DR.

RAM MANOHAR LOHIYA NATIONAL

LAW UNIVERSITY, LUCKNOW

POLITICAL SCIENCE - PROJECT

Topic – Challenges to Democracy in India – Cultural Hegemony

Submitted to- Submitted by-

Dr. Monika Srivastava Name- Ujjawal Bhajanka
Assistant Professor Roll no.- 220101163
DR. RMLNLU, LUCKNOW Name- Tarun Ranjan
Roll no.- 220101159
 DECLARATION

This is to certify that Ujjawal Bhajanka and Tarun Ranjan

are students of DR. Ram Manohar Lohiya and have
diligently worked on this project work. Further, this project
is an original work made by them on the challenges and
limitations to democracy in India, and has completed
this under the guidance of Assistant Professor Dr. Monika
Srivastava.
 ACKNOWLEDGMENT
Every humble being should always first honor and thank
those who have helped him/her throughout their journey.
With that, we would like to express our gratitude towards
DR. Ram Manohar Lohiya National Law University, which
has allowed us to pursue good and structured academic
schemes and has added to my level of skills.
Further, we would like to thank our Political Science
Professor, DR. Monika Srivastava, for allowing us to
choose a project title of our choice and then guiding us
toward the completion of this final draft. In this journey and
afterward, we would always be indebted to you.
Lastly, we would like to extend our letter of thanks to our
friends and family for showing faith in us in the journey of
this book review, they are the backbone of this project and
have motivated us throughout.
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

TABLE OF CONTENTS............................................................................................................. 4

METHODOLOGY OF RESEARCH .............................................................................................. 5

A) QUESTIONS TO ANSWER DURING THE COURSE OF THIS

RESEARCH................................................ 5
B) OBJECTIVE OF THE
PAPER .............................................................................................................................. 5
C) LITERATURE
REVIEW........................................................................................................................................ 5

ABSTRACT............................................................................................................................... 6

INTRODUCTION TO DEMOCRACY AND CULTURAL HEGEMONY IN THE INDIAN

DEMOCRACY
............................................................................................................................................... 7

OTHER CHALLENGES TO THE INDIAN DEMOCRACY THAN CULTURAL HEGEMONY .............

8

A) ILLITERACY .............................................................................................................................................
............. 9
B) POVERTY ..................................................................................................................................................
............. 9
C) GENDER
DISCRIMINATION...........................................................................................................................10
D) CASTEISM, COMMUNALISM, RELIGIOUS
FUNDAMENTALISM ...........................................................10
E) CORRUPTION ...........................................................................................................................................
..........11

CULTURAL SETUP IN INDIA ...................................................................................................11

CULTURAL HEGEMONY IN THE INDIAN DEMOCRACY ..........................................................13

A) ANTONIO GRAMSCI’S DEFINITION OF CULTURAL

HEGEMONY.......................................................13
B) USE OF RELIGION IN
POLITICS ....................................................................................................................14
C) CURRENT
SCENARIO .......................................................................................................................................15
CONCLUSION - THE FUTURE OF THE INDIAN DEMOCRACY .................................................16

BIBLIOGRAPHY ......................................................................................................................18
 METHODOLOGY OF RESEARCH
This study's research technique comprises secondary sources such as books, papers, journals, and
other publications on this issue. The focus is on the threats to Indian democracy presented by
cultural hegemony.

a) QUESTIONS TO ANSWER DURING THE COURSE OF THIS RESEARCH

• What are the major challenges to Democracy?

• What effect does cultural hegemony have on the smooth functioning of Indian
democracy?
• Is democracy still an effective system of administration in India, despite the
aforementioned factors?

b) OBJECTIVE OF THE PAPER

This research examines what democracy is and is not, as well as the past, present, and potential
future influence of cultural hegemony on the Indian democracy.

c) LITERATURE REVIEW

The primary resources for this Project are three sources from two different places, one being a
blog named “What Is Cultural Hegemony?”, another being a book by the NIOS on Social
Science, and the third being an article titled “Democracy in India”.

ABSTRACT
Whilst the word ‘democracy’ became a part of the English vocabulary in the sixteenth century,
evolving from the French word ‘démocratie’, its origins still happen to be in Greece. The word
‘democracy’ is derived from ‘demokratia’. The two word roots of the same happen to be demos
(people) and kratos (rule). Abraham Lincoln famously and prominently said, “Democracy is a
government of the people, by the people and for the people." However, democratic forms of
government, especially the Indian democracy, has been facing multiple challenges, namely
casteism and communalism, red tapeism, and corruption and inefficiency, to name a few. A
major challenge to the democratic form of government in India happens to be "cultural
hegemony”.
"Cultural hegemony refers to domination or rule maintained through ideological or cultural
means." 1It is largely social structures that allow persons in positions of power to vigorously
influence and indirectly govern society's values, conventions, expectations, and behaviour.
Cultural hegemony frames and shapes the ruling class's perspective of the world, as well as the
social and economic structures that embody it, as fair, legitimate, and manufactured for the
benefit of all classes, despite the fact that the said social and economic structures may only
benefit the ruling class. Regardless of the aforementioned, this particular type of power is
distinguished from rule by force, id est military dictatorship, simply owing to the fact that it
allows the ruling class to exercise power and authority by "peaceful" means of ideology and
culture. The development of the Hindu Right as a political and cultural force in India has been
unprecedented. The consolidation of power with the traditional castes and classes has been made
possible by a succession of tactical actions.

INTRODUCTION TO DEMOCRACY AND CULTURAL

HEGEMONY IN THE INDIAN DEMOCRACY
To begin, we will define democracy generally and the fundamental notions that distinguish it as a
distinct system for structuring interactions between those who govern and those who are ruled.
“The emphasis remains on the claim that democracy does not consist of a single distinct
collection of institutions. There are several varieties of democracy, and their various methods
provide a different range of outcomes to cause. If democracy takes a specific shape, it is
determined by a country's socioeconomic situation, as well as its established governmental
institutions and policy practises.”

"Modern political democracy is a system of governance in which rulers are held accountable for
their actions in the public realm by citizens, acting indirectly through the competition and
cooperation of their elected representatives. A regime or system of governance is an ensemble of
patterns that determines the methods of access to the principal public offices; the characteristics

1 Cole NL, “What Is Cultural Hegemony?” (ThoughtCoJanuary 6, 2020)

<https://www.thoughtco.com/culturalhegemony-3026121> accessed October 26, 2022.
of the actors admitted to or excluded from such access; the strategies that actors may use to gain
access; and the rules that are followed in the making of publicly binding decisions."2

“The Indian government is modelled after the British Westminster system. It has a president as
its head of state, an administration led by the prime minister, a legislature with an upper and
lower house (the Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha), and a judiciary led by the Supreme Court. The
Indian constitution establishes the country's political code, federal organisation, and powers of
government, as well as guaranteeing Indians' rights, such as equality before the law and freedoms
of expression, assembly, movement, and others.”3

One of the major challenges faced by the democratic government in India, happens to be the
factor that it has failed to deliver the kind of sustained economic development which has been
procured by neighbouring countries, namely China, for close to forty years now. India has also
failed to eliminate

extreme poverty. Regardless of the same, as major and threatening a challenge to the democracy
this might be, cultural hegemony still remains a bigger threat to the Indian democracy. As
previously defined in the abstract, "Cultural hegemony refers to domination or rule maintained
through ideological or cultural means."

Indian nationalism and populism have profited from this discontent by scapegoating religious
minorities, mostly Muslims and Dalits, while greatly increasing the perceived price for numerous
Hindus. Narendra Damodardas Modi, India's Prime Minister since 2014, and the Bharatiya
Janata Party publicly represent the Hindu nationalist movement, based on the concept of
"Hindutva," which has been continuous and consistent for a century now. It is unfortunate but
true that since way before Indian independence from colonialism, nationalists have argued that
India should be the homeland for South Asia's Hindus, the same way in which Pakistan was for
its Muslims.4

OTHER CHALLENGES TO THE INDIAN DEMOCRACY

THAN CULTURAL HEGEMONY
India has been a responsible democracy since its independence. The world community has
recognised this. It has effectively adapted to difficult environments. Periodic free and fair
elections have been held for all political posts, from panchayats to the presidency. Political
power has been easily transferred from one political party or group of political parties to another

2 Schmitter, Philippe C and Terry Lynn Karl. "What Democracy Is. . . and Is Not." Journal of Democracy, vol.
2 no. 3, 1991, p. 75-88. Project MUSE, doi:10.1353/jod.1991.0033.
3 Price, Dr. Gareth. “Democracy in India.” Chatham House – International Affairs Think Tank, 12 Oct. 2022,
https://www.chathamhouse.org/2022/04/democracy-india.
4 Supra 1.
on various occasions, both at the national and state levels. Many instances can be found in our
neighbouring nations, such as
Pakistan, Myanmar, and even Bangladesh, where power has been transferred by military coups.5

“India is a vast country with many different languages, cultures, and religions. At the time of
independence, it was economically underdeveloped. Massive regional disparities existed, as did
widespread poverty, illiteracy, unemployment, and a shortage of practically all public welfare
services. Citizens had great hopes for independence. As previously said, India has seen
substantial change.
However, the country has a number of challenges in satisfying the aspirations of various parts of

society. The issues stem from both current local and international realities, as well as a lack of
necessary precondition for democratic functioning. These are further described below.” 6

a) ILLITERACY

Since the eve of independence, illiteracy has been a major issue for the efficient functioning of
India's democratic government, and it regrettably continues to be a major danger to democracy.
“In 1951, the literacy rate was only 18.33 percent, with female literacy at 8.9 percent.” Literacy
is required not just to enable individuals to vote in elections and properly exercise their right to
vote, but also to enable citizens to be fundamentally aware of the country's interests, concerns,
difficulties, and situations. It broadens their perspectives and introduces them to the concepts of
liberty and equality. “According to the 2011 Census, the literacy rate has increased to 74.04
percent, although female literacy remains low at 65.46 percent. This means that a quarter of the
country's population is illiterate, with one in every three women being illiterate.” 7

b) POVERTY

“Poverty is seen as the most serious threat to democracy. It is seen as the primary cause of all
types of impoverishments and inequity. It is a state in which individuals are denied the
opportunity to live a healthy and full life. 8 Poverty in India was created by the oppressive British
colonial rule, but even today, a large portion of the Indian population lives below the poverty
line, abbreviated as the BPL. Poverty is also linked to the concept of the Human Development
Index (HDI), as advocated by Mabud-ul-Haq and Amartya Sen. 9.” The continuing challenge of
poverty owes to multiple factors, majorly mass unemployment and under-employment. The
constant rise in the population of India is regarded as a cause for the existence of bleak poverty
too, despite population also being considered the greatest resource in the country. However, the
gap between the rich and the poor has not been bridged.

5 Supra 2.
6
Supra 2.
7
“Chapter 23 - Challenges to Indian Democracy.” Social
Science, NIOS, New Delhi, India, 2012, pp. 180–180. 8
“Chapter 23 - Challenges to Indian Democracy.” Social
Science, NIOS, New Delhi, India, 2012, pp. 181-182. 9 Id.
c) GENDER DISCRIMINATION

Discrimination against women continues to be a reality. The sex ratio, child sex ratio, and
maternal mortality rate all clearly indicate this. Since 1901, the number of females has been
dropping in compared to males. In 1901, there were 972 females for every 1000 males. In 1991,
there were 927 females for every 1000 males. According to the 2011 Census, there are 940
females for every 1000 males, which is still significantly unfavourable to women. According to
the 2011 Census, there are 877 females for every 1000 men in Haryana, with the lowest being
618 in Daman and Diu and 866 in the
National Capital Territory of Delhi. The child-to-parent ratio is becoming more important.
“According to the 2011 Census, India has 914 female children for every 1000 male children (0-6
years). This is lower than the 2001 Census child sex ratio of 927 female children for every 1000
male children. It has been declining as a result of a variety of factors, including the widespread
desire for male offspring, discriminatory treatment of girl children shortly after birth, and an
increase in female infanticides and female foeticides.” People are pressuring mothers to have a
female pregnancy terminated via technology. When compared to boy offspring, the new-born
mortality rate among girls is higher. According to the Sample Registration System 2004-06, the
maternal death rate is 254 per lakh live births. 10

d) CASTEISM, COMMUNALISM, RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM

“The most harmful and terrible component of the caste system is the practise of untouchability,
which persists despite a constitutional ban. As a result, so-called low castes or 'Dalits' have been
segregated, depriving them of education and other social privileges. Dalits have always done
menial labour and some of the most difficult physical labour in society.” Even in democratic
political systems, casteism has had a harmful effect. Indeed, casteism has gained notoriety as a
method of exploiting caste awareness for limited political benefits. The caste system undermines
democracy's foundations. “The democratic facilities - like fundamental rights relating to equality,
freedom of speech, expression and association, participation in the electoral process, free media
and press, and even legislative forums - are misused for maintaining casteist identity.” 11 In India,
communalism and religious extremism have taken on a dangerous and worrisome aspect. They
upend the coexistence pattern in our multi-religious
10
“Chapter 23 - Challenges to Indian Democracy.” Social Science, NIOS, New Delhi, India, 2012, pp. 183-
183.
11
“Chapter 23 - Challenges to Indian Democracy.” Social Science, NIOS, New Delhi, India, 2012, pp. 184-
184.
society. Communalism is a slap in the face to India's nationalist identity and a catastrophic
setback to the country's emerging secular culture. It is a threat to our democratic political stability
and a destroyer of our great humanist and composite cultural legacy. “Quite often, communalism
is mistakenly used as a synonym for religion or conservatism. The practise of a religion or
membership in a religious community does not entail communalism.”

e) CORRUPTION

“Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index placed India 95th out of 183 nations
in 2011. (CPI).” Corruption pervades many aspects of life, including land and property, health,
education, commerce and industry, agriculture, transportation, law enforcement, military forces,
and even religious organisations or so-called spiritual pursuits. “Corruption occurs at all three
levels: political, bureaucratic, and corporate, in both hidden and overt manifestations.”
Politicians, bureaucrats, and industrialists have a connection that has resulted in corruption and
corrupt acts. Corruption has permeated all levels of government, including the courts.12.

CULTURAL SETUP IN INDIA

There are two ways to look at the link between culture and the state. One is to look for methods
to make culture contribute to the state's sustenance and expansion. Elements of culture that
contribute in the strengthening of the state are regarded as good; those that do not aid in the
efficient functioning of the state or impede its expansion are regarded as defective. The second
technique for investigating the relationship between culture and the state is via the prism of
culture. This point of view regards the state as a watchdog, an internal critic, or a cultural
thermometer, rather than the ultimate pacesetter for society's way of life. 13

For the past one-hundred and fifty years, westernised, middle-class Indian citizens have come to
see the primary approach—the one that originates cultural demands to state requirements—as the

12
“Chapter 23 - Challenges to Indian Democracy.” Social Science, NIOS, New Delhi, India, 2012, pp.
186-186.
13
Nandy, Ashis. “Culture, State and the Rediscovery of Indian Politics.” Economic and Political Weekly,
vol. 19, no. 49, 1984, pp. 2078–83. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4373849. Accessed 26 Oct. 2022.
pinnacle of political maturity, success, and growth. True, another intellectual stream has seen
societal demands differently, seeing state-oriented politics as a method of criticising Indian
culture, even renegotiating established social connections, but rejecting to recognise such politics
as the raison d'etre of Indian civilisation.
However, this thought has only lasted as part of an intellectual underground since the middle of
the nineteenth century. This recessive mental strain is only now coming into its own. This
consciousness has been strengthened by “(1) an increasingly oppressive state-machine that
constantly threatens the survival and ways of life of the Indians it has marginalised, and (2) the
increasing efforts of these marginalised sections to interpret their plight in terms alien to the
modern world and state-centered scholarship. The author believes that in the next decades, this
strain of consciousness will begin to govern the pace of public consciousness in India.”6

It was in the nineteenth century when the statist model first had an advent in India, when India
was under the second phase of colonialism. “This was also when a more reactive, self-defensive
Hinduism began to take shape in response to the consolidation of social theories which saw
colonialism as a civilising influence and as a pathway from feudalism to modern statehood.” 7
The "new middle class" and its rise is usually juxtaposed with neo-liberalism. Owing to the same,
a new theorization of neo-liberalism-as-event is offered, along with an analysis of an array of
newmiddle-class issues and topics in India. “As a political concept, the "new middle class" is
useful for feminist theorizations of international political economy, particularly those concerned
with development.”8

India's social structure is divided into four castes: Brahmins, Khastriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras.
The fifth tier, the Atishudras, resides outside of the caste structure. The Savarna/upper
caste/superior caste consists of Brahmins, Kshatriyas, and Vaishyas. The Shudra-Atishudra, also
known as the Avarna/Dalits, lived on the outside of civilization and continue to do so in many
areas. They are

regarded filthy and impure, and they face prejudice based on their untouchability 17. Dalits have
been compelled to live uncultured, uninformed, uneducated, and untouchable lifestyles for
decades. Dalits seek justice for generations of humiliation, shame, contempt, and indignity in a
society predicated on the odious caste system. Dalits launched their battle for emancipation from
the caste system and Savarna dominance by refusing to legitimise and agree with their governing
philosophy. One of the most powerful kinds of vengeance in a modern society is subversion of
the dominant culture. Subversion is the reversal of the dominant system's established values and
traditions and the introduction of other belief systems. To question the validity of the caste
system and undermine the Savarna cultural hegemony, Dalits sought to subvert dominant cultural
forces and revenge themselves via subversive revolutionary actions. Their objective is to
dismantle hierarchical systems and disgrace the caste system. In the process, they have created a
counter-hegemonic culture that challenges the Savarna's authority and has the revolutionary
potential to shake the foundations of established power groupings. In this study, I will explore

6 Id.
7 'Making and Un- making of Political Cultures of India', "At the Edge of Psychology: Essays in Politics and
Culture" (New Delhi: Oxford Univer- sity Press, 1980), pp 47-69.
8 Bhatt, Amy, et al. “Hegemonic Developments: The New Indian Middle Class, Gendered Subalterns, and
Diasporic
Returnees in Theevent of Neoliberalism.” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, vol. 36, no. 1,
2010, pp. 127–152., https://doi.org/10.1086/652916.
the subversive techniques used by Dalits in India to fight the caste system and, in the process,
construct a counter-hegemonic culture in reaction to the Savarna hegemonic culture. 18

CULTURAL HEGEMONY IN THE INDIAN DEMOCRACY

a) ANTONIO GRAMSCI’S DEFINITION OF CULTURAL HEGEMONY

“The Italian philosopher Antonio Gramsci drew the concept of cultural hegemony from Karl
Marx's argument that the dominant ideology of society reflects the beliefs and aspirations of the
ruling class. Gramsci argued that the spread of ideologies—beliefs, assumptions, and values—via
social institutions such as schools, churches, courts, and the media, among others, secures
consent to the dominant group's dominance. These institutions socialise people into the norms,
values, and beliefs of the dominant social group. As a result, whomever has influence over these
institutions has control over the rest of society.”19

17
Singh, Ruchi. “Subversion as Revenge: An Alternative Reading of Hegemonic Culture by Dalits in India.”
Eight Faces of Revenge, 2018, pp. 96–110., https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004380257_009.
18
Id.
19
Supra 1.
“Cultural hegemony is most strongly manifested when those ruled by the dominant group
come to believe that the economic and social conditions of their society are natural and
inevitable, rather than created by people with a vested interest in particular social, economic,
and political orders20.”

Gramsci established the notion of cultural hegemony in an attempt to explain why Marx's
projected worker-led revolution of the previous century did not occur. “Marx's theory of
capitalism was founded on the assumption that the demise of this economic system was built into
the system itself, because capitalism is based on the exploitation of the working class by the
ruling class. Marx reasoned that workers could only take so much economic exploitation before
rising up and toppling the ruling class. However, this revolution did not take place on a wide
scale.”21

b) USE OF RELIGION IN POLITICS

“With the resurgence and proliferation of religion-based political parties in the country,
secularism in India began to deteriorate. The ruling Congress' pro-Hindu policies reminded the
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and the Vishva Hindu
Parishad (VHP) of their actual role, for which they had fought for decades. Earlier in the 1970s,
different concepts for judicious deradicalization of the BJP's slogans were developed by parties
inside the party22.”

The decade also witnessed a few fruits of communal propaganda and the Jana Sangh's
unavoidable demise. At this moment, it was thought inside the party that it should gradually
adapt its outreach to the middle class. Instead of the customary appeal to Hindu chauvinism, it
should endeavour to portray itself as an alternative for Congress, seeking support based on
commonalities rather than ideological differences—offering a cleaner, more efficient, and less
corrupt administration. The party's agenda was revised in a backward direction following the
phenomenal success of the ratha yatras (public processions on chariots), yet it is astonishing how
clearly the party has not renounced its other, more secular foundation23.

20
Supra 1. 21
Supra 1.
22
Singh, Rajkumar. “The Use of Religion in Indian Politics.” The Daily Star, 4 July
2019. 23 Id.
“Beginning in the early 1980s, Hindu communal organisations broadened their reach, aggression,
and violence under the overall guidance of the militant Hindu right-wing group RSS and its mass
fronts: the VHP, which coordinates religious entities, and the BJP, which is its electoral wing.
Again in the mid-1980s, following Indira Gandhi's assassination, elections to the Lok Sabha were
held in 1984, with the BJP receiving just two seats under the president of Atal Bihari Vajpayee.
After Vajpayee left, LK Advani, seen as a hawk inside the party, took control and gave the BJP
new hope, and the BJP leadership intended to strengthen Hindu militancy in order to grab the
Hindu vote bank from the Congress. 24”

c) CURRENT SCENARIO

“The Prime Minister of India, Narendra Damodardas Modi and the Bharatiya Janta Party,
represent the Hindu nationalist movement, whose ideology – Hindutva - has remained consistent
for a century. Since before independence nationalists have argued that India should be the
homeland for South Asia’s Hindus, as Pakistan was for its Muslims25. The contemporary
Bharatiya Janta Party hopes to consolidate the Hindu community – arguing, not without merit,
that caste divisions were artificially exaggerated during the colonial period as part of a divide and
rule strategy by the British”26.

Ever since the Bharatiya Janta Party came into a position of power and rule, it has been
preoccupied with pursuing the aforementioned agenda. Hindu nationalists are unconcerned with
faiths that originated in India, such as Sikhism and Jainism, but they are antagonistic to religions
that originated outside, most notably Islam and Christianity. The Bharatiya Janata Party claims
that previous parties have favoured the minority (Muslim) population, and that it is levelling the
playing field for Hindus.
Kashmir, India's sole Muslim-majority state, has been placed under lockdown and
communications have been cut off from 2019 to 2021. The region's autonomy was abolished,
and hundreds of people, including Kashmiri leaders, activists, and separatists, were detained.
“Detention camps have been established in Assam, a north-eastern state where illegal
immigration is a serious problem and

24
Id.
25
Supra 3.
26
Supra 3.
Muslims account for around one-third of the population, for people who cannot prove their
Indian identity. This came after the Citizenship Amendment Act of 2019, which relaxed
citizenship standards for people of many faiths but specifically excluded Muslims.” In Assam,
1.9 million
Muslims had already been effectively deported after their names were removed from India's
National Register of Citizens.9

However, the BJP's drive to reshape India has inflamed political debate while slowing
economic progress. It has also weakened faith in India's institutions as well as fundamental
democratic underpinnings such as the rule of law.

CONCLUSION - THE FUTURE OF THE INDIAN

DEMOCRACY
“India appears to be on a route to become an illiberal pseudo-democracy comparable to Turkey
or Russia, with its control of the media, monopolisation of campaign financing, and
intimidation of opponents. However, in recent state elections, when the BJP faced a unified
opposition, it has typically lost. It has also failed to bring in an era of greater economic
development. While the epidemic was devastating, so were some of the government's policy
decisions.”

While there is a gap between the BJP's campaign success and its record in administration, many
Indians may assume that any other party would have performed worse. Nonetheless, whether
opposition parties can work together or compete, splitting the anti-BJP vote, will be the most
important element in determining the outcome of recent elections and is likely to influence the
fate of the next general election.10

Every step toward unity is seen as decreasing the status of groups higher up the ladder-like
structure, even though they are likewise victimised by dominating groups. Sub-division of Dalits
is regarded as a means of bringing down the comparatively well-off castes within Dalits; sub-
division of OBCs is seen as a means of permitting traditional caste Hindus to dominate. Gandhi
tried 'change without conflict,' but failed to usher in speedier progress while burying conflict.
Today, we are experiencing

9 Supra 3.
10 Supra 3.
conflict, and change is caught between mobility and the reinforcement of existing structures.
Simply criticising and defeating the right will not enough.11

Castes, religious groupings, and regional identities should battle it from the start by eliminating
internal bias. To really oppose the Right, relatively powerful social groups must be willing to
give up some of their social power, however slight. It would also include being critical of one's
own social situation, no matter how oppressive it may be. Is this realistic at this point in history?
Fear, worry, and insecurity are obsessively required by the Right to obstruct the process.30

BIBLIOGRAPHY

• “Chapter 23 - Challenges to Indian Democracy.” Social Science, NIOS, New Delhi, India,
2012,
pp. 180–
180....................................................................................................................................
...................10
• “Chapter 23 - Challenges to Indian Democracy.” Social Science, NIOS, New Delhi, India,
2012,
pp. 181-
182....................................................................................................................................
....................10

• “Chapter 23 - Challenges to Indian Democracy.” Social Science, NIOS, New Delhi, India,
2012,
pp. 183-
183....................................................................................................................................
....................11
• “Chapter 23 - Challenges to Indian Democracy.” Social Science, NIOS, New Delhi, India,
2012,

11 Gudavarthy, Ajay. “Countering the Right’s Hegemony.” The Hindu, 13 Aug.

2019. 30 Id.
 pp. 184-
184....................................................................................................................................
....................11
• “Chapter 23 - Challenges to Indian Democracy.” Social Science, NIOS, New Delhi, India,
2012,
pp. 186-
186....................................................................................................................................
.............12, 13
• Bhatt, Amy, et al. “Hegemonic Developments: The New Indian Middle Class, Gendered
Subalterns, and Diasporic Returnees in Theevent of Neoliberalism.” Signs: Journal of
Women in
Culture and Society, vol. 36, no. 1, 2010, pp. 127–152.,
https://doi.org/10.1086/652916 .........14
• Cole NL, “What Is Cultural Hegemony?” (ThoughtCoJanuary 6,
2020)
<https://www.thoughtco.com/cultural-hegemony-3026121> accessed October 26,
2022. ......................................................................................................................................
................................ 7
• Gudavarthy, Ajay. “Countering the Right’s Hegemony.” The Hindu, 13 Aug.
2019 ..................18
• 'Making and Un- making of Political Cultures of India', "At the Edge of Psychology:
Essays in Politics and Culture" (New Delhi: Oxford Univer- sity Press, 1980), pp 47-
69 ....................14
• Nandy, Ashis. “Culture, State and the Rediscovery of Indian Politics.” Economic and
Political
Weekly, vol. 19, no. 49, 1984, pp. 2078–83. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4373849.
Accessed 26 Oct.
2022 ..................................................................................................................................13
• Price, Dr. Gareth. “Democracy in India.” Chatham House – International Affairs Think
Tank, 12
Oct. 2022, https://www.chathamhouse.org/2022/04/democracy-
india. ...................................... 8
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