC (Wahl 2008).
The greyish beige or greyish-yellow colour is much
more difficult to interpret. The suggestion is that the
bones are moderately burnt, probably at temperatures
between 600ºC and 800ºC, with a partial greyish tone
on fragments caused by incomplete oxidation. A grey
and light-grey colour of bones is observed for a wide
range of pyre temperatures, mainly beginning around
550ºC to 650ºC; dark greyish-brown bone units are
probably cremated at temperatures lower than 600ºC
(McCutcheon 1992; Shipman et al. 1984; Holck 2008;
Walker et al. 2008; Wahl 2008).
Observations on the colouration of cremated bones
indicate varied cremation temperatures in nearly all
the graves studied. The exceptions are Põlgaste tarand
grave and Uugla III stone grave, where the colouration
of the bone material was quite uniform.
39
129
 Bone fragmentation and burial some hypotheses based on bone fragmentation and
practice burial customs in the graves studied are discussed be-
Observations on Estonian Iron

low.
during the analysis of Estonian cremations, the maxi-
The scattering of the cremains of several people over
mum length of long-bone fragment and the maximum
the grave causes the dispersal of bone fragments in a
size of cranial vault fragment were measured in order
Age Cremations

way that makes the determination of the number of in-

to analyse the overall fragmentation of the grave mate-
dividuals in the grave difficult, and causes high num-
rial. Both measurements show a decline with time (Ta-
bers of small non-determined bone units. On the other
bles 3; 4; fig. 2). Põlgaste tarand grave is exceptional
hand, burials with compact nested bone assemblages,
among the materials studied, as here most likely dry
where fragments are carefully picked up from the pyre
bones were cremated.
site, of course indicate less fragmentation and a higher
ALLMÄE

The overall fragmentation of the buried cremated proportion of identified individuals in graves (Tables 2;
RAILI

bones is caused by the heat of the funeral pyre and the 3; 4; fig. 2). The bone fragment size of modern crema-
handling of the cremains afterwards: cooling, raking, tions is comparable to the ancient cremations buried in
collecting, transporting, crushing and burying may well-closed containers (McKinley 1994).
cause additional fragmentation (Lange et al. 1987;
The bone materials from Late Iron Age graves are
McKinley 1994; 2008; Sigvallius 1994; Holck 2008).
more fragmented and indicate a smaller proportion of
The further fragmentation of cremains can be the result
determined bone fragments than southeast Estonian
of excavating the bone material, then sieving, cleaning
graves (Tables 3; 4; Fig. 2). We may assume that this is
and washing the bone material during post-excavation
caused by the mortuary practice of the Late Iron Age,
processes, as well as when depositing and analysing
scattering cremains in the grave area, although we can-
the bone material. It has been argued that the excava-
not rule out the possibility that the bones were crushed
tion and the post-excavation processes can cause the
before burial, or that some bone parts were taken from
largest amount of damage to cremains (Lange et al.
the pyre site and then buried somewhere else. How-
1987; McKinley 1994; formisto 1996).
ever, can we always distinguish the pyre site from the
We may hypothesise that, besides the processes dur- burial site or cult place?
ing cremation, and during excavation and post-exca-
One burial place in Estonia where very few cremated
vation activities, the fragmentation stage of cremains
fragments of human bone were detected is the Viking
describes some other factors too. for example: 1) the
Age stone circle graves in Piila, on the island of Saare-
burial custom itself, scattered cremations or compact
maa. Here, among highly fragmented calcinated ani-
nested burial of cremains, sometimes in some kind of
mal bones, only a few fragments of human bones were
container; 2) the variability of actions with cremains
determined (Mägi et al. 1998). Graves with few human
before burial, sorting, collecting and even crushing
bones, or a total absence of them, have been described
bones before funeral rituals.
earlier, often along with the reasoning of distribution
Excavation and post-excavation activities are easily of cremains between several (burial or ritual) places
detectable, as the activities after the funeral pyre and (McKinley 1989; Kaliff 1992, p.121ff; Sigvallius
before burial are in a ‘grey area’ for ancient cremations. 1994, p.27ff; Kaliff, Oestigaard 2004; Williams, 2008;
We do not know how our ancestors thought and acted Parker Pearson 1999, p.55); thus the concept of ‘grave’
during the death and funeral of a family or community can be symbolic.
member. The reason is that we do not understand their
Arcini (2005) has argued that pyre sites contain a rela-
beliefs, and we will never have a clear vision of their
tively large number of animal bones, or even whole
burial customs. Therefore, partial burials of cremated
skeletons, while at the same time very few human
bones, or burying bones in several places, or crushing
bones are detected. furthermore, another characteristic
bones before burial, are highly speculative subjects to
trait of osteological material from pyre sites is the lack
handle, because these activities are not easily detect-
of the petrous parts of the temporal bone.
able by archaeological and osteological methods.
This is definitely not the case for southeastern graves,
despite the argument that activities after the funeral
because compact bone assemblages are buried here,
pyre and before the burial are quite difficult to detect,
the size of the bone fragments is large, and the propor-

40

130
 fig. 2. The correlation between radiocarbon date, bone fragmentation and the proportion of determined bone units in the
grave.
I

ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 19

41
SOCIETIES

APPROACHES
O f T H E PA S T:

TO LAndSCAPE

131
 Ta b l e 3 . L o n g - b o n e f r a g m e n t m a x i m u m l e n g t h ( a v e r a g e p e r g r a v e ) a n d
radiocarbon dates of graves
Observations on Estonian Iron

Sample Kirbla Ehmja Maidla I Maidla II Uugla III Põlgaste Rõsna- Rõsna- Suure Kiriku-
Saare I Saare II Rõsna mägi
dates 11-12 5-7/11-12 4-5 10-11 11-13 Ad* 1 BC-1 5-6 4-6 5-6 11-12
Age Cremations

cc. Ad* Ad* Ad Ad Ad Ad Ad Ad Ad

n 51 151 205 541 316 54 106 61 140 29
Ave 3.2 2.2 4.3 3.2 2.7 5.7 4.7 4.9 4.3 3.0
Mode 3.0 2.0 3.5 2.2 2.7 4.5 4.4 3.8 5.1 1.3
Median 3.0 2.0 3.8 3.0 2.7 5.4 4.4 4.6 4.0 2.4
Max 5.0 8.6 10.1 17.2 5.2 12.6 9.5 9.8 8.8 6.6
ALLMÄE

Min 1.7 0.9 1.7 1.1 0.8 1.8 1.8 1.7 1.2 1.1
RAILI

STd 0.8 1.0 1.5 1.3 0.8 2.6 1.8 1.8 1.6 1.6

* Relative dates

Ta b l e 4 . C r a n i a l v a u l t f r a g m e n t m a x i m u m s i z e ( a v e r a g e p e r g r a v e ) a n d
radiocarbon dates of graves

Grave Kirbla Ehmja Maidla I Maidla II Uugla III Põlgaste Rõsna- Rõsna- Suure Kiriku-
Saare I Saare II Rösna mägi
dates 11-12 5-7/11-12 4-5 10-11 11-13 1 BC-1 5-6 4-6 5-6 11-12
cc. Ad* Ad* Ad Ad Ad* Ad Ad Ad Ad Ad

n 27 75 139 248 192 47 65 40 84 15

Ave 3.4 2.7 7.4 5.0 3.2 12.9 8.6 8.9 7.3 4.6
Mode 8.6 1.0 7.1 2.2 2.4 5.5 8.4 - 1.9 4.6
Median 2.9 2.0 5.9 4.1 2.9 12.0 7.8 6.9 6.1 4.6
Max 8.6 15.8 28.1 32.7 11.3 31.3 23.4 42.3 23.6 11.0
Min 0.9 0.5 1.1 0.9 0.7 3.6 1.7 2.1 1.5 1.3
STd 2.3 2.7 5.0 3.8 1.5 6.4 5.2 7.6 4.8 2.7

* Relative dates

tion of determined bone units and minimum number
of burials are high (Tables 2; 3; 4; fig. 2). It should
also be noted that pyre sites have not been found near
southeastern cremation cemeteries. The cremations
themselves took place somewhere else, and the cre-
mains were collected and carried to the burial place.
We may speculate that the Late Iron Age graves at
Kirbla, Uugla I and III are pyre sites, because burnt
areas with greasy black soil, often with small pieces
of artefacts and heavily cremated bones, were found
(Mandel 2003, pp.77, 88-93; Mandel, Allmäe 2009).
The petrous parts of the temporal bones in the Uugla
graves were found mainly in pieces, not even a piece
was found in the Kirbla grave (Allmäe 2003, pp.246-
247; Mandel, Allmäe 2009). However, this explanation
does not fit the Maidla I and II stone graves, because,
in addition to the pyre sites, an enormous amount of
human cremains were found over a large area.
In Laitila in finland, the Merovingian (600–800 Ad)
cremation cemetery A, at Vainionmäki, was exca-
vated between 1986 and 1994. The average size of
the longest bone fragments measured in grave A was
one to three centimetres, with a maximum length of
about eight centimetres. The bone colour is described
as grey, although the bones were covered with soot,
which sometimes caused difficulties in determining the
actual colour (formisto 1996, pp.81-87). despite the
time gap, the Vainionmäki A cremation grave, with ir-
regular stone settings, scattered cremains, often-found
sooty bones, and also with a comparable fragmentation
stage of bones, is very similar to west Estonian graves,
especially to the Maidla I stone grave of the fourth to

42

132
fifth centuries, as we will see below. Formisto (1996,
pp.81-87) has suggested for Vainionmäki that the cre-
mation itself was conducted in the grave area. for sev-
eral west Estonian cremation graves, Mandel (2003)
has suggested the same, and has described heavily
burnt areas with a greasy charcoal layer in the grave
area. This is in accordance with criteria established by
other researchers earlier (Iregren 1972, p.73; McKin-
ley 1989) to determine the areas where corpses were
burnt in the grave area.
Thus, it is probable that in west Estonian cremation
graves, the bodies were burnt in the grave area, and
the cremains were scattered over the area or partially
buried somewhere else. However, this does not explain
the variation in the number of child cremations, as we
shall see below.
It should be noted that white or pale very burnt bones
from southeastern sand barrows are very fragile: crush-
ing the spongy parts of the bones is easy. In west Est-
onian Late Iron Age graves, the spongy parts of the
bones are found less, as are the cremains of children.
The proportion of child cremations in the Maidla II
grave from the Late Iron Age (4.7%) is comparable
to those in Scandinavian cremations (Sigvallius 1994;
Holck 2008, pp.63, 119). The exception is the Maidla
I grave from the fourth and fifth centuries, where the
cremains of six children (35.3% of the total number
of cremations) were found (Allmäe 2003; 2006). The
Finnish Merovingian period grave A at Vainionmäki
contained 23 cremations, of which seven (30.4%) were
of children (formisto 1996, p.81ff). In these two graves
with scattered cremains, the proportion of child cre-
mations is similar. The cremated remains of children
are very fragile (Holck 1995; Holck 2008, p.119ff),
crushing them before burial makes them invisible in
graves. On the other hand, the cremains or bodies of
infants and children could have been buried elsewhere.
for example, in western Estonia, Late Iron Age infant
inhumations have been found in Bronze Age stone-cist
graves (Allmäe 2010).
The sand barrow cemeteries in southwest Estonia in-
dicated a different mortuary practice concerning chil-
dren. Cremations of infants and children were quite
commonly found here amongst adult burials; for exam-
ple, in the Rõsna-Saare I grave, the proportion of child
burials was 37.8% (Allmäe, Maldre 2005; Allmäe et
al. 2007; Allmäe et al. 2009). The results of the analy-
sis of southeast Estonian barrow cemeteries definitely
rules out the custom of crushing the bones before bur-
ial, or of burying children and infants other than in the
family/community cemetery. In addition, this does not
support the idea that the cremated remnants of children
BALTICA 19
disappear in the grave with time (Holck 2008, p.119).
The idea of crushing cremains is supported by some
researchers, while others disagree. In the middle of
the last century, the deliberate crushing of bones after
cremation was proposed by Gejvall (1959). Sigvallius
(1994, p.27ff) noticed that cremations from 0 to 500
ARCHAEOLOGIA
Ad (Pre-Roman Iron Age in Sweden) are much better
preserved in comparison with Viking Age graves, and
has supposed that crushing cremated bones is highly
likely. McKinley (1994, p.339) argues that the frag-
mentation of bones is caused mainly by excavation
and post-excavation activities. formisto (1996, p.86ff)
agrees with McKinley on this point, and also says that
the fragments found in different cremation graves are
almost always the same.
The author of the present paper tends to support the
idea of Scandinavian research at the moment, for two
main reasons. first, the investigated Estonian cremated I
bone material was not sieved or washed during archae- SOCIETIES
ological excavations (except at the Uugla III grave). O f T H E PA S T:
APPROACHES
Secondly, it must be emphasised that the Estonian bone TO LAndSCAPE
material was also not washed or sieved before osteo-
logical analysis, the material is post-excavational, but
not handled due to the standardised procedures for cre-
mated bones. Among deposits, an amount of soil, char-
coal and pyre debris is often found. Thus, our material
has a somewhat different character. Therefore, we may
speculate that the crushing of cremated bones has been
practised, or the bodies of children were handled dif-
ferently in Late Iron Age Estonia. Of course, further
studies to support this working hypothesis should be
carried out.
Conclusions
The proportion of determined bone units is different
between the 900 to 1250 Ad and the 40 BC to 600 Ad
graves, the latter indicating higher proportions. The
graves from 40 BC to 600 Ad also indicated less bone
fragmentation. Both measurements (cranial and long-
bone fragment) decline with time; the earlier graves
with burials of compact bone assemblages show a
lower stage of fragmentation than the later ones. This
also confirms the fact that the custom of scattered cre-
mation burials is distinguishable on the basis of higher
bone fragmentation.
nearly all bone materials indicated fracture patterns
and surface patterns characteristic of burning corpses,
the only exception being the tarand grave at Põlgaste
from the beginning of the first millennium. Here, a pos-
43
133
 sible secondary burial is suggested, the cremation of
bones. The colouration of cremated bone material var-
Observations on Estonian Iron
ied within the graves. Temperatures of between 600ºC
and 800ºC are suggested for funeral pyres if the bones
are a pale colour. nearly all the graves indicated in-
completely burnt bone fragments of a dark brown and
Age Cremations
black colour; the proportion was higher for the Maidla
stone graves in western Estonia, and for the southeast
Estonian sand barrow cemeteries. The Põlgaste tarand
grave and Uugla III stone grave both indicated uniform
colouration of bone material.
ALLMÄE
The burial practices in western and southeastern Es-
RAILI
tonia were different. Pyre sites are detected in west
Estonian graves, thus cremation probably took place
on the burial site, and most of the cremains were scat-
tered nearby. The crushing of bones before burial is not
observable for southeast barrow cemeteries, but it is
not ruled out for Late Iron Age graves. The presence
of child cremations is often higher for southeastern
graves. The fourth to fifth-century Maidla I grave also
indicated a high proportion of child cremations. for the
Late Iron Age Maidla II stone grave, the crushing of
bones before burial or different burial customs for chil-
dren and infants is suggested, as child cremations in
the grave were extremely rare. The other Late Iron Age
graves were too small to draw this kind of conclusion.
The change in mortuary practice that we can perceive
through different bone fragmentation stages, and in
proportion to the determined bone units, is temporal on
one hand, as in the later graves with scattered crema-
tions, the average, as well as the median size of bone
fragments, is smaller. On the other hand, the difference
in mortuary practice, which is observable through the
presence of infant and child cremations in graves, is
cultural as well as temporal. To be more precise, the
cremains of infants and children are often found in the
graves of Long Barrow Culture in southeastern Estonia
in the fourth to sixth centuries, and are well represent-
ed in the fourth to fifth-century stone grave of Maidla I.
To support these hypotheses, the necessity to analyse
more cremated bone materials of various dates and
from different cultural areas is obvious.
Acknowledgements
This study was undertaken within the framework of the
target funded research project of the Estonian govern-
ment (Sf0130012s08).
44
134
References
Manuscripts
KIVIRÜÜT, A., 2011. Põletatud luude uurimine: me-
toodika ning praktika Viimsi I tarandkalme leiukom-
pleksi näitel. Bakalaureusetöö. Tartu: Tartu Ülikool.
Available from: http://www.arheo.ut.ee/docs/BA11_
Kivir%C3%BC%C3%BCt.pdf (Acces-ed 6.01.2012)
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RAILI
sis of Burned Human Remains. London: Academic Press,
239-269.
Received: 30 november 2012; Revised: 6 May 2013;
Accepted: 26 August 2013.
Raili Allmäe,
department of Archaeobiology and Ancient Technology
Institute of History, Tallinn University
Ryytli 6, 10130, Tallinn, ESTOnIA
E-mail: raili.allmae@tlu.ee
PA S TA B O S A P I E G E L E Ž I E S
A M Ž I A U S L A I K O TA R P I O
KREMACIJĄ ESTIJOJE
RAILI ALLMÄE
Santrauka
1997–2011 m. Estijoje buvo tyrinėti keli laidojimo
paminklai su degintiniais kapais. Tyrinėjimų metu
buvo surinkta įvairiausios medžiagos apie degintus
mirusiųjų kaulus. Šio straipsnio tikslas – apibendrinti
ir susisteminti duomenis apie Estijos teritorijoje ras-
tus degintinius palaidojimus, ir pateikti apibendrintus
duomenis (1–2 pav.; 1–4 lent.). Buvo ištirti degintiniai
kaulai, rasti dešimtyje Vakarų ir Pietryčių Estijos lai-
dojimo paminklų kapų. Šešiuose kapuose rasti žmonių
kaulai buvo datuoti radioaktyviosios anglies (AMS)
metodu. AMS metodu nustatytos degintinių žmonių
kaulų datos yra kiek ankstesnės, nei jie buvo datuojami
anksčiau, kai šie kapai buvo datuoti santykinės chrono-
logijos metodu. Straipsnyje pateikiamas lyginamasis
dešimties kapų tyrimas, remiantis minėtomis AMS da-
tomis, minimaliu palaidotų individų skaičiumi bei kau-
lu kiekiu ir jų fragmentacija. Vakarinėje Estijoje ištirta
46
136
1 586 kremuoti kaulai, Pietrytinėje Estijoje – 548. Šie
kaulių kiekiai atitinka minimalų 62 ir 99 individų skai-
čių. Procentiškai skiriasi 900–1250 AD ir 40 BC – 600
AD laikotarpiais datuotų kapų kaulų proporcijos, t. y.
vėlesniuose kapuose kaulų rasta daugiau. 40 BC – 600
AD kapuose taip pat nustatyta mažesnė kaulų fragmen-
tacija. Kaukolės ir ilgųjų kaulų fragmentų matavimai
rodo, kad kaulų mažėja laikui bėgant – ankstesnieji
kapai su kompaktiškais kaulų rinkiniais rodo buvus že-
mesnį jų fragmentacijos lygį, nei vėlyvesniuose kapuo-
se randami kaulai. Šis tyrimas patvirtina, kad paprotys
paskleisti degintinius kaulus yra atskiriamas, remiantis
didesne degintinių kaulų fragmentacija.
Beveik visų tirtų kaulų paviršius yra suskilinėjęs, o
tai būdinga degintiems palaikams, Vienintelė išimtis
yra griautinis kapas iš Põlgaste tarand tipo kapo, kuris
datuojamas 40 BC – 100 AD laikotarpiu. Gali būti,
kad čia yra antrinis palaidojimas, kai buvo sudeginti
ankstesni nedeginti kaulai. Skirtinguose kapuose ap-
tiktų mirusiųjų degintų kaulų spalva skiriasi. Deginant
lauže, kurio temperatūra siekia 600 – 800 ºC, kaulai
tampa pilkos spalvos. Tuo tarpu žmogų deginant tem-
peratūroje, viršijančioje 800 ºC, kaulai tampa balti.
Beveik visuose tirtuose kapuose pagal kaulų fragmen-
tus galima nustatyti, kad jie buvo ne visai sudeginti, nes
jie yra tamsiai rudi ir juodi; degintų kaulų kiekiai buvo
didesni Maidla (Vakarų Estija) iš akmenų krautuose
kapuose ir iš smėlio supiltuose pilkapiuose (Pietryčių
Estija). Põlgaste tarandų tipo ir Uugla III kapinynuose
aptiktų kaulų spalva buvo vienoda.
Laidojimo papročiai Rytų ir Vakarų Estijos teritorijose
skyrėsi. Kūnams deginti skirtų laužaviečių yra aptinka-
ma Vakarų Estijos kapinynuose. Mirusiojo kremacija
tikriausiai vyko kapinyno teritorijoje, o kremuoti pa-
laikai išbarstyti šalia. Kaulų trupinimo prieš laidojimą
papročio neaptikta Pietryčių Estijos pilkapynuose, bet
negalima atmesti prielaidos kad toks paprotys vėly-
vajame geležies amžiuje čia egzistavo. Daug daugiau
kremuotų kūdikių aptinkama pietrytinėje Estijos teri-
torijoje. IV–V amžiais datuotame Maidla I kapinyne
taip pat randama daug kremuotų kūdikių. Vėlyvojo ge-
ležies amžiaus Maidla II kapinyne taip pat aptinkamas
kūdikių ir vaikų kaulų sutrupinimo prieš juos palaido-
jant paprotys, nors vaikų kremacija čia yra labai reta. Iš
kitų vėlyvojo geležies amžiaus kapinynų yra per mažai
duomenų, todėl išvadų apie buvusius deginimo papro-
čius daryti negalima.
Laidojimo papročių kaita, kurią galima pastebėti tiriant
kaulų fragmentacijos etapus, viena vertus, buvo laiki-
nas reiškinys, kaip ir vėlesniuose kapuose, kai sude-
ginti kaulai buvo išbarstomi. Pastaruosiuose vidutinis

BALTICA 19
kaulų fragmentacijos lygis yra mažesnis.
Norint patikslinti straipsnyje diskutuojamus teiginius,
privalu išanalizuoti daugiau chronologiškai skirtingų
kremuotų kaulų iš kultūriniu požiūriu skirtingų pamin-
klų.

ARCHAEOLOGIA
Vertė Algirdas Girininkas

I
SOCIETIES
O f T H E PA S T:
APPROACHES
TO LAndSCAPE

47

137
138
IV
Allmäe, R. (2014). The demography of Iron Age graves in Estonia. Lietuvos
Archeologija, 40, 103–120.
 LIETUVOS ARCHEOLOGIJA. 2014. T. 40, p. 103–120. ISSN 0207-8694

THE DEMOGRAPHY OF IRON AGE GRAVES IN ESTONIA

RAILI ALLMÄE

Cremated and non-cremated human remains from fourteen Estonian Iron Age burial grounds were analy-
sed in order to estimate the number of burials in the graves as well as the age and sex of the individuals in
these burials and to model the demographic figures for some Estonian Iron Age communities. Three graves
(Rõsna I, Rõsna II, Suure-Rõsna) in SE Estonia and two in W Estonia were suitable for palaeodemographic
analyses. Five of the graves were used by communities with 4–9 individuals, which usually corresponds to a
single family or household. Rõsna I barrow cemetery in SE Estonia indicated a somewhat larger community
of 10–15 individuals, which could have been an extended family, a larger household, or two nuclear fami-
lies. The estimated crude death rate during the Middle Iron Age at Rõsna varied between 49.2 and 62.1‰
(52.4‰ on average). The estimated crude death rate was somewhat lower (39.0‰) in Late Iron Age Maidla
and was extremely high (86‰) in Middle Iron Age Maidla.
Keywords: Iron Age, cremations, palaeodemography.

INTRODUCTION ve goods and burial customs of the period and/

The cremated human remains from Estonian
Iron Age graves have mainly been studied sin-
ce the 1990s. The cremated bone analyses have
mostly been macroscopic, the main goal being
the identification of the number of interred in-
dividuals and the determination of their biolo-
gical sex and age at death (Kalling 1993; Mägi
et al. 1998; Kalman 2000b; Allmäe 2003). These
anthropological data have then been combined
with the archaeological data to interpret the gra-
or cultural area (Mandel 2003; Allmäe, Maldre
2005; Aun 2005; Allmäe et al. 2007; 2009; Aun
et al. 2008). Sometimes analyses include the fra-
gmentation, colour, and cremation temperature
of the bones (Valk, Allmäe 2009; 2010; Allmäe
2013). Less attention has been paid to palaeode-
mographic analyses as there are some require-
ments for the material and data, e.g. the whole
burial site should be excavated, migration should
be excluded, the skeletal material should be
complete, accurate data for the burial chronolo-

141
104
gy and its start should be available, etc. (Acsádi,
Nemeskéri 1970; Alesan et al. 1999).
The first attempts to analyse the demography
of Estonia’s ancient populations were made on the
basis of the archaeological data (Lang, Ligi 1991;
Lang 1996). The authors used the types and num-
ber of artefacts to calculate the size of the commu-
nity, which used the burial site, and made assump-
tions on population density and size based on the
burial grounds in different Estonian districts.
The first palaeodemographic calculations ba-
sed on osteological research from prehistoric gra-
ves were made for the Roman Iron Age Viimsi I
tarand grave in N Estonia (Lang 1993) and for
the Pre-Roman Poanse tarand grave in W Estonia
(Kalman 2000a). Ken Kalling (1995; 1997) per-
formed the first known palaeodemographic study
based on archaeoanthropological material from
the Medieval and Early Modern town of Tartu
while the author analysed the 13th–14th-century
skeletal population in Tartu’s Jaani Church. The
author also demographically analysed a skeletal
sample from the 14th–18th-century Tääksi village
cemetery (S Estonia) (Allmäe 1998); this materi-
al contained some 15th–16th-century cremations
(Соколовский 1990; Allmäe 1998). The author
also demographically analysed skeletal material
from Maidla II (W Estonia) (Allmäe 2006), which
contained 10th–11th-century cremations and 12th–
13th-century inhumations (Mandel 2003). Leiu
Heapost (in 2007) analysed the demography of
11th–15th-century Kalmetemägi in Siksälä, SE Es-
tonia. The study concerns mostly inhumations,
but also includes some cremations.
During 1997–2011, the author analysed several
cremation graves in W and SE Estonia, collecting
various descriptive and metric data on cremated
bones, including, of course, estimations of the mi-
nimum number of buried individuals, the plausi-
ble number of interred individuals, the biological
sex, and the age. The studied material included
five completely excavated burial sites, which are
a good source for demographic calculations. The
142
RAILI ALLMÄE
new radiocarbon dating methodology (Lanting et
al. 2001) also allows cremated bone material to be
dated, which helps in dating cremations where ar-
tefacts are rare and archaeochronological dating
is difficult. This paper presents radiocarbon dates
(AMS method) for cremated human bones from
six investigated graves. The goal of these analyses
was to determine the timespan when the commu-
nities used these graves.
The goal of the present study is to systemise the
results of the age and sex estimations for the inhu-
mations and cremations in W and SE Estonia from
the Middle and Late Iron Ages, to calculate some
demographic figures, and to draw some conclu-
sions about ancient burial practices and grave use.
MATERIALS AND METHODS
Investigated materials
The W Estonian stone graves (Table 1; Fig. 1)
were mainly investigated during 1974–1991 by
Archaeologist Mati Mandel (2003), the grave at
Keskvere during 2001–2002 (Mandel 2003), and
Uugla III stone grave in 2008 (Mandel, Allmäe
2009). The bone material was collected using 2 x
2 m grid squares. The W Estonian graves were all
irregular stone constructions while the graves at
Maidla, Kirbla, and Uugla contained areas with
a thick charcoal layer, which were probably pyre
sites (Mandel 2003). Most of the graves contained
scattered cremations, although some also had in-
humations, for example, from the 5th–7th centuries
in Lihula, from the 5th–7th/10th–13th centuries in
Ehmja, and from the 5th–6th/10th–13th centuries in
the stone graves at Maidla (Mandel 2003). Both
Maidla stone graves were completely excavated,
the second being the biggest ever investigated ar-
chaeologically and osteologically (Allmäe 2003;
2006; Maldre 2003; Mandel 2003). In recent years
new excavations have been conducted in the area,
the main purpose being to screen the mounds for
 THE DEMOGRAPHY OF IRON AGE GRAVES IN ESTONIA 105

Table 1. Investigated Estonian graves

Western Estonia Souhteastern Estonia

Suure-Rõsna
Rõsna-Saare

Rõsna-Saare

Kirikumägi
Maidla II

Uugla III
Keskvere
Name of the grave

Maidla I

Uugla II

Põlgaste
Uugla I
Ehmja
Lihula

Kirbla

II
I

tarand grave
sand barrow

sand barrow

sand barrow
stone-grave

stone-grave

stone-grave

stone-grave

stone-grave

stone-grave

stone-grave

stone-grave
flat-ground

flat-ground
Type of the grave

5–7,
Period (centuries)1* 5–6 10–13 7–8 5–7 11–13 11–13 11–13 11–13 6–8 7–8 6–8 10–12 3–5
10–13
Number of bone units 268 674 10 144 248 157 30 326 70 159 97 164 69 59
Archaelogically
determined nested bone – – – – – – – – – 65 53 41 – –
units2**
MNI 19 51 1 10 5 4 1 7 1 34 22 26 4 18
PNI 20 74 3 21 10 4 1 11 2 61 46 40 4 23
Cremations 17 42 3 10 5 4 1 11 2 61 46 40 3 23
Inhumations 3 32 – 9 5 – – – – – – – 1 –
Subadults (0–15) 8 22 1 4 5 0 0 1 1 21 18 15 1 4
Adults (over 15) 12 52 2 17 5 4 1 10 1 40 28 25 3 19
Males 5 13 – 2 2 – – 2 – 14 10 8 2 12
Females 5 16 – 4 – 1 1 3 1 15 8 8 1 6
Undetermined 2 32 2 11 3 3 0 5 0 11 10 9 1 1

*
Dates from Aun 1992; Laul 2001; Mandel 2003; Valk, Allmäe 2010.
**
After Aun et al. 2008.

additional archaeological and osteological finds. graves are burial sites with characteristic qua-
This has resulted in an interesting discovery of drangular stone enclosures, commonly with N–S
a double inhumation below one mound; this is orientations (Jaanits et al. 1982, p.207; Lang 2007,
probably a secondary burial or the reburial of the pp.170, 192). The bone material of Põlgaste tarand
remains of an adult female and a child (Mandel, grave, all of it cremated, was collected in 1 x 1 m
Allmäe 2013). grid squares (Laul 2001, p.42). The cremains were
A total of 1927 bone finds from nine Iron Age analysed in 2010–2011. This grave was chosen for
W Estonian graves were analysed. comparative analyses for several reasons. The first
The SE Estonian osteological material comes was its archaeochronological dating, i.e. the 3rd–
from five different graves (Table 1; Fig. 1). Põl- 5th centuries ad (contemporaneous with Maidla
gaste tarand grave was excavated by Silvia Laul in I grave). The second was its stone construction,
1970–1973 and dates to the Early Iron Age, i.e. the i.e. tarand grave. It also has other intriguing cha-
3rd–5th centuries (Laul 2001, pp.40–43). Tarand racteristics (Laul 2001, pp.27, 40–41), e.g. the un-

143
106
Fig. 1. Locations of the investigated Estonian Iron Age graves. Map by R. Allmäe.
derground Bronze Age cremation burial discove-
red under it (the charcoal among the bones had
a 68.2% probability of being from 1260–920 bc)
and the three sand barrows that lay partially atop
it. Laul (2001, pp.40–43) also detected differences
in the cremated bone material, the bones in the
grave’s older part being less burnt than those in
the later part. A secondary burial custom, i.e. the
cremation of human skeletal remains, was proba-
bly observed in the older part (Allmäe 2013). The
complete bone material would have been good
source for observing possible changes in the bu-
rial practices, but unfortunately the osteological
materials collected from Põlgaste tarand grave in
SE Estonia were only partly available in the depo-
sitory and came from the grave’s older part.
During the 1970s–1980s Archaeologist
144
RAILI ALLMÄE
Mare Aun (Аун 1992) investigated several Long
Barrow Culture sand-barrow cemeteries in N
Setumaa from the second half of the 1st millen-
nium ad. The present paper analyses three sand-
barrow cemeteries (Suure-Rõsna, Rõsna-Saare
I, and Rõsna-Saare II), which were selected be-
cause they have been completely excavated. The
sand barrow cemeteries in N Setumaa consist of
long, rounded mounds of piled sand that reve-
al various burial customs. The cremated bones
were commonly buried in fairly compact assem-
blages or in different containers under and in the
mounds (Аун 1992; Aun 2005). The human bone
material collected from the barrows had all been
cremated (Allmäe, Maldre 2005; Allmäe et al.
2007; Allmäe 2013).
During 2003–2004 and 2007, Heiki Valk exca-
 THE DEMOGRAPHY OF IRON AGE GRAVES IN ESTONIA
vated Kirikumägi flat cemetery from the late 10th–
12th centuries. Scattered cremation burials were
discovered under the base. The bones had mainly
been cremated, with the exception of some teeth
and temporal bones of a 3–4 year-old child (Valk,
Allmäe 2010).
A total of 548 bone finds from five Iron Age
graves in SE Estonia were osteologically analysed.
The total material analysed during the study
consisted of 2475 bone finds.
Criteria and methods used to estimate the
minimum and probable number of individuals
The W Estonian stone graves
It is known that some parts of a skeleton
are more resistant to heat-induced changes and
survive better among cremated bones (Holck
1997/2008). Thus, the minimum number of indi-
viduals (MNI) among the examined cremains is
very often determined using the recurrent bone
fragment method. Several different bone fra-
gments were counted during analyses, but in most
cases the pars petrosa of the os temporale was the
best unit for estimating the MNI. In some cases,
where recurrent fragments did not occur, the in-
dividuals were distinguished on the basis of biolo-
gical age estimations (e.g., if the bone assemblage
included adult cranial vault fragments as well as
an unfused long bone epiphysis or deciduous to-
oth crowns, etc.).
The probable number of individuals (PNI)
was estimated on the basis of the fragments (20 or
more) of cranial vault combined with at least one
determined fragment of human skeleton. The cra-
nial part of the skeleton was preferred because the
fragments are easily distinguished among crema-
ted bones and mean that complete corpses were
probably cremated. The distances between bone
units were also taken into account in estimating
the PNI, which is an important unit for graves
with scattered or disturbed cremations (Maidla I–
II, Ehmja, Kirbla, Uugla I–III, Lihula). On the one
107
hand, in most cases the bone fragments are collec-
ted using fairly large grid squares: 2 x 2 m. On the
other hand, there is no way to know how much
material was carried from the pyre to the burial
site. The material was analysed and the PNI was
determined using the criteria described above.
The SE Estonian sand barrow cemeteries
The material from the barrows was also col-
lected as bone assemblages, which were bigger
here (except Siksäla flat cemetery). The MNI was
estimated for each barrow in all of the analysed
sand barrow cemeteries. Many different recur-
rent bone fragments were recorded, but here also
the pars petrosa of the os temporale, as the most
frequently found element, was the best unit for
calculating the MNI. Unfortunately the number
of cranial fragments was not counted because it
initially seemed that the bone assemblages were
well-defined units, i.e. archaeologically distin-
guished burials. The collected and deposited units
were named main and additional assemblages. It
was not always possible to decide whether or not
the additional bone assemblage(s) were part of
the main one and sometimes it seemed that num-
bered main bone assemblages did not equal one
burial. The discrepancy between the MNI and the
archaeologically determined number of burials/
assemblages is obvious; the osteologically estima-
ted MNI is usually smaller than the archaeologi-
cally estimated number. There are two reasons for
this. First, the burial criteria are not clearly distin-
guishable during excavations. It is nearly impos-
sible to decide whether an assemblage belongs to
an adjacent main assemblage or constitutes a se-
parate burial. Second, as always, the percentage of
the cremains collected from the pyre and buried
in the barrows remains unknown.
Finally, the PNI was determined by taking into
account the distances of the collected bone units,
the MNI, the colour of the cremains, the size and
composition of the collected bone unit, and the
results of age and sex determinations. Compared
145
108
to the previously published studies (Allmäe, Mal-
dre 2005; Allmäe et al. 2007; Aun et al. 2008), this
paper uses some PNI and MNI recalculations for
the sand barrow cemeteries.
The tarand graves and flat cemeteries
In both cases the osteological material was
collected using grid squares. The bone assem-
blages in Kirikumägi flat cemetery at Siksälä are
smaller than those in Põlgaste tarand-grave. The
MNI and PNI were estimated for both cemeteries.
Unfortunately, the materials represent only part of
these burial sites: Kirikumägi has been only par-
tially excavated and part of the bone material is
missing from Põlgaste tarand grave.
Radiocarbon dating
Nine samples of cremated human bones from
six investigated graves were dated. Cremated bone
fragments from Maidla I (Hela-2403) and Maidla
II (Hela-1958) and non-cremated bone (Hela-
1919) from the stone graves, Rõsna-Saare I (Hela-
1959 Hela-1960) and II (Hela-1961) barrow ce-
meteries, Suure-Rõsna (Hela-1962) barrow ceme-
tery, and Põlgaste tarand grave (Hela-2404, Hela-
2405) were radiocarbon dated in 2009 and 2010
at the Dating Laboratory of the Finnish Museum
of Natural History, University of Helsinki. The 14C
concentration was measured using the AMS met-
hod. The results were calibrated using an Intcal09
curve (Reimer et al. 2009) and OxCal 4.1 software
(Bronk Ramsey 2009).
Methods and criteria used for sex
and age determination
The sex and age of the individuals were de-
termined using common osteological standards
(Miles 1963; Workshop 1980; Brothwell 1981;
Buikstra, Ubelaker 1994; Bass 2005; Mays 2006).
If applicable, other criteria were used to estimate
or determine a cremated individual’s age at death:
cranial vault morphology (Gejvall in Sigvallius
1994) and tooth root morphology, i.e. the roots
146
RAILI ALLMÄE
of the teeth of older individuals become more
rounded due to the deposition of cementum. Hy-
percementosis is quite common in older indivi-
duals (Acsádi, Nemeskéri 1970; Soames, Southam
1993). Age-related pathologies on cremated bo-
nes, e.g., osteoarthritis on vertebrae or anywhere
on skeletal elements, were also used. It must be
emphasized that age and sex determinations made
for cremated human remains are less reliable than
those for inhumations. The incompleteness of the
cremated remains due to high bone fragmenta-
tion means that only a few skeletal elements are
available for determinations.
Demographic estimations
The demographic estimations were made
using several different methods. Our model assu-
mes that the population is stationary and that the
birth and death rates are equal (growth = 0) be-
cause the Estonian populations under study are all
too small to model a positive or negative natural
increase.
The life table method proposed by G. Acsádi
and J. Nemeskéri (1970) was initially used to esti-
mate the life expectancy at birth (e00). The natural
data obtained from the skeletal samples was used
for this.
The life tables were then corrected in accor-
dance with F. W. Rösing and R. Jankauskas (1997)
by increasing the proportion of small children
(0–4 years) in the population to 45% of the total
skeletal population under study. This means that
45% of population died before they reached the
age of 5.
J.-P. Bocquet and C. Masset (Bocquet, Masset
1977; Bocquet-Appel, Masset 1982) established a
third model for estimating the demographic figu-
res of past populations. The ratio of subadults to
adults (juvenile index) was also calculated for eve-
ry population under study:
number of children deceased between 5 and
15 / number of adults deceased at 20 and later:
D5–14/D20+
 THE DEMOGRAPHY OF IRON AGE GRAVES IN ESTONIA
The model was adjusted to overcome the pro-
blem that the number of small children (0–4 ye-
ars) is often underrepresented in the burials.
The formula (Bocquet, Masset 1977; Bocquet-
Appel, Masset 1982) to estimate the newborn life
expectancy from the juvenile index is:
e00=78.721*log10√1/x–3.384±1.503
where x=D5–14/D20+
The newborn life expectancy, crude death rate
(1/e00), and size of the living populations were cal-
culated using all three models. In these models
it was assumed that the population was stationa-
ry and that the birth and death rates were equal
(growth = 0).
The size of the living population was calcula-
ted using D. Ubelaker’s formula (1989):
P=N*e00/T
where P – population size,
N – number of burials in the cemetery,
e00 – life expectancy at birth (in years),
T – timespan during which the burial site was
used (in years).
The model made an assumption concerning
the timespan for the cemetery’s use. In order to
model the population size, the 68.2% probability
dates (interval) of the cremated bones from each
grave were equated with the grave’s usage period
(T) with the exception of Maidla II, where 250
years of grave usage was established by Mandel
(2003) and was used in the present calculations.
Reproduction was estimated according to two
different models. The first model estimated the
fertility rate, i.e. the number of female offspring
born per woman (gross reproduction rate or
GRR), from the juvenile indices of J.-P. Boquet-
Appel and C. Masset (1982) and calibrated it in
accordance with R. McCaa (1998; 2000). It then
calculated the total number of offspring per wo-
man (total fertility rate or TFR): GRR x 2.05 =
TFR.
M. Henneberg (1975) established the second
model used here to estimate reproduction from
archaeological human remains. The approach is
109
somewhat different from that used in conventio-
nal palaeodemography. Henneberg (1975) com-
bined the demographic (mortality structure) and
biological characteristics of human fertility to
construct a reproduction model for human palae-
opopulations. In order to estimate a population’s
reproduction rate, the following definitions and
calculations were used: the potential gross repro-
duction rate (Rpot) or the average number of birt-
hs per adult couple during their lifetime, the net
reproduction rate (Ro) or the average number of
adult descendants per adult parent, and the abso-
lute number of offspring born to an average adult
couple (C). The calculation of the last figure requi-
red the hypothetical value Uc (the total number of
births achievable throughout the full reproducti-
ve period). The Uc closest to reality is about eight
(Acsádi, Nemeskéri 1970), but the number could
be lower or higher. In the present study the num-
ber of offspring born to an average couple (C) was
calculated using the value of Uc=7.45 (Lorimer
1954 in Henneberg 1975).
The masculinity index for every population
was calculated by dividing the number of males
by the number of females in the population.
The available data on contemporaneous La-
tvian and Lithuanian communities were used to
discuss the demographic figures of the studied Es-
tonian Iron Age communities (Jankauskas 2002;
Zariņa 2009). The demographic figures were
calculated according to the juvenile/adult ratio
(Boquet-Appel, Masset 1982) with the GRR cali-
brated in accordance with R. McCaa (1998; 2000).
RESULTS
The studied graves are of different sizes and
from different periods; the composition of the
bone material also varies (Table 1) due to the bu-
rial practice (cremation, inhumation). In many W
Estonian graves (Maidla I and II, Ehmja, Lihula),
both cremations and inhumations were found
147
110
(Allmäe 2003; Mandel 2003). Cremation predo-
minated (Аун 1992; Laul 2001; Allmäe 2013) in
the studied SE graves, except in Kirikumägi flat
cemetery at Siksälä where the unburnt fragments
of the skeleton of a 3–4-year old child were found
(Valk, Allmäe 2010). In Suure-Rõsna barrow ce-
metery, some unburnt human vertebrae were
found in one bone assemblage; this could have
been due to an unsuccessful cremation where the
temperature and oxygen flow were insufficient
for proper burning of the corpse. The MNI and
the PNI differ in most cases, the discrepancy, as
expected, being bigger in the larger graves (Table 1).
The radiocarbon dates of cremated bones
from six investigated graves indicate some dis-
crepancies compared to the archaeochronological
dates (Tables 1, 2). The number of AMS dates is
small, but they help to identify the timespan when
the grave was in use. According to AMS dates,
Maidla I is from the 4th–5th centuries. The crema-
tions in Maidla II are from the 10th–12th centuries
as Mandel has already suggested (2003). The ra-
diocarbon dating of one infant inhumation from
this grave showed that in addition to the 12th–13th-
century inhumations (Mandel 2003), the infant
inhumation(s) could even be from the Middle
Ages (Table 2). The sand barrows from SE Estonia
were radiocarbon dated to the 4th–6th centuries,
indicating a somewhat earlier establishment of the
grave compared to the archaeochronological da-
tes (Tables 1, 2). The dating also confirms the sug-
gestion that the barrows were created over a short
period (Аун 1992; Aun 2005). The flat cemetery at
Siksälä was radiocarbon dated using the charcoal
found amongst the cremains (Valk, Allmäe 2010),
which yielded 10th–11th-century dates (Table 1).
The Põlgaste Tarand grave was archaeochronolo-
gically dated to the 3rd–5th centuries (Laul 2001,
pp.27, 40–41). The radiocarbon dating of crema-
ted bones from the older part of the grave indica-
tes a somewhat earlier establishment of the burial
site, i.e. in the late Pre-Roman Age or early Roman
Iron Age (Tables 1, 2).
148
RAILI ALLMÄE
The phenomenon that the radiocarbon dating
of cremated bone could yield a somewhat older
age is supported by experimental evidence (Hüls
et al. 2010; Olsen et al. 2013). Hüls and his co-
workers (Hüls et al. 2010) found that depending
on the cremation temperature, its duration, the
composition of the burning atmosphere, and the
composition/age of the fuel, an aging effect of 50–
100 years may be possible. Therefore the possibili-
ty cannot be excluded that the relatively old AMS
dates are due to the employed burial techniques.
For example, in the case of the Põlgaste tarand
grave it is highly likely that bare human bones
were cremated rather than corpses (Allmäe 2013).
The biological sex of the individuals was often
undeterminable, especially in graves with scattered
cremations, but masculinity indices were still cal-
culated (Tab 3). In the sand barrows, the index was
slightly above 1.0, indicating a balanced sex ratio in
the community. At Maidla II, it was 0.81; a masculi-
nity index below 1 may signify turbulent times, for
example, when men often died away from home.
The proportion of subadults in the graves is
40% or below (Tables 1, 3). The proportion has,
of course, less importance in small graves (Uugla
I–III, Kirbla), where only a few individuals were
buried and/or burned at the site (Allmäe 2003;
2013; Mandel 2003). In partially investigated gra-
ves (Ehmja, Keskvere, Põlgaste, Kirikumägi), the
age structure can be distorted because only part
of the osteological material was available for ant-
hropological study. Therefore the proportion of
subadults is significant in graves, which have been
completely excavated: Maidla I–II, Rõsna-Saare
I–II, and Suure-Rõsna. The proportion of suba-
dults (under 15 years of age) is apparently very
similar for these graves: from 34.4% to 40.0%. The
only exception is Maidla II, where the proportion
of subadults is slightly lower at 29.7%. Even then
the proportion of subadults could be overestima-
ted here, because it is highly probable that the in-
fant burials or at least some of them are from the
Medieval period (Table 2).
 THE DEMOGRAPHY OF IRON AGE GRAVES IN ESTONIA 111

Table 2. Radiocarbon dating

Construction

Bone sample

Location in

d13C(‰)
Burial place

Lab no.

95.4%

68.2%
grave

BP
adult, left ulna,
stone grave,
Maidla I proximal, 104/F Hela-2403 -22.4 1675±30 BP 258–427 AD 341–413 AD
irregular
cremated
stone grave, adult, cranial
Maidla II 96N–96O Hela-1958 -22.2 1000±30 BP 980–1160 AD 990–1120 AD
irregular vault, cremated
infant, os
stone grave, temporale,
Maidla II 75S Hela-1919 -20.7 440±30 BP 1410–1610 AD 1430–1465 AD
irregular pars petrosa,
uncremated
bone set 1,
long sand adult, axis,
Rõsna-Saare I under barrow 7, Hela-1959 -27.2 1565±35 BP 410–570 AD 430–540 AD
barrow cremated
cremated
subadult, long bone set 3, in the
rounded
Rõsna-Saare I bone fragment, center of barrow Hela -1960 -26.7 1595±35 BP 390–550 AD 420–540 AD
sand barrow
cremated 9, cremated
bone set 3, in the
long sand adult cranial
Rõsna-Saare II center of barrow Hela-1961 -24.4 1620±35 BP 340–540 AD 390–540 AD
barrow vault, cremated
7, cremated
bone set 7, in the
rounded sand adult cranial
Suure-Rõsna center of barrow Hela-1962 -22.5 1535±35 BP 420–600 AD 430–580 AD
barrow vault, cremated
6, cremated
tarand adult cranial 40 BC – 122
Põlgaste 8B–8C Hela-2404 -23.9 1959±30 BP 5–74 AD
grave vault, cremated AD
adult cranial
Põlgaste tarand graves 10F Hela-2405 -20.9 1977±30 BP 45 BC – 80AD 20BC – 65AD
vault, cremated

The modelled demographic characteristics
for the Estonian graves under study are presented
in Table 3. Newborn life expectancy, calculated
using uncorrected life tables (raw data), shows
the highest values for the graves, signifying a
relatively low mortality. The data, corrected in
accordance with Rösing and Jankauskas (1997)
by increasing the proportion of infants and chil-
dren (0–4 years) to 45% of the total number of in-
dividuals under study, yields lower and probably
more reliable values for newborn life expectancy
(Table 3).
The model based on the juvenile ratio (Bo-
cquet, Masset 1977; Bocquet-Appel, Masset 1982)
proposes the lowest newborn life expectancies.
The juvenile indices (D5–14/D20+) for the sand
barrow cemeteries vary from 25 to 32 (27 on ave-
rage) and e00 between 16.3 and 20.3 years (19.0
years on average), indicating a mortality betwe-
en 49.2 and 62.1‰ (52.4‰ on average). These
mortality values are much higher compared to
those obtained from the uncorrected life tables
(31–37‰) and slightly higher compared to the
mortality obtained from the corrected life tables
(46–57‰).
The stone graves of Maidla show greater va-
riability in the juvenile indices and newborn life
expectancy (Table 3). Maidla I shows a very high

149
112 RAILI ALLMÄE

Table 3. Demographic data from the Estonian graves

Rõsna-Saare II
Rõsna-Saare I

Suure-Rõsna
Maidla II
Maidla I
Three barrow
Name/type of the burial place
cemeteries,
Type of the grave
summarised

sand barrow

sand barrow

sand barrow
stone-grave

stone-grave
AMS dates 68.2% (range) 341–413 AD 990–1120 AD 420–540 AD 390–540 AD 430–580 AD 390–580 AD
AMS dates 95.4% (range) 258–427 AD 980–1160 AD 390–570 AD 340–540 AD 420–600 AD 340–600 AD
Number of burials 20 74 61 46 40 147
Males 5 13 14 10 8 32
Females 5 16 15 8 8 31
Index of masculinisation (%) 1.0 0.81 0.87 1.25 1 1.03
Undetermined sex 2 23 11 10 9 30
Proportion of adults (%) 60 70.30 65.60 60.90 62.50 63.27
Proportin of subadults (%) 40 29.70 34.40 39.10 37.50 36.73
T = usage of grave (years) 72 2501* 120 150 150 190
Life tables raw data after Acsádi, Nemeskéri 1970
e00 newborn life expectancy 26.9 28.2 28.42 27.25 32.02 29.03
Crude death = crude birth rate 0.037 0.035 0.035 0.037 0.031 0.034
Corrected life tables**
e00 newborn life expectancy 17.5 19.56 19.56 19.89 21.72 20.6
Crude death = crude birth rate 0.057 0.051 0.051 0.050 0.046 0.049
After Boquet, Masset 1982
Juvenility index 5–14/20+ 0.42 0.18 0.25 0.25 0.32 0.27
e00 newborn life expectancy 11.6 25.7 20.3 20.3 16.3 19.0
Crude death = crude birth rate 0.086 0.039 0.049 0.049 0.061 0.053
GRR gross reproduction rate 5.5 2.5 3.1 3.1 3.9 3.2
TFR total fertility rate 11.3 5.1 6.4 6.4 8.0 6.6
Reproduction after Henneberg 1975
Rpot 0.688 0.668 0.675 0.680 0.776 0.709
R0 (UC=7.45) 1.52 1.80 1.53 1.54 1.76 1.61
C – average number of births 5.0 5.1 5.0 5.1 5.8 5.3

Population size*** 3.2–7.5 7.6–8.7 10.3–14.8 6.2–8.5 4.3–8.7 14.7–22.8

*
From Mandel 2003. ????????????
**
After Rösing, Jankauskas 1997.
***
After Ubelaker 1989.

150
 THE DEMOGRAPHY OF IRON AGE GRAVES IN ESTONIA
crude death rate (88‰) and an extremely low
newborn life expectancy (e00=11.4); under the-
se conditions a community is hardly sustainable.
At Maidla II, the mortality is the lowest (39‰)
and the life expectancy at birth (e00=25.7) is the
highest compared to the other studied commu-
nities. Bear in mind that Maidla I is a very small
grave (only 20 burials) and at Maidla II both
infants and older children (over 5 years of age)
could be underrepresented, only two cremations
of subadults having been detected in the grave
(Allmäe 2003). The GRR and TFR obtained from
the juvenile indices are also presented in Table
3. According to this model, the women at Late
Iron Age Maidla are characterised by the lowest
number of offspring, the Middle Iron Age wo-
men in Maidla by the highest. The Middle Iron
Age women at Rõsna gave birth to 6.6 children
on average.
The number of children born per woman
was also calculated using the model proposed by
M. Henneberg (1975). The total number of birt-
hs per woman or adult couple is from 5.0 to 5.8
in the communities under study. The number of
offspring varies from 5.0 to 5.8 for the SE barrow
cemeteries and between 5.0 and 5.1 for the W
Estonian stone-graves (Table 3). Ro or the net re-
production rate shows the replaceability of gene-
rations; the Ro>1 for all of the observed commu-
nities suggests a positive increase.
The living population sizes calculated using
different life expectancies indicate that in most
cases one household or family used the graves
under study. The model also suggest that Rõsna-
Saare I cemetery was used by a somewhat larger
household or extended family or two nuclear fa-
milies (Table 3). The calculated living population
size is sensitive to the estimated period of the
grave’s use; as the timespan decreases, the calcu-
lated population size will increase in these mo-
dels (Table 3).
113
DISCUSSION
The earlier demographic studies of the Esto-
nian prehistoric and historic periods have been
based on different assumptions and modelled
using various methods. The first demographic
model to calculate community sizes for the pre-
historic period was based on the number of arte-
facts in tarand graves and a presumed mortality
rate of 40‰. The suggested average estimated size
of the community that used one tarand grave was
5–9 individuals in NE, SE and Central Estonia and
3–4 individuals in NW Estonia (Lang, Ligi 1991,
pp.224–225). Later on Valter Lang (1996, p.375)
corrected the aforementioned numbers to 7–13
and 3–8 individuals, respectively. A community
size of 8–10 individuals was obtained from the
skeletal remains from the Roman Iron Age Viim-
si I tarand grave in N Estonia (Lang 1993, p.56),
which corresponds well with the artefact-based
calculations.
The osteological research of skeletal material
from the Pre-Roman Iron Age tarand graves at
Poanse (W Estonia) indicated a community of
4–6 individuals depending on the period of the
grave’s use (Kalman 2000a; Lang 2007, p.224).
The community at Tandemägi (Võhma, N Esto-
nia) consisted of 6 individuals (Lang 2000, p.206).
Lang (2007, pp.224–225) pointed out that a single
family used the tarand graves for centuries and
that custom of burying only nuclear family mem-
bers and sometimes only some of them in stone
graves was practiced during the Pre-Roman and
Roman Iron Ages.
The first stone grave of Maidla in W Estonia
was most likely established in the late Roman Iron
Age or early Middle Iron Age. At most, a single fa-
mily used the grave; the crude death rate was very
high (e00=11.6) and the community was probably
not sustainable. The same pattern characterises
the Pre-Roman Iron Age tarand graves at Poanse
151
114
(Kalman 2000a; Mandel 2000). The newborn life
expectancy was extremely low (10.8 and 14.4 ye-
ars), thus the crude death rates are very high and
the calculated community sizes very small (3.5 pe-
ople at Maidla I, 2.0 at Poanse I, and 3.4 at Poanse
II) The period these graves were used is 72, 250,
and 150 years, respectively. The timespan assump-
tions are probably wrong and the graves were pos-
sibly used for a shorter period. Population size
estimation is highly dependent on the period of
a grave’s use and the estimated life expectancy at
birth. Our idea that graves, especially tarand gra-
ves, were used for several centuries could be so-
mewhat overestimated. For example, if the use pe-
riod for Poanse I is reduced from 250 to 100 years
and for Poanse II from 150 to 50 and a newborn
life expectancy derived from the juvenile ratio
(e00=10.8; e00=14.4 years) is used, another reality
is seen. The community size for Poanse I tarand
grave is then 5 and for Poanse II 10.
During the Late Iron Age a community of
7–10 individuals, probably a single family or
household, used Maidla II in W Estonia (Allmäe
2006). The estimated family size is in accordan-
ce with the earlier results of various authors on
the average Estonian family size in the 13th cen-
tury and later (Blumfeldt 1937; Ligi 1961; Tarvel
1972; Palli 1996). The present study also suggests
that a single family or household (7–9 individu-
als) probably had its own burial ground at Maidla
during the 10th–13th centuries. The newborn life
expectancy was 25.7 years, the crude death rate
was 39‰, and women gave birth to 5.1 children
on average in Maidla during the 10th–13th centu-
ries. The newborn life expectancy shows low child
mortality and favourable living conditions or un-
derrepresentation of the subadult (older than 5
years of age) burials in the grave. There are many
possible reasons for child underenumeration
in the graves: segregation in the subadult burial
practice is plausible (Allmäe 2010), the crushing
of the cremains before burial, and the excavation
techniques. For example the crushing of burnt bo-
152
RAILI ALLMÄE
nes before burial in Late Iron Age W Estonia is
probable (Allmäe 2013); in this case, the fragile
cremains of children become invisible in graves
(Sigvallius 1994, p.32; Holck 1997). Insufficient
excavation techniques are less plausible since the
number of subadults in Maidla I is representative.
In respect to community size, the results of
the osteological analyses of the cremains from the
Middle Iron Age barrow cemeteries at Rõsna (SE
Estonia) show the same pattern of one family or
household using one barrow cemetery. The com-
munity size assumptions based on the archeologi-
cally determined number of burials (Rõsna-Saare
I and Rõsna-Saare II) and a mortality rate of 40‰
yield similar results (Лиги 1989; Lang, Ligi 1991,
p.227). Similar results have been obtained from
Iron Age East Lithuania: communities of 5–15 in-
dividuals usually buried their dead in one barrow
cemetery, the number of individuals correspon-
ding to a group of people the size of the average
nuclear family over several generations (Kurila
2009). The newborn life expectancy at Rõsna du-
ring the Middle Iron Age was 19.0 years, the crude
death rate was 49–53‰ on average, and women
gave birth to 5.3–6.6 children (Table 3), indicating
relatively unfavourable living conditions compa-
red to Late Iron Age Maidla.
The present study shows that the demographic
figures depend on the selected model or sample.
The overall variability in the proportion of adults
and subadults in the graves is not striking, but
when the skeletal samples are very small, any mi-
nor change in the proportions of the age groups has
a significant impact on the demographic figures.
The next step looks more closely at two most
representative samples from Estonia: the summa-
rised sample of SE Estonian sand barrows from
the Middle Iron Age at Rõsna (Rõsna I–II, Suure-
Rõsna) and the W Estonian stone grave at Mai-
dla II from the Late Iron Age. The demographic
figures calculated for these samples and for some
Latvian (Zariņa 2009) and Lithuanian (Jankaus-
kas 2002) archaeological skeletal materials are
 THE DEMOGRAPHY OF IRON AGE GRAVES IN ESTONIA 115

Table 4. Comparative demographic data

Southeastern Estonian Lithuania *

Grave
Rõsna (summarised) Marvelė Marvelė Plinkaigilis
Date (years) 390–580 AD 300–450 AD 450–600 AD 450–600 AD
Usage of grave (years) 190 150 150 150
Number of burials 147 179 223 334
Juvenility index 0.27 0.32 0.27 0.20
Newborn life expectancy 19.1 16.3 18.7 24.0
Crude death rate 0.052 0.061 0.053 0.042
GRR** 3.2 3.8 3.2 2.6
TFR 6.6 7.8 6.6 5.3

Western Estonia Latvia ***

Grave
Maidla II Leijasbitēni Čunkāni-Dreņģeri Laukskola
Date (years/centuries) 980–1230 AD 7th–10th 8th–11th 10th–13th
Usage of grave (years) 250 300 300 275
Number of burials 74 188 233 239
Juvenility index 0.18 0.21 0.11 0.28
Newborn life expectancy 25.7 23.3 34.2 18.3
Crude death rate 0.0390 0.0430 0.0293 0.0546
GRR** 2.5 2.6 1.9 3.4
TFR 5.1 5.3 3.9 6.97

*
Data from Jankauskas 2002.
**
Calibrated from McCaa 1998; 2000.
***
Data from Zariņa 2009.

presented in Table 4. The juvenile index is lowest
in Marvelė during 300–450, showing the highest
mortality in the studied communities. Jankauskas
(2002) has suggested some kind of crisis, which
led to a dramatic decrease in the Marvelė com-
munity during this period, but in the following
Middle Iron Age period the situation improved.
Rõsna in S Estonia shows juvenile indices compa-
rable to those of Middle Iron Age Marvelė, both
indicating less suitable living conditions compa-
red to the cemetery in Plinkaigalis (Lithuania). A
somewhat better demographic situation is indi-
cated for the Estonian and Latvian communities
somewhat later during the Middle Iron Age and
Late Iron Age. The exception is Laukskola ceme-
tery from the 10th–13th centuries. The dramatic
fluctuation in population size there due to econo-
mic and political processes has been thoroughly
analysed by G. Zariņa (2009, pp.180–184). The
collective influence of these processes is reflected
in the demographic figures of the summarised
sample.
The number of offspring (TFR values), as
expected, increases with the mortality rate be-
cause higher infant mortality reduces the birth
intervals. When a nursing child dies, the natural
sterility due to the lactation period is interrupted
and conception occurs earlier (Wood 1990). The
human reproductive strategies may change due to
the influence or interaction of several economic,

153
116
social, and biological factors. Fertility may increa-
se, e.g., during wars, famine and drought periods,
even though the mortality rate is high at the same
time. The phenomenon is observable in Table 4:
low newborn life expectancy is related to a higher
number of offspring.
Acknowledgements
The study was undertaken within the fra-
mework of a target research project funded by the
Estonian Government (SF0130012s08).
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ABBREVIATIONS
AVE – Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis = Ar-
chaeological fieldwork in Estonia
EAMTAA – Eesti Ajaloomuuseum. Töid ajaloo
alalt
EJA – Estonian Journal of Archaeology
ETAA – Eesti Teaduste Akadeemia Ajaloo Ins-
tituut
ETATÜ – Eesti Teaduste Akadeemia Toimeti-
sed, Ühiskonnateadused
JHE – Journal of Human Evolution
MT – Muinasaja Teadus
ST – Setumaa kogumik = Setumaa symposium
= Сетумааский сборник.
TÜAKT – Tartu Ülikooli Arheoloogia Kabineti
Toimetised
GRR – gross reproduction rate, i.e. the number
of female offspring born per woman
MNI – minimum number of individuals
PNI – probable number of individuals
TFR – total fertility rate, i.e. the total number of
offspring per woman
KOKKUVÕTE
Aastatel 1997–2011 uuriti Eesti rauaaegseid laiba- ja põletusmatustega kalmeid ja
ühte võimalikku alternatiivset imikute matusepaika. Vaatluse all oli
arheoantropoloogiline materjal viieteiskümnest Läänemaa ja Kagu-Eesti
matusepaigast. Läänemaalt uuriti kümmet matusepaika (2008 luukogumit) ja Kagu-
Eestist viit matusepaika (548 luukogumit). Uurimisperioodil koguti põlenud luude
ja matusepaikade kohta erinevaid kirjeldavaid ja meetrilisi tunnuseid. Käesoleva
uurimistöö üks eesmärk oli nende tunnuste süstematiseerimine ja interpreteerimine.
Teine eesmärk oli hinnata matusepaiku kasutanud kogukondade suurust ja
koosseisu. Kolmas eesmärk oli leida võimalikke ajalisi, piirkondlikke ja kultuurilisi
erinevusi matusekombestikus keskmisel ja nooremal rauaajal.
Seitsme kalme kasutusaja täpsustamiseks kasutati põlenud ja põletamata luude
dateerimist radiosüsinikmeetodil (AMS meetod). Põlenud luudest saadud
dateeringud erinevad varasematest arheokronoloogilistest dateeringutest, näidates,
et kalmeid võidi hakati kasutama mõnevõrra varem kui seni arvatud. Hüpoteesi
kinnitamiseks on siiski kindlasti vaja suuremaid radissüsinikdateeringute seeriaid.
Kümne kalme võrdlev analüüs viidi läbi radiosüsinikdateeringute, määratatud
luukogumite osakaalu ja luude fragmenteerumise põhjal. Määratud luukogumite
osakaal on 1. sajandisse eKr – 8. sajandisse pKr dateeritud kalmetes suurem
võrreldes 10.–13. sajandi pKr kalmetega, samuti näitavad perioodi 1. sajand eKr –
8. sajand pKr dateeritud kalmed väiksemat luude fragmenteerumise astet.
Koljufragmentide ja pikkade toruluude mõõtmed arheoloogilises materjalis
kahanevad ajas, see tähendab, et varasemates kalmetes, kus peamiselt esinevad
kompaktsemad luukogumid, on luude fragmenteerumine väiksem. Hilisemates
kalmetes (10.–13. sajand pKr), kus esineb peamiselt puistepõletusmatus, on põlenud
luude fragmenteerumine suurem.
Peaegu kõigi põlenud luumaterjalidele puhul on jälgitavad murdumismustrid, mis
tekivad juhul kui kremeeritakse laipu. Esineb ka üks erand, Põlgaste tarandkalme
(AMS dateering: 1. sajand eKr – 2. sajand pKr), kus tõenäoliselt on tegemist
sekundaarse matusega, mille puhul on võimalik, et inimsäilmed põletati alles pärast
laiba kõdunemist.
Põlenud luukogumite värvus kalmetes varieerub, need on valdavalt valged või
heledad, kohati esinevad hallid, sinakad ja helepruunid toonid. Laipade
põletustemperatuur on olnud vähemalt 600–800 ºC, tõenäoliselt kõrgemgi. Laipade
põletamisel tuleriidal ei põle aga kõik luud ühtlaselt, mistõttu leidus kõigi kalmete
materjalis mittetäielikult põlenud luid, mida iseloomustab mustjate ja tumepruunide
luukatkete esinemine. Ebatäielikult põlenud luude osakaal oli suurem Maidla
kivikalmetes ja Rõsna-Saare kääbaskalmistutes. Erinevustele matusekombestikus
võib viidata luude sekundaarne värv, mida põhjustavad erinevused matuseks
ettevalmistatava kogumi komplekteerimisel. Kõige paremini olid jälgitavad
erisused Kagu-Eesti liivakääbastes, kus osadel juhtudel olid luud tuleasemelt

157
kogutud puhtalt, see tähendab, et kogumis olid luud ilma tahmakihita. Samal ajal oli
osa luukogumeid maetud koos tuleaseme jäänustega, mistõttu maetud luud olid
tahmased. Seega võib öelda, et samaaegselt esines kaks erinevat viisi käsitseda
inimsäilmeid pärast tuleriida kustumist ja ettevalmistamisel matuseks. Läänemaa
kivikalmetes toimus laipade põletamine sageli kalme alal ning luud (või osa neist)
puistati laiali põletuskoha lähiümbruses, mistõttu leidub seal sageli samuti
tahmaseid luid.
Matusekombestik Läänemaal ja Kagu-Eestis on olnud erinev ka laibamatuste ja
põletusmatuste sisalduse osas. Kui Läänemaa kalmetes esines sageli koos nii laiba-
kui ka põletusmatuseid, siis uuritud Kagu-Eesti matusepaikadest leiti ainult
põletatud inimsäilmeid. Läänemaa kalmetes leiti sageli tahmaseid pinnaselaike,
milles sisaldus väikesi luude ja esemete katkeid, tõenäoliselt põletati laipu kalme
alal ning põlenud luud maeti või puistati põletuskoha lähedusse. Uuritud Kagu-Eesti
matusepaikadel põletuskohti ei leitud, tõenäoliselt toimus põletamine
matusepaikadest eemal, võimalik, et asula lähedal, kus krematsiooniprotsessi oli
lihtsam kontrolli all hoida. Kagu-Eesti kääbaskalmistutes luude tahtlikku
purustamist enne matust ei tuvastatud, kuid seda ei saa välistada noorema rauaaja
kalmete (10.–13. sajand) puhul. Laste ja imikute põletusmatuseid esines rohkem
(4.)6.–8. sajandi Kagu-Eesti kääbaskalmistutes, kuid laste matuste osakaal oli suur
ka (4.)5.–6. sajandi Maidla I kivikalmes. Maidla noorema rauaaja kivikalmes (10.–
13. sajand) oli vaid üksikuid laste põletusmatuseid, imikute matuseid ei leitud
ühtegi. Võimalik, et lapsi ja imikuid maeti mujale või on nende haprad säilmed
erinevate protsesside käigus hävinud (sh matusekombestik, protsessid pinnases ja
tegevused arheoloogiliste uuringute käigus). Alternatiivse matusepaigana noorema
rauaaja imikutele tuvastati näiteks Kaseküla noorema pronksiaja kivikirstkalmed.
Teiste uuritud noorema rauaaja kalmete kohta ei saa laste matuste osas olulisi
järeldusi teha nende väiksuse või osalise uurituse tõttu.
Muutused ja erinevused matusekombestikus, mida me adume läbi luumaterjali
fragmentatsiooni ja määratavate luukogumite arvu, on ajalised; hilisemates
puistepõletusmatusetga kalmistutes on luukatkete keskmine ja ka mediaanpikkus
väiksemad. Ajalised ja kultuurilised erinevused ilmnevad aga ka laste ja imikute
matusekombestikus. Täpsemalt, laste ja imikute põletusmatused on küllaltki hästi
esindatud pikk-kääbaste kultuuri matusepaikades (4.)6.–8. sajandil ning Maidla
(4.)5.–6. sajandi kivikalmes. Leitud suundumuste ja erisuste kinnitamiseks
matusekombestikus on vajalik Eesti põletusmatuste osteoloogilise materjali
laialdasem uurimine, kus nii kultuurline kui ajaline komponent varieeruks.
Paleodemograafiliseks analüüsiks olid sobivad viis matusepaika: Kagu-Eestist
Rõsna-Saare I ja II ning Suure-Rõsna kääbaskalmistud keskmisest rauaajast;
Läänemaalt Maidla I kivikalme keskmisest rauaajast ja Maidla II kivikalme
nooremast rauaajast. Kalmete kasutusaeg täpsustati radiosüsinikdateeringute (AMS)
abil, demograafilise mudeli koostamiseks määratleti üksikute kääbaskalmistute
kasutusajaks 150 aastat. Maidla II kivikalme kasutusajaks määratleti 250 aastat ja
Maidla I kivikalmel 75 aastat.

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Oodatav eluiga sünnihetkel oli Rõsna külades tagasihoidlik (e00 = 17,1 aastat),
kolme matusepaiga põhjal arvutatud kogukonna suurus oli vastavalt valitud
mudelile 16–28 inimest. Suurim, 7–11 inimest, oli kogukond, kes mattis Rõsna-
Saare I kääbaskalmistule. Rõsna-Saare II ja Suure-Rõsna kalmistuid kasutanud
kogukonnad olid pisut väiksemad, vastavalt 5–8 ja 4–9 inimest. Kasutatud mudelite
põhjal võib oletada, et iga kalmistut kasutas reeglina üks perekond, Rõsna-Saare I
kalmistut võis kasutada laiendatud perekond või suurem majapidamine.
Maidla II noorema rauaaja kivikalmele matnud kogukonna suuruseks on arvutatud
7–9 inimest, mis samuti vastab ühele perekonnale; oodatav eluiga sünnihetkel oli
kõrgem (e00=25,7) kui keskmisel rauaajal Kagu-Eestis. Suhteliselt kõrge oodatav
eluiga võib viidata parematele elutingimustele ja madalamale laste suremusele
nooremal rauaajal või teatud määral indikeerida laste alaesindatust kalme
arheoantropoloogilise materjali hulgas. Põhjused võivad siinkohal olla erinevad:
laste matmine mujale, luude purustamine enne matust, tafonoomilised protsessid
kalmel ja/või tegevused arheoloogiste kaevamiste käigus, mis muudavad laste ja
imikute matused meie jaoks nähtamatuks.
Keskmisest rauaajast pärit Maidla I kivikalmet võis kasutada 3–9 liikmeline
kogukond ehk samuti pigem üks pere, kes kasutas matusepaika tõenäoliselt vaid
lühikese ajaperioodi jooksul. Oodatav eluiga sünnihetkel oli väga madal (e00=10,9),
mis viitab väga kõrgele suremusele ja tõigale, et kogukond ei olnud jätkusuutlik.
Kaseküla noorema pronksiaja kivikirstkalmest kogutud arheoantropoloogilise
materjali analüüs koos radiosüsinikdateeringutega näitas, kalmet kasutati imikute
alternatiivse matusepaigana nooremal rauaajal, seega andis see kalme olulist uut
informatsiooni noorema rauaaja matusekombestiku kohta. Radiosüsinikdateeringud
koos osteoloogilise analüüsi tulemustega on perspektiivne kombinatsioon uurimaks
matusepaiku, kus dateeriv esemeline materjal puudub või on ebamäärane ning kus
matuste sooline ja ealine koosseis on ebatavaline.
Muinasaegsete kogukondade eluviis, elutsükkel ja matusekombestik on põnevad,
kuid keerukad uurimisobjektid, mida me arvatavasti jääme lahti mõtestama veel
sajanditeks. Tõenäoliselt võimaldavad regionaalsed arheoloogilised uuringud, mis
hõlmavad sama piirkonna erinevaid matusepaiku, meil paremini uurida üleminekut
ühelt matusekombestikult teisele ja saada usaldusväärset informatsiooni
paleodemograafiliste mudelite koostamiseks.

159
ELULOOKIRJELDUS
Nimi Raili Allmäe
Sünniaeg ja -koht 16.12.1963, Tallinn
Kodakondsus Eesti

Hariduskäik
Alates 2015 Tallinna Ülikool, Humanitaarteaduste instituut, doktoriõpe
Alates 2011 Tallinna Ülikool Ajaloo Instituut, doktoriõpe
2005–2007 Tartu Ülikooli filosoofia teaduskond, arheoloogia õppetool,
doktoriõpe
1998 Tartu Ülikooli bioloogia ja geograafia teaduskond, üldzooloogia
õppetool, MSc (teadusmagister) üldzooloogias ja arengu-
bioloogias.
1988 Tartu Ülikool bioloogia-geograafia teaduskond; bioloog
(botaanik), bioloogia-keemia õpetaja. Diplomitöö: „Vormsi saare
lihhenofloora ja selle analüüs“
1982 Tallinna 22. Keskkool (Westholmi Gümnaasium)

Teenistuskäik
Alates 2017 Tallinna Ülikool, Arheoloogia teaduskogu, teadur
2015–2015 TLÜ Õigusakadeemia, teadusassistent
2014–2014 TLÜ Ajaloo Instituudi keskkonnajaloo keskus (KAJAK),
teadusassistent
2007–2013 TLÜ Ajaloo Instituudi arheobioloogia ja muinastehnoloogia
osakonna teadur
1998–2007 TLÜ Ajaloo Instituut arheoloogiosakonna teadur
1988–1998 Teaduste Akadeemia Ajaloo Instituudi arheoloogiaosakonna,
nooremteadur ja teadur

Uurimisvaldkonnad
Füüsiline antropoloogia, arheoantropoloogia, bioarheoloogia

Erialaühendused
Alates 2012 TLÜ Keskkonnaajaloo Keskuse (KAJAK) liige
Alates 2012 Euroopa Arheoloogide Assotsiatsiooni (EAA) liige

Erialane täiendkoolitus
6.–17.08.2007 Osteoloogiline vanuse määramine ja paleodemograafiline analüüs.
Max Planck'i Demograafia Instituudi (Rostock, Saksamaa) ja Lõuna-Taani Ülikooli
Kohtumeditsiini Instituudi antropoloogia osakonna koostöös korraldatud kursus
Odenses, Taanis

160
CURRICULUM VITAE
Name Raili Allmäe
Date and place of birth 16.12.1963, Tallinn
Citizenship Estonian

Education
Since 2015 Tallinn University, School of Humanities, doctoral studies
Since 2011 Tallinn University, Institute of History, doctoral studies
2005–2007 University of Tartu, Department of Philosophy, Institute of
Historyand Archaeology, Chair of Archaeology, doctoral studies
1998–1998 University of Tartu, Faculty of Biology and Geography,
Department of Zoology and Hydrobiology, MSc, general zoology
and developmental biology
1982–1988 University of Tartu, Faculty of Biology and Geography, biologist
(botanist), biology-chemistry teacher

Professional experience
Since 2017 Tallinn University, Archaeological Research Collection, researcher
2015–2015 Tallinn University, Law School, research assistent
2014–2014 Tallinn University, Center of Environmental History, research
assistent
2005–2013 Tallinn University, Institute of History, researcher
1997–2005 Institute of History, State Research Institute, researcher
1988–1997 Institute of History, Estonian Academy of Sciences, researcher

Scientific interests
Biological anthropology, archaeoanthropology, bioarchaeology

Professional associations
Since 2012 TLU Center of Environmental History, member
Since 2012 European Association of Archaeologists (EAA), member

Professional training
06.–17.08.2007 Osteological age estimation and paleodemographic analysis.The
Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research (MPIDR), Rostock, Germany in
collaboration with Department of Anthropology (ADBOU), Institute of Forensic
Medicine,University of Southern Denmark, Odense, Denmark

161
TALLINNA ÜLIKOOL
HUMANITAARTEADUSTE DISSERTATSIOONID

TALLINN UNIVERSITY
DISSERTATIONS ON HUMANITIES

1. СЕРГЕЙ ДОЦЕНКО. Проблемы поэтики А. М. Ремизова. Автобиографизм как

конструктивный принцип творчества. Таллинн: Изд-во ТПУ, 2000. 162 стр.
Таллиннский педагогический университет. Диссертации по гуманитарным наукам, 1.
ISSN 1406-4391. ISBN 9985-58-135-0.
2. MART KIVIMÄE. Ajaloomõtlemise kolm strateegiat ja nende dialoogisuhted minevikuga
(lisades tõlgitud R. Koselleck, J. Rüsen, E. Nolte). Historismi muutumise, arendamise,
ületamise probleemid. Tallinn: TPÜ kirjastus, 2000. 201 lk. Tallinna Pedagoogikaülikool.
Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid, 2. ISSN 1406–4391. ISBN 9985-58-164-4.
3. НАТАЛЬЯ НЕЧУНАЕВА. Минея как тип славяно–греческого средневекового
текста. Таллинн: Изд-во ТПУ, 2000. 177 стр. Таллиннский педагогический
университет. Диссертации по гуманитарным наукам, 3. ISSN 1406-4391. ISBN
9985-58-125-3.
4. ОЛЕГ КОСТАНДИ. Раннее творчество В. Каверина как литературный и
культурный феномен. Таллин: Изд-во ТПУ, 2001. 142 стр. Таллиннский
педагогический университет. Диссертации по гуманитарным наукам, 4. ISSN 1406–
4391. ISBN 9985-58-180-6.
5. LAURI LINDSTRÖM. Album Academicum Universitatis Tartuensis 1918–1944. Rahvus,
sugu, sünnikoht ja keskhariduse omandamise koht üliõpilaskonna kujunemist ja
kõrghariduse omandamist mõjutavate teguritena. Tallinn: TPÜ kirjastus, 2001. 92 lk.
Tallinna Pedagoogikaülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid, 5. ISSN 1406-4391.
ISBN 9985-58-190-3.
6. AУРИКA MEЙMPE. Руccкиe литератoры-эмигрaнmы в Эcmoнии 1918–1940. Нa
матepиaлe пеpиoдическoй печaти. Таллин: Изд-во ТПУ, 2001. 165 стр.
Таллиннский педагогический университет. Диссертации по гуманитарным
наукам, 6. ISSN 1406-4391. ISBN 9985-58-205-5.
7. AIVAR JÜRGENSON. Siberi eestlaste territoriaalsus ja identiteet. Tallinn: TPÜ
kirjastus, 2002. 312 lk. Tallinna Pedagoogikaülikool. Humanitaarteaduste
dissertatsioonid, 7. ISSN 1406-4391. ISBN 9985-58-239-X.
8. DAVID VSEVIOV. Kirde-Eesti urbaanse anomaalia kujunemine ning struktuur
pärast Teist maailmasõda Tallinn: TPÜ kirjastus, 2002. 104 lk. Tallinna
Pedagoogikaülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid, 8. ISSN 1406-4391. ISBN
9985-58-242-X.
9. ROMAN KALLAS. Eesti kirjanduse õpetamise traditsioon XX sajandi vene õppekeelega
koolis. Tallinn: TPÜ kirjastus, 2003. 68 lk. Tallinna Pedagoogikaülikool.
Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid, 9. ISSN 1406–4391. ISBN 9985-58-256-X.
10. KRISTA KERGE. Keele variatiivsus ja mine-tuletus allkeelte süntaktilise keerukuse
tegurina. Tallinn: TPÜ kirjastus, 2003. 246 lk. Tallinna Pedagoogikaülikool.
Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid, 10. ISSN 1406-4391. ISBN 9985-58-265-9.

162
11. АННА ГУБЕРГРИЦ. Русская драматургия для детей как элемент субкультуры:
1920–1930-е годы. Таллинн: Изд-во ТПУ, 2004. 168 стр. Таллиннский
педагогический университет. Диссертации по гуманитарным наукам, 11. ISSN 1406–
4391. ISBN 9985-58-302-7.
12. VAHUR MÄGI. Inseneriühendused Eesti riigi ülesehituses ja kultuuriprotsessis (1918–
1940). Tallinn: TPÜ kirjastus, 2004. 146 lk. Tallinna Pedagoogikaülikool.
Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid, 12. ISSN 1406-4391. ISBN 9985-58-344-2.
13. HEIKKI OLAVI KALLIO. Suomen ja Viron tiedesuhteet erityisesti Viron
miehitysaikana vuosina 1940–1991. Tallinn: Tallinnan Pedagogisen Yliopiston
kustantamo, 2004. 243 lk. Tallinnan Pedagogisen Yliopiston. Humanististen tieteiden
väitöskirjat, 13. ISSN 1406-4391. ISBN 9985-58-350-7.
14. ÜLLE RANNUT. Keelekeskkonna mõju vene õpilaste eesti keele omandamisele ja
integratsioonile Eestis. Tallinn: TLÜ kirjastus, 2005. 215 lk. Tallinna Ülikool.
Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid, 14. ISSN 1406-4391. ISBN 9985-58-394-9.
15. MERLE JUNG. Sprachspielerische Texte als Impulse für schriftliche Textproduktion im
Bereich Deutsch als Fremdsprache. Tallinn: Verlag der Universität Tallinn, 2006. 186
S. Universität Tallinn. Dissertationen in den Geisteswissenschaften, 15. ISSN 1406-
4391. ISBN 9985-58-409-0.
16. ANDRES ADAMSON. Kaitstud ja ilmunud veebiväljaandena.
17. АИДА ХАЧАТУРЯН. Роман В.С.Маканина «Андеграунд, или Герой нашего
времени»: Homo urbanis в поле «усреднения». Таллинн: Изд-во ТПУ, 2006. 146
стр. Таллиннский педагогический университет. Диссертации по гуманитарным
наукам, 17. ISSN 1736–3624. ISBN-10 9985-58-435-X. ISBN-13 987-9985-58-435-4.
18. JULIA TOFANTŠUK. Construction of Identity in the Fiction of Contemporary British
Women Writers (Jeanette Winterson, Meera Syal, and Eva Figes). Tallinn: Tallinn
University Press, 2001. 160 p. Tallinn University. Dissertations on Humanities, 18. ISSN
1736-3624. ISBN 978-9985-58-479-8.
19. REILI ARGUS. Eesti keele muutemorfoloogia omandamine. Tallinn: TLÜ kirjastus,
2007. 242 lk. Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid, 19. ISSN 1736-
3624. ISBN 978-9985-58-543-6.
20. ÕNNE KEPP. Identiteedi suundumusi Eesti luules. Tallinn: TLÜ kirjastus, 2008.
222 lk. Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid, 20. ISSN 1736-3624.
ISBN 978-9985-58-574-0.
21. ANNELI KÕVAMEES. Itaalia eesti reisikirjades: Karl Ristikivi „Itaalia
Capriccio” ja Amée Beekmani „Plastmassist südamega madonna”. Tallinn: TLÜ
kirjastus, 2008. 141 lk. Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid, 21. ISSN
1736-3624. ISBN 978-9985-58-543-6.
22. ENE ALAS. The English Language National Examination Validity Defined By its Oral
Proficiency Interview Interlocutor Behaviour. Tallinn: Tallinn University, 2010. 232 p.
Tallinn University. Dissertations on Humanities, 22. ISSN 1736-3621. ISBN 978-9949-
463-03-9.
23. MERLE TALVIK. Ajakirjagraafika 1930. aastate Eestis: stereotüübid ja ideoloogia.
Tallinn: Tallinna Ülikool, 2010. 203 lk. Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste
dissertatsioonid, 23. ISSN 1736-3624. ISBN 978-9949-463-31-2.

163
24. TÕNIS LIIBEK. Fotograafiakultuur Eestis 1839-1895. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2010.
286 lk. Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid, 24. ISSN 1736-24. ISBN
978-9949-463-52-7.
25. HEETE SAHKAI. Teine grammatika. Eesti keele teonimede süntaks
konstruktsioonipõhises perspektiivis. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2011. 182 lk. Tallinna
Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid, 25. ISSN 1736-3624. ISBN 978-9949-
463-98-5.
26. MAARJA VAINO. Irratsionaalsuse poeetika A. H. Tammsaare loomingus. Tallinn.
Tallinna Ülikool, 2011. 181 lk. Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid,
26. ISSN 1736-3624. ISBN 978-9949-29-017-8.
27. ANNIKA KILGI. Tõlkekeele dünaamika piibli esmaeestinduse käigus: verbi
morfosüntaksi areng ja lõplik toimetamisfaas. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2012. 222 lk.
Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid, 27. ISSN 1736-3624. ISBN
978-9949-29-050-5.
28. ELVIRA KÜÜN. Dissertatsioon esitatud kaitsmisele.
29. PEETER KAASIK. Nõukogude Liidu sõjavangipoliitika Teise maailmasõja ajal ja
sõjajärgsetel aastatel: sõjavangide kinnpidamissüsteem Eesti näitel ja hinnang
sõjavangide kohtlemisele rahvusvahelise õiguse järgi. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2012.
631 lk. Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid, 29. ISSN 1736-3624.
ISBN 978-9949-29-055-0.
30. KADRI SEMM. Milieus in Neighbourhood Place-Making. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool,
2012. 210 lk. Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid, 30. ISSN 1736-
3624. ISBN 978-9949-29-066-6.
31. AVE MATTHEUS. Eesti laste- ja noortekirjanduse genees: küsimusepüstitusi ja
uurimisperspektiive. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2012. 260 lk. Tallinna Ülikool.
Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid, 31. ISSN 1736-3624. ISBN 978-9949-29-070-3.
32. JELENA KALLAS. Eesti keele sisusõnade süntagmaatilised suhted korpus- ja
õppeleksikograafias. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2013. 185 lk. Tallinna Ülikool.
Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid, 32. ISSN 1736-3624. ISBN 978-9949-29-078-9.
33. KLĀVS SEDLENIEKS. “And Burn Today Whom Yesterday They Fed”: Citizens and
State in Montenegro. Tallinn. Tallinn University, 2013. 242 p. Tallinn University.
Dissertations on Humanities, 33. ISSN 1736-3624. ISBN 978-9949-29-117-5.
34. МАРИЯ СМОРЖЕВСКИХ-СМИРНОВА. Ингерманландия, Эстляндия и
Лифляндия в церковном панегирике петровской эпохи. Таллинн. Таллиннский
университет, 2013. 244 стр. Таллиннский университет. Диссертации по
гуманитарным наукам, 34. ISSN 1736-3624. ISBN 978-9949-29-119-9.
35. SILLE KAPPER. Muutuv pärimustants: kontseptsioonid ja realisatsioonid Eestis
2008–2013. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2013. 241 lk. Tallinna Ülikool.
Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid, 35. ISSN 1736-3624. ISBN 978-9949-29-127-4.
36. RAIMONDO MURGIA. The Progressive Aspect in English and Italian: Learning
Problems and Remedial Teaching. Tallinn. Tallinn University, 2014. 173 p. Tallinn
University. Dissertations on Humanities, 36. ISSN 1736-3624. ISBN 978-9949-29-151-9.

164
37. MARI KENDLA. Eesti kalanimetused: kujunemine, levik ja nimetamise alused.
Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2014. 238 lk. Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste
dissertatsioonid, 37. ISSN 1736-3624. ISBN 978-9949-29-157-1.
38. JANIKA KÄRK. Saksa ja eesti keele sagedamate värvingupartiklite võrdlev analüüs.
Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2014. 188 lk. Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste
dissertatsioonid, 38. ISSN 1736-3624. ISBN 978-9949-29-160-1.
39. NATALIA ERMAKOV. Эрзянские причитания: традиции бытования и
современное состояние. Таллинн. Таллиннский университет, 2014. 175 стр.
Таллиннский университет. Диссертации по гуманитарным наукам, 39. ISSN
1736-3624. ISBN 978-9949-29-164-9.

ILMUNUD VEEBIVÄLJAANDENA
http://e-ait.tlulib.ee/
1. ИННА АДАМСОН. Модальный смысл дезидеративности: от семантической
зоны к семантической типологии высказываний (на материале русского языка).
Таллинн: Изд-во ТЛУ, 2006. 131 стр. Таллиннский педагогический университет.
Диссертации по гуманитарным наукам. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9985-58-455-2.
2. MARIS SAAGPAKK. Deutschbaltische Autobiographien als Dokumente des zeit- und
selbstempfindens: vom ende des 19. Jh. Bis zur umsiedlung 1939. Tallinn: Verlag der
Universität Tallinn, 2006. 163 S. Universität Tallinn. Dissertationen in den
Geisteswissenschaften. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9985-58-469-9.
3. JANIS EŠOTS.Mullā Sadrā’s Teaching on Wujūd: A Synthesis of Mysticism and
Philosophy. Tallinn: Tallinn University Press, 2007. 150 p. Tallinn University.
Dissertations on Humanities. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9985-58-492-7.
4. ГРИГОРИЙ УТГОФ. Проблема синтактического темпа. Таллинн: Изд-во ТЛУ,
2007. 145 стр. Таллиннский педагогический университет. Диссертации по
гуманитарным наукам. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9985-58-507-8.
5. ДИМИТРИЙ МИРОНОВ. Глагольность в сфере имен: к проблеме
семантического описания девербативов (на материале русского языка). Изд-во
ТЛУ, 2008. 98 стр. Таллиннский педагогический университет. Диссертации по
гуманитарным наукам. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9985-58-563-4.
6. INNA PÕLTSAM-JÜRJO. Liivimaa väikelinn varase uusaja lävel. Uurimus Uus-
Pärnu ajaloost 16. sajandi esimesel poolel. Tallinn: TLÜ kirjastus, 2008. 257 lk.
Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-
9985-58-570-2.
7. TIIT LAUK. Džäss Eestis 1918–1945. Tallinn: TLÜ kirjastus, 2008. 207 lk. Tallinna
Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9985-58-
594-8.
8. ANDRES ADAMSON. Hertsog Magnus ja tema “Liivimaa kuningriik”. Tallinn:
TLÜ kirjastus, 2009. 173 lk. Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid.
ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9985-58-615-0.

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9. ОЛЕСЯ ЛАГАШИНА. Марк Алданов и Лев Толстой: к проблеме рецепции.
Таллинн: Изд-во ТЛУ, 2009. 151стр. Таллиннский педагогический университет.
Диссертации по гуманитарным наукам. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9985-58-654-9.
10. MARGIT LANGEMETS. Nimisõna süstemaatiline polüseemia eesti keeles ja selle
esitus eesti keelevaras. Tallinn: TLÜ kirjastus, 2009. 259 lk. Tallinna Ülikool.
Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9985-58-651-8.
11. LEO LUKS. Ei kogemine nihilismi mõtlemises filosoofia ja kirjanduse ühtesulamisel.
Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2010. 147 lk. Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste
dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9949-463-55-8.
12. JELENA RUDNEVA. „Сказание о черноризском чине“ Кирилла Туровского: опыт
лингвотекстологического исследования. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2011. 227 lk.
Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-
9949-463-92-3.
13. ELO LINDSALU. Naisekuju modelleerimine XX sajandi alguskümnendite eesti
kirjanduses. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2012. 236 lk. Tallinna Ülikool.
Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9949-29-024-6.
14. ANTON KÜÜNAL. Специфика оперного либретто как текста: на примере опер
на библейские сюжеты (Россия вторая половина XIX b.) Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool,
2012. 234 lk. Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031.
ISBN 978-9949-29-069-7.
15. EINAR VÄRÄ. Kaubandussidemed Soome suurvürstiriigi ja Eesti alade vahel aastail
1809–1865. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2012. 158 lk. Tallinna Ülikool.
Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9949-29-072-7.
16. INDREK JETS. Lahingu maod. Skandinaavia 9.-11. sajandi kunstistiilid Eesti
arheoloogilistel leidudel. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2013. 333 lk. Tallinna Ülikool.
Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9949-29-107-6.
17. MARGUS OTT. Vägi. Individuatsioon, keerustumine ja praktika. Tallinn. Tallinna
Ülikool, 2014. 268 lk. Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid. ISSN
1736-5031. ISBN 978-9949-29-147-2.
18. MAREK TAMM. Inventing Livonia: Religious and Geographical Representations of
the Eastern Baltic Region in Early Thirteenth Century. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2009.
201 lk. Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN
978-9985-58-658-7.
19. MELE PESTI. From an Intuitive Metaphor Towards a Working Cultural Model:
"Anthropophagy" in Oswald de Andrade's “Anthropophagic Manifesto” and its
Development in 20th Century Brazil. Tallinn. Tallinn University, 2014. 208 p. Tallinn
University. Dissertations on Humanities. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9949-29-163-2.
20. ALARI ALLIK. Multiple Selves of Chōmei / Ren’in. Tallinn. Tallinn University, 2015.
153 p. Tallinn University. Dissertations on Humanities. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-
9949-29-188-5.
21 LIGITA JUDICKAITĖ-PAŠVENSKIENĖ. Cartoon Subtitling as a Mode of
Translation for Children. Tallinn. Tallinn University, 2015. 173 p. Tallinn University.
Dissertations on Humanities, 40. ISSN 1736-5031. 978-9949-29-230-1.

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22 TRIIN VAN DOORSLAER. Conceptualising Translation as an Awareness-Raising
Method in Translator Education. Tallinn. Tallinn University, 2015. 85 p. Tallinn
University. Dissertations on Humanities. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9949-29-236-3.
23. MARIA-MAGDALENA JÜRVETSON. Suomen kielen nauramisverbit
koloratiivikonstruktiossa: muoto, merkitys ja tehtävät. Tallinn. Tallinnan Yliopisto,
2015. 194 lk. Tallinnan Yliopisto. Humanisisten tieteiden väitöskirjat, 23. ISSN 1736-
5031. ISBN 978-9949-29-251-6.
24. FRANCISCO MARTINEZ SANCHEZ. Wasted Legacies? Material Culture in
Contemporary Estonia. Tallinn. Tallinn University, 2016. 301 p. Tallinn University.
Dissertations on Humanities. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9949-29-262-2.
25. MARIS SÕRMUS. Nature and Culture in Contemporary British and Estonian
Literature: A Material Ecocritical Reading of Monique Roffey and Andrus Kivirähk.
Tallinn. Tallinn University, 2016. 160 p. Tallinn University. Dissertations on
Humanities. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9949-29-264-6.
26. HEILI EINASTO. Eesti balleti rajaja Rahel Olbrei: loometegevus, retseptsioon,
pärand. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2016. 319 lk. Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste
dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9949-29-265-3.
27. HELEN KÕRGESAAR. Eesti hoidjakeele pragmaatilised erijooned ja dünaamika
ning mõju lapse keele arengule. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2016. 205 lk. Tallinna
Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9949-29-
276-9.
28. NATALIA ABROSIMOVA. Развитие эрзянского письменно-литературного
языка в контексте культуры. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2016. 197 lk. Tallinna
Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9949-29-
275-2.
29. TATJANA BOEVA. Текст как мыслящая структура: метафизика в.о. пелевина.
Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2016. 192 lk. Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste
dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9949-29-279-0.
30. ANNA RUBTSOVA. Стихосложение Владислава Ходасевича. Tallinn. Tallinna
Ülikool, 2016. 132 lk. Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid. ISSN
1736-5031. ISBN978-9949-29-280-6.
31. OLGA MJOD. Писатель-протагонист в литературном произведении как
частный случай “текста в тексте”. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2016. 147 lk.
Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-
9949-29-283-7.
32. ANTONIA NAEL. Иллюстрированный «враг»: образ русского «врага» в
печатных изданиях межвоенной Эстонии. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2017. 204 lk.
Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-
9949-29-305-6.
33. MICHAEL AMUNDSEN. Taking it to the streets: getting to the real gritty, gritty
through autoethnography. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2017. 120 p. Tallinna Ülikool.
Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9949-29-310-0.
34. MARGE PAAS. Empaatia kunstiteoste kogemisel: fenomenoloogiline analüüs.
Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2017. 133 lk. Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste
dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9949-29-323-0.

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35. ELLE-MARI TALIVEE. Kuidas kirjutada linna. Eesti proosa linnamaastik aastail
1877–1903. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2017. 233 lk. Tallinna Ülikool.
Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-9949-29-318-6.
36. JEKATERINA KOORT. Maastik shanshui 山水 Hiina võimu ja vaimu diskursuses:
vaade läbi Song’i dünastia kulgemisõpetuse. Tallinn. Tallinna Ülikool, 2017. 185 lk.
Tallinna Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid. ISSN 1736-5031. ISBN 978-
9949-29-327-8.

DISSERTATSIOONINA KAITSTUD MONOGRAAFIAD

(ilmunud iseseisva väljaandena)
1. ANNE VALMAS. Eestlaste kirjastustegevus välismaal 1944–2000. I-II. Tallinn: Tallinna
Pedagoogikaülikooli kirjastus, 2003. 205, 397 lk. Tallinna Pedagoogikaülikool. ISBN
9985-58-284-5. ISBN 9985-58-285-3.
2. ANNE LANGE. Ants Oras. Monograafia. Tartu: Ilmamaa, 2004. 493 lk. ISBN 9985-77-
163-X.
3. KATRI AASLAV-TEPANDI. Eesti näitlejanna Erna Villmer. Monograafia. Tallinn:
Eesti Teatriliit, 2007. 495 lk. ISBN 78-9985-860-41-0.
4. KRISTA ARU. Üks kirg, kolm mõõdet. Peatükke eesti toimetajakesksest
ajakirjandusest: K. A. Hermann, J. Tõnisson, K. Toom. Monograafia. Tartu: Eesti
Kirjandusmuuseumi Teaduskirjastus, 2008. 479 lk. ISBN 9789949446254.

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