Urban

Stories
Lecture Course
Urban Design III / IV
HS 2022 / FS 2023

Chair of Architecture and Urban Design

Prof. Hubert Klumpner

p. 2
 Urban
Stories
Lecture Course
Urban Design III / IV
HS2022 / FS 2023
Chair of Architecture and Urban Design
Prof. Hubert Klumpner
Doz. Melanie Fessel

Student Assistants
Monika Brtan | Ioana Danila

Thanks to invited lecturers and researchers

Ekaternia Ageeva | Nitin Bathla | Claudia Sinatra | Anne Graupner
Alexis Kalagas | David Kretzer | Diego Ceresuela Weismann

Published by
ETHZ | D-ARCH | LUS | Chair of Architecture and Urban Design | Zurich 2023

ETH Zurich | DARCH | NSL | LUS

Chair of Architecture and Urban Design
Prof. Hubert Klumpner

ONA J25
Neunbrunnenstrasse 50
8093 Zurich

www.klumpner.arch.ethz.ch
+41 (0) 44 633 90 78

Coordination and Organization:

Melanie Fessel | fessel@arch.ethz.ch

p. 4
Table of Content

Introduction 7
Urban Design and the Urban Planet 8

Urban Toolbox 14
1. Sustainable Development 18
1.1 Environmental Debates 18
1.2 Sustainable Development Goals 24
2. Tools as an Educational Platform 2
2.1 Urbanization 2
2.2 Imaginaries 28
2.3 Method Design 30
3. Course Structure 4
3.1 Methodological Framework 4
3.2 Thematic Cluster 44
3.3 Lecture Framework 4
3.4 Tool Map 48
3.5 List of Cities

City Interface 5
Cape Town
São Paulo
Berlin 1 8
Sarajevo 1 4
Delhi / Mumbai 18
Los Angels 1
Caracas
London
Mexico City 1
Havana 4
Zurich 3 4
Paris 4 8
Detroit 44
Athens 4 8
New York 1
Pearl River Delta 54
Jerusalem 58
Melbourne 4
Madrid 6

Urban Stories Glossary 88

Cities in Comparison 1

p. 6
Introduction
Urban Design and the Urban Planet
Since the turn of the century, for the first time, more than 50% of people live in cities.
While cities only cover 2% of our planet’s surface, they are responsible for the majority
of greenhouse gas emissions and energy consumption. Until 2050, it is expected that 2.5
billion additional urban dwellers will be added to the global population.
[United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division (2014). World Urbanization Prospects:
The 2014 Revision, Highlights (ST/ESA/SER.A/352).]
The majority of the urban dewllers will belong to the urban poor, people who are dwellers of
underprivileged, impoverished slum areas of cities in the Global South.
These processes illustrate a need for urban designers to rethink the fact that our profession
mostly ignored how the majority of human beings live. For decades, the focus has rested
comfortably on the global north; designers’ books, magazines, and projects have mostly
gazed above the socio-economic equator. Not only has this limited our fields’ creative palette,
but it has depleted its legitimacy. If designers and architects are to improve cities and impart
meaningful strategies to subsequent generations, we must begin to look southwards with
creative curiosity.
The slums of Latin America, Asia, and Africa, and the recently impoverished suburbs of North
American and European cities cast doubt on the traditional notion of city growth as self-
contained and rational, born of the logic of the functional organization of space. Fast-growing
cities in the developing world and shrinking cities in the developed world present us with two
faces of the same coin, joined by the phenomena of informal development.
We have come to an understanding that the conditions and the wealth of cities in the western
world are the exceptions. The rule, however, is, what we have documented over the last decade
in the cities of the South: Urban development without institutional assistance; congested
infrastructure; lack of resources; and exclusion through policy. Cities, whether deliberately or
not, are moving toward a less formal, more flexible order. It is therefore critical that designers
recognize that informality provides a large-scale, conceptual framework of cooperation
between stakeholders (NGOs, policymakers, and industry partners) and architecture and
urban design professionals. Such collaboration would establish a global agenda of an open-
design framework that accepts cultural, social, and ideological differences. Thus, we must shift
the emphasis of contemporary architectural practice and education from a form-oriented to
a process-driven concern.
The authorities often imply outdated and unadapted urban policy frameworks. The results
of such policies are too frequently catastrophic. As underprivileged communities are often
constructed in the least desirable areas for development—such as land with extreme slopes
and weak soil resistance or areas subject to seasonal flooding or earthquakes—they are at
permanent risk.
Understanding these different processes is critically important, especially for architects who
intend to work in the “developing world.” On the other hand, cultural gaps and differences
largely remain in place and impede a productive flow of information, skills, and development
within the knowledge transfer processes between the ‘developing’ and the ‘developed’ world.
At the Chair of Architecture and Urban Design, young architects are being trained to respond
to the named challenges and foster the export and import of ideas across the hemispheres.
Introduction p. 8
A re-orientation within the architectural profession is necessary for it to incorporate the
developing world into our understanding and definition of urban studies. It is essential that
this exchange of ideas is a two-way bridge between the developed and the developing world.
Successful change comes from a collaboration between international expertise and local
knowledge. It is essential to have input from the best consultants and to remain connected to
the most advanced solutions and technologies.
In many ways, this re-orientation can certainly happen within architecture and urban design
education. These developments raise our expectations for a more equitable global exchange
of architectural and urbanistic ideas. In the future, we anticipate that even more universities
will show presence in the developing world.
Our experiences have taught us that architects must become advocates for the people and
active agents of change. But that change must come accomplished thoughtfully and carefully,
one step at a time, to be viable and durable. We strive to bring citizens in their cities closer
together, to create a greater sense of individual responsibility for a stronger community and
an active civil society. One over-arching question tests all the investigations we make and
solutions we propose: are people better off than they were before we arrived?
Rather than imposing change, our Chair engages the real world and attempts to provide
a set of tools, a toolbox for students to give them both better understanding of theory and
derive operational and practical knowledge.
Future generations will judge our success by the applicability of our solutions and
their capacity to improve living conditions for everyone, everywhere. Our agenda
in devising and applying the toolbox in our Lecture Course is two-fold: to shift the
emphasis of contemporary architecture and architectural education from form-driven
to purpose-oriented; and to eliminate the gap between design and its social impact.
Urban Stories Lecture Series
• This lecture traces the collapse of the comprehensive modernist idea of top-down state
decision making and planning on both sides of the iron curtain and the emergence of
global cooperations concentrating new networks and enclaves.
• It describes how architects in Latin America, Asia, and soon Africa are involved in a rapid
urbanization process shifting the center away from Europe and overturning existing
architecture and design models.
• As a result, architects are working today in a global urbanized territory of unprecedented
scale often with large associated shanty towns/slums.
• By presenting dominant models in architecture and urban design over the last 30 years,
the lecture provides an essential framework for architecture students interested in design
on all different scales.
Learning Goals
How can students of architecture become active agents of change? What does it take to
go beyond a building's scale, making design-relevant decisions to the city rather than a
single client? How can we design in cities with a lack of land, tax base, risk, and resilience,
understanding that Zurich is the exception and these other cities are the rule? How can we
discover, set rather than follow trends and understand existing urban phenomena activating
them in a design process? The lecture series produces a growing catalog of operational urban
tools across the globe, considering Governance, Social, and Environmental realities. Instead of
limited binary comparing of cities, we are building a catalog of change, analyzing what design
solutions cities have been developing informally incrementally over time, why, and how. We
look at the people, institutions, culture behind the design and make concepts behind these
tools visible. Students get first-hand information from cities where the chair as a Team has
researched, worked, or constructed projects over the last year, allowing competent, practical
insight about the people and topics that make these places unique. Students will be able to
use and expand an alternative repertoire of experiences and evidence-based design tools,
go to the conceptual core of them, and understand how and to what extent they can be
relevant in other places. Urban Stories is the basic practice of architecture and urban design.
It introduces a repertoire of urban design instruments to the students to use, test, and start
their designs.
Course Description
Urban form cannot be reduced to physical space. Cities result from social construction, under
the influence of technologies, ecology, culture, the impact of experts, and accidents. Urban
unconcluded processes respond to political interests, economic pressure, cultural inclinations,
along with the imagination of architects and urbanists and the informal powers at work in
complex adaptive systems. Current urban phenomena are the result of urban evolution. The
facts stored in urban environments include contributions from its entire lifecycle, visible in
the physical environment, but also for non-physical aspects. This imaginary city exists along
with itsits potentials and problems and with the conflicts that have evolved. Knowledge
and understanding, and critical observation of the actions and policies are necessary to
understand the diversity and instability present in the contemporary city and understand how
urban form evolved to its current state.How did cities develop into the cities we live in now?
Urban plans, instruments, visions, political decisions, economic reasonings, cultural inputs, and
social organizations have been used to operate in urban settlements in specific moments of
change. We have chosen cities that exemplify how these instruments have been implemented
and how they have shaped urban environments. We transcribe these instruments into urban
operational tools that we have recognized and collected within existing tested cases in
contemporary cities across the globe.
This lecture series will introduce urban knowledge and the way it has introduced urban models
and operational modes within different concrete realities, therefore shaping cities. The lecture
series will translate urban knowledge into operational tools extracted from cities where they
have been tested and become exemplary samples, most relevant for understanding how the
urban landscape has taken shape. The tools are clustered in twelve thematic clusters and
three tool scales for better comparability and cross-reflection.
Introduction p. 10
The Tool case studies are compiled into a global urbanization toolbox, which we use as
typological models to read the city and critically reflect upon it. The presented contents are
meant to serve as inspiration for positioning in future professional life and provide instruments
for future design decisions.

In an interview with a local designer, we measure our insights against the most pressing
design topics in cities today, including inclusion, affordable housing, provision of public spaces,
and infrastructure for all.

Toolbox
This lecture series will introduce urban models and operational modes within different
concrete realities that shape cities. Urban knowledge will be translated into operational tools,
extracted from cities where they have been tested and become representative samples, most
relevant for providing the understanding of how urban landscape has taken shape. The tools
are clustered in twelve thematic clusters and three tool scales for better comparability and
cross-reflection.

Tool case studies are compiled into a toolbox, which we use as templates to read the city
and to critically reflect upon it. The presented contents are meant to serve as inspiration
for positioning in future professional life as well as to provide instruments for future design
decisions.

Script
The learning material is available via https://moodle-app2.let.ethz.ch/ and is comprised of:
- Toolbox 'Reader' with an introduction to the lecture course and tool summaries
- Weekly exercise tasks
- Infographics with basic information of each city
- Quiz question for each tool
- Additional reading material
- Interviews with experts
- Archive of lecture recordings

Introduction p. 12
Urban
Toolbox
1. Sustainable Development
1.1 Environmental Debates
1.2 Sustainable Development Goals

2. Tools as an Educational
Platform
2.1 Urbanization
2.2 Imaginaries
2.3 Method Design

3. Course Structure
3.1 Methodological Framework
3.2 Thematic Cluster
3.3 Lecture Framework
3.4 Tool Map
3.5 List of Cities
p. 14
Urban Toolbox
(1)
The Method Design approach is an integral part of our Urban Toolbox, which serves as our
comprehensive collection of references, scenarios, and a system-oriented approach. With a
strong thematic and methodological emphasis, the Urban Toolbox encompasses analogue
and digital tool development, architecture, urban design, and representation through various
mediums such as digital and physical 3D modeling, film, and graphic design.

At the core of the Method Design approach is a commitment to circular urban design,
engaging architects in a process that involves exploring data, conducting space research,
and consulting with experts and the public. This collaborative strategy ensures cooperation
and understanding, leading to designs that not only benefit society but also address
environmental challenges and promote resilience. Method Design encourages architects to
develop ecologically conscious and socially acceptable solutions, fostering a deep sense of
care for the environment and the people who inhabit these spaces.

The evolution of cities, their development, and the instruments, decisions, and influences
that have shaped them over time are key questions addressed within our work. By examining
exemplary cities and studying their urban plans, instruments, visions, political decisions,
economic reasoning, cultural inputs, and social organization, we have compiled a toolbox of
urban tools. These tools serve as templates for analyzing and critically reflecting upon cities,
providing inspiration for the next generation of students and aiding in future design decisions.

The Urban Toolbox translates urban knowledge into practical tools extracted from cities where
they have been tested and proven exemplary. These tools offer a profound understanding of
how urban landscapes have taken shape and provide valuable insights into the challenges Educational Platform

faced by urban spaces in the 21st century. Through ongoing research and the collection
of diverse ideas for urban intervention, our Urban Prototype studio forms a catalog that
addresses these challenges. This dynamic representation showcases numerous design ideas (2)
and demonstrates how they can be integrated into our cities.

Living in the Anthropocene era, our relationship with the Earth confronts us with various
possible futures. Coined as Anthropocentrism 2.0, this paradigm shift calls upon individuals
from different disciplines to actively engage in circular thinking and advocate for climate care.
The Method Design approach, as a circular pedagogy in urban design, ensures that architects
are well-informed about society's risks and crises, motivating them to develop innovative
solutions.

Urban design studios that embrace circular design thinking provide an opportunity to
collaborate with other disciplines, foster problem-defining environments, and actively engage
in societal change. Through this course structure, students are equipped with a reference
framework that illustrates the implementation of metaphorical and practical urban reference
instruments. By combining different teaching and learning formats, we have developed the
Method Design approach, reimagining the design studio as a dynamic learning laboratory.

Educational Platform

Image Sources:
(1) Chair of Architecture and Urban Design | Prof. Hubert Klumpner
(2) Chair of Architecture and Urban Design | Prof. Hubert Klumpner

Sustainable Development | Environmental Debates p. 16

1. Sustainable Development
"Development that meets the needs of the present generation without
compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs".
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC)
(Sustainable development defined by Brundtland Report in 1987)
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), established by the United Nations in
1988, has been instrumental in providing objective and scientific information about climate
change. The IPCC's assessment reports have served as a solid scientific basis for climate

1.1 Environmental Debates

policies and actions.

UNCED , The Earth Summit 1992, Rio de Janeiro

A. Important References in the Environmental Debate
that led to the development of current Global Climate
Action Frameworks
The journey from nature preservation to the environmental movement has been marked
by influential figures, scientific research, and international agreements. These efforts have
increasingly emphasized the importance of balancing economic growth with environmental
preservation. By recognizing the interconnectedness of social, economic, and environmental
factors, society can strive towards sustainable development and address the challenges
posed by climate change and environmental degradation.
John Muir, My First Summer in the Sierra
John Muir, a early American conservationist, played a crucial role in advocating for the
protection of natural spaces, particularly in the American West. Through his writings, Muir
emphasized the importance of preserving wilderness and wild landscapes. His ideas not
only shaped the modern conservation movement but also influenced the establishment of
national parks and other protected areas. In fact, Muir is widely regarded as the initiator of
the national parks system in the United States.
The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED), also known as the
Earth Summit, held in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, marked a significant milestone in international
efforts for sustainable development. The summit brought together leaders from over 178
countries and resulted in key agreements, including the Framework Convention on Climate
Change and the Convention on Biological Diversity. It emphasized the interdependence of
social, economic, and environmental factors and aimed to guide international cooperation
and development policies in the twenty-first century.
Agenda 21, a program of action developed at the UNCED Conference, called for new strategies
to invest in the future and achieve overall sustainable development in the twenty-first century.
It encompassed a wide range of recommendations, such as innovative education methods,
conservation of natural resources, and sustainable economic participation.
The Stern Review
In 2006, the Stern Review on the Economics of Climate Change, led by economist Nicholas
Stern, provided a comprehensive assessment of the economic impacts of climate change. The
report emphasized the urgent need for action and highlighted the benefits of taking early
action rather than delaying responses.
(3)

Rachel Carson, Silent Spring

During the 1960s, a different perspective emerged regarding the environment. Rachel
Carson's groundbreaking book, "Silent Spring" published in 1962, became a seminal work in
the environmental movement. Carson shed light on the hazards of pesticide use and chemical
pollution, raising public awareness about the detrimental effects of human activities on the
environment. Her work emphasized that preserving nature is not solely about its beauty but
also about safeguarding human health. Carson highlighted the adverse impact of excessive
use of chemicals, such as DDT, which resulted in the destruction of bird populations, thereby
affecting human health and society as a whole.

Donella Meadows, The Limits to Growth

In the 1970s, environmental protection took a new turn with the establishment of regulations
aimed at compelling industries to reduce pollution levels. The "Limits to Growth" report,
published in 1972, made significant contributions to the field of environmental studies. The
report warned about the environmental and social consequences of uncontrolled economic
growth. It initiated a global conversation about the importance of balancing economic
development with environmental conservation and sustainability.

Our Common Future

These influential works, along with others, played a vital role in increasing public awareness
about the impact of human activities on the environment. They underscored the urgent need
for conservation efforts and sustainable development. Furthermore, these ideas shaped the
modern environmental movement and influenced the development of global environmental
References in the Environemntal Debate
policies, including the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
The SDGs, a set of goals developed by the United Nations, were heavily influenced by the
1987 report "Our Common Future" by the Brundtland Commission. This report promoted
"sustainable development" and defined this term as development that meets present needs Image Sources:
without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. It emphasized (3) John Muir | My First Summer in the Sierra, 1911 Nicholas Stern | The Economics of Climate Change, 2006
Rachel Carson | Silent Spring, 1962 United Nations, 1988
the need for global action to address environmental degradation and climate change. Donella Meadows | The Limits to Growth, 1972 https://unfccc.int/process-and-meetings/the-paris-agreement/the-paris-agreement
Brundtland Report, UNEP, 1987 (United Nations )

Sustainable Development | 1.1 Environmental Debates p. 18

 (4)

B. Examples of Global Climate Action Frameworks

These frameworks and mechanisms have played crucial roles in shaping the global response
to climate change. They reflect the collective efforts of governments, organizations, and
stakeholders worldwide to address the impacts of climate change and promote sustainable
development.

The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)

The UNFCCC is an international treaty that was opened for signature at the "Rio Earth Summit"
in 1992. It came into force in 1994 and aims to stabilize greenhouse gas concentrations in the
atmosphere. The UNFCCC established the framework for international cooperation on climate
change and created the annual Conference of the Parties (COP) to review its implementation.

The COP is the highest decision-making body of the Convention, where all participating countries
discuss the progress and take necessary decisions to promote effective implementation. It
assesses the implementation of the Convention and any other legal instruments adopted
under it. The COP conferences have been held annually since 1995 and serve as a platform for
negotiations and discussions on climate change-related issues.

Kyoto Protocol and Paris Agreement

Two significant agreements have been signed under the UNFCCC: the Kyoto Protocol (1997) and
the Paris Agreement (2015). The Kyoto Protocol established legally binding emission reduction
obligations for developed countries, while the Paris Agreement, adopted in 2015, aims to limit
International Climate Negotiations
global warming to well below 2 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels and strives for net-
zero greenhouse gas emissions in the second half of the century.

Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs)

Nationally Determined Contributions are commitments made by countries under the Paris
Agreement to mitigate climate change. Each country sets its own NDC, outlining the actions
they will take to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions.
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)
The SDGs, adopted in 2015, are a global framework for sustainable development endorsed by
the United Nations. The SDGs encompass 17 goals that address various social, economic, and
environmental challenges, including climate change. They provide a roadmap for international
efforts to achieve a sustainable and equitable future.
The Green New Deal (GND)
The Green New Deal is a proposed economic stimulus package aimed at addressing climate
change and inequality. It includes policies and investments in renewable energy, infrastructure,
and social programs. While the GND has been proposed by certain political parties and
organizations, it is not a legally binding agreement at present.
Carbon Pricing Mechanism
Carbon pricing mechanisms, such as carbon taxes and cap-and-trade systems, are tools
used to put a price on carbon emissions. By making emitters pay for their emissions, carbon
pricing provides an economic incentive to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. It is considered
an efficient and cost-effective approach to mitigate the carbon footprint of human activities.
C. Examples specifically relating to Urbanization Topics
Global initiatives play a pivotal role in advancing sustainable urban development and
addressing the challenges posed by climate change. By promoting collaboration, knowledge-
sharing, and innovative approaches, these frameworks and networks support cities in their
efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, enhance resilience, and create livable and
sustainable urban environments.
The New Urban Agenda
The New Urban Agenda, adopted by the United Nations in 2016, is a global framework that
promotes sustainable urban development. It encompasses a wide range of recommendations
for urban planning, design, and management, with a specific focus on reducing greenhouse
gas emissions in cities. By embracing the New Urban Agenda, countries aim to create peaceful,
prosperous societies on a healthy planet. The recent challenges posed by the COVID-19
pandemic have highlighted the urgency of building a more sustainable and equitable urban
future.
The C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group
The C40 is a network of cities worldwide that are dedicated to taking action on climate change.
Its primary objective is to facilitate the sharing of best practices and foster collaboration
among cities in tackling climate-related issues, particularly the reduction of greenhouse gas
emissions. C40 mayors and the cities they lead work collaboratively across borders to protect
people and communities and strive towards a sustainable, resilient, and equitable future.

Image Sources:
(4) https://studentclimates.wordpress.com/2017/05/02/international-climate-negotiations-where-we-at/

Sustainable Development | 1.1 Environmental Debates p. 20

The Covenant of Mayors for Climate and Energy
The Covenant of Mayors for Climate and Energy - Europe (CoM-Europe) is a voluntary initiative
launched by the European Union in 2008. It encourages cities to combat climate change by
setting and achieving ambitious climate and energy targets. Through this initiative, thousands
of local governments join forces to secure a better future for their citizens. By voluntarily
committing to implement EU climate and energy objectives, cities actively contribute to
addressing the challenges posed by climate change.
The Urban Climate Change Research Network (UCCRN)
The Urban Climate Change Research Network is a global network composed of experts
in urban climate change research, policy, and practice. Its primary objective is to promote
research and knowledge-sharing regarding the impacts of climate change on cities. The
network explores strategies that cities can adopt to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions
and adapt to the challenges posed by climate change. By facilitating collaboration and
sharing insights, the UCCRN empowers cities to take informed action.
The Cities Climate Finance Leadership Alliance (CCFLA)
The Cities Climate Finance Leadership Alliance is a global initiative that aims to mobilize
private sector finance for climate action in cities. By bringing together cities, investors, and
other stakeholders, the CCFLA promotes knowledge-sharing and capacity building. The
alliance seeks to develop innovative financial instruments that can support low-carbon and
climate-resilient urban development. By leveraging private sector investments, the CCFLA
contributes to the implementation of climate solutions at the urban level.
(5)
The C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group
D. Climate Action Initiatives to address Urban Planning
and Design
These climate action initiatives play a vital role in promoting sustainable urban development.
By incorporating energy efficiency, regenerative design, social equity, and advanced
technology, these frameworks and standards drive the transformation of cities towards more
resilient, livable, and environmentally conscious communities.
Certification Systems
Certification systems play a crucial role in evaluating and comparing the sustainability of
buildings. These systems enable us to assess the quality of a building based on its impact on
the economy, environment, and society. By using a standardized scheme, certification systems
allow for meaningful comparisons between projects.
The assessment criteria of sustainable building certification typically consider the building's
core and shell, its intended use, and its location in relation to society, the environment, and
the economy.
Certification systems provide a valuable framework for evaluating the sustainability of buildings
and guiding decision-making processes. By considering various aspects of sustainability, these
systems contribute to the development of environmentally friendly, socially responsible, and
economically viable buildings.
The LEED rating system is a widely recognized certification system that acknowledges buildings
and neighborhoods designed and constructed with energy efficiency and sustainability in
mind. It provides a comprehensive framework for creating high-performance green buildings,
guiding the entire lifecycle from design and construction to operation.
Passive House Standard
The Passive House standard is an internationally recognized benchmark for energy-efficient
buildings. These structures are meticulously designed to require minimal heating and cooling,
with a focus on maximizing natural light and ventilation. By incorporating high-insulation and
airtightness standards, Passive House buildings significantly reduce energy consumption.
Living Building Challenge
The Living Building Challenge sets a high bar for regenerative and self-sufficient buildings
and neighborhoods. This rigorous certification system goes beyond energy efficiency and
incorporates aspects such as social equity, site stewardship, and healthy materials. Recognizing
the most sustainable projects, the Living Building Challenge encourages innovative and holistic
approaches to construction.
One Planet Living Framework
The One Planet Living framework aims to guide sustainable urban planning and design
practices to ensure that people can thrive within the resources of a single planet. It provides
guidelines for creating vibrant communities, emphasizing the importance of green spaces,
low-carbon transportation options, and renewable energy sources. By aligning development
with ecological limits, One Planet Living promotes sustainable lifestyles.
EcoDistricts Framework
The EcoDistricts framework focuses on fostering sustainable community development. It
provides guidelines for creating low-carbon, resilient, and socially equitable neighborhoods.
The framework encourages collaboration among stakeholders to address various aspects
of sustainability, including energy, water, transportation, and social cohesion. By integrating
sustainability principles into urban planning, EcoDistricts aim to create thriving and sustainable
communities.
Smart Cities
The concept of smart cities utilizes technology to enhance urban efficiency, livability, and
sustainability. Smart cities initiatives leverage data and technological innovations to optimize
urban systems and services such as transportation, energy management, and waste disposal.
By harnessing the power of digital solutions, smart cities strive to create more sustainable and
responsive urban environments.
Image Sources:
(5) https://www.c40.org/
Sustainable Development | 1.1 Environmental Debates p. 22
1.2 Sustainable Development Goals
Sustainable Development Goals were developed by the United Nations and provide a global
framework to adress the pressing challenges we face in building a sustainable future.
The development of the SDGs involved a collaborative effort led by the UN, bringing together
governments, civil society organizations, private sector representatives, and individuals. The
process began in 2012, under the guidance of UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, and included
extensive consultations with various stakeholders. Ultimately, the SDGs were adopted by the
United Nations General Assembly in September 2015.
Several key contributors have shaped the sustainable development discourse over the
years. The 1987 report "Our Common Future" by the Brundtland Commission, the 1992 United
Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED), the Intergovernmental
Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), and the Stern
Review on the Economics of Climate Change have all played important roles in advancing
the understanding and implementation of sustainable development. Additionally, influential
figures like Rachel Carson and John Muir, as well as reports such as the Limits to Growth, have
also contributed significantly to the ongoing debate.
Addressing climate change is a global challenge that requires international cooperation.
Greenhouse gas emissions have the same impact on the atmosphere regardless of their origin,
emphasizing the need for a collective global solution. International climate negotiations play
an important role in addressing this issue and finding common ground for effective action.
The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, adopted by all UN Member States in 2015,
provides a shared blueprint for achieving peace and prosperity for people and the planet.
Central to this agenda are the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which serve as a
call to action for all countries, regardless of their level of development. The SDGs recognize
the interconnectedness of various aspects of development, linking the ending of poverty,
improved health and education, reduced inequality, and economic growth with efforts to
combat climate change and preserve our natural resources.
The SDGs are nterdependent, with each goal playing a crucial role in supporting others. Visual
representations, such as the Stockholm Resilience Center's Wedding Cake diagram, illustrate
the importance of environmental and biosphere targets as the foundation of sustainable
development, supporting social and economic goals. It is essential to recognize that achieving
these goals requires collective global cooperation.
(1)
The Global Goals for Sustainable Development
Doughnut Economy
The concept of the doughnut economy emphasizes the need to find a balance between
environmental boundaries and social well-being. It acknowledges that we must operate
within limited resources while ensuring that everyone, regardless of their social standing,
benefits from economic progress.
A crucial insight is that focusing solely on maximizing one system's goals without considering
the others will not lead us to sustainability. For instance, if we strive for economic efficiency,
equity, and reduced poverty without considering the environmental and social impacts, we
may unintentionally harm the ecological and social systems.
A similar approach can be observed in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which align
with this framework. The SDGs encompass both the preservation of the natural environment
and the promotion of well-being, ensuring that we operate within the planetary boundaries
while meeting the minimum requirements for human flourishing. Technology and innovation
play crucial roles in enabling us to operate within this "in-between" space.
(2) (3)
Doughnut Economy SDG 11
SDG 11
SDG 11 focuses on sustainable cities and human settlements. The significance of SDG 11 lies in
its synergy with other goals, emphasizing the necessity of aligning efforts to achieve both the
SDGs and the New Urban Agenda. With over half of the global population living in cities and
this number projected to reach two-thirds by 2050, sustainable development heavily relies on
transforming the way we construct and manage urban spaces.
The rapid growth of cities, fueled by population growth and increased migration, has led to
the rise of mega-cities, particularly in developing regions, accompanied by the increase of
slums as a prominent urban feature. To make cities sustainable, we must prioritize creating
employment and business opportunities, ensuring safe and affordable housing, and building
resilient societies and economies.
Achieving this involves investing in public transportation, developing green public spaces, and
enhancing urban planning and management through participatory and inclusive approaches.
Image Sources:
(1) Rockström and Sukhdev (2014)
(2) Raworth, K. (2017)
(3) https://www.researchgate.net/figure/SDG-Sustainable-Development-Goal-11-as-the-entry-point-to-the-SDGs-overall-showing_fig1_332431080
Sustainable Development | 1.2 Sustainable Development Goals p. 24
2. Tools as an Educational Platform

2.1 Urbanization
"Urbanization interrogates our capacity to produce public goods, notably education, culture
and healthy environment in which population can thrive. The permanent condition of a durable,
sustainable development is to build and guard the collective good and to expand individual
liberties." (United Nations)
Governance plays a significant role in sustainable urbanization. Widespread unemployment,
unstable low-paying jobs, and informal income-generating activities have created hardships
and a poor quality of life for many. To combat these challenges, new approaches in urban
design and planning are being implemented. Community-focused projects, such as the
Metro Cable car system in Caracas, integrate with existing public transport systems,
providing residents with improved mobility options and better access to opportunities. This
sustainable infrastructure not only enhances health, education, and employment prospects
but also contributes to safety and crime reduction.

Facts and Figures
The impact of urbanization is defined by: 1/2/50/70/80.
One Billion of the urban population live in informal settlements or slums,
1 characterized by inadequate housing, lack of basic services (clean water, sanitation,
energy) and tenure security.
Only 2% of the Earth's surface is covered by cities. Despite this small percentage, the
2 influence of urban areas extends far and wide.
Over 50% of the world's population, which is roughly 4 billion people, currently reside
50 in urban areas. This significant number highlights the growing trend of people living
in cities.
Cities account for 70% of the global CO2 emissions. They both contribute to and
70 suffer from the consequences of climate change, making sustainable urban
development crucial.
Cities, account for 80% of the global GPD: Urbanization is closely related to
80 economic development, but inequality and exclusion are major urban issues leading
to increasing Safety and Security Concerns.
Is Urbanization Sustainable?
The current model of urbanization is often seen as unsustainable, posing risks to many
individuals and carrying unnecessary costs. It also has negative impacts on the environment
and is inherently unfair. However, there are innovative approaches and projects that offer
hope for a more sustainable future.
To ensure a recognizable future for humanity, we must break free from the patterns of the
past and the current social distribution. The politics of the new millennium should prioritize
growth rather than perpetuating existing inequalities. Urbanization, encompassing
challenges like rising sea levels, forced migration, environmental catastrophes, war,
prosecution, terrorism, and food crises, demands our focused attention.
The Continous Growth of Slums
• The growth of slums reflects the lack of housing policies ensuring access to adequate
housing to low-income groups.
• Most slums are located in highly hazardous sites and are vulnerable to natural and
manmade disasters.
• Slums dwellers suffer from precarious legality, low level of services such as community
facilities, potable water, electricity and waste removal.
• Lack of tenure security and the risk of forced evictions, inhibits the community initiatives
and private investments in housing.
Global Organizations and Initiatives
An urban area is a vibrant and complex environment where different interests and ideals
intersect. It serves as a stage for competing forces, including various institutions, interest
groups, and community organizations, all striving for their desired outcomes. Planning and
thematic frameworks, along with informal influences from lobbies and civil society, shape
the potential of a specific urban site.
In this context, architects play a crucial role. They are tasked with analyzing, comprehending,
and effectively responding to the frameworks and dynamics at play in order to create
meaningful and impactful designs. By understanding the diverse perspectives and
navigating the complexities of the urban landscape, architects can contribute to the
development of sustainable and inclusive spaces that meet the needs and aspirations of the
community.
(1)

From an environmental perspective, the prevailing trend of low-density suburbanization

driven by private interests puts our surroundings at risk. To counter this, initiatives like
the Empower Shack Project are emerging. This self-built settlement seeks to redefine
how informal settlements are upgraded by promoting a fair distribution of public space,
providing basic services, and offering an urbanization scheme that combines housing
improvements with a safer environment and new economic opportunities.

On the social front, urbanization has led to various forms of inequality, exclusion, and
deprivation, resulting in divided cities. To address these challenges, we need to reimagine
design as a means of climate care. By using digital and analog tools, we can analyze and
create solutions that promote inclusivity and well-being. A powerful example is the Torre
David project, where an abandoned office building in Caracas has become a home for over
750 families. While dubbed a "vertical slum," it represents an innovative adaptation of urban
space to meet the housing needs of a marginalized community.

Global Organizations and Initiatives

Image Sources:
(1) Chair of Architecture and Urban Design | Prof. Hubert Klumpner

Tools as an Enducational Platform | 2.1 Urbanization p. 26

2.2 Imaginaries
What can you as an architect do?
In this chapter parts of the MAK Vienna Biennale for Change 2021 are presented. The
exhibition explores the concept of "ACCESS TO TOOLS." A thought-provoking question arises:
What if relying solely on smart cities and technological solutions does not guarantee a
better, happier life? Instead, what if we prioritize caring for one another and advocating for
a just world that encompasses all individuals? Perhaps, envisioning a world rooted in love
and climate care requires a new mindset that prompts us to reconsider and redesign our
surroundings.
20 km Life
The exhibition "IMAGINARIES" is a Design Agenda for Active Engagement on Different Scales
of Climate-Care." In this visionary showcase, design is reimagined as a force for climate care.
The underlying mission of the IMAGINARIES section is crystal clear: Our beloved Earth is
a harmonious coexistence of diverse climates that dynamically interact with biospheres,
enabling the flourishing of all organic life. This vibrant tapestry of existence stretches from
the depths of approximately 10,000 meters below sea level to the heights of 10,000 meters
above it, encompassing our planet in a delicate embrace and intricately intertwining with
every facet of our future.
The IMAGINARIES exhibition embarks on its journey as an inspiring Design Agenda, fostering
active engagement across various scales of climate-care. Drawing inspiration from the
legacy of the last Whole Earth Catalog, a counterculture magazine that emerged half a
century ago, it serves as a starting point for formulating guidelines that grant us access to a
comprehensive toolbox suited for the challenges of the 21st century.
This agenda beckons us to focus on our Earth as a unified entity, considering its entirety in
our pursuit of sustainable practices and nurturing a brighter future for all.
(1)
20 km Life | MAK Vienna Biennale for Change 2021
Climate Care
If we agree we are living in the “Anthropocene,” the age of mankind, how do we react to this
novel condition? On one end of the spectrum, we may view the world as a passive backdrop
to our actions, while on the other, we recognize it as a vibrant and active entity. Humanity
can be seen as a modest and inconsequential species or, at the opposite extreme, as a
mighty ecological force. Between these perspectives lies infinite possibilities.
Represented by specific philosophical worldviews, such as Denialism, (Eco)modernism,
Posthumanism, and Anthropocentrism 2.0, these different stances unveil the ideological fault
lines shaping environmental debates in the 21st century. All four positions exist within society,
albeit with various manifestations. The majority of environmental discourse, roughly 90%,
aligns with the left side of this matrix.
As denialism proves to be an unsustainable position and (eco)modernism increasingly falls
short in addressing the challenges of the Anthropocene, this project aims to shed light on
potential alternatives: Posthumanism and Anthropocentrism 2.0. Urgency arises because
a significant portion of the design community still clings to the (eco)modernist notion
that economic growth can coexist with reduced ecological impact and that technological
solutions alone can solve most environmental issues.
Embracing the spirit of "Everyday is Friday". The biennale draws inspiration from the Fridays
for Future protests, led by the Greta Thunberg. However, protest alone is insufficient. It
underscores the need for an integrated approach, harmonizing civil society, the economy,
and work with ecological considerations. In this exhibition, a collection of 100 projects from
across the globe showcases tangible solutions and embodies action, collectively paving the
way for the critical decades that lie ahead.
The exhibition also contemplates the role of design. Design transcends mere aesthetics—it
embodies ideas, determination, and resilience. Acting as a conceptual toolbox, it fosters
collaboration through the realms of teaching, research, and concrete project development.
Through mindful design projects on various scales of climate-care, a new design agenda
emerges, invigorating our collective efforts towards a sustainable future.
(2)
Climate Care | Antropocene 2.0
Image Sources:
(1) Hubert Klumpner / Melanie Fessel
(2) Antropocene 2.0, Researched by Tobias Sandbichler, SS 2021 Market District 24/7 , Vienna, Austria
Tools as an Enducational Platform | 2.2 Imaginaries p. 28
Imaginaries - Nurturing, Moving, Dwelling, Generating
Through a series of innovative pilot projects, a group of designers, architects, urban
planners, and urban designers have demonstrated their commitment to addressing real-
world challenges. These projects exhibit integrated and inclusive thinking, ranging from the
implementation of local drinking fountains in urban areas to a global initiative extracting
CO2 from the atmosphere in an Icelandic village.
The chapter IMAGINARIES is laid out as a collective search for ideas, tools,
and design strategies we humans can develop to preserve our planet. Our society
needs a holistic vision that focuses on a multitude of micro-revolutions and
ecological actions in order to seize the levers that need to be thrown for global
and systemic change. In several subchapters, the invited protagonists show the
enormous potential for change in selected areas of our everyday lives: what we
eat and how we nurture the environment (NURTURING), how we build and dwell
(DWELLING), how we move (MOVING), what we generate and how we can regenerate
interrupted material cycles (GENERATING), in order to mobilize active
hope through new perspectives.
One noteworthy outcome of our engagement in Vienna is the concept of Urban Prototyping,
which emerged through the design studio. Under the project titled "100 Ideas for Vienna,"
Urban Prototypes were developed as a means of directly engaging with the city. Our mobile
studio/think tank station serves as a tool to interact with and reflect upon Vienna's urban
landscape.
We extend our endeavors beyond Vienna, working on diverse projects and collaborations. .
Additionally, partnerships with organizations like Climeworks and the Urban Ecology Center
in Barcelona, led by Salvador Rueda, allow us to contribute to sustainable practices and
urban resilience.
In response to the pressing challenges of environmental degradation, global warming,
and social inequality, we envision the construction of healthy cities from a natural, social,
and sustainable perspective. Our approach emphasizes expanding public spaces based
on geographical features to enhance living conditions. The urban ecosystem we create
integrates outer and central landscapes, incorporating slopes, green corridors, and parks
as communal meeting places. This environmental urbanism strategy has yielded positive
results, improving air quality, increasing life expectancy, promoting local flora and fauna,
encouraging sustainable mobility, revitalizing linear stream parks, promoting urban farming
in vulnerable areas, and reducing temperatures by up to 4 degrees Celsius.
Our intervention, the Climate Corridor, serves as a powerful tool to construct programs that
address the needs of our evolving cities. By repurposing abandoned industrial areas, we
have fostered new industries centered around education, digital craftsmanship, and cultural
services. This transformation breathes new life into previously neglected spaces, generating
opportunities for growth and sustainable development.
2.3 Method Design
ESG Factors
ESG stands for environmental, social and governance. These are called pillars in ESG
frameworks and represent the 3 main topic areas that companies are expected to report
in. The goal of ESG is to capture all the non-financial risks and opportunities inherent to a
company's day to day activities.
Environment” signifies reducing carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions and protecting the natural
environment. “Social” means enhancing the work environment and advancing diversity, while
“governance” refers to practicing fair and transparent management and actively disclosing
information.
Investing in companies that seek to resolve environmental and social issues while practicing
solid corporate governance is known as ESG investment. Our world faces a number of global
challenges: climate change, transitioning from a linear economy to a circular one, increasing
inequality, balancing economic needs with societal needs. Investors, regulators, as well as
consumers and employees are now increasingly demanding that companies should not only
be good stewards of capital but also of natural and social capital and have the necessary
governance framework in place to support this. More and more investors are incorporating
ESG elements into their investment decision making process, making ESG increasingly
important from the perspective of securing capital, both debt and equity.
Emissions such as greenhouse gases and air, water and ground pollution emissions fall under
the environmental pillar. Resources use such as whether a company uses virgin or recycled
materials in its production processes and how a company ensures that from cradle to
grave the maximum material in their product is cycled back into the economy rather than
ending up in a landfill. Similarly, companies are expected to be good stewards of water
resources. Land use concerns like deforestation and biodiversity disclosures also fall under
the Environmental Pillar. Companies also report on positive sustainability impacts they might
have, which may translate into long-term business advantage. From a reporting perspective
this is the most complex pillar.
SDGs vs. ESG
The distinction between the SDGs (Social, Environment, and Economy) and the ESG (Social,
Environment, and Governance) is a subject that has gained significant attention and is now
at the forefront of discussions among various generations.
The 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) were developed by the United Nations (UN)
as a global framework for addressing sustainable development. The process of creating the
SDGs was led by the UN and involved a wide range of stakeholders, including governments,
civil society organizations, private sector representatives, and individuals.
ESG is a rating system used by companies to measure their environmental and social
credentials. This means that businesses can rate themselves on criteria such as:
E: Their environmental policies and practices.
S: Their social policies and practice.
G: Their governance policies and practices.
Image Sources:
(3) Hubert Klumpner / Melanie Fessel
Tools as an Enducational Platform | 2.3 Method Design p. 30
(1)
Methodological Framework - Urban Prototype Architecture and Urban Design
The new approach, Method Design, which is rooted in circular urban design, engages the
architect in exploring data, researching the space they are developing, and consulting
with experts and the public to ensure cooperation and understanding. The strategy
helps to create designs that benefit society. More critically, the approach encourages the
architect to care about the environment, its challenges, and the people, which drives them
to create resilient and circular solutions. It also influences the individual to act to develop
and implement designs that are ecologically conscious and socially acceptable. Living in
the Anthropocene, the relations between humankind and the defiant Earth confront us
with possible futures. CRIMSON historians and urbanists coined this Anthropocentrism 2.0
(Independent School for the City in Rotterdam et al., n.d.). It calls upon people from various
disciplines to participate in a paradigm shift between a defiant Earth and becoming active
citizens, leading us from the current unsustainable situation towards circular thinking and
advocacy for climate care. The proposed Method Design, a circular pedagogy in urban
design, ensures that the architect is privy to society’s risks and crises, influencing them to
develop solutions. The approach involves;

Urban design studios embracing circular design thinking offer a new opportunity to engage
with other disciplines, fostering a problem-defining environment, and engaging in societal
change. As an urban design educator over the past five years at D-Arch, ETH Zurich, with a
team of colleagues, we have been working to introduce the informal toolbox in the urban
design lecture series to the next generation of students. In this course structure, students
are prepared for the format of the urban design studio to equip them with a reference
ESG Factors and SDG Goals framework that illustrates the implementation of metaphorical and practical, concrete
urban reference instruments. Combining the different teaching and learning formats, we
have been developing the Method Design approach based on circular thinking, re-imagining
The aim of ESG is to encourage businesses to improve their environmental and social
the design studio as a learning laboratory.
credentials in order to attract investment. And when we say investment, this includes their
stakeholders which includes not only shareholders but also employees, customers, suppliers,
and the communities in which they operate. A company’s success is not only measured by its
Endless Studio 24/7/365
financial performance but also by how it treats its people and the planet.
The COVID-19 pandemic prompted a shift to radically engaging teaching methods, leading
to collaborative scientific efforts, real-time implementation, and the launch of the Endless
the SDGs are global goals set by the United Nations, while ESG is a rating system used by
Studio, which enabled limited physical presence in design studios and moved coursework
companies to measure their environmental, social, and governance performance. SDGs
to a in a 24/7/365 digital realm, presenting future challenges and opportunities in design
have specific targets to be achieved by 2030, while ESG focuses on long-term solutions
studio landscapes (Lorch & Weißmüller, 2020). At the same time, the engagement on-site
and is more high-level. However, the SDGs alone are not enough to achieve sustainable
was born informally with a mobile unit in improvised areas called the studio mobil / think
development. Issues such as working conditions, corruption, child labor, water shortages,
tank station (urbanthinktank_next and ETH). The digital and actual reality of spaces were
and natural resource mismanagement need to be addressed. ESG aims to hold companies
the core elements of the Urban Prototype design studio at ETH. This combination allowed
accountable and ensure adherence to best practices, allowing them to actively contribute to
the Method Design approach to be examined based on Urban Imaginary intervention and
the achievement of the SDGs and work towards a sustainable future.
implementation, aiming to test for feedback, incorporate other analysis methods, and
interpret the results using advanced tools and techniques. The central idea posits that a
With the upsurge of Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) reporting as a strategic
deeper understanding of ecological dynamics must enter urban design discourses and
and operational agenda of more and more companies, the UN SDGs have become
curricula. To accomplish this, a network outside the university must act quickly and deliver
acknowledged as the best tools to use as a framework to improve ESG risk scores and secure
solutions on the ground, promoting a broader application of urban knowledge and action.
long-term business performance. It has been noted that the 169 SDG specific targets present
a wide range of opportunities for businesses to make a difference. Thus, the UN Sustainability
Goals are used to manage ESG reporting and create long-term financial value.

Image Sources:
(1) https://thelawyer.africa/2022/02/16/integrating-esg-reporting-with-sdgs/

Tools as an Enducational Platform | 2.3 Method Design p. 32

 Educational Platform

ALL PROJECTS

Tools as an Enducational Platform | 2.3 Method Design p. 34

Urban Tool Box
Urban Tool Box

Tools as an Enducational Platform | 2.3 Method Design p. 36

Protagonists
Protagonists

Tools as an Enducational Platform | 2.3 Method Design p. 38

Student Projects
Student Projects

Tools as an Enducational Platform | 2.3 Method Design p. 40

3. Course Structure

3.1 Methodological
Society: social, political, economic, cultural, resilience,
livelihood, civitas, economy.
Scale is from the individual to the masses.

Framework
Density is defined as social interaction.

How can we read and trace urban transformations? What are the visuals that give a
contemporary reading of such transformations?

It is essential to trace the city’s urban environment, its program and the information of the
people’s perspective. In order to understand the critical behavior of a city and to decipher
its particular urban morphology, we look to read and interpret both maps and plans as
contemporary material to find novel ways in which to build responsive design propositions.
Urbanization through architecture is at the center of a tripod engaging with society,
environment, and governance:
16

Governance: mapping, development, temporary,

16

transformational, activities, program, process.

Scale is defined from the simple to the complex.
Governance density seeks diversity.

16

Environment: landscape, buildings, infrastructure,

16

ecology, man made and natural environment,

topography, climate, integrated infrastructure.
Scale ranges from small to large.
Density is the built density.

18 16
16

Course Structure | 3.1 Methodological Framework p. 42

3.2 Thematic Clusters
Thematic clusters focus on investigative topics: Micro/Temporary Program-
ming, Community Projects, Informal / Hybrid City, Ecology / Landscape,
Housing, Destruction / Reconstruction, Suburbia, City Extention, Public Infra-
structure / Mobility, Governance / Policy. The themes are applied to each tool
during the lecture series.
Micro/Temporary Programs presents a new form of urban appropriation and reactiva-
tion of leftover and residual spaces, activating them for limited time mainly with recreation-
al and educational functions and encouraging a direct interaction between the space and
the user. It also describes a phenomenon of nomadic urbanism, which means a space in
constant transformation. Usually, in an boom-up manner, individuals start to take proactive
roles by carrying out their own ideas, making use of the space available, overcoming the
lack of budgets with their creative potential.
Community Projects include social infrastructure where buildings and landscapes with
educational, recreational and cultural functions are being strategically implanted into the
urban fabric.
Informal/Hybrid City includes the inter-connection and mutual dependence of informal
and formal parts of cities. Often informal and formal structures overlap and influence each
other, creating a hybrid urban environment. The coexistence and symbiosis of these two are
visible in dierent cities.
Ecology/Landscape explains the implementation of ecological/landscape architectural
interventions in the urban fabric. Mostly these measures deal with local resources and are
directed towards dealing with environmental problems in order to implement sustainable
development scenarios.
Housing includes social housing development schemes and the ones delegated to pri-
vate real estate developers. This produces often a new model of vast rows of uniform and
mass-produced homes, with minor access to public facilities and detached from the city
center. Often, inhabitants start to create solutions for their own necessities by organizing
and adding basic services.
Destruction/Reconstruction shows the issues of de-urbanized and destroyed cities and
the processes of their renovation and re-structuration that often produces new urban iden-
tities and new functions.
Suburbia shows how a new mode of urbanism pushes the growth of the city to the pe-
riphery, leaving entire downtown areas empty and abandoned. Here new transportation
networks, detached single family house typologies and the location of new shopping malls
define the urban landscape of mostly peripheral areas of the city.
City Extension includes new large-scale projects that usually have the aim to add new
neighborhoods to the city, often provoked by mega-events or the vision to provide to the city
the missing functions, from residential to commercial and industrial ones.
Public infrastructure / Mobility presents plans for the construction of highways, railway
networks, bridges, tunnels as well as new public transport systems and environmentally
friendly modes of mobility for the constantly growing cities.
Governance/Policy presents initiatives that come from governmental entities intended to
(re)shape a city or to initiate territorial restructuring of a larger scale.
Course Strucutre | 3.2 Thematic Cluster p. 44
 3.3 Lecture Framework
Method Design: Methodological Framework
METHOD METHODOLOGICAL ESG TOOLS THEMES CITIES PROJECT
METHOD FRAMEWORK
DESIGN METHODOLOGICAL ESG TOOLS THEMES CITIES PROJECT
DESIGN FRAMEWORK TOOLS / THEMATIC CLUSTERS
TOOLS / THEMATIC CLUSTERS

Non-Aligned Modernity
Culture Infrastructure
Mega-Scale Planning
Masterplanning Segregation
The Regional Metropolis
Sub-Urban Centers
Polycentric City
Governance Profitable Expasion
Governance Recovering Waterscapes
Governance
Designing the Water
Governance
Oil and the Automobile City
Transformation
Developer as Architect
Process Athens
Activities From Radial to Polycentric AthensSarajevo
Generating Suburbia
Program Madrid Sarajevo
Planning the Metropolitan Area MadridSao Paulo
Horizontal-Vertical Grid Sao Paulo
Caracas/Bogota
Top-Down Urban Planning Berlin
Caracas/Bogota
Violent Infrastructure Berlin
New York
Places for People Cape Town
New York
Inventing a Capital Cape Town
Pearl RiverDelhi/Mumbai
Delta
Urbicide and Cultural Resistance Pearl RiverDelhi/Mumbai
Delta
Participatory Budgeting for a Regional Plan Paris
Critical Re-Construction of Identities Paris LosLos
Angeles
Angeles
Development through Distribution Detroit London
Cadastral Urbanism Detroit London
Destiny Infrastructure
JerusalemMoscow
Regeneration vs. Gentrification JerusalemMoscow
Urban Urban Public Space Upgrade
Urban Urban Zurich Mexico
Stories Stories Networks of Green Infrastructure Zurich Mexico
Stories Stories PROTOTYPICAL
Environment Environment
Environment PROTOTYPICAL
PROTOTYPICAL
PROTOTYPICAL
Environment Heritage Protection Havana PROCCESS
PROCCESS
Cape Town Havana
Cape Town PROCCESS
PROCCESS
Landscape The Hybrid City RESULTING
RESULTING IN
IN
RESULTING
RESULTINGININ
AAPROJECT
Buildings Re-Urbanising Olympics Caracas
Caracas PROJECT
Modern Spectacle Berlin
Berlin AAPROJECT
PROJECT
Infrastructure
Ecology Shrinking City Athens
Athens
Re-Densification Havana
Havana
Repurposing Infrastructure Paris
Paris
Urban Verticalization Delhi/Mumbai
Delhi/Mumbai
Sacred Urbanism Dertroit
Dertroit
Designing Suburbia Sarajevo
Sarajevo
Speculative Urbanism Zurich
Zurich
Moscow
Moscow
A Decentral University - Studio Mobil New
New York
York
Metropolitan Waterwayring of São Paulo
London
London
Temporary Urbanism Pearl
Pearl River
River Delta
Delta
Cooperation and Dialogue
Contested Commons Los Los Angeles
Angeles Jerusalem
Jerusalem
Studio Imaginations
Roaring Public Realm SaoSao Paulo
Paulo Melbourne
Melbourne
Global Access
Social Macro-Scale Micro Housing
Mexico
Mexico City
City Madrid
Madrid
Social
Zero Carbon Island
Social Multiple Hubs Melbourne
Melbourne
Social Culture
People User-Generated Urbanism

Civitas International Situationists

Economy Re-Designing the City
Formalizing Informality?
Bottom-Up vs. Top-Down Planning Initiatives
Urban Villages
Overcoming Borders
Architect as Developer
Adaptation of the Practice

THEMATIC CLUSTERS: Micro/Temporary Programs Community Projects Informal/Hybrid City Ecology/Landscape Housing Destruction/Reconstruction Suburbia City Extension Public Infrastructure / Mobility Governance/Policy
THEMATIC CLUSTERS: Micro/Temporary Programs Community Projects Informal/Hybrid City Ecology/Landscape Housing Destruction/Reconstruction Suburbia City Extension Public Infrastructure / Mobility Governance/Policy

THEMATIC CLUSTERS: Micro/Temporary Programs Community Projects Informal/Hybrid City Ecology/Landscape Housing Destruction/Reconstruction Suburbia City Extension Public Infrastructure / Mobility Governance/Policy
THEMATIC CLUSTERS: Micro/Temporary Programs Community Projects Informal/Hybrid City Ecology/Landscape Housing Destruction/Reconstruction Suburbia City Extension Public Infrastructure / Mobility Governance/Policy

Course Structure | 3.3 Lecture Framework p. 46

 3.4 Tool Map
Planning the
Megascale Planning Non-Aligned Modernity
Polycentric City Metropolitan Area

Critical Re-Construction Urbicide and

Regeneration vs. Gentrification London Re-Densification Zurich Berlin Sarajevo
of Identities Cultural Resistance

Temporary Urbanism A Decentral University -

Roaring Public Realm Formalizing - Informality Studio Mobil
Modern Spectacle
The Regional Metropolis

International Situationists Paris Delhi /

Mumbai Plotting Urbanism

From Radial to Polycentric

Contested Commons

Inventing a Capital Top-Down Urban Planning

Pearl
Speculative Urbanism Madrid River Urban Verticalization
Delta
Adaptation of the Practice Urban Villages

Generating Suburbia Sacred Urbanism

Shrinking City Detroit Jerusalem Violent Infrastructure

Re-Designing the City Overcoming Borders

Destiny Infrastructure

Developer as Architect
Los
Sub-Urban Centers Angeles
Athens Re-urbanizing Olympics
Studio Imaginations

User-Generated Urbanism

Recovering Waterscapes
Designing Suburbia
Networks of Green Mexico
Infrastructure City Melbourne Places for People

Macro-Scale Micro Housing

Architect as Developer

Horizontal-Vertical Grid

THEMATIC CLUSTERS
New
Repurposing Infrastructure
York
Micro/Temporary Programs Destruction/Reconstruction
Bottom-Up vs. Top-Down
Planning Initiatives
Community Projects Suburbia
Masterplanning
Designing the Water Oil and the Culture Infrastructure
Segregation
Automobile City
Informal/Hybrid City City Extension
Havana Caracas São Participatory Budgeting Cape Development
Heritage Protection The Hybrid City
Bogota Paulo for a Regional Plan Town through Distribution
Ecology/Landscape Public Infrastructure / Mobility
Zero Carbon Island Multiple Hubs São Paulo’s Metropolitan
Water Ring Cooperation & Dialogue

Housing Governance/Policy

Course Structure | 3.4 Tool Map p. 48

3.5 List of Cities
1. Capetown ZA (29.09.2022)
Tool 1: Masterplanning Segregation
Governance | Governance/Policy
Tool 2: Development through Distribution
Environment | Housing
Tool 3: Cooperation and Dialogue
Social | Micro/Temporary Programs
2. São Paulo BR (06.10.2022)
Tool 1: Culture Infrastructure
Social | Community Projects
Tool 2: Participatory Budgeting for a Regional Plan
Governance | Community Projects
Tool 3: Metropolitan Waterwayring of São Paulo
Environment | Ecology / Landscape
3. Berlin DE (13.10.2022)
Tool 1: Mega-Scale Planning
Governance (ESG Factors) | City Extension
Tool 2: Critical Re-Construction of Identities
Environment | Destruction/ Reconstruction
Tool 3: Temporary Urbanism
Social | Micro/ Temporary Programs
4. Sarajevo BA (20.10.2022)
Tool 1: Non-Aligned Modernity
Governance | Governance/Policy
Tool 2: Urbicide and Cultural Resistance
Environment | Destruction/ Reconstruction
Tool 3: A Decentral University - Studio Mobil
Social | Informal/ Hybrid City
5. Dehli/ Mumbai IN (03.11.2022)
Tool 1: The Regional Metropolis
Governance | Governance/Policy
Tool 2: Plotting Urbanism
Social | Informal/ Hybrid City
Tool 3: Contested Commons
Environment | Ecology/ Landscape
6. Los Angeles US (10.11.2022)
Tool 1: Destiny Infrastructure
Environment | Ecology/ Landscape
Tool 2: Sub-Urban Centers
Governance | Suburbia
Tool 3: Studio Imaginations
Social | Micro/ Temporary Programs
7. Caracas VE (17.11.2022)
Tool 1: Oil and the Automobile City
Governance | Governance/ Policy
Tool 2: Regeneration vs. Gentrification
Environment | Destruction/ Reconstruction
Tool 3: Multiple Hubs
Social | Public Infrastructure / Mobility
Caracas
https://www.fragomen.com/offices/caracas.html
8. London GB (24.11.2022)
Tool 1: Polycentric City
Governance | Public Infrastructure / Mobility
Tool 2: The Hybrid City
Environment | Informal / Hybrid City
Tool 3: Roaring Public Realm
Social | Community Projects
Course Structure | 3.5 List of Cities p. 50
9.Mexico City MX (01.12.2022)
Tool 1: Recovering Waterscapes
Governance | Ecology/ Landscape
Tool 2: Networks of Green Infrastructure
Environment | Public Infrastructure/ Mobility
Tool 3: Macro-Scale Micro Housing
Social | Housing
10. Havana CU (08.12.2022)
Tool 1: Designing the Water
Environment | Public Infrastructure/ Mobility
Tool 2: Heritage Protection
Governance | Governance/Policy
Tool 3: Zero Carbon Island
Social | Destruction/ Reconstruction
11. Zürich CH (02.03.2023)
Tool 1: Planning the Metropolitan Area
Governance | Governance/Policy
Tool 2: Re-Densification
Environment | Housing
Tool 3: Formalizing - Informality
Social | Micro/Temporary Programs
12. Paris FR (09.03.2023)
Tool 1: Modern Spectacle
Environment | Governance/Policy
Tool 2: International Situationists
Social | Informal/ Hybrid City
Tool 3: From Radial to Polycentric
Governance | City Extension
14. Detroit US (16.03.2023)
Tool 1: Generating Suburbia
Governance | Suburbia
Tool 2: Shrinking City
Environment | Destruction/ Reconstruction
Tool 3: Re-Designing the City
Social | Micro/Temporary Programs
15. Athens GR (30.03.2023)
Tool 1: Developer as Architect
Governance | Governance/Policy
Tool 2: Re-Urbanizing Olympics
Environment | Housing
Tool 3: User-Generated Urbanism
Social | Micro/Temporary Programs
16. New York USA (06.04.2023)
Tool 1: Horizontal - Vertical Grid
Environment | Governance/Policy
Tool 2: Re-Purposing Infrastructure
Governance | Informal/ Hybrid City
Tool 3: Bottom-Up vs. Top-down Planning Initiatives
Social | Micro/Temporary Programs
17. Pearl River Delta CN (20.04.2023)
Tool 1: Top-Down Urban Planning
Governance | Governance/Policy
Tool 2: Urban Verticalization
Environment | City Extension
Tool 3: Urban Villages
Social | Informal/ Hybrid City
Course Structure | 3.5 List of Cities p. 52
18. Jerusalem IL (27.04.2023)

Tool 1: Violent Infrastructures

Governance | Public Infrastructure/ Mobility
Tool 2: Sacred Urbanism
Environment | Governance/Policy
Tool 3: Overcoming Borders
Social | Community Project

19. Melbourne AU (04.05.2023)

Tool 1: Designing Suburbia

Environment | Suburbia
Tool 2: Places for People
Governance | Destruction/ Reconstruction
Tool 3: Architect as Developer
Social | Housing

20. Madrid ES (11.05.2023)

Tool 1: Inventing a Capital

Governance | Governance/Policy
Tool 2: Speculative Urbanism
Environment | Housing
Tool 3: Adaptation of the Practice
Social | Community Projects

Course Structure | 3.5 List of Cities p. 54

City
Interface
1. Infographic

2. City Introduction

3. Tool Description

4. Exercise Sheet

5. Reading Material

p. 56
Chair of / Cátedra de /
Urban Design Lecture Course III/IV
Introduction
Lehrstuhl für

Archi- Fall 2022 / Spring 2023 22. Sept. 2022

tecture Thursdays, 8:00-9:30 a
& ONA Focushalle
Urban Lecture Language: English
29. Sept. 2022
Cape Town ZA
Design

Urban
Exam Language: English & German

São Paulo BR
Prof. Hubert Klumpner
06. Oct. 2022

tories
13. Oct. 2022
Berlin DE
20. Oct. 2022 Sarajevo BA
A Toolbox for Design
Prof. Hubert Klumpner 03. Nov. 2022 Delhi/
Doz. Melanie Fessel Mumbai IN
Los
If you want to exercise the lecture we recommend the
toolbox-design studio.
10. Nov. 2022
Angeles US
Please follow the QR code for weekly updates!
Tag us on Instragram: @klumpner_chair_ethz
and add #urbanstoriesfall2022

How can students of architecture become active agents of change, what

Caracas VE
does it take to go beyond the scale of a building making design relevant
decisions to the city rather than to a single client? How can we design in 17. Nov. 2022
cities with lack of land, tax base, risk, and resilience, understanding that
Zurich is the exception and these other cities are the rule? How can we
discover, set rather than follow trends and understand existing urban

London GB
phenomena activating them in a design process? The lecture series is pro-
ducing a growing catalog of operational urban tools across the globe,
considering Governance, Social, and Environmental realities. Instead of 24. Nov. 2022
limited binary comparing of cities, we are building a catalog of change,
analyzing what design solutions cities have been developing informal-

Mexico
ly incrementally over time, why, and how. We look at the people, institu-
tions, culture behind the design, and make concepts behind these tools
01 . Dec. 2022
City MX
visible. Students get first-hand information from cities where the chair as
a Team has researched, worked, or constructed projects over the last year,
allowing competent, practical insight about the people and topics that
make these places unique. Students will be able to use and expand an al-
ternative repertoire of experiences and evidence-based design tools, go
DARCH LUS
Havana CU
to the conceptual core of them, and understand how and to what extent
they can be relevant in other places. Urban Stories is the basic practice of 08. Dec. 2022
architecture and urban design. It introduces a repertoire of urban design
instruments to the students to use, test, and start their designs. p. 58
 City Boundaries Definition

City Boundaries Definition

Example of Zurich

CITY PROPER

Describes a city according to an administrative boundary.

City Proper
Describes a city according to an administrative boundary.

METROPOLITAN AREA

Defines its Metropolitan Areato the degree of economic and

boundaries according
social interconnectedness of nearby areas, identified by factors
Defines its
such as interlinked boundaries
commerce according topatterns
or commuting the degree of economic and social
interconnectedness of nearby areas, identified by factors such as interlinked
commerce or commuting patterns

Urban Agglomeration
URBAN AGGLOMERATION
Considers the extent of the contiguous urban area, or built-up area,
to delineate
Considers the extent of the
the city’s boundaries
contiguous urban area, or built-up
area, to delineate the city’s boundaries

Urban Footprint
Consists of the urban, suburban, and rural built-up area

URBAN FOOTPRINT

0 5 10km Consists of the urban, suburban, and rural built-up area

(1) Map: ETH, Chair of Architecture and Urban Design, Prof. H. Klumpner, 2019 I Based on: snazzymaps.com and google maps
(2) Information: United Nations, What is a city, The World’s Cities in 2016, www.un.org

(1) Map: ETH, Chair of Architecture and Urban Design, Prof. H. Klumpner, 2019 I Based on: snazzymaps.com and goo-
gle maps
(2) Information: United Nations, What is a city, The World’s Cities in 2016, www.un.org

Introduction | City Boundaries Definition p. 60

Cape Town
South Africa
Tool 1
Masterplanning Segregation
Governance | Governance/Policy

Tool 2
Development through
Distribution
Environment | Housing

Tool 3
Cooperation and Dialogue
Social | Micro/Temporary Programs

p. 62
Infographic
Map of Cape Town Size Comparison: Zurich, CH - Cape Town ZA

Cape Town | City Proper 10km Cape Town | Metropolitan Area 20km

city proper urban footprint 5 10km

0
metropolitan urban agglomeration
area 10km 20km
Zurich | City Proper Zurich | Metropolitan Area

Data City proper | Metropolitan area

Population 4 mil | 4 mil
Area 2450 km² | 2450 km²
Density 1500 people / km²
GDP 59 bil. U.S. Dollar
Cycling Parks, community
4% Walking 27% gardens
Car 5% 20.4%
53%

Public
transport
38%
Information Sources:
Google Earth, all Maps are North Oriented
United Nations, The World’s Cities in 2016, Chapter: What is a City?
Metropolitan World Atlas, Arjen van Susteren, Published by 010 Publishers, 2005
Transportation Unemployment Green Spaces

City Interface | Cape Town p. 64

Cape Town
Introduction (2)

Cape Town, Western Cape, South Africa

Embedded in a mountain backdrop and with direct access to the sea, Cape Town was
developed by the Dutch East India Company to have a supply outpost for their sailing ships in
the year 1652. Cape Town was the first permanent European settlement in South Africa, and
until the Gold Rush in 1886 and the development of Johannesburg, it was also the biggest
city in South Africa. Its significant urban segregation was implemented over several decades
under a wide range of legislative measures:
The Bubonic Plague in 1901 laid the pretense for greater racial segregation. Within weeks, over
6’000 Africans were removed from central Cape Town to temporary accommodations. In 1913,
the Natives Land Act reserved 7.5% of land exclusively for black Africans, who represented 85%
of Cape Towns population at the time.
In 1948, this policy was replaced by the Apartheid. Cape Town shows radical examples of the
regulated right to centrality and the management of space through distance and accessibility.

Cape Town in History

Mapping Diversity: The Patterns of Racial Neighbourhood Segregation, 2015

(1)

(3)

Cape Town’s "City Bowl#, Viewed from Lion’s Head

The Table Bay and the Dutch Cape Colony Nicolas de Fer: Cap de Bonne Espérance, 1705

Image Sources:
(1) L’Atlas Curieux Ou Le Monde Répresenté Dans Des Cartes Générales Et Particulières Du Ciel Et De La Terre, Nicolas de Fer, 1705
(2) Statistics South Africa, Mapping DIversity, http://www.statssa.gov.za/?p=7678, 20.05.16
(3) Wikipedia, Geography, 17.06.19

City Interface | Cape Town p. 66

(4) (6)

The Apartheid in South Africa Settlement of Masiphumelele and Lake Michelle

Settlement of Masiphumelele and Lake Michelle

https://qz.com/africa/697846/aerial-photos-show-that-south-africas-inequality-and-segregation-is-far-from-over/

(5) (7)

Interview between Michael Walczak and Khensani de Klerk Cape Town's Central Business District

Cape Town's central business district

Eric Nathan/Alamy
Image Sources:
(4) unknown
(5) Interview between Michael Walczak and Khensani de Klerk
(6) https://qz.com/africa/697846/aerial-photos-show-that-south-africas-inequality-and-segregation-is-far-from-over
(7) Eric Nathan / Alamy

City Interface | Cape Town p. 68

Tool 1
Masterplanning Segregation (1)

ESG Factor: Governance

Thematic Cluster : Governance / Policy

Year : 1900‘s - Architects of Apartheid, 1948
n.A.
Apartheid planning, 1948
n.A.

Apartheid City
Main stakeholders: Governmental Institutions, Political Parties

The British built the foundation for separate development based on race in South Africa. Several
Acts enforced the gradual and total separation of races at a local, provincial and national
scale. These acts and accompanying legislation definined the location and movement of the
majority of the population. Different settlements and movement laws for particular ethnic
groups resulted in increasing distances from the central areas of interest. Apartheid Planning
became the official urban policy, structuring between 1948 - 1994 the political territory of South Apartheid Planning, 1948
Africa Government actions.

The planning acts attempting to push black people into “homelands” outside of South Africa, (2)
failed. Active resistance and alternative spaces of participation overthrew the Apartheid
government reversing the planning acts in 1991. The eventual end to the Apartheid doctrine
came as a result of mass and continuous protest against these race-based policies. We can
also see these protests as an act of insurgent planning (Miraftab, Wills, 2005).

Overcoming the race- and spatial segregation is a major urban design challenge for South
African cities.

Architects of Apartheid, 1948 Apartheid planning, 1948

n.A. n.A.

Map of racial Distribution in Cape Town, 2011

Image Sources:
(1) unknown
(2) unknown

City Interface | Cape Town p. 70

 (3) (5)

1960, British prime minister Harold Macmillan

addresses the South African parliament in
Cape Town "The wind of change is blowing
through this continent, whether we like it or not,
this growth of national consciousness is a
political fact."

Left: Soweto, Late 1960s - Right: South African Parliament, Cape Town, 1960 State of Emergency, 1985
State of Emergency, 1985
n.A.

Soweto, Late 1960s South African Parliament, Cape Town, 1960

(4) n.A. n.A. (6)

Left: Train Station - Right: Reserved Benches for white People ANC Democratic Victory, 1994

Image Sources:
(3) unknown
Train station Train station Reserved benches
Reserved
for white
benches
people
for white people (4) https://rfklegacycurriculum.wordpress.com/day-of-affirmation-speech/
https://rfklegacycurriculum.wordpress.com/day-of-affirmation-speech/
https://rfklegacycurriculum.wordpress.com/day-of-affirmation-speech/
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2013-12-10/life-in-apartheid-era-south-africa
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2013-12-10/life-in-apartheid-era-south-africa https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2013-12-10/life-in-apartheid-era-south-africa
(5) unknown
(6) cbsnews.com

City Interface | Cape Town p. 72

Tool 2
Development through (1)

Distribution
ESG Factor: Environment
Thematic Cluster : Housing
Year : 1994 -

Ownership and Housing Rights

Main stakeholders: National Governmental Institutions, Local Authorities,
Real Estate Developers

Post-apartheid saw an influx of millions of previously excluded people to cities like Cape Town.
The democratic government launched an ambitious project called the Reconstruction and
Development Program (RDP) which was largely focused on housing delivery to the poor. Is
housing delivery providing solutions to the people who most need it 29 years later?

A more integrative approach and people’s right to the city make way for new building initiatives.

THE RDP PROJECT

Township
The goal is economic growth, redistribution, reconciliation and addressing inequalities in
housing, health, tenure, education and service provisions (water, electricity). Distributing
private property, fostering productive investment, create homeownership to encourage the (2)
Township
emergence of a new middle class ensuring a strong voter base. n.A.

Programs like Breaking New Grounds (BNG), Insitu-upgrading, and Re-blocking are some
housing programs of interest. BNG is a new housing project with the infrastructure and social
and economic facilities. Insitu-upgrading is focused on upgrading informal settlements.
Empower Shack is a housing project with the focus on densification, re-blocking, integrating
built environment infrastructure and social livelihoods. All projects are creating an interface
between community, leading professionals, and the state.
Neighborhood of RDP houses - View from above

The RDP Project

Image Sources:
(1) unknown
(2) unknown
The RDP Project
n.A.

City Interface | Cape Town p. 74

approach, where people could have their right to the city.

The aim was to link economic growth with redistribution and reconciliation and address inequalities
in housing, health, tenure, education and service provisions (water, electricity). This approach is first
encapsulated in the Reconstruction and Development Program (RDP) and reinforced in the
Constitution of the Republic of South Africa and the Housing Act. This concept was manifested in its Neighborhood of RDP houses - View from above
urban form as free housing units with access to water and electricity.

The RDP promise was for 200’000 - 300’000 houses to be built a year with a minimum of one million
low-cost houses
(3) to be constructed within five years and after ten years meet the backlog. (5)
Beneficiaries needed to be married or have financial dependents, earn less than 3500 RND (about 300
$) and not have received any other housing benefits. The delivery method was predominantly done
through private sector developers who identified land and implemented projects drawing from the
capital subsidy.

The strategy had three key points: distribute private property to foster productive investment, create
home ownership to encourage the establishment of a middle class and ensure a strong voter base.

Twenty years later, the promise takes on extreme proportions with 350’000 houses in the backlog in
Cape Town alone. Surveys show that some beneficiaries sell them illegally and move back into a
shack. The shacks are either located in the back of the lot on which the RDP house sits or in another
informal settlement. This relocation makes a lot more economic sense for the beneficiaries than living
in the RDP house because the utility costs are often more than they can afford.

The size of each house was too small and the quality poor due to profiteering. Developers were
complaining that the amount of subsidy was insufficient. These results, together with monopoly and
corruption in the construction process and lack of new territory are just some of the problems that
occurred with this ambitious housing program.

Neighborhood of RDP Houses - View from above RDP Houses in the Neighborhood of Kayalitsha

(4) (6)
RDP houses in the neighborhood of Kayalitsha

1 Million RDP Houses in 7 Years The RDP Project

The RDP Project

n.A.
Image Sources:
(3) unknown
(4) unknown
(5) unknown
(6) unknown

City Interface | Cape Town p. 76

 CAPE TOWN
N I/II + III + IV URBAN STORIES» | FALL 2018 / SPRING 2019 | COORDINATOR : MELANIE FESSEL | | ETH ZÜRICH | DARCH | CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER |

CAPE TOWN
TOOL:
Tool COOPERATION
3 AND DIALOGUE
: COOPERATION AND DIALOGUE
Cooperation and Dialogue
THEMATIC CLUSTER:
(1)

MICRO / ESG Factor:

TEMPORARY Social
PROGRAMS
CLUSTER:
YEAR:
EMPORARY
2004 - PROGRAMS
Thematic Cluster : Micro / Temporary Programs
Year : 2004 -
BREAKING NEW GROUND
Main stakeholders: National Department of Housing, Local NGOs, Academic
Institutions (ETHZ)
Breaking New Ground
NEW GROUND
Main stakeholders: National Department of Housing, Local NGOs, Academic
olders: National
In 2004 Department
the National of Housing,
Department of Housing released aLocal NGOs,
new policy Academic
document for the development of
Institutions (ETHZ)
(ETHZ)
sustainable human se lements known as “Breaking New Ground” (BNG). This document comprised a
major paradigm shift in how housing is delivered and subsidies are allocated. It required constructing
all new housing projects to be located close to amenities and planned in a comprehensive manner that
onal incorporates
DepartmentaccessAccess
of toto
Housing infrastructure is a human
released aservices
infrastructure new policy right in
document
and social andSouth Africa.
for
economic How should
thefacilities.
development infrastructure look like in
of it set out
In addition,
different order
options to be
forastenurea representation
security of the democratic state? Meeting of residents from Joe Slovo, Langa, near Phase 3 of the N2 Gateway housing development
man se lements known “Breaking Newand diverse(BNG).
Ground” housing typologies
This document based on the demands
comprised a of
individual households.
shift in how housing is delivered and subsidies areneeds,
allocated. It required constructing
In order to adequately meet basic participatory planning, co-design, implementation,
projects to be located and close to amenities
management and planned
strategies in a comprehensive
for infrastructure are necessary.manner that
The N2 Gateway is the most ambitious low-cost macro-scale housing development in South Africa.
cess to infrastructure What services
tools can andwesocial
use toand economic
create facilities.design,
a more inclusive In addition, it set out and maintenance
implementation, Meeting of Residents from Joe Slovo, Langa, near Phase 3 of the N2 Gateway Housing Development
This initiative is a fully-subsidized national government-led priority project o ering a mix of Meeting of residents from Joe Slovo, Langa, near Phase 3 of the N2 Gateway housing development
ns for tenure security and diverse
of infrastructure housing
in informal typologies
settlements? based on the demands
high-density rental and credit linked bond houses in designated precincts along the N2 highway and se
of
eholds.lement areas. Despite the aims, the project has been steeped in controversy: planning,
Increased service delivery protests in informal settlements is an invented space of participation (2)
implementation, slow delivery, poor construction, protests, rent boyco s, and evictions. It was leading
and act of insurgent planning (Miraftab & Will, 2005). This proves as evidence that the definition
y is the
up most
to theambitious
World Cuplow-cost
of “basic needs”
macro-scale
city beautification housing
project
should be questioned to development
andkeep Cape
framed
in South
Town
in an a “highly
inclusive
Africa.
manner.‘aestheticised
s a commodity’
fully-subsidized national
for global investmentgovernment-led
and consumption.” priority project o ering a mix of
ntal and credit linked bond houses
Infrastructure in designated
should be resilient precincts along
and represent the and
a free N2 highway
democratic andstate.
se Cities must work
With 2008,
Despite the Government
aims,
with the
NGO’s,policy
andbegins
project hasto been
researchersfocus on the an
steeped
to create upgrading of informal
in controversy:
invitented settlements
planning, as(Miraftab
space of participation the key & Wills,
mechanism to address
2005),
, slow delivery, poor the housing backlog.
facilitating participatory
construction, protests, rentIt does this
planning, by initiating
boyco s,co-design,
and evictions. the first informal
implementation,
It was leading settlement
and management of
upgrading project through its Different
new National Upgrading Support Programme (NUSP). This is formally
rld Cup city beautification project to keep Cape Town a “highly ‘aestheticised participatory data
infrastructure. tools, such as virtual reality, theatre workshops, and
acknowledged through
collectionthecaninformal
assist insettlement
creating aupgrading
more inclusivesubsidy included
design, in the revised
implementation, andHousing
maintenance
global investment
Code. A strong and
driveconsumption.”
is undertaken to provide all households with access to basic infrastructure
of infrastructure in informal settlements. Inadequate public lighting in informal settlements
services. greatly affects the everyday life of residents. We experiment to see what an alternative public
ernment policy begins to focus
lighting onwould
solution the upgrading of how
look like and informal settlements
this would change as theexperiences
lived key in informal
address
The the housing
focus shiftedbacklog.
towards,It working
settlements. does this by initiating
in-situ the relocating
rather than first informal settlement
people, new measures for
ct through its new
acquisition National Upgrading
and rehabilitation Supportland,
of well-located Programme
flexibility(NUSP). This
in layout is formally
planning, participation in
decision-making and planning, and new measures for service provision.
hrough the informal settlement upgrading subsidy included in the revised Housing
drive is undertaken to provide all households with access to basic infrastructure
One of the bottom-up pilot initiatives on the micro scale is ‘Empower Shack’ - an interdisciplinary
development project directed by the Urban Think Tank from ETH Zurich and Ikhayalami Development
Services, in collaboration with the BT-Section (Site C) community of Khayelitsha and associated local
ted and
towards, working
international in-situ
partners. rather
Through thanand
design relocating people,
organizational modelsnew measures
the project forupgrade the
aims to
rehabilitation of well-located
BT-Section informal settlementland, flexibility
through in layout implementation,
the development, planning, participation in
and evaluation of four
g andcore
planning, and new measures for service provision.
components: a lightweight, two-story housing prototype; a participatory spatial planning
process, integrated built environment infrastructure and social livelihoods programming.
ttom-up pilot initiatives on the micro scale is ‘Empower Shack’ - an interdisciplinary
ojectBydirected
creating by
an interface
the Urbanbetween community,
Think Tank leading
from ETH professionals
Zurich and theDevelopment
and Ikhayalami state, the project aims to Building the first Empower Shack Prototyp, Kayalitsha

aboration with the BT-Section (Site C) community of Khayelitsha and associated of

develop a pilot scheme that responds to the social, ecological and market dynamics the post-BNG
local
urban context. Building the first Empower Shack prototyp, Kayalitsha
al partners. Through design and organizational models the project aims to upgrade the
rmal settlement through the development, implementation, and evaluation of four Image Sources:
(1) unknown
nts: a lightweight, two-story housing prototype; a participatory spatial planning (2) unknown

ted built environment infrastructure and social livelihoods programming.

nterface between community, leading professionals and the state, the project aims to City Interface | Cape Town p. 78
scheme that responds to the social, ecological and market dynamics of the post-BNG
 Current Footprint
Public 2082 M2 / Private 1949m2
(3) (5)

AFFORDABLITY ASSESSMENTS + INDIVIDUAL SPATIAL REQUIREMENTS

D2 D2.5 D3 D4 D5 D6
42m2 44m2 48m2 48m2 65m2 85m2

120
120
Subsidy Qualifier
Subsidy Non-qualifier 100
100
Selected Unit Size-M²

497, 49
Existing Shack Size-M²

Median
80 80

60
820, 29 60

40 40

20 20

0 0
R0 R1,000 R2,000 R3,000 R4,000 R5,000 R0 R500 R1,000 R1,500
Monthly Capacity To Pay Selected Monthly Payments

Initial Household Surveys Final Negotiates Private footprint decrease Private footprint increase

COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT COMMITTEE

562.1m2 188.6m2

— Based on traditional power relations

— Including key volunteers
Masterplan Land Readjustment LRC, 2015
Final Footprint
Public 2211.2 M2 / Private 1819.8m2
Including 10% Additional Rental Stock
Masterplan
U-TT

(4) (6)

Land Readjustment model, 2015 Land Readjustment LRC, 2015

U-TT U-TT

Community Development Committee, 2016 Fieldwork Commented Build Williem, 2014

Image Sources:
Community Development Committee, 2016 (3) U-TT
U-TT (4) U-TT
(5) U-TT
(6) U-TT

City Interface | Cape Town p. 80

Exercise
| « URBAN DESIGN I/II + III + IV URBAN STORIES» | FALL 2018 / SPRING 2019 | COORDINATOR : MELANIE FESSEL | | ETH ZÜRICH | DARCH | CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER |

CAPE TOWN
Cape Town
EXERCISE: CAPE TOWN
Tool : Cooperation and Dialogue

CITY: 1. Choose a location in another city where you can identify a situation that has arisen from a similar
CAPE TOWN socio-political context (legal response to housing demand, governmental subsidy issues, and policies,
TOOL: eviction/ relocation issues, upgrading existing settlements, etc.).
2. Explain the process graphically showing who is involved (e.g. scheme, plan, infographic, etc.) using a
Cooperation and Dialogue visualization technique of your choice (e.g. sketch, collage, etc.).
3. Provide a short textual description of the chosen situation and a detailed explanation of the processes and
actors who are participating.
4. Point out the similarities and differences between your chosen location and the situation in Cape Town by
In 2004 the National Department of Housing released a new policy document for the development of providing corresponding and relevant explanations.
sustainable human settlements in Cape Town. This document comprised a major paradigm shift in how housing
is delivered and subsidies are allocated. Initially, Provinces and Municipalities had difficulty in interpreting how
to implement the policy. Despite aims, projects like ‘N2 Gateway’ have been steeped in controversy: planning,
implementation, slow delivery, poor construction, protests, rent boycotts, and evictions. Over time, there was
a recognition of the need to develop ‘in-situ’ rather than eradicate the settlements and so did the first informal
settlement upgrading programs commence. Projects like ‘BT Section Sites’ in Khayelitsha allowed local 3.
communities and residents to participate and manage their rights in the city. The goal of this exercise is to
critically analyze projects developed in such circumstances and identify the key measures that determine their
outcome and consequences.

1. Chosen city and location:

2.

4.

City Interface | Cape Town p. 82

Reading
ETHZ D-ARCH CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER
LECTURE “URBAN STORIES I II FALL
Cape Town
READING: A E N velopment plan for South Africa. Both
(1) Pieterse, Edgar. “Pushing Against the Urban Frontiers of Urban Studies in (South) Africa”. in: SLUM AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT
(1) Pieterse, Edgar. “Pushing Against the Urban Frontiers of Urban Studies in (South) Africa”. in: SLUM
Lab. Made in Africa. ETH Zurich D-ARCH, Brillembourg & Klumpner Chair of Architecture and Urban
Lab. Made in Africa.
Design.
urich A ri e bourg u ner hair of Architecture and Urban esign. PATHWAYS SUGGEST AN
ssue . . P .
Issue 9. 2014. Pp. 88 - 93 AFRICAN INTERMINABLE FUTURE FOR
PATHWAYS SLUMSUGGEST URBANISM.
AN HOW
INTERMINABLE SHOULD
FUTURE FOR
WE THINK ABOUT THE
SLUM URBANISM.
IMPERATIVES HOW SCHOLARLY
OF
WORK ON THE AFRICAN CITY
IMPERATIVES OF SCHOLARLY
WORK ON THE AFRICAN ByCITYEdgar Pieter se
T heir [deliberative planners] em -
phasis, instead, falls on motivat -
ing visions, scenarios, and diagrams
of possibility placed under democratic
scrutiny. The strategic role of the plan -
ner is not to draw up a plan for imple -
mentation, but to offer a vision, to
map alternatives. I wonder, however, if
something has been lost of the know -
ing tradition in this otherwise laudable
attentiveness to urban complexity and
multiplicity; a certain programmatic
clarity over the overall aims and priori -
ties of urban living, made all the more
necessary in a context of radical un -
certainty […] Has the attentiveness of
deliberative planners to procedures of
decision-making compromised the ne -
cessity to know about substantive mat -
ters of urban change and wellbeing?
…the point is to pursue the dogged
work of trying to understand the impli -
cations of what people do, particularly
as it is clear that residents, even in the
desperate ways they may talk about
their lives, usually think about them as
more than survival alone. Yes, survival
is the overwhelming preoccupation of
many. But the pursuit of survival in -
volves actions, relations, sentiments,
and opportunities that are more than
survival alone. It is these thousands
of small excesses that also act on the
city, remaking it ever so slightly into
something different than it was before.
These changes are not measured by any
easily discernable standard that would
allow one to say that the city is becom -
ing more just, equal, cutthroat, revolu -
tionary, messianic, or hellish. And thus
the important work is perhaps simply
to document these efforts on the part
of the poor to give rise to a new moral
universe, a sense of value, of potential,
and of the unexpected to which peo -
ple’s attention, no matter how poor, is
also paid .
SPRING COORDINATOR MELANIE FESSEL
These two quotes are compelling as they
foreground a profound tension between
the need to pronounce on the how of
achieving urban change and well-being
versus a determined patience to simply
elucidate ordinary practices in the now.
This tension connects my two primary re -
search tracks over the past few years. On
one hand, I have thrown myself headlong
into an emerging field of future studies
with a focus on the governance impera -
tives of sustainable urban transitions. On
the other, I have been trying to assemble
various epistemic communities with an
interest in the arts and urbanism to train
their attention on the emergent socialities
of African cities in order to open up fresh
discourses and visual registers on contem -
porary urbanisms .
The former track is firmly within the do -
main of developmentalism and holds to
the belief intentional action can improve
life and aspiration for urban majorities
despite profound structural and cultural
barriers. The latter category lives within
the postcolonial critique of modernity and
developmentalism, but without any desire
to declare a post-development era. It seeks
to insinuate intimacy, microscopic social
textures, psychic dispositions, aesthetic
adventures and agency amidst constraints
into the research frame. In order to hold
on to my own sanity, I have kept these
tracks rather separate, for each requires
its own processes of immersion, learning
and maturation.
From 2009 – 2013, I have worked on vari -
ous public policy processes conducting
long-term strategic planning with a focus
on reimagining trajectories for urban ar -
eas in South Africa. One strand of work
focused on the Western Cape region with
Cape Town at its epicenter. The other fed
into the policy development work of the
National Planning Commission (NPC),
tasked with producing a long-term de -
City Interface | Cape Town
CAPE TO N
required the use of forecasting and sce -
nario building, with an eye on sequencing
inter-related policy reforms over a 20-year
horizon. During the past year, I have been
enrolled in working on a long-term (2030)
urban development policy framework.
The developmentalist rationales at play in
this applied research stand at a sharp an -
gle with the theoretical preoccupations of
postcolonial academic debates on emer -
SLUM LAB
gent urbanisms. They do offer, however, a
novel way of thinking about the scope and
dynamics of contemporary scholarship
and practice on the African city .
African Futures
According to the African Futures 2050
study, 'over the entire half-century [1960-
2010], Eastern Africa gained only about
$150 per capita and Western Africa about
$130 per capita, while GDP per capita in
Central Africa has remained almost un -
changed since 1960' . This is an aston -
ishing accomplishment of economic, po -
litical and social failure. Looking ahead to
2052, an even larger and more dramatic
process of systemic exclusion will po -
tentially eclipse this inventory of failure
across most African countries. UN-HABI -
TAT points out that almost 62 percent of
urban residents in sub -Saharan Africa live
in slum conditions, coinciding with World
Bank estimates that roughly 280 million
urban dwellers can be regarded as income
poor . The forecast data and speculation
seem to suggest Africa will double its pop -
ulation by 2052, moving from 1.1 billion
in 2011 to 2.3 billion; and an urban share
of 40 percent in 2011 to one approaching
60 percent by 2052. Will the majority of
the urban population continue to be slum
dwellers? And what could the possible im -
plications be of the cumulative impacts of
slum urbanism over the course of almost
a century?
Africa is the only world region that will
maintain robust population growth mo -
mentum by mid -century. In particular,
SOUTH AFRICA
East and West Africa will more than dou -
ble their populations from 250 million
to almost 700 million respectively. Over
that period of time, Africa’s share of the
global population would have grown from
15 percent in 2010 to 23 percent in 2052.
However, despite this dramatic increase
in its share of the global population of
nine billion, it will remain largely periph -
eral in economic terms. In 2010, Africa ac -
counted for 3.5 percent of global exports
and slightly less of foreign direct invest -
ment (FDI). This grows only to 5.8 percent
of exports and 5.3 percent of FDI by 2050 .
p. 84
ETHZ D-ARCH CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN
SOUTH AFRICA
The break on economic performance is
attributable to numerous factors, but the
most critical are severe infrastructure defi
cits, governmental inefficiencies, dramat
ic market failures and the inability to forge
effective regional trading blocs across the
continent. The perpetuation of slums can
be attributed to a lack of infrastructure
and maintenance investments to ensure
affordable access to reliable and safe ener
gy, drinking water and sanitation. This is
a direct function of relatively small formal
economies, concomitant limitations on
the tax base available for large-scale pub
lic investments, pervasive administrative
inefficiencies overlaid by malfeasance and
corruption – the lifeblood of many patron
age systems propelling dominant political
parties and elite systems across Africa .
SLUM LAB
Recent private sector think tank reports
suggest we can anticipate a significant
shift in this picture on the back of sus -
tained economic growth over the past de -
cade or so. Much of this growth is related
to the increasingly important role of cities
in Africa’s economic trajectory. Monitor
Group asserts:
…the economic future of [sub-Saharan
Africa] is more connected to the suc -
cess of its cities, and the competitive
clusters based there, than to its nation
states. Cities today generate most of the
wealth, with many thriving despite ob -
PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER
An aerial view of downtown Johannesburg from the Carlton Center
vious challenges. Rapid urbanization
turbo charges economic growth and
- diversification, enhances productivity,
- increases employment opportunities,
and improves standards of living .
The critical prerequisite for cities to play
this role, however, is adequate infrastruc -
tural capacity coupled to just and consis -
- tent regulation.
During the past five years or so, much
more attention has been devoted to un
- derstanding the scale and cost of the infra
structural deficit in Africa. This question
goes to the heart of Africa’s prospects by
- mid-century, because if this challenge is
not adequately addressed, large-scale pov
erty rooted in structural economic exclu
sion and economic under-performance
will persist. The World Bank has pegged
the overall infrastructure deficit at $93 bil
lion per annum. This is the level of annual
investment required to address current
backlogs and cope with future growth. Ac
cording to the same report, the level of an
nual investment peaks around $45 billion
per annum, suggesting a massive short
fall, which of course means the scale of
future investment costs continue to climb
well above the $93 billion estimate .
Market pressures dictate that amidst in -
frastructural finance scarcity, particular
kinds of investments get prioritized. For
instance, connective economic infrastruc
ture such as roads, ports, and airports to
ensure various primary commodities get
to destination markets faster. There are
also intimate connections between the in
frastructure financiers from China, India
and the United States, and the pathways
these extractive commodities need to trav
el. In addition, it is clear essential network
infrastructures to reticulate power, water,
waste, data and the like are not thought of
in terms of universal coverage, but follow
- a strange patchy geography along the con
- tours of where the middle -classes and for
mal firms are embedded in the territory
The net effect is an uneven geography re
producing splintered urban territories of
- connections and disconnections; a mate
- rial metaphor of deep and enduring urban
inequalities . To be sure, fault lines follow
social lines of distinction, discrimination
- and oppression, predictably encoded by
ethnic, racial and class bases of power.
At the core of this unequal and unviable
- spatial patterning is the question of cost
- recovery, or more crassly, money .
- In summary, if we articulate the doubling
of the urban population by 2050, with very
modest increases in GDP per capita, se -
vere income inequality and systemic po -
litical dysfunction, we can anticipate that
slum urbanism will remain an intermi -
nable feature of African cities. This trend
data amplifies the profound differences
LECTURE “URBAN STORIES I II FALL
between urban development challenges
in most sub-Saharan cities and counter -
parts in South Africa. Indeed, South Africa
operates from a different base in terms of
the size of the economy, resources at the
disposal of the state, and the degree of ac -
cess to basic services and opportunity, but
it does not diminish the fact that amidst
relative abundance, more than half the
population struggles to make ends meet,
and experiences profoundly dislocated
familial settings and extremely high lev -
els of domestic social violence. In some
ways, the depth and scale of South African
development pressures can be read as an
indictment of our collective inability to ef -
fectively unravel and recast colonial-apart -
heid inheritances.
This is not the occasion to go into detail on
the findings of the NPC, though a few styl -
ized points are important to foreground.
Firstly, the commission has placed the
fundamental manifestation of structural
economic exclusion at the center of any
discussion about the now and the future.
Specifically, the economic diagnostic re -
port points out:
One-quarter of the labor force is unem -
ployed and actively looking for work.
But this statistic masks the extent that
a very high proportion of South African
- adults do not participate in the labor
market. Only about 41 percent of the
adult population (ages 18 to 60) work,
either in the formal or informal sector,
-
employed or self-employed. This rate is
about two-thirds in countries such as
Brazil or Malaysia, and about 70 per -
-
cent in the US and UK .
Most disconcerting is that the cohort aged
15 – 24 experiences unemployment rates
above 50 percent! If we combine this with
-
the research finding that unemployed
-
.
youth who have never entered the labor
-
force by 24 are unlikely to ever hold a job
in their lives, we begin to get a sense of the
social and economic crises these statistics
-
represent. Large-scale, endemic unem -
ployment is undoubtedly one of the key
drivers of the social development crises –
low educational and health attainments
relative to per capita spending and extraor -
dinarily high levels of social violence –
in South Africa.
The NPC underscores that the crisis of un -
employment must be understood with an
appreciation that the economy’s perfor -
mance is at best mediocre, and vulnerable
to stagnation and decline due to a variety of
further structural problems. Most urgent
are: a low savings and investment rate; a
poor performing and expensive logistics
system undermining competitiveness and
productivity; the ageing and sometimes
SPRING COORDINATOR MELANIE FESSEL
unreliable basic infrastructures that en -
sure power, water and waste treatment ;
high levels of economic concentration
and tendencies towards uncompetitive
behavior; and insufficient investment in
research and development coupled to
shallow innovation systems. The first two
factors are clearly linked to the territorial
basis of development and are of direct in -
terest for urbanists. The NPC effectively
invites the South African urban scholarly
community to proffer their findings and
insights, as these problems are directly re -
lated to: 'weak alignment between human
settlements, economic opportunities, so -
cial services and transport' .
What has emerged from the cross-fertil -
ization of the four diagnostic reports of
the NPC is that our settlement system is
key to both the reproduction and potential
dismantling of the contemporary dysfunc -
tional development ‘model’. There are ac -
tually very few matured ideas, however,
about how – within the conjunctural con -
straints of the political economy of state -
craft and uninterrupted accumulation –
to find a different path. Of course, the
easy answer is to call for an overthrow of
the dominant political and economic sys -
tems, but this is simply wishful thinking
in a context where the South African econ -
omy is firmly attached to numerous global
circuits, but responsible for less than 1
percent of global output. South Africa is
too small to go it alone, and too large to
be left alone to its own devices, especially
when its role as a springboard economy
into Africa is brought into the frame. The
question remains, how to reimagine and
rethink the patently unviable and unjust
settlement dynamics of the South African
economy, society and ecology?
Implications For The
Immediate Future
With the recent NPC analysis and larger
African challenges in mind, a few trends
are worth highlighting:
Global capitalism will become increas -
ingly unstable, prone to crisis as funda -
mental resource constraints catch-up
with outdated regulatory systems that
persist due to the vacuum in effective
globalized regulatory standards and
systems.
The impacts of this systemic volatility,
crises, loss in assets and economic val -
ue will be most severely felt by already
excluded regions and groups – only to
be worsened by the uneven impacts of
intensifying climate change dynamics.
City Interface | Cape Town
CAPE TO N
Those wealthy classes and groups who
are more buffered will first opt to in -
sulate themselves, manifested in ever
more fantastical spatial expressions
of splintering urbanism, some coated
in ‘green design’ foliage, and others
simply opting out for more extreme
forms of garish gatedness and insular -
ity, which will increasingly manifest
in both vertical and horizontal expres -
sions .
SLUM LAB
The related effects will be even less re -
sources to invest in substantive infra -
structural solutions for slums and oth -
er parts of urban peripheries because
spatial isolationism will continue to be
underwritten by public network infra -
structure investments in order to pro -
tect the sanctity of local tax bases.
Amidst these transitional convulsions,
governance arrangements will become
even more stylized, performative and
ineffectual in shifting the patterns
of resource allocation, reinforcing
radicalizing discourses and practices
within civil society, but crowding out
grounded interventions that can si -
multaneously improve the quality of
life of people and hold states and elites
accountable through surgical monitor -
ing, advocacy and co-production.
With this admittedly bleak diagnosis in
mind, how do we think about the im -
peratives of scholarly work on the South
African/African city? I want to work my
way through this question by instigating
a more contested discussion through a
series of propositions. What follows is
premised on my reading of deeply held as -
sumptions that anchor much of our con -
temporary scholarship.
Making Our Peace
With A Few Unruly Things
Proposition As critical scholars and
practitioners, we have to make our peace
SOUTH AFRICA
with the logics of markets. There is some -
thing important about engaging with
the intense poetics of market dynamics,
which involve compelling allocable and
distributive systems – simultaneously
holding the power to bring forth incred -
ible fantastical innovation of both the
episodic and mundane kind – whilst on
the other hand instilling a measure of
capriciousness that is clearly unjust and
often cruel. Yet in our post-Marxist mo -
ment, important thinking must be done
to subvert this and repurpose pervasive
systems, cultures and desires for a dif -
ferent world. To simply insist that such
p. 86
ETHZ D-ARCH CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN
reimagining is only available in a post-
market ideological moment is to forego
large swathes of innovation that can
make a profound difference to the quality
and prospects of urban life. What are the
questions and theoretical touchstones
we can weave into our diverse interests to
begin to reimagine market logics beyond
the narrow imperatives of unbridled prof -
SOUTH AFRICA
it and accumulation?
Proposition We need to make our peace
with the uncivil or unruly core of much of
civil society. Most civil society organiza -
tions, whether in poor neighborhoods or
not, are complex, contested and prone to
conservatism, especially in the domains
of biopolitics and gender relations . Yes,
some embrace and espouse radical values
and objectives, but typically there is a rath -
er large gulf between ideological identity
and lived practices. Moreover, it is often
the somewhat less democratic, altruistic,
and inclusive members who rise to the
top to take on leadership positions and
imprint their idiosyncratic proclivities on
the identity of their organizations. This
is not to suggest there is malign intent
at work, but rather that we need to make
peace with the sociological dynamics and
power logics at play when people with few
resources, limited political reach, and
relative power over other interests within
their domains of control are endowed with
the political and moral responsibility to be
the harbingers of all that is good and true
in our futures.
I am not suggesting that organized inter -
ests of the urban poor are not a funda -
mental prerequisite for more egalitarian
and interesting futures. Simply, that we
need to stop projecting our own desires
for virtuous heroes in order to make
sense of how people survive amidst tor -
rential oppression and continue to fail to
rise up and seize their fair shares. Given
the complex wiring of our psychic interi -
ors, we must come to terms with identi -
ties in the making: they are invariably
conflicted, contradictory, contingent and
equally prone to altruism and selfishness,
compassion and violence, and always hov -
SLUM LAB
ering somewhere in-between in a state of
constitutive uncertainty. If we then layer
over this the routinized violence and
damage a life without access to the basics
implies, we can only surprise ourselves if
we somehow continue to search for virtu -
ous citizens that, in the absence of love,
care, encouragement and spiritual sus -
tenance, rise above their inevitable trau -
mas. We need a much more provisional,
psychologically attuned and culturally
inflected discourse on identity, everyday
life and social becoming within settings
of almost permanent states of structural
violence and violation .
PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER
Proposition At some point we need to
pause and take stock of the fact we are
living through an incredible period of
transition, shot through with all manner
of technological shifts that will bring into
view material-social-cultural articulations
that remain, at best, obscure in our urban
discourses. Let’s stand back with Smith
and allow the following observation about
the length of time in human history it has
taken us to add a billion people to sink
in: '11,800 years… 130 years… 30 years…
15 years… 12 years' . The mind-blowing
nature of this observation that we are
now down to adding a billion people to
our stock every decade-and-a-half or so –
an estimated three billion over the next
40 years – is simply incomprehensible in
terms of its implications. If this trajectory
is not confronting enough, we also need
THE QUESTION REMAINS,
HOW TO REIMAGINE
AND RETHINK THE
PATENTLY UNVIABLE
AND UNJUST
SETTLEMENT DYNAMICS
OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN
ECONOMY, SOCIETY
AND ECOLOGY
to consider that the demographic transi -
tion runs in lockstep with an uncertain but
profound techno-social transition, as Afri -
can and Asian youth become the digitally
astute axis mundi of the world. These two
transitions will intersect profoundly with
the dramatic resource constraints already
causing global markets to wobble .
Let us briefly consider the youth-digital
interface. Can we really begin to fathom
the implications of the fact normality for
the majority of (poor) urbanites in Africa is
now partially mediated by the digital device
presently slumbering in all our pockets?
In 1995, a total of 600,000 mobile
phones were in use in sub-Saharan Af -
rica, of which 90 percent were in South
Africa. By 2009, the number surpassed
the mark of 300 million units, a growth
of 51,300 percent. […] South Africa was
the first to reach mobile market satura -
tion and Nigeria grew to become the
biggest market on the continent, with
75 million phones in use by 2009 .
How far have we travelled to remodel our
social and economic categories to take
this ontological shift into account? The
mobile phone is merely the surface re -
minder, however, of much more powerful
currents of technological remodeling that
will produce new categories of reality, life,
materiality, communication, experience,
interpretation, and most importantly,
imagination.
This is not a yearning for adopting sci-fi
sensibilities – although that is probably
not a bad idea – but rather a provocation
to come to terms with the technologically
mediated nature of almost every aspect
of routine reproduction of households,
firms, neighborhoods and cities them -
selves, especially in our deeply inter-pene -
trated and multiple distanciated worlds . sufficiency and autonomy, but profoundly
There is a confluence between the youth -
ful demographic of our continent, and the
shifting tectonic plates regulating flows of
data, resources, signals and symbols (and
therefore desires and aspirations). If ur -
ban studies is anything, it is surely the ap -
prehension and analysis of contemporary
desire lines, explicating them in all their
spatial and temporal fullness. Disruptive
technological change is the only keyhole
available to us to both imagine and in -
stantiate more just, resilient and inclusive
futures. These potential worlds are not
the product of technological innovation
in an instrumentalist sense, but rather
rendered viable, and therefore obtainable,
through artful struggle for technologically
informed claims that paradoxically argue
for distributed, low-tech and labor-inten -
sive options.
Proposition We need to make our peace
with the fact the full swathe of modern
institutions – the state, multinational
firm and university, amongst others – are
for all intents and purposes obsolete. As
these institutions continue to perpetu -
ate their denials about our postcolonial,
post-foundational, post-carbon emergent
moment, they are essentially going down
fighting. They have much life and fight
left in their sinews, but it is essentially a
matter of time. This tendency is brought
into sharp relief by the Asian economies
that are, with incredible historical speed,
eclipsing the dominance of the G8 – a pen -
dulum swing that will perpetuate Africa’s
marginalization, whilst fundamentally re -
casting Africa’s insertion into all kinds of
material and value chains – inciting new
bases of power, new ideological projects,
and new frames of aspiration and depen -
dence. How much of our work in city stud -
ies is consciously looking for these signs of
the times? How far can we go to delineate
a new prophesy for our era premised on
truly post-postmodern articulations of in -
stitutional and regulatory times to come?
My argument here is not that regulatory
and transmission institutions will disap -
pear, but rather we will see the birth of new
institutional forms with novel regimes of
governmentality to provide a sense of or -
dering, interaction and futurity. And these
institutions will have to mould themselves
to the dual and inter-dependent impera -
tives of decentralized production and
consumption, embedded in a transna -
tional culture of selective globalism and
aspiration. Put simply, we cannot hope
to solve the problems of structural unem -
ployment, over-consumption, inequality
and violence by scaling up the norms and
machines of globalized consumer cul -
tures. We need to understand the material
and cultural imperatives of localism, self-
sutured by multiple larger sensibilities of
affiliation that will flow between religious,
intellectual, lifestyle, technological, gen -
der, sexuality, and financial imperatives.
Can we really critically reflect on, and proj -
ect out of, the contemporary problems of
the city without some explicit engagement
with the futures rising up around us?
Proposition If these ideas hold any wa
ter, then the final missive is simply a logi
cal extension. We need to make our peace
with the necessity and urgency of ‘partner
ships’ in thinking about and transform
ing the city. In my reading of much of the
contemporary literature on cities in the
global South (and north), there is a deep
and seemingly unshakable piety when it
comes to documenting and analyzing the
practices of the local state. Everything,
whether it be service delivery efforts, tar
iff policies, safety nets, renewal efforts,
public space interventions, public art
competitions, and so on are read through
the lens of neoliberal governmentality. We
continuously discover local state actors
who say one thing and do another – pith
ily captured by Bond in his 'talk left, walk
right' tag . Of course, most of the time
this is exactly what is going down. Yet this
seems to be a profoundly fated concep
tual positioning. Surely, we can critique
and also explore other ways of thinking
and doing – roll up our sleeves and work
with various actors in the contested drama
and really unpick ways of seeing, imagin
ing, doing, and most importantly, reflect
ing. Here, the protean literature on social
learning is most apt.
In their concise and suggestive book, John
son and Wilson remind us that all aspects
of the development process, whether sym
bolic political contestation of resource
prioritization or the organizational execu
tion of specific actions, invariably involve
a multiplicity of actors across state insti
tutions and society, needing some form
of named coherence . This multiplicity
simply intensifies as societal understand
ing deepens around the imperatives of
integrated and multi-scalar responses to a
variety of development problematics. The
result is always a complex entanglement
of organizations, interests, agendas, pow -
er and resources, and in the absence of co-
produced tools for conflict management,
mediation and orderly contestation (that
will of course always have an irresolvable
excess), effective action and learning is
simply impossible . I am hard pressed to
think of any contemporary urban issue in
Africa exempt from these imperatives. Yet,
when one encounters contemporary texts
there is frequently a caricature of the ‘bad
guys’ – the witting or unwitting agents
of neoliberal governmentality, and the
victims of this intentionality. Both sides
are typically enfolded by larger market
dynamics speeding inexorably towards
ever more intense commercialization and
commodification of life itself, let alone the
supporting infrastructures for dwelling,
working and moving about.
Surely, this cannot be adequate? Certain
ly, we can find more dynamic and rela
- tional analytical categories to capture the
- hybrid and inter-dependent formations
gravitating around various points of ac
- tion and intervention, and which in turn
- constitute a variety of relational networks
and impulses continuously working to de
stabilize and recalibrate dominant under
standings of how best to make sense of the
city, how best to act on its unruly dynam
ics, and how best to reflect on and arrive at
judgments about what is actually going on
- (or not, for that matter).
In concluding, I want to circle back to
the opening quotes by Amin and Simone.
They ask of me: what is the scope for lay
ing down some firmer knowledge claims
- for how our cities could be better under
stood, remade and engaged? Can such an
ambition work with the injunction that in
the multitudinous acts of survival, there
- lie precious pearls of insight into how
the city presently works amidst its dys
functionality? Insights that could even
instigate propositions towards the larger
knowledge project to build aspirational
- architectures for cities that are resource
- efficient, dynamically inclusive, surpris
ing, impervious to crass social engineer
ing, and fundamentally adaptive? My
unsettled thoughts on this are a story for
- another time.
- tion (
- Ash Amin and Nigel Thri , Cities: Reimagining
-
Ash Amin, ‘Urban Planning in an Uncertain
World’ in Gary Bridge and Sophie Watson (eds),
The New Blackwell Companion to the City
( ), - .
-
AbdouMaliq Simone, City Life From Jakarta to
Dakar: Movements at the Crossroads ( ) tional Ecology and Innovative Management’ in
- .
City Interface | Cape Town
An initial produ of this exploration is: Edgar
Pieterse and AbdouMaliq Simone (eds), Rogue
Urbanism: Emergent African Cities ( ).
An earlier version of this paper was presented
as a keynote at the South African City Studies
Conference at the University of Cape Town in
September . I have retained the tone of a
oken paper and done some refinements.
Jakkie Cilliers, Barry Hughes and Jonathan
Moyers, African Futures : The next Forty
Years, ISS Monograph ( ) .
See UN-HABITAT, State of the World’s Cities
/ : Bridging the Urban Divide ( );
SLUM LAB
Martin Ravallion, Shaohua Chen and Prem
Sangraula, New Evidence on the Urbanization
of Global Poverty ( ).
Cilliers et al ( ) .
Patrick Chabal, Africa: The Politics of Su ering
and Smiling ( ).
Monitor Group, Africa From the Bo om Up:
Cities, Economic Growth, and Pro erity in
Sub-Saharan Africa ( ) .
Vivien Fo er and Cecilia Briceño-Garmendia
(eds), Africa’s Infra ru ure: A Time for Trans -
formation ( ).
Stephen Graham, ‘When Infra ru ures Fail’ in
Stephen Graham (ed), Disrupted Cities: When
Infra ru ures Fail ( ).
These challenges are more carefully explicated
- in: Edgar Pieterse and Katherine Hyman
(in press), “Disjun ures Between Urban
-
Infra ru ure, Finance and A ordability’ in
Susan Parnell and Sophie Oldfield (eds), The
Routledge Handbook on Cities of the Global
South.
-
See Sudeshna Banerjee, Quentin Wodon,
Amadou Diallo, Taras Pushak, Helal Uddin,
Clarence Tsimpo, and Vivien Fo er, Access,
A ordability, and Alternatives: Modern Infra-
-
-
ru ure Services in Africa (Africa Infra ruc-
ture Country Diagno ic Background Paper ,
) - .
National Planning Commission of South Africa,
-
Economy Diagno ic ( ) .
The NPC’s Material Conditions Diagno ic
report points that: “between and ,
annual public se or infra ru ure inve ment
fell from . percent of GDP to . percent of
GDP, leaving a legacy of old, outdated and un -
reliable infra ru ure […] The accepted norm
for infra ru ure inve ment, as a ratio of gross
fixed capital formation to GDP, is percent,
- with recent infra ru ure inve ments shi ing
the South African ratio from percent in
to . percent in ” ( - ).
- Ibid .
Vanessa Watson, ‘African Urban Fantasies:
Dreams or Nightmares?’ ( ) Environment
and Urbanization .
See the perceptive rethinking on these is -
sues in: Kees Biekart and Alan Fowler, ‘A Civic
Agency Per e ive on Change’ ( )
-
Development .
I explore these themes more fully, yet
inconclusively, in a few recent articles: Edgar
Pieterse, ‘Gra ing the Unknowable: Coming to
Grips with African Urbanisms’ ( ) Social
Dynamics ; Edgar Pieterse, ‘Cityness and
- African Urban Development’ ( ) Urban
SOUTH AFRICA
- Forum ; Edgar Pieterse, ‘Hip Hop Cultures
and Political Agency in Brazil and South Africa’
( ) Social Dynamics .
Laurence Smith, The New North: The World in
( ) .
UNEP, Towards a Green Economy: Pathways to
Su ainable Development and Poverty Eradica -
).
Ja er Grosskurth, Futures of Technology in
Africa ( ) .
the Urban ( ).
Patrick Bond boa s an expansive oeuvre that
is be explored through the following website:
h p://ccs.ukzn.ac.za
Hazel Johnson and Gordon Wilson, Learning for
Development ( ).
Michael Carley and Ian Chri ie, ‘Organiza -
Managing Su ainable Development ( ).
p. 88
São Paulo
Brazil
Tool 1
Culture Infrastructure
Social | Community Projects

Tool 2
Participatory Budgeting for a
Regional Plan
Governance | Community Projects

Tool 3
Metropolitan Waterwayring
of São Paulo
Environment | Ecology / Landscape

p. 90
Infographic
Map of São Paulo Size Comparison: Zurich, CH - São Paulo, BR

São Paulo | City Proper 10km São Paulo | Metropolitan Area 20km

city proper urban footprint 5 10km

0
metropolitan urban agglomeration
area 10km 20km
Zurich | City Proper Zurich | Metropolitan Area

Data City Proper | Metropolitan Area

Population 12 mil. | 21.5 mil.
Area 1521 km² | 7950 km²
Density 6400 people / km²
GDP 164 bil. U.S. Dollar

Parks, community
Cycling 5% gardens
Car 14% 12%
29%

Walking
Public 29% Information Sources:
transport
Google Earth, all Maps are North Oriented
28%
United Nations, The World’s Cities in 2016, Chapter: What is a City?
Metropolitan World Atlas, Arjen van Susteren, Published by 010 Publishers, 2005
Transportation Unemployment Green Spaces

City Interface | São Paulo p. 92

São Paulo
Introduction (2)

São Paulo, São Paulo, Brazil

In 1554, a college was found by 12 Christian priests on top of a steep hill between the Anhangabaú
and Tamanduateí rivers. The small settlement was built to convert the Indians to Christianity,
but did stay rather poor and slowly growing during the next centuries.
The discovery of gold in the 1690s attracted adventurers, and the settlement expanded. In 1711,
São Paulo enabled the city status, and the Portuguese invested heavily in the incorporation of
the gold saturated territory.
A shift towards the production and export of sugar cane happened in the late 18th century,
as the gold ran out. The Port of Santos was used to distribute the crops, and the first modern
highway was built to connect the city to the harbor.
In 1822, Brazil became independent from Portugal. The “Golden Law” in 1888 abolished slavery
in Brazil, leading to an immigration wave from Italy, Japan, and Portugal. The new citizens
fueled the emerging industry sector that provided them with job opportunities.

São Paulo in History

(1)

Slaves in the Yard of a Coffee Farm, Vale do Paraíba, Brazil, c. 1882

Slaves at a cocoa plantation in Vale do Paraiba, São Paulo, 1882

Marc/Moreira Salles Institute Archive
(3)

Maps of São Paulo Showing its Expansion in the Years 1920, 1950, 1960 and 1980 First Painting with a Social Theme in the History of Brazilian Art, Workers, Tarsila Do Amaral, 1933

Image Sources:
(1) LUME FAU USP
(2) Slaves at a Coffee Yard in a Farm. Vale do Paraiba, Sao Paulo, 1882, Marc Ferrez, Moreira Salles Institute Archive
(3) https://artschaft.wordpress.com/2018/01/23/tarsila-do-amaral-workers-1933/, 21.06.2019

City Interface | São Paulo p. 94

(4) (6)

São Paulo | São Paulo Urban Parangolé | by Daniel Schwartz and U-TT | 2012 Construction of Brasília, 1960

(5) (7)

Construction of Brasília | 1960

architizer | Marcel Gautherot

Interview with Ligia Nobre Construction of Brasília, 1960

Image Sources:
(4) São Paulo Urban Parangolé I by Daniel Schwartz and U-TT I 2012
(5) Interview with Ligia Nobre
(6-7) Image from the Lecture Slides

City Interface | São Paulo

Construction ofp. 96 | 1960
Brasília
architizer | Marcel Gautherot
Tool 1
Culture Infrastructure (1)

ESG Factor: Social

Thematic Cluster : Community Projects

Year : 2000

CEU 2000-2004 Centros Educacionais Unificados

Main stakeholders: Alexandre Delijaicov, André Takiya and Wanderley Ariza

São Paulo will be forced to address the rampantly growing city that has been remodeled by
infrastructural plans. The modern way of thinking in São Paulo is connected to the idea of
systematic thinking and architectural urbanism, strongly tied to social-political arguments.
The CEU will be used as a late case study of city architecture as strategic implants in a
metropolitan network.
London’s Localities
The complexes combine several programs such as a school, daycare, a library, TV and study
room, theater, sport, and leisure areas. CEUs offer exclusive activities not found in other
schools or sports centers in the outlying areas. They operate as centers of personal networks (2)
gravitating around each unit, and they give the communities a metropolitan dimension.(1)

CEU were precisely implanted into an existing urban fabric characterized by illegibility and
exclusion, depicting a reality of social inequality in the peripheral areas of São Paulo. These
interventions aimed at re-organizing a fragmented territory by encouraging human contact,
providing it with the necessary tools. The “architecture of the program” – of the equipment
– becomes the architecture of the place. “The place was then set as C-E-U 2 [Centros de
Estruturação Urbana] Centers of Urban Structuring” (2), defining the CEU as structuring poles
of the neighborhood and the periphery, establishing a metropolitan network.

When put into new geographic circumstances, and re-framed in new realities, each new
surrounding is re-discovered by the gaze of its citizens, making it a reference point in the
urban-scape, recognized as the meeting point inside a neighborhood unit.

London’s spatial plan - "The New London Plan#

(1) Francop. Fernando de Mello; et. al. São Paulo. Redes e lugares. Arquitextos, São Paulo, 07.077, Vitruvius, ost 2006 Online: http://www.vitruvius.com.br/revis- Image Sources:
tas/read/arquitextos/07.077/307/en_US (1-2) Image from the Lecture Slides
(2) Delijaicov, in: Mascare. 2004, p. 10.

City Interface | São Paulo p. 98

(3) (5)

Centro Educational Unificad An Orchestra in a Barrio | Caracas

An Orchestra in a Barrio | Caracas

(4) Exterior view I Centro Educational Unificado (6) lifo.gr/team/u653/38068
David Rego

Sesc 24 de Maio, Paulo Mendes da Rocha + MMBB Arquitetos Visualization of an architectural Experiment in Grotao, Paraisopolis

Sesc 24 de Maio | Paulo Mendes da Rocha + MMBB Arquitetos | 2017 Image Sources:
archdaily.com; Nelson Kon (3-6) Image from the Lecture Slides

City Interface | SãoVisualation

Paulo I Grotao, Paraisopolis,
p. 100 2011
Chair of Architecture and Urban Design | Prof. Klumpner + UTT
Tool 2
Participatory Budgeting for (1)

a Regional Plan
ESG Factor: Governance
Thematic Cluster : Community Projects
Year : 2021-2024

Citizen deliberation to enhance the urban direct democracy

Main stakeholders: São Miguel Paulista region

The challenges imposed by dramatic inequalities in São Paulo - the difference between the
life expectancy within the city but in different neighborhoods is just over 23 years - point out
challenges to the urban planning methodologies. Not only related to the public budget and
defining priorities, the integration of sectorial actions, and effective participation.

This initiative is in dialogue with the Brazilian historical process of building participatory Median age at death per district in São Paulo

budgets. In this case, it faces the challenge of promoting integrated regional plenary.
Pilot projects were carried out in two Sub-districts of the municipality of São Paulo, São Miguel
Paulista and Pirituba; the Master Plan in force establishes that every four years, Quadrennial (2)
Action Plans must be made for each of its 32 regional administration units.

The pilot-project consisted in: i) estimating the investment capacity for the four-year
cycle of the São Paulo City Hall, the period of a mayor's administration (14 billion Reais / 3
billion CHF); ii) establishing criteria to divide these resources, such as demographic density,
urban and environmental precariousness, social vulnerability indicators (in the case of São
Miguel Paulista 500 million Reais / 100 million CHF should be allocated); iii) raise the needs
of the region in relation to different sectoral policies (housing, mobility, environment, culture,
health, education, social assistance, among others) and develop scenarios and price the
actions that should be carried out to meet such needs; iv) develop 3 investment scenarios
prioritizing different objectives: a) emergency actions, b) infrastructure shortages, and c)
health and education at a value of 540 million each; iii) carry out a qualified consultation of a
representative group of the local population on the regional and four-year budget planning
using the participatory deliberation methodology (known as MiniPublico, which was defined
using the same methodology for sample surveys), supported by a game that was created
specifically for this purpose; iv) dialogue with the municipal government to present the results
of the final scenario obtained at the end of the process.

The experience of Minipublics and the construction of investment scenarios related to the
urban planning process can bring rulers and citizens closer together, generate consensus, and
facilitate complex decisions on applying public resources.

São Miguel Paulista 2022-2024 Regional Plan, 2021

Image Sources:
1) RNSP
2) Tide Setúbal Foundation

City Interface | São Paulo p. 102

(3) (5)

São Miguel Paulista 2022-2024 Regional Plan, 2021 3 SCENARIOS

(4) (6)

São Miguel Paulista 2022-2024 Regional Plan, 2021 Current Situation

Image Sources:
(3-4) ITide Setúbal Foundation
5-6) Lecture slides

City Interface | São Paulo p. 104

Tool 3
METROPOLITAN WATERWAY (1)

RING OF SÃO PAULO

ESG Factor: Environment

Thematic Cluster : Ecology / Landscape

Year : 2014 - 2040

Fluvial Infrastructure and metropolitan development

Water has multiple uses, is a public good, and is a limited natural resource that must be ratio-
nalized and diversified in a manner to allow its use by everyone. This project foresees water-
way transportation in integrated water management, aiming at sustainable urban metro-
politan and local development.

The Metropolitan Waterway Ring of São Paulo is a project of a network of navigable canals 2014 São Paulo Master Plan
composed of the rivers Tietê and Pinheiros, the reservoirs Billings and Taiaçupeba, and an arti-
ficial channel connecting these reservoirs, adding up to 170km (105 miles) of urban waterways.
It also pretends to transform the main rivers into canals and their margins into main metro- (2)
politan public spaces. Thereby, urban rivers become routes for passengers and cargo trans-
portation, places for leisure and tourism, besides contributing to the urban macro drainage.
Therefore, functional and playful areas are created to benefit the population. To promote
this, the project considers and articulates itself with the expansion of the sewage network, es-
pecially in the tributaries of the rivers and dams that form the Waterway Ring, in association
with the urbanization process of these areas. This factor is essential for the depollution of São
Paulo's river waters.

The implementation of the Waterway Ring is justified by the transportation of urban waste,
called Public Cargo. This definition follows the directives of the Waste National Policy, which
establishes the government as a response to the development of integrated management of
the urban waste system that includes collection, transportation, transshipment, treatment,
and environmentally good final destination. A network of ports along the waterway was pro-
posed. The cargo deposited in the origin ports is transported through the canals towards the
destination ports, the Tri-ports, where the waste is selected, recycled, processed, bio-digested,
or reutilized, and, in the last instance, incinerated. For the year 2040, there is the possibility that
the fluvial system makes feasible the policy of zero landfill. The project is also aligned with the
National Policy for Urban Mobility guidelines. It pretends to collaborate with the transition
of the uses of the waterfronts, nowadays occupied by roads, to be a place dedicated to the
promotion of urban life. The 2014 São Paulo Master Plan predicted that Urban Transformation
Projects must be done to guide this transformation.

2014 São Paulo Master Plan

Grupo Metrópole Fluvial. Water Related Urban Infrastructures Research Group. (http://www.metropolefluvial.fau.usp.br/index_en.php). Architecture and Image Sources:
Urbanism Faculty of the University of São Paulo – FAU USP. (1-2) Image from the Lecture Slides

City Interface | São Paulo p. 106

(3) (5)

Floods and mudslides in São Paulo Montage based on reflections by Delijaicov and historical images of the Tiete river

(4) (6)

São Paulo Water Ring, 2011 PETS Art Intervention - Eduardo Srur

Image Sources:
3) aljazeera.com/
4) Metropoli Fluvial USP
5) Fujocka/TRIP Magazine
6)Lecture Slides

City Interface | São Paulo p. 108

Exercise
São Paulo
Tools: Urban Parangolé Mobility and Hand-Made Urbanism

CITY: In order to get a better understanding of this complex relationship and its influence on the urban
SÃO PAULO forms and processes, please choose four out of the six questions from the list on the left side.
TOOL: Based on the input from the lecture and your own perception, thoughts, and imagined scenarios,
please try to offer explanations to the chosen questions that will provide a more grounded and
Urban mobility and Microplanning extended understanding of the presented case.
As shown during the lecture, tackling the various urban challenges of megacities in the Global South includes
a holistic understanding of all ingredients of urban design. The planning of infrastructure, buildings and open
spaces stand in sensitive, interrelated connection. In addition to that, the processes of their
(re)functionalization, (de)construction and (re)programming deserve the attention of urban designers. In the
picture below we present the overlapping of two different tools which, even characterized by different scales,
create, in correlation with each other, a particular urban context. Some questions immediately arise:

1. Is there a shift in the target group/profile of users from different social groups?
2. How did it change the public life and lifestyle of the residents?
3. How does it influence the local economies?
4. How does it affect the traffic flows and the development of transportation infrastructure?
5. How does it affect the trends in architecture and landscape project-related activities in the surrounding
area?
6. How does it change urban policies (e.g. informal activities becoming formal ones)?

Example of the Correlation of two tools and reprogrammation of a space

City Interface | São Paulo p. 110

 READING:
Reading A
(1) e r sier. “ ra i ian oro ar hich s A so Urugua an”. in: drifts and derivations: experiences,
journeys and morphologies. Madrid: Pub icarions e art ent Museo aciona entro de Arte eina Sofia

São Paulo
(ed.). .P .

Tools: Urban Parangolé Mobility and Hand-Made Urbanism

LE CORBUSIER. ����������������������������������������������������

City Interface | São Paulo p. 112

LE CORBUSIER. ������������������������������������ ���������

City Interface | São Paulo p. 114

LE CORBUSIER. ���������������������� �� ���� ��� ������������������ �������� ���������������������� ����������������� ������� ����������

City Interface | São Paulo p. 116

LE CORBUSIER. ��������������������������������������� ��� ����������� ����� �������

City Interface | São Paulo p. 118

LE CORBUSIER. ���������������6���� 6�

City Interface | São Paulo p. 120

LE CORBUSIER. ���������������6���� 6�

City Interface | São Paulo p. 122

LE CORBUSIER. ���������� �La Maison des hommes���� ��

City Interface | São Paulo p. 124

ETHZ D-ARCH CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

LE CORBUSIER. ���������� �La Maison des hommes���� ��

City Interface | São Paulo p. 126

Berlin
Germany
Tool 1
Mega-Scale Planning
Governance | City Extension

Tool 2
Critical Re-Construction of
Identities
Environment | Destruction Reconstruction

Tool 3
Temporary Urbanism
Social | Micro / Temporary Programs

p. 128
Infographic
Map of Berlin Size Comparison: Zurich, CH - Berlin DE

Berlin | City Proper 10km Berlin | Metropolitan Area 20km

city proper urban footprint 5 10km

0
metropolitan urban agglomeration
area 10km 20km
Zurich | City Proper Zurich | Metropolitan Area

Data City Proper | Metropolitan area

Population 3.7 mil | 6.2 mil
Area 892 km2 | 30,545 km2
Density 4100 people / km²
GDP 140 bil. U.S. Dollar
Cycling Parks, community
15% Walking 8% gardens
Car 29% 15%
30%

Public
transport
26%
Information Sources:
Google Earth, all Maps are North Oriented
United Nations, The World’s Cities in 2016, Chapter: What is a City?
Metropolitan World Atlas, Arjen van Susteren, Published by 010 Publishers, 2005
Transportation Unemployment Green Spaces

City Interface | Berlin p. 130

Berlin
Introduction (2)

Berlin, Berlin, Germany

Berlin was founded in 1237, located at the crossing of two important trading routes and the
river Spree.

Berlin became the capital of the Kingdom of Prussia in 1701, as it was the geographical center
of the captured territory. The cities Cölln, Friedrichswerder, Friedrichstadt and Dorotheenstadt,
were united under the name of “Haupt- und Residenzstadt Berlin.”

The rapid growth of Berlin in the early 19th century during the industrial revolution, a strategy
to expand for the estimation of a million citizens by the end of the century, was required.

The plan that James Hobrecht elaborated for 1.5 to 2 million citizens would influence the urban
structure of Berlin for the centuries to come. While existing roads, villages and railways were
incorporated, he proposed parcels designed for the middle- and upper class. The buildings
were later overbuilt and suffered from overpopulation, lack of sunlight, and poor ventilation.

Berlin in History Hobrecht-Plan: Plan for the Expansion of Berlin, James Hobrecht, 1862

(1) (3)

Berlin in the Middle of the German Empire of 1871 The Berlin Wall, 1961-1989

Image Sources:
(1) https://www.the-map-as-history.com/timeline/Europe-19th-20th-century/, 21.06.2019
(2) Plan for the Expansion of Berlin, James Hobrecht, 1862, https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hobrecht-Plan, 21.06.2019
(3) Fall of the Berlin Wall, 1989, Photography by Robert Lacke, Time Life Pictures

City Interface | Berlin p. 132

(4) (6)

Good Bye Lenin The Royal City

The Royal city

farm3.static.flickr.com

(5) (7)

Interview between Alejandro Jaramillo and Andreas Ruby The Urban Fabric of Berlin

The urban fabric of Berlin

fotos-aus-der-luft.de

Image Sources:
(4) Himmel über Berlin, Wim Wenders, 1987, Source: http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x4353r_wim-wenders-der-himmel-uber-berlin_shortfilms
(5) Interview between Alejandro Jaramillo and Andreas Ruby
(6) farm3.static.flickr.com
(7) fotos-aus-der-luft.de

City Interface | Berlin p. 134

 | « URBAN DESIGN I/II + III + IV URBAN STORIES» | FALL 2018 / SPRING 2019 | COORDINATOR : MELANIE FESSEL | | ETH ZÜRICH | DARCH | CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER |

BERLIN
STER:
ON Tool 1
TOOL: MEGASCALE PLANNING
Mega-Scale Planning (1)

THEMATICESGCLUSTER:
Factor: Governance
CITY EXTENSION
OF A DELAYED
YEAR: METROPOLIS
Thematic
1910’s - Jansen,
s: Hermann Cluster
Albert : City Hans
Speer, Extention
Scharoun and others
Year : 1910‘s -

THE LEGACY
phenomenon is dictatingOF A DELAYED
Urban METROPOLIS
development with all its various mechanisms. In
Main stakeholders:
The LegacyHermann
of a Jansen,
Delayed Albert Speer, Hans Scharoun and others
Metropolis
velopment is extensively dependent on political decisions. In Berlin, the Great-
ompetition was theMain stakeholders:
trigger for a newHermann Jansen,
era of urban Albert Speer,
development inHans Scharoun and
the decades
others
ts created provocative visions for an emerging World City - Great Berlin.
The different societal phenomenon is dictating Urban development with all its various mechanisms. In
some cases, urban development is extensively dependent on political decisions. In Berlin, the Great-
s during theurban
Berlin industrialization,
design
The competition
different Berlin
social was thewas
phenomenontrigger anfor
isovercrowded
adictating
new era of urban
Urban city with massive
development
development inwith
the decades
all its various
followingand
nfrastructure 1910. Urbanists
hygiene.created
mechanisms. Being
In someprovocative
delayed
cases, urbanvisions for an emerging
in having
developmenta World isWorld City -after
City,
extensively Great Berlin.
the on political
dependent
cities like decisions. In Berlin, the Great- Berlin urban design competition was the trigger for a new era
LikeLondon
many other andcities
of urban
Paris but the
during
development
also
in
emerging
industrialization, North
the decades following BerlinAmerican
was
1910.an
Cities,
overcrowded
Urbanists
Germany
created city with massive
provocative visions for
wn “World city.”regarding
problems The ideas
an emerging emerged
infrastructure
World Cityand -in the second
hygiene.
Great Berlin. Beinghalf of the
delayed 19th century,
in having a World City, butafter the
til 1908-10 for therenowned
historically Great-Berlin cities likeofficial
London and competition
Paris but alsothat wasNorth
emerging wonAmerican
by Hermann Cities, Germany First vision of Great Berlin by Jansen
First vision of Great Berlin by Jansen
started creating
Like its
manyownother
“World city.”during
cities The ideas the emerged in the second
industrialization, Berlinhalf
wasof the
an 19th century, but
overcrowded city with
rators Berlin
proposing
had to
await
concept
until
named
1908-10regarding
“Within borders
for the Great-Berlin
of possibilities.”
official First vision of Great Berlin by Jansen
massive problems infrastructure andcompetition
hygiene. Being that was won
delayed by Hermann
in having a World City,
Jansen and his collaborators
after the historically proposing
renowned a concept named
cities like “Within
London andborders
Paris but of also
possibilities.”
emerging North American (2)
Berlin and its surrounding
Cities, Germany wasstarted
finally decided
creating by “World
its own the authorities.
city.” The ideas Shortly
emerged after,
in the second half of
and works of Hilbersheimer, Taut, Wagner and many others started shapingShortly
In 1920, the merge
the 19thof Berlin
century, andbut its surrounding
Berlin had to was
wait finally
until decided
1908-10 by
for the
the authorities.
Great-Berlin the after,
official competition
the rise of modernism
that was won and works of Hilbersheimer,
by Hermann Jansen and Taut, Wagner and many
his collaborators others started
proposing a concept shaping
named the„Within
til the Nazi
new eraregime took
of Berlin over
- until the the
Nazi power.
regime took According to Hitler
over the power. AccordingandtoitsHitler
main andurban
its main urban
borders of possibilities.”
, Berlinplanner,
shouldAlbert
become Speer,the Berlinbiggest
should becomeWorld the Capital,
biggest called Germania.
World Capital, As thoseAs those
called Germania.
he fire ideas
of the Allies’
In 1920,bombs
disappeared inthe fireand
themerge ofofthethe division
Allies’
Berlin andbombs ofandthe
the city
its surrounding wasduring
division of the
finally the
city Cold
decided during
by theWar,
the Cold War, Shortly
authorities.
Berlin lost its international
after, the rise significance.
of modernism It became
and the showcase
works of for architecture
Hilbersheimer, Taut, and
Wagnerurbanist
and ideas
many of others
onal significance. It became the
the East andstarted
West “Blocks,”
showcase forexample
architecture and urbanist ideas ofprojects.
shapinge.g. thebestnew seenerain ofthe
Berlin -untilof thethe Stalinallee
Nazi regimeand tookHansaviertel
over the power. According
ocks,” e.g. best seen in the example of the Stalinallee and Hansaviertel projects.
to Hitler and its main urban planner, Albert Speer, Berlin should become the biggest World
Berlin, as a city with acalled
Capital, highlyGermania.
dynamic development
As those ideas anddisappeared
a broad spectrum in theoffire
very
of diverse ideas,
the Allies‘ bombsneverand the
managed to reach and keep the character that was
highly dynamic development and a broad spectrum of very diverse ideas, never became
division of the city during the Cold War, intended
Berlin lost by
its its planners.
international Much more
significance. the
It city the
became a laboratory
showcaseand for developed
architecture its and
ever-changing
urbanist ideascharacter
of thethatEastcreated
and Westa unique environment.
“Blocks,” e.g. best seen in
d keep Eventhe today,
character that after
two example
decades wasthe intended
unification byand its
afterplanners. Much more the city
new significant
the of the Stalinallee and Hansaviertel projects.changes in the socio-economic
and developed its ever-changing character that created
and political context as well as rigid urban visions about its development, a unique environment.
Berlin, through its own
es aftermechanisms,
the unification
Berlin, asand
still keeps a its after
withnew
unrestrainable
city a highlysignificant
and changes
wild character.
dynamic development in theandsocio-economic
a broad spectrum of very diverse
as well as rigid urban ideas, never
visions managed
abouttoits reach and keep the character
development, Berlin, throughthat was intended
its ownby its planners.
Much more the city became a laboratory and developed its ever-changing character that
ps its unrestrainable createdanda wild
unique character.
environment. Even today, two decades after the unification and after new
significant changes in the socio-economic and political context as well as rigid urban visions
about its development, Berlin, through its own mechanisms, still keeps its unrestrainable and
wild character.

Germania- The World Capital Planned by the Nazi Regime

Germania-The
Image Sources: World Capital planned by the Nazi regime
(1-2) Images from the Lecture Slides
(1) Harald Bodenschatz (Ed.): Berlin und seine Bauten-Teil 1, Staedtebau, Berlin. DOM publishers 2009.
(2) ARCH+ Magazine, Numbers 201/202, Arch+ Verlag, March 2011

City Interface | Berlin p. 136

(3) (5)

z
z
z z
The Gradual Development of Berlin Metropolitan Region into Great Berlin, 18th century - 1910 The Plan for a North-South-Axis
The Plan for a North-South-Axis | Albert Speer
Das Neue Berlin

(4) The gradual development of Berlin Metropolitan region into Great Berlin | 18th century - 1910 (6)
ARCH + Magazine

Albert Speer, “Autobahnring” around Berlin, End of 1930s Urban Design Discussion, Albert Speer & Adolf Hitler

Albert Speer | “Autobahnring” around Berlin | end of 1930s

ARCH + magazine

Image Sources:
(3) ARCH + Magazine
(4) ARCH + Magazine
(5) Das neue Berlin, Albert Speer
(6) holocaustresearchproject.org Urban design discussion | Albert Speer&Adolf Hitler
holocaustresearchproject.org

City Interface | Berlin p. 138

 ERLIN
| « URBAN DESIGN I/II + III + IV URBAN STORIES» | FALL 2018 / SPRING 2019 | COORDINATOR : MELANIE FESSEL | | ETH ZÜRICH | DARCH | CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER |

BERLIN
TOOL:
ToolCRITICAL
2 RECONSTRUCTION
TOOL: CRITICAL RECONSTRUCTION
Critical Re-Construction of
THEMATIC CLUSTER:
(1)

Identities
DESTRUCTION
THEMATIC
YEAR:
/ RECONSTRUCTION
CLUSTER:
DESTRUCTION / RECONSTRUCTION
1990’s - ESG Factor: Environment
YEAR:
1990’s - Thematic Cluster : Destruction / Reconstruction
Year : 1990‘s -
URBAN IDEOLOGIES OF POST-WALL BERLIN
MainURBAN
stakeholders: Josef Paul
IDEOLOGIES OFKleihues,
POST-WALLHans Stimmann
BERLIN and others
Main stakeholders: Josef Paulof
Urban Ideologies Kleihues, Hans
Post-Wall Stimmann and others
Berlin
Main stakeholders: Josef Paul Kleihues, Hans Stimmann and others
After realizing the failures of the modernist city, in West as well as East Berlin during the end of the
end of the realizing
After 1970s andthe 1980s, different
failures of the initiatives
modernist had been
city, started
in West as to recover
well as Eastthe values
Berlin of the
during thetraditional
end of the
city. end
Oneofexample is the IBA (International Building Exhibition) that
the 1970s and 1980s, different initiatives had been started to recover the values of the was held in West Berlin from
traditional
1984-87. After the
city. One example German reunification,
is the IBA the city administration started with an extensive campaign of
After realizing the (International
failures of theBuildingmodernist Exhibition) that as
city, in West waswell held as in West
East Berlin
Berlin from
during the end
critical “reconstruction”
1984-87. After of the
theGerman
that
end of the
led to
reunification, a
1970s and the
vivid discourse
citydifferent
1980s,
which
administration still
initiativesstartedheavily
hadwithbeen
influences
anstarted
extensive the
to campaign
urban
recover the of values
development of of
Berlin
critical “reconstruction” today. thatcity.
the traditional ledOne to example
a vivid discourse
is the IBA which still heavily
(International Buildinginfluences
Exhibition)thethaturban
was held
development in of
WestBerlin today.
Berlin from 1984-87. After the German reunification, the city administration started
Following the fall of the
with an Berlin
extensivewallcampaign
and the immenseof critical social change, the dysfunctional
“reconstruction” that led to a vivid and discourse
over-zoned which still
modernist city
Following theof Berlin, especially
fall ofinfluences
heavily the Berlin the its Eastern
wallurban
and the part, was
immense social
development perceivedchange,
of Berlin as outdated and was overwhelmed
the dysfunctional and over-zoned
today. Post-Wall Construction on the Wall’s Ex-Death-Stripe at Leipziger Platz (yellow)-Alex Klausmeister (Ed.)
Post-wall construction on the wall’s ex-death-stripe at Leipziger Platz (yellow)-Alex Klausmeister (Ed.): Denkmalpflege für
by problems
modernist ofcity
deteriorating infrastructure,
of Berlin, especially its Easternhousing
part, shortage
was perceived and urban scars and
as outdated on post-wall,
was overwhelmedpost- die Berliner Mauer-Dieon Konservierung eines unbequemen Bauwerks, p.45
Post-wall construction the wall’s ex-death-stripe at Leipziger Platz (yellow)-Alex Klausmeister (Ed.): Denkmalpflege für
industrial and other
by problems Following typesthe
of deteriorating of fall
abandoned areas.
infrastructure,
of the Berlin Nevertheless,
housing
wall and the shortage the
immense andlack of identity
urban
social scars
change,onaspost-wall,
thethedysfunctional
old-new
post- and die Berliner Mauer-Die Konservierung eines unbequemen Bauwerks, p.45
Germanindustrial
Capital,and other
it was
over-zoned thetypes
main of
modernist abandoned
trigger to start
city areas. Nevertheless,
re-introducing
of Berlin, especially itsthe the lack
urbanity
Eastern part, ofwasidentity
pre-war as the
Berlin.
perceived asold-new
outdated and (2)
German Capital, it was the mainby
was overwhelmed trigger to start
problems of re-introducing the urbanity ofhousing
deteriorating infrastructure, pre-war shortage
Berlin. and urban
The main idea was scars to ondefine the central
post-wall, post-role of theand
industrial city other
and “invent
types of theabandoned
contemporary areas.equivalent,”
Nevertheless, the
The main
returning to aidealackwas
traditional to define
of identity asthe
urbanismthecentral
of pre-war
old-new role of
German theCapital,
Berlin. city andit“invent
Conservativewas thethe contemporary
building
main typologies
trigger equivalent,”
to start and the
re-introducing
returning
promotion tothe
of the a urbanity
blocktraditional of urbanism
structure, pre-war of apre-war
as wellBerlin.
as “dress-code” Berlin.forConservative
building facades building typologies
of stone andare
and glass, the
promotion
witnesses of theofidea
the to blockcoverstructure,
up the as well as
“wild” a “dress-code”
Berlin and the legacy for building facades oflayers
of its historical stone ofanda glass,
dividedare
witnesses
city and ofThe
annihilated theNaziideametropolis.
main toidea
cover wasup tothedefine
“wild” theBerlin and the
central legacy
role of the of its
cityhistorical layersthe
and “invent of acontemporary
divided
city and annihilated
equivalent,” Nazi returning
metropolis.to a traditional urbanism of pre-war Berlin. Conservative building
typologies
The urban design “general model” and the(=Leitbild)
promotion in of
thetheformblock structure,
of the Planwerk as well as a “dress-code”
Innenstadt from 1999 asfor anbuilding
The urban design “general model” (=Leitbild) in the formof ofthe
theidea
Planwerk Innenstadt from 1999 as an
example, endeavors a re-urbanisation and re-vitalisation of the inner-city area, aiming to restore theand the
facades of stone and glass, are witnesses to cover up the “wild” Berlin
example, endeavors
legacy ofaits
re-urbanisation
historical layersandofre-vitalisation
a divided city of
andtheannihilated
inner-city area, aiming
NaziInnenstadt to restore the
metropolis.
functionality of the Prussian-era and Weimar Republic-era Berlin. This Planwerk concept,
functionality of the Prussian-era and Weimar Republic-era Berlin. This Planwerk Innenstadt concept,
which was supported by the urban planning authorities and the Chief Urban Planner of the City of
which was supported
The urban by the urban
design “general planning authorities and theform
Chief ofUrban PlannerInnenstadt
of the Cityfrom of 1999
Berlin, Hans Stimmann, promotes a design model” (=Leitbild)
theory that returns in the
to traditional theurbanism
Planwerk qualities with
Berlin, Hansas Stimmann,
an example, promotes
endeavorsa designa theory that returns
re-urbanisation and to traditional urbanism
re-vitalisation of the qualities
inner-city withaiming
area,
development
development
schemes thatthatpreserve or re-discover thethe
oldold patterns as as
in in
the example fofoLeipiziger
toschemes
restore the preserve or of
functionality re-discover
the Prussian-era patterns
and Weimar the exampleBerlin.
Republic-era Leipiziger
This Planwerk
Platz.Platz.
Besides, this
Besides, same concept
this sameconcept, also
conceptwhich proposes
also proposes an introduction
an introduction of new
of new typologies
typologies asasseen
seenby bythethe
Innenstadt was supported by the urban planning authorities and the Chief
example of Hans
example Kohlhoff’s
of Urban
Hans Kohlhoff’sAlexanderplatz proposal. In both cases, controversies ofofdifferent idea
Planner ofAlexanderplatz
the City of Berlin, proposal.
Hans In both
Stimmann, cases, controversies
promotes a design different
theory that ideareturns
streams and political
streams andto ideologies
political ideologiesstillstill
rulerule
andand heavily
heavilydefine
definethetheurban
urban development
development ofofBerlin.
Berlin.
traditional urbanism qualities with development schemes that preserve or re-discover the
old patterns as in the example fo Leipiziger Platz. Besides, this same concept also proposes
an introduction of new typologies as seen by the example of Hans Kohlhoff’s Alexanderplatz
proposal. In both cases, controversies of different idea streams and political ideologies still
rule and heavily define the urban development of Berlin.

Kollhoff’s Winning Entry for Alexanderplatz in 1995

Kollhoff’s winning
Kollhoff’s winningentry
entryfor
forAlexanderplatz
Alexanderplatzinin
1995
1995

Image Sources:
(1) Denkmalpflege für die Berliner Mauer-Die Konservierung eines unbequemen Bauwerks, p.45
(1) Phillip(1)Oswalt,
Phillip Oswalt, Rudolf Stegers:
Rudolf Stegers: Berlin, Berlin, StadtForm-Strategien
Stadt ohne ohne Form-Strategien einer anderen
einer anderen Stadt.Stadt. Prestel.
Prestel. 2000.2000. (2) Image from the Lecture Slides
(2) Internationale
(2) Internationale Bauausstellung
Bauausstellung Berlin
Berlin 1987. 1987. Projectübersicht.
Projectübersicht. Offizieller
Offizieller Katalog.
Katalog. Bauausstellung
Bauausstellung BerlinBerlin
GmbH GmbH
1987.1987.

City Interface | Berlin p. 140

(3) (5)

The Berlin Palace, Destroying Identities, 1950 Transformation of Places, Destroying Identities, 1920s and 1970s

Transformation of Places | Destroying Identities | 1920s and 1970s

(4) (6) tu-cottbus.de

The Berlin Palace | Destroying identities | 1950

tu-cottbus.de

The Palace of the Republic, to be or not to be, 2006 Humboldt Forum in Berlin Schloss, 2021

The Palace of the Republik | To be or not to be | 2006

people.w3.org
Humboldt Forum im Berliner Schloss |2021
Image Sources: schlossdebatte.de

(3) tu-cottbus.de
(4) people.w3.org
(5) tu-cottbus.de
(6) schlossdebatte.de

City Interface | Berlin p. 142

| « URBAN DESIGN I/II + III + IV URBAN STORIES» | FALL 2018 / SPRING 2019 | COORDINATOR : MELANIE FESSEL | | ETH ZÜRICH | DARCH | CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER |

BERLIN
| « URBAN DESIGN I/II + III + IV URBAN STORIES» | FALL 2018 / SPRING 2019 | COORDINATOR : MELANIE FESSEL | | ETH ZÜRICH | DARCH | CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER |

BERLIN
TOOL:
ToolTEMPORARY
3 URBANISM
TOOL: TEMPORARY URBANISM
THEMATIC CLUSTER:
Temporary Urbanism (1)

ESGCLUSTER:
Factor:
MICRO / TEMPORARY
THEMATIC Social
PROGRAMS
YEAR:
MICRO / TEMPORARY PROGRAMS
2000’s
YEAR:
2000’s Thematic Cluster : Micro / Temporary Programs
Year : 2000‘s
URBAN PIONEERS
Main stakeholders:Raumlabor and other small-scale offices, Berlin Govern-
mentURBAN PIONEERS
Urban Pioneers and other small-scale offices, Berlin Govern-
Main stakeholders:Raumlabor
ment Main stakeholders:Raumlabor
Temporary use projects and
are of strategic importance for other
urban small-scale
development, offices,
as space Berlin
pioneers open
Government
up new development prospects. Urban pioneer practices situate the architectural discipline as an
active gesture towards
Temporary use projectsthe city
are spaces, by introducing
of strategic importance core cells development,
for urban and generatorsasfor spacetriggering
pioneers newopen
types of urbanism and demonstrating a new understanding of what architecture
up new development prospects. Urban pioneer practices situate the architectural discipline as an could be.
active gesture towards the
Temporary use city spaces,
projects areby introducing
of strategic core cellsfor
importance and generators
urban for triggering
development, as spacenewpioneers
Aftertypes
the fall of open
the Berlin
of urbanism and Wall (1989),
demonstrating
up new the atemporary,
development newprospects. spontaneous,
understanding often
of what
Urban illegal
architecture
pioneer usecould
practices ofsituate
wasted
be. theurbanarchitectural
land or empty buildings
discipline has
asbeen one of
an active the central
gesture towardsthemes of discussion
the city spaces, byinintroducing
the contemporary core cellscity
and ofgenerators
Berlin of the last two
After the fallfor decades.
of triggering
the Berlin WallUrban contemporary
new(1989),
typesthe conditions
of temporary,
urbanism spontaneous, demand an architecture
often illegal
and demonstrating a new openness
useunderstanding to
of wasted urbanof what
change
landand transformation,
or empty buildings has
architecture informed
been
could be. by the
one diversity
of the centraland complexity
themes of its lived-in
of discussion spaces.
in the contemporary city of
The Kitchen monument. Raumlabor Berlin
Berlin of the last two decades. Urban contemporary conditions demand an architecture openness to The Kitchen Monument , 2014
‘Urban Pioneers’
change is used
and transformation,
After to of
the fall describe
informed
the Berlinindividuals
by that
the(1989),
Wall thehave
diversity and taken proactive
complexity
temporary, rolesoften
of its lived-in
spontaneous, in small-scale
spaces.
illegal use of wasted
environments, being makers, realizing their own ideas and operating
urban land or empty buildings has been one of the central themes of within the abundance of discussion
space, in the
The Kitchen monument. Raumlabor Berlin
creative potential
‘Urban Pioneers’ and lack
contemporary of
is used tomoney.
citydescribe
of Berlinindividuals
of the last two that decades.
have taken proactive
Urban roles in conditions
contemporary small-scaledemand (2)
environments, an being makers, realizing
architecture openness their
to own
changeideasand and transformation,
operating within the abundance
informed by the of space,
diversity and
The creative
importance of
potential the
and urban
lack pioneers
of money. for
complexity of its lived-in spaces. the development of Berlin is part of a long story and
tradition with the unplanned, which intensified after the Berlin wall fell.
The importance ‘Urban of Pioneers’
the urbanispioneers for the development
used to describe individuals that of Berlin is partproactive
have taken of a longroles storyin and
small-scale
In 2007, the Senate
tradition with the Department
unplanned, for
whichUrban Development
intensified after the (Senatsverwaltung
Berlin wall fell. für Stadtentwicklung)
environments, being makers, realizing their own ideas and operating within the abundance of
Berlin compiled space,
temporary projects
creative as local
potential andtactics
lack of that
money. have been developed into a manual that
supported
In 2007,the
theargument of a possible
Senate Department forurban
Urban restructuring
Development based on the creativefür
(Senatsverwaltung industry. “Urban
Stadtentwicklung)
Pioneers”
Berliniscompiled
partTheof the discussion
temporary of the
projects branding
as local of the
tactics city
thatof Berlin
have as
been a creative
developed
importance of the urban pioneers for the development of Berlin is part of a long hub.
into a manual that
story and
supported the argument of a possible urban restructuring based on
tradition with the unplanned, which intensified after the Berlin wall fell. the creative industry. “Urban
Temporary
Pioneers”use projects
is part of thesuch as the Mobile
discussion Kitchen of
of the branding Monument
the city oforBerlin
the Badeschiff
as a creative arehub.
some of the
successful examples of
In 2007, creative urban projects
the Senate Department in Berlin. for Urban Development (Senatsverwaltung für
Temporary use projects such asBerlin
Stadtentwicklung) the Mobile
compiledKitchen Monument
temporary or the Badeschiff
projects as local tacticsare some thatof have
the been
successful examples of creative urban projects in Berlin.
developed into a manual that supported the argument of a possible urban restructuring
based on the creative industry. “Urban Pioneers” is part of the discussion of the branding of
the city of Berlin as a creative hub.
Temporary use projects such as the Mobile Kitchen Monument or the Badeschiff are some of
the successful examples of creative urban projects in Berlin.

Badeschiff
Badeschiff.Photo: Marcos L. Rosa
(1) Senatsverwaltung für Stadtentwicklung Berlin (Ed.).Urban Pioneers. Berlin. Jovis Verlag 2007.
(2)Maier, Julia/Rick, Matthias. Acting in piblic. Raumlaborberlin. Berlin. Jovis Verlag 2008.
Badeschiff.Photo: Marcos L. Rosa
(1) Senatsverwaltung für Stadtentwicklung Berlin (Ed.).Urban Pioneers. Berlin. Jovis Verlag 2007.
(2)Maier, Julia/Rick, Matthias. Acting in piblic. Raumlaborberlin. Berlin. Jovis Verlag 2008. Image Sources:
(1) Raumlabor Berlin
(2) Photo: Marcos L. Rosa

City Interface | Berlin p. 144

(3) (5)

Temporary Use, Palace of the Republic, Fassadenrepublik, 2004, Raumlabor Berlin Prinzessinengaerten, 2010
xxxx
Reference (Books, Magazines, Internet)
Prinzessinengaerten | 2010
Zwischennutzung ‘Palast der Republik, Fassadenrepublik, 2004 | Raumlabor Berlin flickr.com
raumlabor.net
(4) (6)

RAW Gelende, Former Railway Complex, Now a Subculture Compound Tempelhof as a Recreational Space, 2014 Tempelhof as a Recreational Space| 2014
tempelhoferfreiheit.de

Image Sources:
(3) raumlabor.net
RAW Gelende, Former Railway Complex, Now a Subculture Compound | today (4) alternativetravelers.com
alternativetravelers.com (5) flickr.com
(6) tempelhoferfreiheit.de

City Interface | Berlin p. 146

Exercise
Berlin
Tool : Temporary Urbanism

Temporary Urbanism
1. Design a proposal and visualize it through drawings or collages on the picture below.
Temporary use projects are increasingly of strategic importance for urban development, as space pioneers 2. Justify your concept and objectives with clear and critical arguments. How does your concept
open up new development prospects. This approach can inspire to re-discover the specifics of a space and its integrate itself in the specific urban context and processes of the Hardbrücke site?Which target
relevance for the surrounding context. Berlin is the model city for temporary, small-scale interventions. The groups of visitors do you include? What are the potential negative implications? Does your idea show
architecture o ice “Raumlabor” developed a mobile sculpture which can be staged in di erent places, a potential to be institutionalized and translated into a long-term project?
transforming them into temporary collective spaces that redefine the processes on the site itself as well as the
influence on the neighborhood. The Hardbrücke area in Zurich with its transformative character can be
considered as a field for transitory uses, giving a unique image to the district in relation to the city. In the
picture below one can find an imaginary scenario of undefined space under the bridge, which has the potential
to be converted into an area of temporary use and beyond.

2.

1.

City Interface | Berlin p. 148

 LECTURE “URBAN STORIES I II FALL SPRING COORDINATOR MELANIE FESSEL BERLIN

Reading
ETHZ D-ARCH CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

Berlin ER IN
READING:
Tool : Temporary
isse it , P
overmeyer.de
s a t, P
. .
Urbanism
er e er r an atalyst. inal eport extract. in: .studio uc
Berlin, Stadt des 20. Jahrhunderts 10/11/10 11:25 AM

Berlin, Stadt des 20. Jahrhunderts 10/11/10 11:25 AM

(1)Misselwitz, P. / Oswalt, P. / Overmeyer. Urban Catalyst. Final Report extract. in: www.stu- F M
G D
dio-uc-overmeyer.de (14.10.2010) R . T B
.
P O | I - - G
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http://www.oswalt.de/en/text/txt/berlin_p.html Page 1 of 4

City Interface | Berlin p. 150

ETHZ D-ARCH CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER LECTURE “URBAN STORIES I II FALL SPRING COORDINATOR MELANIE FESSEL BERLIN

Berlin, Stadt des 20. Jahrhunderts 10/11/10 11:25 AM

Berlin, Stadt des 20. Jahrhunderts 10/11/10 11:25 AM

. A B
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http://www.oswalt.de/en/text/txt/berlin_p.html Page 3 of 4
http://www.oswalt.de/en/text/txt/berlin_p.html Page 4 of 4

City Interface | Berlin p. 152

Sarajevo
Bosnia and
Herzegovina
Tool 1
Non-Aligned Modernity
Governance | Governance/Policy

Tool 2
Urbicide and Cultural
Resistance
Environment | Destruction/ Reconstruction

Tool 3
A Decentral University -
Studio Mobil
Social | Informal/ Hybrid City
p. 154
Infographic
Map of Sarajevo Size Comparison: Zurich, CH -Sarajevo, BA

Sarajevo | City Proper 10km Sarajevo | Metropolitan Area 20km

city proper urban footprint 5 10km

0
metropolitan urban agglomeration
area 10km 20km
Zurich | City Proper Zurich | Metropolitan Area

Data City Proper | Metropolitan Area

Population 0.4 mil. | 0.6 mil.
Area 141 km² | 1280 km²
Density 4200 people / km²
GDP 17 bil. U.S. Dollar
Cycling Parks, community
10% Walking 11% gardens
Car 25% 1.2%
40%

Public
transport
25%

Information Sources:
Google Earth, all Maps are North Oriented
United Nations, The World’s Cities in 2016, Chapter: What is a City?
Metropolitan World Atlas, Arjen van Susteren, Published by 010 Publishers, 2005
Transportation Unemployment Green Spaces

City Interface | Sarajevo p. 156

Sarajevo
Introduction (2)

Sarajevo, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina

After the Ottoman Empire conquered a region with several small villages, Sarajevo was
founded in 1461. The first governor of the state’s new capital provided several infrastructural
and cultural buildings, which connected and united the cluster villages into one city.
In 1878, the Austria-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia Herzegovina rapidly industrialized
Sarajevo. The city was used as a laboratory for new urban inventions, such as tramways and
contemporary western architecture.
A member of the Young Bosnia party assassinated Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife in
1914, which triggered a series of events ending in the first World War. After the war, Sarajevo
became a part of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
During World War II, Sarajevo was invaded by German military forces, and the city, once
more, faced substantial destruction of both historical buildings and cultural identity. Sarajevo
of today is one of the most multilayered cities of the world and is therefore also called
“Jerusalem of Europe.”

Sarajevo in History

(1) Assassination of Franz Ferdinand, 28th of June 1914

(3)

A Typical Picture of an Ottoman City-Business District in the Valley The National Library Bombed, Millions of Books Burned

Image Sources:
(1) http://www.bosnafolk.com
(2) https://www.devbase.de/stiche/sarajewo.att.jpg, 21.06.2019
(3) https://pescanik.net/sarajevo-tema/, 21.06.2019

City Interface | Sarajevo p. 158

(4) (6)

Lecture Video: Around the Balkans in 20 Days | VICE Documentaries | 2011 Spatial implications of (geo)politics

[ INTRODUCTION ][ DESIGNING MODERNITY ’45-’92 ] [ URBICIDE IN DYSTOPIA ’92-’96 ] [ URBAN FRAGMENTATION ’96-’14 ] [ REACTIVATE SARAJEVO ’14-’19 ] [ CONCLUSION ]

(5 ) (7) Linear cuts in the urban form

stripes.com
OTOMAN PERIOD AUSTRO HUNGARIAN PERIOD SOCIALIST PERIOD TODAY

CUT OUT FROM

SARAJEVO MAP

EXPLOSION INTERPOLATION
EXPLANATION OF EVOLUTION OF THE BLOCK OF NEW BUILDINGS

DIAGRAMS

extrovert spatial orientation introvert spatial orientation extrovert spatial orientation free forms

individual courtyards common courtyard common courtyard interpolation in existing surrouding

organic path grid distinct path grid

Lecture Interviews with Adnan Pasic and Gordana Memisevic Architecture of Segregation and Fragmentation
Architecture of segregation and fragmentation
Reactivate Sarajevo Design Modelling Workshop Predatory urbanism
Die Angewandte

Image Sources:
(4) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z5pEa1KPR08&feature=relmfu
(5) /
(6) https://vimeo.com/515304604
(7) Reactivate Sarajevo Design Modelling Workshop

City Interface | Sarajevo p. 160

Tool 1
Non-Aligned Modernity
ESG Factor: Governance

Thematic Cluster : Governance / Policy

Year : 1945-1978

New Sarajevo's Built Utopia

Main stakeholders: Government, City Planning Institute

The proclamation of Tito’s communist revolution in 1945 and the establishment of a socialist
Yugoslav federation, created pressing spatial demands for the new urban proletariat. The
industrialization and rural-urban migration gave birth to the city’s first strategic urbanistic
model, enabled by proclaiming the collectivization of land as a common good. The focus of
urban planning was directed towards new urban extensions (‘new cities’), as there was no
major necessity for reconstruction efforts of the existing urban fabric, as most battles during Marcel Veyrier: Tito et la Revolution
World War II took place in rural Bosnia and Yugoslavia. President Tito overlooking urban plans
Source: Historical archive of BiH
The Yugoslav model opened perspectives for the economic and cultural development of
Sarajevo. The city became the center of the People’s Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which
was now no longer just a province but one of the equal republics in the new Federation. The
mega-project to build the socialist utopia would radically transform the physical and societal
realities of Sarajevo.

The City Planning Institute developed the first General Urban Plan (GUP-Generalni Urbanistički
Plan) in 1961. This large-scale urban planning instrument was enabled by the Yugoslav
decentralized model of self-management that also included the ‘Mjesne Zajednice’ (MZs),
the local communities. These new societal postulates were decisive for the construction of
the flagship project for Sarajevo and its nucleus, Marijin Dvor, as a cultural, educational and
industrial hub of BiH, one of Yugoslavia’s most ethnically diverse and rural regions. Architects
and urbanists were tasked with planning, designing and building a New Sarajevo as a socialist
utopia. Buildings, such as the Museum of the Revolution, were constructed as monuments
to celebrate both the victory of the partisans over Nazi Germany and the new state design
ideology: functionalist modernism. The construction of Marijin Dvor was catalyzed by the
Winter Olympic Games, hosted by Sarajevo in 1984 as a result of Yugoslavia’s non-aligned
foreign policy and the city’s status as ‘terra neutral’.

Sixth Congress of the League of Communists

City Interface | Sarajevo p. 162

 Large-Scale Urban Planning
General Urban Plan for Sarajevo, City Planning Institute, 1961

Socialist blocks
N/A

Modell of the Project Proposal for Marijin Dvor by Juraj Neidhardt, Historical Archive of BiH Yugoslav World War II Monuments and Memorials
Yugoslav Architecture | 1950’s to 1980’s
cracktwo.com

City Interface | Sarajevo p. 164

Tool 2
Urbicide and Cultural Resistance
ESG Factor: Environment

Thematic Cluster : Destruction / Reconstruction

Year : 1990‘s -

Post Socialist De-Urbanization

Main Stakeholders: Citizens of Sarajevo

Extreme circumstances in cities mirror themselves on the urban spaces. In the time of the
conflict in Sarajevo, the city was objected to the extensive destruction by heavy weapons
called “urbicide” but also by local people in search for survival. Sarajevo’s infrastructure broke
down, and the city turned into a “ruralized“ city, with its urban fabric largely dissolved. It can
be compared to de-industrialized shrinking cities of the “US rust-belt” or the Ruhrgebiet in
Germany. Self-organisation in the landscape-Destruction of the own city as survival strategy

In the traumatic experience of getting killed in the open space, exposed to snipers and bombs,
issues like spontaneous graveyards in parks or fear of land mines changed the perception
of people about their city. They were forced to cut hundreds of thousands of trees for fuel.
Sarajevo’s streets became sniper alleys, and public open spaces were turned into graveyards.
Besides those “landscapes of death,” the citizens in their battle for survival cut down hundreds
of thousands of urban trees for fuel and re-activated or rediscovered local resources and
ecosystems; water was taken from forgotten and sealed streams, gardens and other
open spaces were turned into urban agricultural sites. The improvised land uses created a
laboratory for various temporary but also new permanent functions. Sarajevo’s landscape
showed a strong dynamics due to the creativity and self-organisation of the citizens, proving
that even “ordinary” places can receive different and “unexpected” functions.

The example of how a modernist park can be turned into an agricultural field or a local stream
into a water source changed the picture of the citizens about their city. Such phenomena
also show the high adaptivity of urban areas and their potential multi-functionalities. The
possibility of a change of urban land uses, and the new mindset of citizens about it can be
used as crucial information for designers and planners to create flexible scenarios for urban
spaces, having in mind the transformative potential of urban areas.

Ruralisation of socialist city residential blocks

Ruralisation of socialist city residential blocks

City Interface | Sarajevo p. 166

 1984 Olympic City
JAHORINA BJELASNICA

IGMAN
TREBEVIC

SKENDERIJA

ZETRA

1984 Olympic City Abandoned Olympic Infrastructure

Huffington post, Abandoned olympics

kierunekbalkany.wordpress.com

1992 Surrounded City

Siege line

1992 Surrounded City Urbicide in the Streets of Sarajevo

Sniper Alley | 1992 - 1995

Photograph by Tom Stoddart, 1992

City Interface | Sarajevo p. 168

Tool 3
A Decentral University -
Studio Mobil
ESG Factor: Social
Thematic Cluster : Informal / Hybrid City
Year : 2020 -

Agency and Performative Laboratory

Main stakeholders: Urban-Think Tank, Sarajevo city authorities

The Vienna Biennale for Change 2021 exhibition at the MAK – Museum of Applied Arts recognizes
and examines CLIMATE CARE as a key concept and vision for a world that humans share in a
just and sustainable way with other species and future generations. It demonstrates through
a wide range of art, design, and architecture projects how artists and creative minds can play
a central role in shaping an ecologically and socially sustainable.
Visualisations
Vizualisationforfor
thethe
Studio Mobil/
Studio Think
Mobil TankThank
/ Think Station,Station,
Urban Think Tank
Urban Next
Think 2020 Next 2020
Thank
What contribution can architecture and urban design make to the climate debate towards
the social and ecological transformation? Can we co-design spaces that address topics of
justice, migration, inclusion, housing, security, mobility, production, work, and the environment?
Nurturing, Dwelling, Moving, and Generating are our thematic drivers, opening up a broader
discussion with international participation in Vienna.

2021, the Studio Mobil / Think Tank Station is now back in Sarajevo and invites from May to
October to a journey imagining a visionary city outdoor-laboratory, engaging ideas around
the future of food. By touring the city, taking the streets, performing five sessions with more
than 20 partners the Studio Mobil acts as a nomadic outdoor Agora. As an alternative form
of urban practice, the Think Tank Station welcomes people to participate by (re)activating,
collecting, and sharing knowledge about food. Presenting workshops, debates, and lectures
around alternative food and food spaces as the emerging theme that concerns all of us.
Based on the idea of a gasoline station for the post-fossil age – perhaps one of the most
iconic 20th-century purpose-built infrastructures — Studio Mobil provides 24/7 services and
infrastructure, including shelter, light, a library, performances, informal encounters, market,
and a continuous supply of food for thought, but without gasoline — in short, a large-scale
mobile sculpture anchored in public space.

Used Infrastructure of for the Urban Laboratory <<Studio Mobile>>

City Interface | Sarajevo p. 170

 Conceptual Inspiration: News from Nowhere, Zurich, Switzerland, UTT ETHZ with MOON Kyungwon & JEON Studio Mobil / Think Thank Station, Urban Think Thank Next 2020
News from Nowhere, Zurich, Switzerland, UTT ETHZ with MOON Kyungwon & JEON Joonho 2015

Setting up the Studio Mobil Studio Mobil / Think Thank Station Focus Zone: Sarajevo Central Zone
Onsite sensor collection and measurement
Process of construction of the Studio Mobile using recycled sails

City Interface | Sarajevo p. 172

Exercise
Sarajevo
EXERCISE: SARAJEVO
Tool : Urbicide and Cultural Resistance

CITY:
SARAJEVO
TOOL:
Turbo Urbanism
Sarajevo’s several moments of change in identity, due to the political and historical turmoils - in a relatively
short period of time - have challenged the city to constantly re- adapt. This has fostered the re-use of existing
built structures and open spaces that would house new programs, fulfill new functions and represent new
religious, ethnic, economic or political identities.
Which two areas in two different cities could one identify where diverse forms of identity change materialized
in urban space?
1. Glue two images that illustrate these changes (choose technique on your own).
2. Describe the process of identity change (usage types, function/program; what aspects changed, which
agents/mechanisms/stakeholders were responsible, is it a temporary or permanent change etc.). Chosen situation:

Chosen situation:

Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina | New identities materialize in urban space

City Interface | Sarajevo p. 174

 Reading
READING: ARA E
(1) e s, tt. nter ening in Po itica urbu ent ities: S aces ui dings and oundaries . ourna
of Urban echno og o u e . out edge London. . .
Sarajevo
.

Intervening in Politically Turbulent Cities 79

80 Journal of Urban Technology/August–December 2009

how these efforts seek to recognize or neutralize the power of

ethnicity in a contested city. Specific interventions examined
(1) Bollens, Scott. “Intervening in Politically Turbulent Cities: Spaces, Buildings, and Boundaries". Journal
of Urban Technology, Volume 16. Routledge London. 2004. p.79-107. include the design of public space, revitalization and reconstruction
of urban cores and historic structures, and the redrawing of local
political and administrative boundaries. A concluding section
places my research findings within the theoretical and conceptual
Intervening in Politically Turbulent literature.
Policymakers and community leaders in each of the case
Cities: Spaces, Buildings, and cities have been exposed to periods of significant national political
Boundaries uncertainty and engagement in far-reaching constitutional and
institutional reform and needed to cope during this political
reordering with how to effectively address significant differences
Scott A. Bollens between identifiable nationality groups. In Bosnia’s case, this
meant between the three antagonistic nationality groups of
Downloaded by [ETH Zurich] at 04:53 18 June 2012

Bosniak (Muslim), Croat, and Serb, and in Spain’s case, it

Downloaded by [ETH Zurich] at 04:53 18 June 2012

meant between those who argue for greater regional autonomy
in places like Catalonia or Pais Vasco and those who favor a

T
more centralized Spanish state anchored in Madrid. The case
HIS paper examines and evaluates public policies and studies are examples of contested cities, wherein ethnic identity
strategies used in four politically turbulent cities that and nationalism combine to create pressures for group rights,
have been characterized by nationalistic group conflict
autonomy, or even territorial separation from the state. Political Benvenisti
and that have been part of significant socio-political transitions. Bollens 1996
It asks two basic questions: What is the nature of the relationship
control of these cities becomes contested as nationalists push to
between socio-political conditions and changes to urban material- create a political system that expresses and protects their distinc-
ity and space? Are interventions that manipulate urban materiality tive group characteristics. Whereas in most cities there is a belief
and space in ethnically contentious cities capable of advancing or maintained by all groups that the existing system of governance
retarding intergroup tolerance? is properly configured and capable of producing fair outcomes,
I first describe scholarship involving cities and technology assuming adequate political participation and representation of
studies, political transitions and uncertainty, and urban malleabil- minority interests, governance amidst severe and unresolved
ity and obduracy. The article then focuses on case studies of multicultural differences can be viewed by at least one identifiable
Barcelona and Bilbao during and after the Spanish transition from group in the city as artificial, imposed, or illegitimate.
authoritarianism to democracy and then investigates Sarajevo and
Mostar in Bosnia amidst a fragile post-war transition. Findings
come from one year of field research, drawing primarily on more
Political Change and City Building
than 100 interviews with local, national, and international officials
and with non-governmental, community, and opposition group
activists. I examine interventions that shape the built environment Political transitions toward democracy—whether brought on by
in ways that symbolize and express new political goals pertaining changes in political regime, national constitution, or through
to openness and inclusiveness and that seek to overturn or reverse war—are excellent lenses through which to analyze the city as a
pre-transition and wartime wounds. I also investigate cases where socially and politically constructed material artifact. The effort
there is spatial demarcation of new political boundaries and to transform urban space as part of political democratization
positions planning as a technical enterprise intimately connected
Journal of Urban Technology, Volume 16, Numbers 2–3, pages 79 – 107.
Copyright # 2009 by The Society of Urban Technology.
to, and influenced by, social and political processes. This is so Hughes 1988
Bijker
All rights of reproduction in any form reserved. because, during the turbulence of political transitional uncertainty
ISSN: 1063-0732 paper/ISSN: 1466-1853 online
DOI: 10.1080/10630730903278595 and amidst the legacy of group-based conflict, city builders and

City Interface | Sarajevo p. 176

A A FA U A U A S P F. ALF LL M U P F. U LUMP L U U A S S” FALL SP A : M LA F SS L SA A

Intervening in Politically Turbulent Cities 81 82 Journal of Urban Technology/August – December 2009

political leaders are forced to contemplate the city as a physical and then physical, erasure or disappearance of others’ claims or
artifact having explicit and potent social and political meaning. villages.” Holston calls the urban modernism that fuels contem-
Town planning becomes illuminated as a form of technology porary urban planning an “aesthetic of erasure and reinscription.”
Aibar and Bijker that is, at least partially, socially shaped. Rabinow asserts that by the 1920s, the city had become “a more
Political change stimulates urban creativity, providing an abstract space—a socio-technical environment—upon which
opportunity for actors to reflect upon, and depart from, existing specialists would regulate operational transformations.” In the
Garud and Karnoe social rules and technological artifacts. With national political end, the ability of planning to transform all problems of society
transformation comes change in the composition and objectives into questions of space meant that it would be “an ideology
of “city building regimes,” described by Gullberg and Kaijser as which immediately divides up.” Lefebvre

“a set of actors and the configuration of coordinating mechanisms Examining the public planning function during and after
among them which produce the major changes in the landscapes of periods of societal uncertainty or transformation provides a rela-
buildings and networks in a specific city region at a given point of tively unfiltered view of how this function relates to axes of
time.” In the two Spanish cases, democratically elected and public and private power. Political transformation loosens the
regionalist municipal leaders took control after decades of author- “embeddedness” of city building within established political,
economic, and other value systems, producing for some limited

Downloaded by [ETH Zurich] at 04:53 18 June 2012

itarian city administration controlled centrally by the Franco
Downloaded by [ETH Zurich] at 04:53 18 June 2012

regime in Madrid. In the two Bosnia cases, the “international duration increased opportunities for innovation and the creation
community” composed primarily of the United Nations and the of new city building logics and aspirations. Amidst transitional Hughes 1994

European Union assumed responsibility for the post-war manage- uncertainty, political forces and interests compete and position
ment and regulation of Sarajevo and Mostar. themselves to assure that any new political dispensation or move-
Political transitions and uncertainty afford opportunities for ment toward democracy does not harm their interests. These Przeworski

planners and other urban professionals to break with the past competing potential centers of power may structure, use, and
and seek significant transformation of a city’s built and human exploit public planning and policymaking functions in ways to
landscapes. Historic examples of such transformation are largely assist them in establishing authority or dominance. As such,
associated with problematic outcomes. French occupation of the urban interventions can constitute organizational and societal
city of Algiers led to a colonial urban planning which reified adaptation to an uncertain and changing environment.
Celik French urbanism and control. Town planning and architecture In contrast to this promise of urban malleability amidst
during the transitional British Mandate period of Palestinian change, there exist qualities of urban rigidity which impede
control transplanted the Zionist nationalist enterprise onto the material change. The physical structures of the city have fixed
LeVine heretofore more “Arab” urban system of Jaffa/Tel Aviv. In and obdurate qualities. This concreteness of physical stock may Hommels

more recent cases, the reconstruction of post-wall Berlin and make urban transformation seem slower at times than the pace
post-war Beirut provide evidence of “willful amnesia” and collec- of national political change. The goals of policymakers in new
tive silence on the part of political leaders, financial sponsors, and regimes to stabilize, normalize, and transform a city may encoun-
Guy urbanists. At other times, large-scale urban intervention (such as ter as obstructions the old spatial forms and processes created
Dyer
the urban renewal program in the United States) can erase physical before the transitional period. Analyses of eastern European
fabric and urban history, exposing the city as one not of perma- socialist cities in transition to capitalism, for instance, suggest
Cuff nence and continuity, but of discontinuities and upheaval. And, that socialist urban traits change slowly in capitalist reconstruc-
efforts today to recreate cities as commodities in order to attract tion. Cities in economic transition from socialism to capitalism Szelenyi
Harloe
tourist dollars and foreign investment are obliterating spaces for- have showed varied, or “path-dependent,” shifts in their physical,
Susser and Schneider merly inclusive of diverse ethnic groups and income classes. social, and economic restructuring. In other cases, colonial and Stark 1990
Stark 1992
Several critiques have identified specific attributes and tools of politically inspired forms of urban planning created urban Putnam
the town planning profession that empower it as an agent in trans- morphologies of separateness and imposed material structures and
forming and disrupting urban morphology. LeVine focuses on the symbols that are resistant to post-colonial transformation. Urbanists
technical language of town planning as enabling the “discursive, in Johannesburg, South Africa today face massive economic

City Interface | Sarajevo p. 178

A A
Downloaded by [ETH Zurich] at 04:53 18 June 2012
Research and Documentation
Internal Displacement Monitoring
FA U A U A S P F. ALF LL M U P F. U LUMP
Intervening in Politically Turbulent Cities
and spatial disparities built into the metropolitan landscape by over
forty years of apartheid engineering. In Jerusalem, the twenty
years of physical partition from 1948–1967 spatially separated
Jewish west and Arab east Jerusalem populations, an obstacle to
Bollens 1998 ethno-nationalist integration that remains forty years later. In
cases where rebuilding of war-torn cities has been attempted,
policy officials engage not with a tabula rasa, but with urban
forms and activity patterns erected both before and during urban
warfare. In the rebuilding of German cities after World War II,
the shape of reconstruction was influenced by long-term continu-
Diefendorf ities in city-building practice dating to the early 1900s. In
Beirut, efforts during the 1990s to reconstruct the debilitated
city needed to accommodate forms of urbanization—such as
squatting, refugee camps, and self-sufficient neighborhood net-
works—which sustained individuals through crises. And, in the
Yahya
former Yugoslavia, political and physical post-war reconstruction
faces the terrible legacy of urban “ethnic cleansing” that created
landscapes of demographic dominance and eradication.
Empirical Evidence
In the Spanish cases, I focus on the first two decades of democracy
after the political transition from Franco authoritarianism to
Spanish democracy was consolidated in 1979. The 1978 consti-
tution created a quasi-federalism whereby powers are shared
between the central government and the governments of seventeen
autonomous communities, two of which govern the Basque
Country region and the region of Catalonia. Two different regional
autonomy statutes passed in 1979 granted significant regional
autonomy to Catalonia and the Basque Country. This decentraliza-
tion of power helped defuse regional separatism, although nation-
alist violence has remained a fact of life concerning the Basque
issue. In the case of Bosnia, I examine the 10-year transition
period after the end of the Bosnian War in 1995. Bosnia and
Herzegovina (BiH) is an independent state formed out of the
hell and trauma of the 1992–1995 Bosnian War that resulted in
about 100,000 deaths and nearly 2 million people internally
displaced or made refugees (about one-half of Bosnia’s pre-war
population). BiH is attempting, with strong United Nations oversight,
Center
to recreate itself as a confederation of two entities whose boundaries
Centre 1995 were created largely by war and ethnic cleansing. The Dayton
Accords (General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia
L U U A S S” FALL SP A : M LA F SS L SA A
83
84 Journal of Urban Technology/August–December 2009
and Herzegovina) signed in 1995 provided for the continuity of
Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state but created two constituent enti-
ties of ethnically separated populations—the Federation of Bosnia
and Herzegovina (with a postwar Bosniak [Muslim]—and Croat
majority) on 51 percent of the land, and Republika Srpska
(mostly populated by Bosnian Serbs) on 49 percent of the land. Burg and Shoup
The presence of the international community (IC) in BiH is
large, most particularly the United Nations and European Union.
The UN’s Office of High Representative (OHR) was, ten years
after the war, still an active agent in monitoring and intervening
in Bosnian politics and policymaking.
I used diverse sources of information, including field research
interviews, published and unpublished materials, and quantitative
urban data. The main research source was face-to-face interviews.
Between April 2003 and July 2004, I interviewed 109 political
Downloaded by [ETH Zurich] at 04:53 18 June 2012
leaders, planners, architects, community representatives, and aca-
demics in the four case study cities. I developed core interview
lists, based on my primary field contacts, prior to the in-field
research portion of the project. I identified additional interviewees
after arrival based upon word-of-mouth referrals from initial
discussants and academics at my host institutions. The duration
of on-site field research varied from two weeks to two months. I
used an interview guide that structured and customized the set of
topics for each discussant, while at the same time allowing discre-
tion on my part in the ordering and phrasing of questions. Ques-
tions were open-ended. Interviews lasted 75 minutes, on
average. About 90 percent of them were audio-taped and sub-
sequently transcribed. In about 10 percent of the cases, I used a
translator to facilitate discussion.1 I also investigated published 1
Real names of interviewees are
and unpublished government plans and policy documents, political reported with their permission.
party initiatives, implemented regulations, and laws and enabling
statutes in terms of how they situated urban interventions amidst
democratization and reconstruction.
Barcelona: Opening the Franco City
In April 1979, for the first time in over forty years, the city popu-
lation of Barcelona elected a mayor and city council. One member
of the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia became mayor and other
members of that party comprised the majority on the city council.
This socialist control of Barcelona city government remains until
this day. Those who were opposed to the Francoist political system
6
�
City Interface | Sarajevo p. 180
Delhi
India
Tool 1
The Regional Metropolis
Governance | Governance/Policy

Tool 2
Plotting Urbanism
Social | Informal / Hybrid City

Tool 3
Contested Commons
Environment | Ecology/ Landscape

p. 182
Mumbai
India
Tool 1
The Regional Metropolis
Governance | Governance/Policy

Tool 2
Plotting Urbanism
Social | Informal / Hybrid City

Tool 3
Contested Commons
Environment | Ecology/ Landscape

p. 184
Infographic
Map of Delhi Size Comparison: Zurich, CH - Delhi, IN

Mumbai | City Proper 10km Delhi | Metropolitan Area 20km

city proper urban footprint 5 10km

0
metropolitan urban agglomeration
area 10km 20km
Zurich | City Proper Zurich | Metropolitan Area

Data City Proper | Metropolitan area

Population 16.3 mil. | 26.5 mil.
Area 1’484km² | 5’4984 km²
Density 10’983 people / km²
GDP 96 billion U.S. Dollar
Parks, community
Cycling 9% gardens
8% Walking 2.6%
40%

Car
16%

Information Sources:
Public
transport
Google Earth, all Maps are North Oriented
United Nations, The World’s Cities in 2016, Chapter: What is a City?
36%
Metropolitan World Atlas, Arjen van Susteren, Published by 010 Publishers, 2005
Transportation Unemployment Green Spaces

City Interface | Delhi / Mumbai p. 186

Infographic
Map of Mumbai Size Comparison: Zurich, CH - Delhi, IN

Mumbai | City Proper 10km Delhi | Metropolitan Area 20km

city proper urban footprint 5 10km

0
metropolitan urban agglomeration
area 10km 20km
Zurich | City Proper Zurich | Metropolitan Area

Data City Proper | Metropolitan area

Population 12.5 mil. | 22 mil.
Area 603 km² | 4’355 km²
Density 21’000 people / km²
GDP 151 billion U.S. Dollar
Parks, community
Cycling 5% gardens
6% Walking 13%
4%

Car
18%

Information Sources:
Public
Google Earth, all Maps are North Oriented
transport
United Nations, The World’s Cities in 2016, Chapter: What is a City?
73% Metropolitan World Atlas, Arjen van Susteren, Published by 010 Publishers, 2005
Transportation Unemployment Green Spaces

City Interface | Delhi / Mumbai p. 188

Delhi / Mumbai
Introduction (2)

Delhi, Haryana, India

Mumbai, Maharashtra, India
Delhi is a city and a union territory of India containing New Delhi, the capital of India. Its city
proper population was over 11 million. Delhi’s urban area is now considered to extend beyond
the NCT boundaries, and include the cities of Ghaziabad, Faridabad, Gurgaon and Noida in an
area called the National Capital Region (NCR) and had an estimated 2016 population of over
26 million people, making it the world’s second-largest urban area according to the United
Nations. It is the second-wealthiest city in India after Mumbai.
Mumbai also known as Bombay is the capital city of the Indian state of Maharashtra. It is
the centre of the Mumbai Metropolitan Region, the sixth most populous metropolitan area in
the world with a population of over 23 million. Mumbai is the financial, commercial, and the
entertainment capital of India. It is also one of the world’s top ten centres of commerce in
terms of global financial flow, generating 6.16% of India’s GDP.

Delhi / Mumbai in History Plan of Delhi, 1893

(1) (3) (4)

Plan of Delhi, 1857-58 Plan of Mumbai, 1895 Plan of Mumbai, 1904

Image Sources:
(1) http://zadeblog.blogspot.com/2007/05/last-mughal-and-first-empress.html
(2) https://www.mapsland.com/asia/india/delhi/detailed-old-map-of-delhi-1893
(3) https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:1895_Times_of_India_Map_of_Bombay,_India_-_Geographicus_-_Bombay-times-1895.jpg
(4) http://www.rubylane.com/item/429-col-10614/Mumbai-Bombay-Map-1900

City Interface | Delhi / Mumbai p. 190

(5) (7)

The new Cotton Hinterland, the Birth of Canal and Railway System, 1869 Workers tenements or chawls in Mumbai – factory owners were asked to provide workers housing

Workers tenements or chawls in Mumbai – factory owners were asked to provide workers housing
(6) (8) Source – Story ltd, c. 1909

Bombay Harbour from Apollo Bunder by Clifton & Co, 1900 Hybrid Modernism – Habib Rehman worked with Gropius before returning to Post Colonial India

Bombay Harbour from Apollo Bunder by Clifton & Co, c.1900
Sarmaya Arts Foundation
Hybrid Modernism – Habib Rehman worked with Gropius before returning to post colonial India
From top left to bottom right – 1952 to 1965
Image Sources:
(5) Left: Placesbook.org, Right: Imperial Gazetteer of India, 1909
(6) Sarmaya Arts Foundation
(7) Story ltd, c. 1909
(8) From top left to bottom right – 1952 to 1965

City Interface | Delhi / Mumbai p. 192

 Mumbai and Delhi also function as self-sufficient centralities in themselves.

The regional metropolis model allows for a continuous economic and social invention of

Tool 1
the city and for the city to remain competitive. If constructed according to the book, it
also allows for inclusion of poor and marginalized communities in the redevelopment
process. The rule of allotting one-third land for public space, one-third for affordable
housing, and one-third for affordable housing in the case of redevelopment of cotton

DELHI / MUMBAI
The Regional Metropolis mill lands in Mumbai illustrates this.
LECTURE : “URBAN STORIES” III/IV SPRING 2020 ASSISTANT : BOJANA PAPIC ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

(1)

ESG Factor:
TOOL Governance
: THE REGIONAL METROPOLIS

THEMATIC CLUSTER :
Thematic Cluster : Governance / Policy
GOVERNANCE
Year : 1960‘s -
Reinventing the city and the region through redevelopment

Reinventing the city and

The postcolonial the region
masterplans through
of both Mumbai and redevelopment
Delhi were founded on the logic of
regional metropolitan
Main stakeholders: planning introduced
Bombay Metropolitan through
Region the work of Authority,
Development Albert Mayer and his
Indian and international collaborators. This logic provides an opportunity for the
Government of Haryana, Government of Maharashtra
metropolis to restructure its industry, economy, and resources and seed networked
centralities in an extended region.

The postcolonial
This masterplans of both Mumbai
model of restructuration of and Delhi were
economy and founded
industry on
in the logic of allows for a
region
reinvention
regional metropolitan of the city
planning through through
introduced the redevelopment
the work ofof space
Albert and housing.
Mayer Furthermore,
and his Indian
this also
and international allows for the
collaborators. possibility
This for a decentralized
logic provides development.
an opportunity for the metropolis to
restructure its industry, economy, and resources and seed networked centralities in an
The development plan of New Bombay in the 1960s, and the formation of the National The Regional Metropolis, 2001
extended region.
Capital Region of Delhi in the 1980s are prominent examples of the regional metropolis.
The Regional Metropolis, 1981-2001
This model ofThese plans haveofgiven
restructuration rise to
economy new
and towns in
industry that
thewhile connected
region allows fortoathe metropolises of
reinvention The Regional Metropolis, 1964
Mumbai and Delhi also function as self-sufficient centralities in themselves.
of the city through the redevelopment of space and housing. Furthermore, this also allows
for the possibility for a decentralized development.
The regional metropolis model allows for a continuous economic and social invention of (2)
the city and for the city to remain competitive. If constructed according to the book, it
The development plan offor
also allows New Bombay
inclusion of in the and
poor 1960s, and the formation
marginalized of the National
communities in the redevelopment
Capital Region of Delhi in the 1980s are prominent examples of the regional
process. The rule of allotting one-third land for public space, one-third metropolis.
forThese
affordable
plans have given
housing, and one-third for affordable housing in the case of redevelopmentand
rise to new towns that while connected to the metropolises of Mumbai of cotton
Delhi also function as self-sufficient
mill lands centralities
in Mumbai illustrates this.in themselves.

The regional metropolis model allows for a continuous economic and social invention of
the city and for the city to remain competitive. If constructed according to the book, it also
allows for inclusion of poor and marginalized communities in the redevelopment process.
The rule of allotting one-third land for public space, one-third for affordable housing, and
one-third for affordable housing in the case of redevelopment of cotton mill lands in Mumbai
illustrates this.

From Regional Metropolis to Urban Corridor

The Regional Metropolis, 2001 From Regional Metropolis to Urban Corridor

Image Sources:
(1) NCR Planning Board, 1981
(2) Left – Delhi Mumbai Industrial Corridor, Right – National Capital Region Plan 2021

City Interface | Delhi / Mumbai p. 194

(3) (5)

Corporate Satellite Cities. Gurugram Millennium City An Aerial View of Kidwai Nagar Redevelopment
Corporate Satellite Cities. Gurugram Millennium City
Source – The Financial Express
An Aerial view of Kidwai Nagar Redevelopment
(4) (6) Source – Chapman Taylor

Industrial Restructuration - Mill Lands in Mumbai for Redevelopment An Aerial View of Kidwai Nagar Redevelopment

An Aerial view of Kidwai Nagar Redevelopment

Image Sources: Source – Chapman Taylor

(3) The Financial Express

Industrial Restructuration - Mill Lands in Mumbai for Redevelopment (4) Charles Correa, UDRI, Mumbai
Charles Correa, UDRI, Mumbai (5) Chapman Taylor
(6) Chapman Taylor

City Interface | Delhi / Mumbai p. 196

TOOL
TOOL: :CADASTRAL
CADASTRALURBANISM
URBANISM

BAI
AI
Tool 2
THEMATIC
THEMATICCLUSTER
CLUSTER: :
SOCIAL
SOCIAL
Plotting Urbanism (1)

A chance
A chance
ESG Factor: Social
forfor
inclusive bottom-up
inclusive development
bottom-up development

TheTheincorporation
incorporation ofof
villages
villages for the
for theextension
extensionandandland
landdevelopment
developmentof ofcities
citiesalthough
although
displaces
displaces the
theagrarian
agrarian livelihoods
livelihoods ofofpeople
peopleininthese
thesevillages,
villages,ititopens
opensnew
newopportunities
opportunities
of of
land
landdevelopment
development forfor these
thesecommunities.
communities.The Thevillage
villagecommunities
communitiescan candevelop
develop the
the
land
land Thematic
remaining
remaining in in
the
the Cluster
village
villagewithout :
without Informal
the
thecontrol / Hybrid
controlofofplanning City
planningregulations
regulationsthat
thatcontrol
controlthe
the
rest of of
rest the city.
the city.
Year : 1950‘s -
They
They cancanthus become
thus become places
placeswhere
whereaffordable
affordablerental
rentalhousing
housingare
areoften
oftendeveloped
developed at at
first, but
first, buteventually
eventuallythrough
throughthe theinvolvement
involvementofofmigrants,
migrants,artists,
artists,and
andarchitects,
architects,these
these
turn
turninto vibrant
into Avibrantdistricts
chance forover
districts overtime.
time.Neighbourhoods
inclusive bottom-up such
Neighbourhoods suchas
asWorli
WorliKoliwada,
development Koliwada,and andHauz
Hauz
Khas
Khas in in Delhi
Delhi are
are one
one ofof themost
the mostinteresting
interestingandandbohemian
bohemiandistricts
districtsininthe
therespective
respective
Main stakeholders: Self-built Initiatives
cities.
cities. They
They have
have developed
developed throughthe
through theact
actofofcadastral
cadastralurbanism,
urbanism,and andcontrary
contrarytotothe
the
monotony
monotony ofof the
the remaining
remaining city,
city, theyprovide
they providean anorganic
organichandmade
handmadeurbanism
urbanismwithwithrich
rich
urban
urban qualities.
qualities.
The incorporation of villages for the extension and land development of cities although
The
The changing
changing nature
nature of thesevillages
villagesmirrors
mirrorsthe the changingnature
natureof ofthe
thecity
city around
around
displaces theof these
agrarian livelihoods of people inchanging
these villages, it opens new opportunities of
them.
them. They
They can thus transform from being tenement settlements to becoming
land development for these communities. The village communities can develop theart
can thus transform from being tenement settlements to becoming art
land
districts
districts in in
aa matter
matter
remaining of
aa
inofthe fewyears.
few
village years.The
without The liminality
liminality
the control ofofofregulation
regulation
planning allows
allows
regulations forcontrol
for
that aa model
model of of
the of
rest
bottom-up
bottom-upthe regeneration
regeneration
city. and reinvention of the city which accompanies
and reinvention of the city which accompanies its changing its changing
character.
character. Delhi’s Urban Villages as a Solution for affordable Housing in the City
They can thus become places where affordable rental housing are often developed at first,
but eventually through the involvement of migrants, artists, and architects, these turn into Delhi’s
Delhi’s urban
urban villages
villages
vibrant districts over time. Neighbourhoods such as Worli Koliwada, and Hauz Khas in Delhi (2)
are one of the most interesting and bohemian districts in the respective cities. They have
developed through the act of cadastral urbanism, and contrary to the monotony of the
remaining city, they provide an organic handmade urbanism with rich urban qualities.

The changing nature of these villages mirrors the changing nature of the city around
them. They can thus transform from being tenement settlements to becoming art districts
in a matter of a few years. The liminality of regulation allows for a model of bottom-up
regeneration and reinvention of the city which accompanies its changing character.

Transformation of agricultural land into tenement housing for labor migrants

Transformation of agricultural land into tenement housing for labor migrants
Transformation of agricultural Land into tenement Housing for Labor Migrants

Image Sources:
(1) Google Earth
(2) Fieldwork, Nitin Bathla

City Interface | Delhi / Mumbai p. 198

(3) 2018
2016
2014
2012
2010
2006
2002 (5)

Cadastral Urbanism – A typical Cadastral Map of an Indian Village hand drawn on Linen Fishing Boats at the Worli Koliwada
Cadastral Urbanism – A typical cadastral map of an Indian village hand drawn on linen
Source – Fieldwork, Nitin Bathla
Fishing boats at the Worli Koliwada
Source – Minor Sights

(4) (6)

A View of Worli Koliwada with the City rising in the Backdrop KHOJ Studios, an Art Residency at Khirkee Village in Delhi

A view of Worli Koliwada with the city rising in the backdrop KHOJ studios, an art residency at Khirkee Village in Delhi
Source – Minor Sights Image Sources: Source – KHOJ
(3) Fieldwork, Nitin Bathla
(4) Minor Sights
(5) Minor Sights
(6) KHOJ

City Interface | Delhi / Mumbai p. 200

TOOL : CONTESTED COMMONS

BAI
DELHI / MUMBAI
LECTURE : “URBAN STORIES” III/IV SPRING 2020 ASSISTANT : BOJANA PAPIC ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

Tool 3
TOOL : CONTESTED
THEMATIC CLUSTER :
COMMONS
ENVIRONMENT
Contested Commons (1)
THEMATIC CLUSTER :
ESG Factor: Environment
A chance for renaturalising, and developing public space through civic action
ENVIRONMENT
The uneven incorporation of villages into the fabric of the city also opens ecological
commons of the villages to the city. They become depleted through activities such as
mining,A waste
chancedumping, pollution, and developing
for renaturalising, other causes. A number
public space of civic society
through initiatives
civic action
Thematic Cluster : Ecology / Landscape
have been emerging both in Delhi and Mumbai to redevelop and safeguard these
commons throughincorporation
The uneven collective action. The into
of villages waterfronts
the fabriccentre in Mumbai
of the city also opens that has
ecological
renatured and Year
commons of the: 2010
designed villages-to the
depleted shorelines ofbecome
city. They Mumbaidepleted
into active publicactivities
through spaces, and
such as
mining,
the Aravalli waste dumping,
Biodiversity Park inpollution,
Delhi whichandhas
other causes. A number
redeveloped formerofstone
civic society
quarries initiatives
into
have been emerging both in
forests are prominent examples of these. Delhi and Mumbai to redevelop and safeguard these
commons through collective action. The waterfronts centre in Mumbai that has
renaturedA and
chance
designedfor renaturalising,
shorelines ofand developing public space
The contested commons allow depleted
for a renaturalisation Mumbai
of these into active public
ecological spaces,
commons andand
the through
Aravalli civic
Biodiversity Parkaction
a chance to turn back the clock on loss of biodiversity. The Aravalli Biodiversity Park wasinto
in Delhi which has redeveloped former stone quarries
able toforests are
reintroduceprominent
Main examples
stakeholders:
critical species ofwere
NGOs
that these.
lost through the rapid urbanisation of Delhi
back to the region. Similarly, the cleanup of Mumbai’s beaches provided a chance for the
The contested commons allow for a renaturalisation of these ecological commons and
Olive Ridely turtles to return to Mumbai’s coasts.
a chanceTheto turn back
uneven the clock onofloss
incorporation of biodiversity.
villages TheofAravalli
into the fabric the cityBiodiversity Park was commons
also opens ecological
able to reintroduce critical
of the villages species
to the city. that
Theywerebecomelost through
depletedthe rapid activities
through urbanisation
suchofasDelhi
mining, waste
This act of commoning through reclaiming and nurturing public space allows for the
back to the region. pollution,
dumping, Similarly, and
the cleanup
other causes.of Mumbai’s
A number beaches provided
of civic society a chance
initiatives forbeen
have the emerging
spatialisation of social
Olive Ridely turtlesmovements
to return to in the city.coasts.
Mumbai’s They are able to resist exclusionary and
both in Delhi and Mumbai to redevelop and safeguard these commons through collective A rewilded quarry - Aravalli Biodiversity Park
detrimental developments through mobilising
action. The waterfronts centre in around
Mumbaithethat
defence
has of public spaces
renatured that
and designed depleted
they have produced
This act of through
commoning
shorelines collective
through
of Mumbai action.
intoreclaiming
active public and nurturing
spaces, and the public space
Aravalli allows Park
Biodiversity for the
in Delhi which Rewilding of a Stone Quarry through civic Action - Aravalli Biodiversity Park
spatialisation of social movements
has redeveloped former stone in quarries
the city. into
Theyforests
are able to resist exclusionary
are prominent examples ofand
these.
Thedevelopments
detrimental contested commons through allow for a renaturalisation
mobilising around the defence of these ecological
of public spacescommons
that and a A rewilded quarry - Aravalli Biodiversity Park
they havechance to turn
produced back collective
through the clock on loss of biodiversity. The Aravalli Biodiversity Park was able
action. (2)
to reintroduce critical species that were lost through the rapid urbanisation of Delhi back to
the region. Similarly, the cleanup of Mumbai’s beaches provided a chance for the Olive Ridely
turtles to return to Mumbai’s coasts.
This act of commoning through reclaiming and nurturing public space allows for the
spatialisation of social movements in the city. They are able to resist exclusionary and
detrimental developments through mobilising around the defence of public spaces that they
have produced through collective action.

Ecological commons indicated in red form a large chunk of cadastral land of the village

Rewilding of a Stone Quarry through civic action Ecological commons indicated in red form a large chunk of cadastral land of the village

Rewilding of a Stone Quarry through civic action Ecological commons indicated in red form a large chunk of cadastral land of the village
Image Sources:
(1) Vijay Damsana
(2) Fieldwork, Nitin Bathla

City Interface | Delhi / Mumbai p. 202

(3) (5)

A View of the Aravalli Biodiversity Park Coastal Road Development in Mumbai

A view of the Aravalli Biodiversity Park
Source – Nitin Bathla
Coastal Road Development in Mumbai
Source – Left: The Print, Right: The Hindu

(4) (6)

Versova Beach Clean-Up Bandra Bandstand, Mumbai Waterfronts Centre

Bandra Bandstand, Mumbai Waterfronts Centre
Source – Wiki Commons

Versova beach cleanup

Source – Times Now

Image Sources:
(3) Nitin Bathla
(4) Times Now
(5) Left: The Print, Right: The Hindu
(6) Wiki Commons

City Interface | Delhi / Mumbai p. 204

 DEHLI / MUMBAI
Exercise
LECTURE : “URBAN STORIES” III/IV SPRING 2020 ASSISTANT : BOJANA PAPIC ETH ZÜRICH DARCH INSTITUTE FOR URBAN DESIGN PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

TOOL :/CONTESTED
Delhi Mumbai COMMONS
Tool : Contested Commons
THEMATIC CLUSTER :
ENVIRONMENT
The satellite images bellow show three different development stages of urban 3. What challenges and opportunities does this type of planning and design
transformations of the same site duing the last decades. intervention have ?

1. Name the city in which to find the urban transformation process that is shown below

2. What architectural and urban design strategies have been employed by architects
and urban designers that are leaing to such urban development ?

City Interface | Delhi / Mumbai p. 206

Reading | ETH ZÜRICH | DARCH | CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER |
Delhi / Mumbai
Decentring the Open City | ! URBAN DESIGN III / IV URBAN STORIES" | SPRING 2020 | ASSISTANT : BOJANA PAPIC
‘beyond the city limits’ (Davidson and Iveson 2015). A con-
Examining Openness at the Agrarian-urban Frontiers in India
(1) Decentring the Open City, Examining Openness at the Agrarian-urban Frontiers in India, Nitin Bathla sensus seems to be emerging around retaining the term
‘city’ as an analytical tool, but opening it up to a terrain be-
yond classical agglomeration processes. Reflecting upon
Sennett’s own discussion on ‘ambiguous edges’, in which
Nitin Bathla
he describes that the search for the open city should not
remain limited to the territory of the city, I would like to ar-
gue for the city to be more than merely a tool of toponym-
Decentring the Open City: Examining Openness at the Agrarian-urban Frontiers in India ic analysis. Can places that might otherwise masquerade
In this article, I critically engage with the open city concept and argue that in order for it to be relevant there is a need as rural, such as villages or small towns, exhibit what might
to move beyond the prevalent city centric focus. Furthermore, I argue that there is an urgent need to attend to the be considered as the porous system of the open city as
political dimensions that lurk behind open systems. In order to understand how open city can be useful beyond classi- well? What do open systems look like beyond the familiar
and central ‘intense, mixed, complex’ life of Nehru Place
cal agglomeration processes, I look at the agro-urban transformation of villages into tenement towns in the extended
that Sennett (2015) celebrates in Delhi? How do such ‘po-
urban region of Delhi. I discuss the open system of 'plotting urbanism' of the tenement towns vis a vis the closed rous systems’ come into place and sustain? What are the
systems of condominiums, industrial townships, special economic zones, and financial districts that emerge congru- everyday struggles in the ‘open cities’ and is there a poten-
ently. I identify a bottom-up typological innovation, the kalonie that has emerged at the heart of this plotting urbanism tial for reform in them? Through subjecting the urbanising
and through it describe how agrarian land is incrementally transformed into dense 6-storey housing blocks for labour agrarian villages in the extended urban region of Delhi to
migrants. Secondly, I discuss the systematic class exploitation that masquerades beneath the openness of the open an analysis, I hope to extend the concept of ‘the open city’
‘beyond the city’. In this search, I utilise what Sennett
city. The statistical invisualisation of such settlements from planning documents, and how compromises between the References
(2018) offers as important markers: ‘the open city operates
rentiers and corporate capitalists negates possibilities of political progress made by labour migrants that inhabit these • Kotoky, Anurag (2012) as an open system – incorporating principles of porosity of
tenement towns. India’s Maruti shares sink
after riot shuts car plant. territory, narrative indeterminacy, and incomplete form – it
Reuters. becomes democratic not only in a legal sense but as a
Dezentralisierung der Offenen Stadt: Untersuchung von Offenheit an den Landwirtschaftlichen-Urbanen • Brenner, N., Schmid, C. physical experience’.
Grenzen in Indien (2015) ‘Towards a new
epistemology of the Plotting the tenement towns in the Delhi
In diesem Artikel setze ich mich kritisch mit dem Konzept der offenen Stadt auseinander und argumentiere, dass es urban?’ In: City 19, p.
151–182. https://doi.org/ region
aus Gründen der Relevanz, notwendig ist, über den vorherrschenden stadtzentrischen Fokus hinauszugehen. Darüber
10.1080/13604813.2015.1
hinaus argumentiere ich, dass es dringend notwendig ist, sich mit den politischen Dimensionen zu befassen, die hinter 014712 In the quarter-century since reforms for economic and spa-
offenen Systemen stehen. Um zu verstehen, wie eine offene Stadt über die klassischen Agglomerationsprozesse hin- • Calthorpe, P., Fulton, Wil- tial liberalisation were enacted in India, an important trend
aus nützlich sein kann, betrachte ich die agro-urbane Umwandlung von Dörfern in Mietskasernen in der erweiterten liam B. (2001) The Regional has taken shape parallel to planned urbanisation. This trend
City: Planning for the End
Stadtregion von Delhi. Ich diskutiere das offene System des "Plotting Urbanism" der Mietskasernenstädte gegenüber of Sprawl. Island Press, involves the rapid transformation of villages into towns and
den geschlossenen Systemen von Eigentumswohnungen, Industriestädten, Sonderwirtschaftszonen und Finanzdistrik- Washington, D.C. large settlements, what Denis et al. (2012) describe as In-
• Davidson, M., Iveson, K. dia’s ‘subaltern and unacknowledged urbanisation’. It has
ten, die kongruent entstehen. Ich identifiziere eine bottom-up typologische Innovation, die Kalonie, die sich im Herzen
(2015) ‘Beyond city limits.’ been estimated that this has contributed to one-third of the
dieses Plotting Urbanismus herausgebildet hat, und beschreibe dadurch, wie Agrarland schrittweise in dichte 6-stöcki- In: City 19, p. 646–664. urban growth in India (Pradhan 2013) in the last two de-
ge Wohnblöcke für Arbeitsmigranten umgewandelt wird. Zweitens diskutiere ich die systematische Klassenausbeu- https://doi.org/10.1080/13
604813.2015.1078603 cades. While the reasons behind ‘subaltern urbanisation’
tung, die sich unter der Offenheit der offenen Stadt verbirgt. Die statistische Unsichtbarmachung solcher Siedlungen are broad and complex (Zerah 2017), such transformations
• Denis, E., Mukhopad-
aus den Planungsunterlagen und die Art und Weise, wie Kompromisse zwischen Mietern und Konzernkapitalisten die hyay, P., Zerah, M.H. (2012) tend to cluster around existing agglomerations such as Del-
Möglichkeit eines politischen Fortschritts der Arbeitsmigranten, die diese Mietskasernen bewohnen, negieren. ‘Subaltern Urbanisation in hi, usually catering to the unassimilated demographic and
India.’ In: Econ. Polit. Wkly., metabolic pressures of the ‘city of the masterplan’ (Sundar-
Review of Urban Affairs
XLVII, p. 52–62. am 2009). In Delhi, such urbanisation has happened
The ‘open city’ is perhaps one of the most exciting con- In this paper, I attempt to extend the open-city discourse
through the gradual and piecemeal transformation of agrar-
cepts to emerge from the realm of urban studies in recent through decentring it, through informing it from spaces • Friedmann, J. (1986) ‘The
ian land into a built form, a process that can be best de-
World City Hypothesis.’ In:
times. The concept, discussed variously by Rieniets et al. emerging at the urban-agrarian frontiers that are not nec- Dev. Change 17, p. 69–83. scribed as ‘plotting urbanism’, borrowing from the vocabu-
(2009) and recently by Richard Sennett (2018), has caught essarily designed by planning professionals or the state, or https://doi. lary of urban processes of Schmid et al. (2017).
org/10.1111/j.1467-
the imagination of academics, practitioners, policy makers even officially categorised as urban for that matter. Draw- 7660.1986.tb00231.x
and bureaucrats alike. It has inspired a number of forums, ing from contemporary debates in post-colonial and criti- While there has been rapid industrial expansion in the Del-
• Rekacewicz, P. (2009)
hi region in the recent decades, it has been highly extrac-
film festivals and collectives, including the one from which cal urban theory and my research in the extended urban ‘Frontiers, Migrants and
Refugees: Cartographic tive in nature. The transnational development regimes such
this special issue emerged. In the discussion on the open region of Delhi, I would attempt to locate the ‘open city’ in Studies.’ In: TRIALOG, as the Japanese-funded Delhi-Mumbai Corridor that exem-
city, however, there has been a proclivity to build the con- marginalised and peripheral geographies. Borders and Migration 2,
p. 27–31. plify such industrialisation thrive on a systematic exploita-
ceptual understanding from spectacular and over-dis- tion of a large and abundant class of seasonal ‘multilocal’
• Pradhan, K. (2013) Unac-
cussed cases located in privileged urban centres across Openness beyond city centrism knowledged Urbanisation: labour migrants coming from the economically depressed
the world, thus exhibiting a metropolitan bias. Sennett’s New Census Towns of eastern regions of the country (Schmidt-Kallert and Franke
India (SSRN Scholarly Paper 2012). The labour migrants that arrive to take up employ-
recent book, Building and Dwelling (2018) , in which he at- The ‘open city’ has developed in a long line of urban theo- No. ID 2402116). Social
Science Research Network, ment in the region find little housing in the planned city,
tempts to illustrate what ‘opening the city’ might look like, ries that operationalise the word ‘city’ as a term of political
Rochester, NY. and tenements to cater to them often emerge through
clearly exemplifies this bias. The usual culprits, such as the analysis. These include but are not limited to ‘the regional bottom-up plotting in agrarian villages (Naik 2015). There-
• Robinson, J. (2006) Ordinary
cable car and library in Medellin and the half-house by city’ (Calthorpe and Fulton 2001), ‘the world city’ (Friedma- Cities: Between Modernity fore, in the specific context of the Delhi region, ‘plotting ur-
Alejandro Aravena in Chile, emerge as the icons of the nn 1986), ‘the global city’ (Sassen 2001), ‘the 100-mile city’ and Development. Psychol- banism’ primarily manifests into what I term as ‘tenement
ogy Press.
open city in Sennett’s book. Although such cases repre- (Sudjic 1993), ‘the liquid city’ (Short 2007), and ‘the ordinary towns’. These are former villages that develop around a
• Sassen, S. (2001) The rental economy of housing and provisioning for labour mi-
sent a vast global diversity, they tend to stay within the city’ (Robinson 2006). Contemporaneously, there have Global City: New York,
grants. As illustrated in Figure 1, the tenements develop
privileged terrain of familiar cities and replicate city-cen- been engaged debates on moving beyond ‘city centrism’ London, Tokyo. Princeton
University Press. contiguously and simultaneously to the emergence of
tric perspectives. (Brenner and Schmid 2015) and opening the term ‘city’ to
16
TRIALOG 135 4/2018 - March 2020 15 4
3
City Interface | Delhi / Mumbai
|
‘closed systems’ of walled condominiums, industrial town-
ships, special economic zones, and financial districts. It is
the openness or porosity of such tenement towns in the
Delhi region that I would dissect in order to elaborate my
argument. Although hundreds of tenement towns dot the
industrial landscape of the extended urban region of Delhi,
it is relatively easy to read them through a tenement typol-
ogy referred to as kalonie.
Typological innovation of the tenement
towns
The kalonie is a typological innovation that emerges at the
heart of a tenement town. The construction of the kalonie
is a system of incremental property development that I
have summarised in Figure 2. The system usually begins
with the construction of a karkat kalonie (shanty) that con-
sists a series of cheaply built, load-bearing, mud-plastered
brick rooms with corrugated tin roofs, around 3 by 4 me-
tres in size, separated by a service corridor that doubles
as a communal space. A number of shared toilets and me-
tered water taps are usually stacked at the end of these
corridors. The rent of the karkat kalonie rooms, at Rs
1,500-2,000, is more affordable for the migrants that are
still finding a foothold in the region. The landlord or rent-
iers deposit rents from the karkat kalonie into a rolling
communal fund, which they refer to as a ‘committee’.
There is an annual draw of names, and the winner gets
the entire collective fund to develop the property into a
more profitable venture.
At a point when the landowner is willing and ready to ex-
pand, the karkat kalonie is dismantled. The bricks can eas-
ily be removed due to the mud plaster, and either an inter-
mediate load-bearing brick and cement structure with
stone slabs and steel beams, or a reinforced concrete-
frame structure is eventually erected in its place. At this
point, the karkat kalonie starts being referred to as a kal-
onie, from which the rentier is able to extract almost twice
as much rent per room, usually between Rs 2,500-4,000.
The kalonies are usually between 3 to 6 floors high, with
around 16 to 20 rooms per floor, and organised along both
sides of a 3-metre-wide corridor, which also serves as a
light shaft and community space with a stack of shared
toilets.
The rooms, a tiny 12 square metres on average, are
shared either by a family or by groups of single seasonal
migrants. The character of the room changes through the
day: in the morning, the beds are rolled up and the room
transforms into a living space; at dinnertime, the pantry
setup next to the window takes over the space; and at
night, the beds roll out again. Each kalonie, with a popula-
tion of anywhere between 200 and 400 people, starts to
evolve around the ties of kinship and community, and the
migrants describe them as neighbourhood units with a vi-
brant public life playing out in the circulation spaces.
My interactions with the rentiers revealed the lucrative-
ness of the rental business, under which they are able to
recover the entire cost of construction in less than three
years. With the receding of industries, a trend is to convert
kalonies into an even more-profitable form of housing for
students and professionals referred to colloquially as the
one-room set type. Although the planning and design of
the kalonie represents a modular incrementalism, it is
TRIALOG 135 4/2018 - March 2020
p. 208
 | ETH ZÜRICH | DARCH | CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER |
| ETH ZÜRICH | DARCH | CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER |

designed through experimental estimation and local net-
works of knowledge exchange; the involvement of design
professionals is rare, if at all.
The manifestation of kalonie from agrarian land not only
signals a morphological transformation of the agrarian vil-
lage into the distinctly dense tenement town, but also rep-
resents a social splintering into rentiers and a large class
of landless labour migrants. The legal ambiguity that al-
lows the kalonie to emerge also allows class-based exploi-
tation to flourish. The kalonie is not only a source of rent
extraction for the rentiers, but it also becomes a space
where, in the absence of the state, a system of everyday
exploitation based on service provision emerges. The
rentiers funnel the water supply and electricity into pri-
vately developed grids, often charging the migrants up to
three times the normal cost for the provision of services.
Furthermore, even sewage is non-networked and the mi-
grants pay a ‘poverty premium’ for the septic and solid
waste they generate. Moreover, even the purchase of gro-
ceries is often tied to the housing contract by the rentiers,
thus ensuring profitability at every step.
The spaces that seem ‘democratic’ and ‘open’ at first
glance masquerade deeper dynamics of systematic class
exploitation through which the affluent rentiers ensure a
permanent, unequal relationship with the labour mi-
grants.
Figure 1. Complemen-
tarity in the systems of
opening and closure: the
conditions emerge congru-
ently in the territory but in a
complementarity that is often
exploitative in nature. Illustra-
tion: Nitin Bathla, 2018.
References (cont.)
• Schmid, C., Karaman, O.,
Hanakata, N.C., Kallenberg-
er, P., Kockelkorn, A., Saw-
yer, L., Streule, M., Wong,
K.P. (2017) ‘Towards a new
vocabulary of urbanisation
processes: A compara-
tive approach.’ In: Urban
Stud. 0042098017739750.
https://doi.org/10.1177/
0042098017739750
• Schmidt-Kallert, E., Franke,
P. (2012) ‘Living in Two
Worlds: Multi-Locational
Household Arrangements
among Migrant Workers
in China.’ In: Die Erde – J.
Geogr. Soc. Berl. 143, p.
263–284.
• Sennett, R. (2015) ‘The
world wants more “po-
rous” cities – so why don’t
we build them?’ In: The
Guardian.
• Sennett, R. (2018) Building
and Dwelling: Ethics for the
City. Allen Lane, an imprint
of Penguin Books, London.
• Sennett, R. (2018) ‘The
Open City.’ In: The Post-
Urban World. Routledge,
London, p. 10.
• Short, J.R. (2007) Liquid
city: megalopolis and the
contemporary Northeast.
Resources for the Future,
Washington DC.
• Sudjic, D. (1993) Hundred
Mile City (1 edition). Mari-
ner Books, San Diego.
• Sundaram, R. (2009) Pirate
Modernity: Delhi’s Media
Urbanism. Routledge.
• Zerah, M.H. (2017) ‘Shed-
ding Light on Social and
Economic Changes in
Small Towns through the
Prism of Local Governance:
A Case Study of Haryana.’
In: Subaltern Urbanisation
in India - An Introduction to
the Dynamics of Ordinary
Towns. Springer, New Delhi,
p. 371–395.
political patronage from the former villages. This translates in-
to either a system of direct governance of rural local bodies
(gram panchayat) with 20 elected representatives (panchs)
and a village head (sarpanch), or a hybrid political arrange-
ment in which the former village head emerges as an elected
councillor. In either case, the former land-owning elites retain
a special interest in governing the delicate compromise that
allows the tenement towns to prevail.
The production of property and urban space through plot-
ting tends to remain deficient in urban qualities due its logic
of capital and rental maximisation. Roads remain unpaved
and unlit, and instead of networked provision, water arrives
through tankers and sewage is collected in septic tanks.
Furthermore, there is no incentive to create public spaces,
recreation, or institutions. Gradual improvements come in
through the system of direct governance that allows for a
space of reform. The rural local body meets once every four
months at the village chaupal (public space), pictured be-
low, to make collective decisions regarding budget alloca-
tions. An analysis of the budget data from the website of
Naharpur Kasan, for example, revealed that 90% of its allo-
cated budget was spent on the paving of new roads, the
lighting of streets, and the construction of drains and drink-
ing water pipes. While traditional public funds have
emerged as a primary source for funding extensive im-
provements, a new politics of corporate compromise has
recently been taking shape in these settlements.
Politics of the corporate compromise
My interactions with migrants in the tenement towns of
Delhi revealed widespread labour unrest in the region be-
tween 2011 and 2012 (Anurag Kotoky 2012). The migrants
were protesting not only against the casualisation of work-
ing conditions and anti-unionisation practices of the corpo-
rates, but also against the precarity in their everyday lives.
In the aftermath of the unrest, as a compromise many cor-
porates started to fund what they call community-develop-
ment plans in the surrounding villages through Corporate
Social Responsibility (CSR) initiatives. Under the new CSR
regulation enacted under the Indian Companies Act in
2013, corporates are supposed to spend 2% of their aver-
age net profits on social welfare.
The Japanese car manufacturer Maruti Suzuki, which runs
extensive automobile manufacturing operations in the re-
gion, is working in ten settlements (tenement towns) under
its community-development initiative. In Naharpur Kasan,
projects under this programme include a community cen-
tre, two water-treatment plants, a waste-management cen-
tre and door-to-door waste-collection system, a communi-
ty crematorium, a road-cleaning team, and the upgrading
of a local school. My interactions with the community plan-
ners from Maruti Suzuki revealed that the investments in
the community help them maintain a fragile peace with
the rentiers running the village, who in turn ensure that the
migrants stay docile. Maruti Suzuki is not alone in ensuring
the fragile peace through such social programmes; other
local manufacturers, such as MINDA Systems and Donald-
son Limited, run similar community programmes.
Conclusion
As becomes aptly clear from the case of tenement towns
discussed here and emergent literature on contemporary
Figure 4. Plotting reforms.
A picture from the village
council (Gram Sabha) meet-
ing in January 2019. The
elected representatives are
discussing the location for a
primary health clinic on the
cadastral plan (khasra plan)
of the village. Photo: Nitin
Bathla, 2019.
Figure 5. Spaces of corpo-
rate-community compro-
mise. A recently inaugurated
community hall in Naharpur
Kasan, sponsored under the
community-development
plan of the corporate Maruti
Suzuki. Photo: Nitin Bathla,
2019.
urbanisation, regional and territorial restructuration of cities
are introducing profound transformations in the country-
side. The open city, in keeping with this, needs critical de-
centring from its overemphasis on conditions of informality
within the familiar borders of cities. Settlements, conditions
and processes emerging in the agro-urban peripheries that
have been deemed traditionally as ‘rural outsides’ offer
good sites for attempts at decentring in decentring. The
‘plotting urbanism’ of the tenement towns in the Delhi re-
gion illustrates how open systems emerge through social
negotiations and compromises, in contrast to the closure of
the contemporary master-planned city/region. While such
systems represent democratic and participatory ways of
city building, they also masquerade exploitative regimes
within, such as the systematic exploitation of labour mi-
grants by the rentiers in the tenement towns of Delhi region.
Thus, instead of triumphant celebration of such ‘open re-
gimes’, they must be critically revisited from the perspective
of social justice and uneven development. Furthermore, as
the case of statistical manipulation in Naharpur Kasan
shows, the open city needs to break its toponymic rigidity
and extend beyond the official definitions of the urban.
Although it can be conjectured that the congruent systems
of opening and closure emerge complimentarily, the exploit-
ative nature of such ‘porous’ regimes needs to be brought
into question and opened up for reform. The porous re-
gimes of direct governance in the tenement towns provide
a possible entry point for this, and as the case of corporate
community development reveals, often the protagonist be- Nitin Bathla
hind closure can also become enabler of opening.
Is an architect, artist and educa-
The attempt in this paper to visualise the processes tor based at ETH Zurich where
he is currently pursuing his
through which the opening of the tenement town is pro- Doctoral Studies. Nitin’s work
duced, serviced and reformed, and its everyday life negoti- focuses on labor migration, and
ated, is an effort to move beyond the familiar. It is hoped land ecology in the extended
that this can help extend the usefulness of the ‘open city’ urban region of Delhi. Aside
from academic writing, Nitin
concept beyond the toponymic terrain of the ‘city’ and to
works on film-making and com-
trigger further comparative research on porous systems munity art projects. Email:
and everyday negotiations in open cities elsewhere. bathla@arch.ethz.ch.

TRIALOG 135 4/2018 - March 2020 17 5 TRIALOG 135 4/2018 - March 2020 19
7

City Interface | Delhi / Mumbai p. 210

Los Angeles
USA
Tool 1
Destiny Infrastructure
Environment | Ecology/ Landscape

Tool 2
Sub-Urban Centers
Governance | Suburbia

Tool 3
Studio Imaginations
Social | Micro/ Temporary Programs

p. 212
Infographic
Map of Los Angeles Size Comparison: Zurich, CH - Los Angeles, USA

Los Angeles | City Proper 10km Los Angeles | Metropolitan Area 20km

city proper urban footprint 5 10km

0
metropolitan urban agglomeration
area 10km 20km
Zurich | City Proper Zurich | Metropolitan Area

Data City proper | Metropolitan area

Population 4.0 mil. | 13.1 mil.
Area 1300 km² | 12500 km²
Density 3200 people / km²
GDP 789 bil. U.S. Dollar
Cycling Parks, community
3% Walking 5% gardens
Car 35%
4% Public
81%
transport
12%

Information Sources:
Google Earth, all Maps are North Oriented
United Nations, The World’s Cities in 2016, Chapter: What is a City?
Metropolitan World Atlas, Arjen van Susteren, Published by 010 Publishers, 2005
Transportation Unemployment Green Spaces

City Interface | Los Angeles p. 214

Los Angeles
Introduction (5)

Los Angeles, California, United States

While European cities were developed before the invention of rapid vehicles, Los Angeles, grew
as the freedom of moving great distances in a short time was explored. The empty fields
attracted many different individuals with an optimistic look to the future to come together and
explore the freedom of building something new with prospects of a better life. This freedom
formed the city to become a dense urban carpet, a field of urban experiments, tied together
by veins of infrastructure.
During the last century, Los Angeles urbanized steadily by a rapid growth of 500 people per
day, which has created one of the largest metropolitan agglomerations of the world.
Today, Los Angeles County inhabits over 10 Million people that live in an endless sprawl,
depending on their private car and the infrastructure to drive them on.
Los Angeles is an ever-changing collage of different identities and realities.

Los Angeles in History

(1) (2)
Panoramic "Birds-Eye# Map of Los Angeles, 1909

(6)

(3) (4)

Maps displaying the Growth of Los Angeles from 1781 to 1990, by Elizabeth Moule & Stefanos Polyzoides, 2005 Arial View , Los Angeles
Areal view | Los Angeles
nationalcapitals.net

Image Sources:
(1 - 4) https://www.mparchitects.com/site/thoughts/five-los-angeleses, 04.06.19
(5) Library Of Congress, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/map_item.pl?data=/home/www/data/gmd/gmd436/g4364/g4364l/pm011040.jp2&style=pmmap&itemLink=D?gmd:6:./
temp/~ammem_fREQ::&title=Los%20Angeles,%201909.,04.06.19
(6) nationalcapitals.net

City Interface | Los Angeles p. 216

(7) (9)

Pacific Standard Time | Art in LA 1945-1980 Time Comparison, Glendale Boulevard, Los Angeles, CA, 1904 and 1976

(8) (10) Time Comparison I Glendale Boulevard, Los Angeles, CA, 1904 and 1976
skyscrapercity.com

Interview between Bojana Papic and Mitchell Joachim Time Comparison I Hollywood Hills, Los Angeles, CA, 1905 and 1976

Time Comparison I Hollywood Hills, Los Angeles, CA, 1905 and 1976
skyscrapercity.com
Image Sources:
(7) vimeo.com/37334022
(8) U-TT
(9) skyscrapercity.com
(10) skyscrapercity.com

City Interface | Los Angeles p. 218

Tool 1
Destiny Infrastructure (1)

ESG Factor: Environment

Thematic Cluster : Ecology / Landscape

Year : 1940‘s -

Los Angeles River

Main stakeholders: Innovative Green Infrastructure Planners

Los Angeles sits on a hostile landscape – its terrain is comprised of swampland, flood plain,
desert, mountain, and coast. There are simply not enough natural resources to support a city
of its size and population. With an ecological footprint greater than the state of California, Los
Angeles only exists because of the infrastructure that supports it. Infrastructure is the lifeline
that has allowed this unlivable territory to be transformed into the 2nd largest metropolis in the
United States. Los Angeles depends on the resources delivered to it through its infrastructure London’s Localities
in order to survive. (1)

Once a traditional river that flowed through the landscape, Los Angeles had a detrimental (2)
impact on the developing city due to constant flooding. So for the city to continue to grow, the
river needed to be controlled. The natural Los Angeles River was transformed into the urban
drainage system pictured on the right.

The LA River controls the landscape through a super efficient infrastructure that allowed for
the development of the rapidly expanding city up to the edge of this new riverfront, with no
threat of folding. With this newly engineered river, new real estate opportunities developed.
This new river was now able to organize easements, right-of-ways, and the placement of
utility infrastructure. (2)

Notice the development in the image to the left – highways, factories, and homes have
been developed up to the edge of the river - this would have never been possible with the
natural river’s threat of flooding. Also the picture shows that the massive concrete river basin
gives no further advantage to the surrounding. Cause of that lack the neighborhoods came
together and had worked out some new projects, which improve the current situation. These
projects for the LA River joined the “High- line Network”. This network wants to bind old unused
infrastructure into new life in North America. (Started with the High Line Project in New York).

London’s Spatial Plan - "The New London Plan#

Image Sources:
(1) Varnelis, Kazys. The Infrastructural City: Networked Ecologies in Los Angeles. Edited by Kazys Varnelis. Actar, 2008. (1) flickriver.com
(2) ibid. (2) arastiralim.com

City Interface | Los Angeles p. 220

(3) (5)

River Levee Breach

www.upload.wikimedia.org

River Levee Breach

www.upload.wikimedia.org

LA Flood, 1914 Transport Network

LA Flood LA Flood | 1914

apacnews.net freeassociationdesign.files.wordpress.com

(4) LA Flood LA Flood | 1914 (6)

apacnews.net freeassociationdesign.files.wordpress.com

Transport Network
Varnelis, Kazys. The Infrastructural City: Networked Ecologies in Los Angeles.

Power Plants Making Connections, WSP, 2017

Image Sources:
(3) apacnews.net, www.upload.wikimedia.org, freeassociationdesign.files.wordpress.com
Power Plants (4) Varnelis, Kazys. The Infrastructural City: Networked Ecologies in Los Angeles.
Varnelis, Kazys. The Infrastructural City: Networked Ecologies in Los Angeles. (5) Varnelis, Kazys. The Infrastructural City: Networked Ecologies in Los Angeles.
(6) gazettes.com/news Making Connections I W
gazette

City Interface | Los Angeles p. 222

Tool 2
Sub-Urban Centers (1)

ESG Factor: Governance

Thematic Cluster : Suburbia

Year : 1950‘s -

The Urbanization of Suburbia

Main stakeholders: Developers

This tool looks at the urbanization of the suburban territory and the fragmented urban
conditions that have resulted from the city’s rapid urbanization. Los Angeles is a fragmented
city. An amalgamation of urbanized suburbia, the city has no true center. Instead, it is a multi-
nodal city.

By 1960 the scale of LA was staggering and unprecedented. Los Angeles was not a simple Parkway Plan, Mel Scott, 1942
hub and spoke industrial city with boulevards and rail lines radiating outward from a central
downtown core. It was, in the words of one scholar of the period, a “fragmented metropolis”-a
multi-headed beast with no one true center. Its system of urban organization was something (2)
Parkway Plan | Mel Scott | 1942
Cities are for People
that Easterners and Europeans could not fathom(1). Los Angeles is a city that developed with a
sense of urgent density.

As a fragmented metropolis, LA is the way it is today due to its non-traditional development. The
physical, social, infrastructural, cultural, political conditions surrounding its growth allowed for
an extremely diverse landscape to flourish. Los Angeles’s physical form was shaped by a rapid
urbanization that occurred simultaneously with the introduction of public transportation, the
automobile, and as a response to the dense urbanization of other US cities.

Today, LA has become a dense urban field, no longer with the option to sprawl horizontally;
the city has begun to fall back into itself. There are many LA. It is so saturated, so dense, that
the city must be broken down into small nodes of activity and commerce. It is because of this
that the region is a fractured and has a subjective sense of place. Moreover, now, as it infills,
this smaller scale emphasizes the role of the individual and individuality.

Highway #1, Edward Burtynsky

Highway #1 | Edward Burtynsky

canadianart.ca
Image Sources:
(1) Fulton, William. The Reluctant Metropolis: The Politics of Urban Growth in Los Angeles. The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001.
(1) Cities are for People
(2) canadianart.ca

City Interface | Los Angeles p. 224

(3) (5)

Los Angeles Freeway Traffic - the 405, Bart Everett, 2009 28_Signal Hill I No More Play , Michael Maltzan, Los Angeles, CA, 2011
Los Angeles Freeway Traffic - the 405 | Bart Everett | 2009
cutcaster.com

(4) (6)
28_Signal Hill I No More Play , Michael Maltzan, Los Angeles, CA, 2011
Iwan Baan

image of suburb

49_Torrance, Iwan Baan, 2011 30_Downtown Los Angeles, Iwan Baan, 2011

49_Torrance | Iwan Baan | 2011
Maltzan, Michael | No More Play
Image Sources:
30_Downtown Los Angeles | Iwan Baan | 2011
(3) cutcaster.com Maltzan, Michael | No More Play
(4) Maltzan, Michael, No More Play
(5) Maltzan, Michael, No More Play
(6) Maltzan, Michael, No More Play

City Interface | Los Angeles p. 226

Tool 3
Studio Imaginations (1)

ESG Factor: Social

Thematic Cluster : Micro / Temporary Programs

Year : 1960‘s -

Typologies of California (Post)Modernism

Main stakeholders: Avantgardistic Architects, Artists, Academic Insititutions
(SCI-Arc)

As Los Angeles was an experimental field from the beginning, the idea of experimentation
is deeply embedded into the city’s culture. It is still today a place where new ideas find the
soil to grow. This experimental field has created a complex structure in the city fabric, where
different grids and organizing principles collide and overlap. Like the Bonaparte Hotel, with its
overlapping spaces and layers summarizes the postmodern condition, the overlapping layers
of the urban field are signs of the postmodern city. Interior View, Eames House, Case Study, 1949

This condition with its infrastructural backbone has affected the city’s growth patterns, but
also strongly influenced the architectural experimentation. The ideas of the postmodern city, (2)
the infrastructure, layering, and delusion have been adapted by LA-based architects for over a
decade, in a smaller scale, proving Leon Battista Alberti’s quote: “The city is like a great house,
and the house in its turn a small city.”

In the third tool, we present how the ideas of Los Angeles, as an experimental field, fluctuate
between scales.
Modern architects believed that new conditions of lifestyles and technology should be given
a fresh interpretation, rather than being forced into the forms of previous eras. Among the
iconic buildings of LA, one could mention “The Millard House” (Frank Lloyd Wright), “Schindler
House” and “Lovell Beach House” (Schindler) and the “Kauffman House” (Neutra).
The Case Study House Program was an experimental residential house development aiming
to make efficient modern homes for the housing boom caused by the end of World War II.
Important houses such as “The Eames House” (Ray and Charles Eames), “The Stahl House”
and “The Walter Bailey House” (Pierre Koenig), contributed to the development of Californian
Modernism.

The complexity of the interchanging ideas between city and house might be best expressed in
some of John Lautner’s buildings, such as “The Sheats Goldstein Residence,” “The Elrod House”
and “The Chemosphere.”

The Californian modernists laid the ground for a new generation of experimental architects
that further explored this interchange of ideas in the postmodern city. A progressive
environment evolved around architects such as Frank Gehry, Thom Mayne, and Eric Owen
Moss, and the establishment of The Southern California School of Architecture (SCI-Arc) as Exterior View, The Chemosphere, John Lautner, Los Angeles, CA, 1960
a counterweight to the established East Coast School. They developed new ideas and ways Exterior View | The Chemosphere, John Lautner, Los Angeles, CA, 1960
of displaying architecture by a deconstruction of the process and the ideas themselves. The John Lautner Foundation

result was as delusional and many-layered as the city itself.

Image Sources:
(1) Eames House
(2) John Lautner Foundation

City Interface | Los Angeles p. 228

(3) (5)

Exterior View, Stahl House, Case Study, 1960 Exterior View | Kaufmann House, Richard Neutra, Palm Springs, 1946

Exterior View | Kaufmann House, Richard Neutra, Palm Springs, 1946

n/a
(4) Exterior View | Stahl House, Case Study #22, 1960 (6)
Pierre Koenig

Interior View, Schindler House, Rudolph M. Schindler, West Hollywood, CA, 1922
Interior View | Schindler House, Rudolph M. Schindler, West Hollywood, CA, 1922 Exterior View, Sheats Goldstein Residence, John Lautner, Los Angeles, CA, 1963
n/a

Exterior View | Sheats Goldstein Residence, John Lautner, Los Angeles, CA, 1963
John Lautner Foundation

Image Sources:
(3) Pierre Koenig
(4) n/a
(5) n/a
(6) John Lautner Foundation

City Interface | Los Angeles p. 230

Exercise
Los Angeles
Tool : Fragmented Sub-urban

CITY:
LOS ANGELES
TOOL:
Fragmented Sub-Urban

The fast development, growth, and merging of communities and whole cities is one of the most heavily
discussed topics in the field of urban design. The attempts to describe this urbanization phenomenon of why
and how cities grow, spread, sprawl and what terminology to use: metropolitanization, conurbation,
poly-centralization, suburbanization, etc. is very present and visible in numerous publications. As some
authors see it as an inevitable and irreversible direction of urban development and societies, others favor the
argument of constant change in cycles - also pointing out the negative implications and possible scenarios.
Below you can read the theories of two very renowned scholars: Lewis Mumford and Patrick Geddes and some
of their visions and ideas:

“What matter to us, who look at it for the moment in this detached way from very far above, or even really to
the actual citizens themselves to-day, those old boundaries of the countries, which were once traced so
painfully and are still so strictly maintained, from use and wont or for purposes other than practical ones?
What really matter nowadays the divisions between innumerable consistent villages and minor boroughs
whose historic names are swallowed up, apparently forever, like those microscopic plants, those tiny plants,
and animals, which a big spreading amoeba so easily includes, so restlessly devours? Here for most practical
purposes is obviously a vast new unity, long ago well described as a ‘province covered with houses’.“

Geddes, Patrick (1915): ‘Cities in Evolution’. Williams&Norgate. London. p. 26-27.

“The persistence of such overgrown containers would indicate that they are concrete manifestations of the
dominant forces in our present civilization; and the fact that the same signs of overgrowth and
overconcentration exist (..) show that these forces are universal ones, operating almost without respect to the
prevailing ideologies or ideal goals. While one must recognize such facts, it would be premature to believe that
these processes are final and irreversible: we have already surveyed a vast amount of data that demonstrates
that, even in cultures far less committed to quantitative growth than our own, there comes a point when the
tumorous organ will destroy the organism at whose expense it has reached such swollen dimensions.
Meanwhile normal birth, growth, and renewal may elsewhere shift the balance.”

Mumford, Lewis (1961): ‘The city in history-its origins, its transformations, and its prospects’. Harcourt,
Brace&World. New York. p. 526-527.

Explain briefly the authors’ points of view, supported by the knowledge extracted from the Los Angeles lecture
but also other case studies.
How is the development of Los Angeles metropolitan region similar to/different from the development of
Zurich metropolitan region? What are your future urban visions for those two regions supported with
arguments concerning the economic, social and ecologic aspects of urban development? Look also at the maps
below (same scale). Use the rear page for your explanations.

City Interface | Los Angeles p. 232

 LECTURE “URBAN STORIES I II FALL SPRING COORDINATOR MELANIE FESSEL

READING:
Reading ANGE E
(1) a a , e er. “L A .T A F E .L .T P P .
.P . - .

Los Angeles
(1) Banham, Reyner. “Los Angeles. The Architecture of Four Ecologies". London. The Penguin Press.
1971. Pp. 201 -211.

..

City Interface | Los Angeles p. 234

City Interface | Los Angeles p. 236
City Interface | Los Angeles p. 238
 �

City Interface | Los Angeles p. 240

ETHZ D-ARCH CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

City Interface | Los Angeles p. 242

 READING: ANGE E
( ) a is, i e. “C .B .A A. .P . - - .

(2) Davis, Mike. “City of Quartz". Berlin. Assoziation A. 2006. Pp. 221-222, 226-232.

City Interface | Los Angeles p. 244

City Interface | Los Angeles p. 246
6

City Interface | Los Angeles p. 248

6�

City Interface | Los Angeles p. 250

 Caracas
Caracas
Venezuela
Venezuela
1. 1.
OilOil
and thethe
and Automobile City
Automobile
Governance City
| Public Infrastructure/ Mobility

2.
The2.Hybrid City
Environment | Informal/ Hybrid City
The Hybrid
City
3.
Multiple Hubs
Social | Public Infrastructure/ Mobility
3.
Multiple
Hubs

p. 252
Infographic
Map of Caracas Size Comparison: Zurich, CH -Caracas, VE

Caracas | City Proper 10km Baogota | Metropolitan Area 20km

urban area city proper 01 5 30km

metropolitan population
area density Zurich | City Proper 10km Zurich | Metropolitan Area
20km

Data City Proper | Metropolitan area

Population 2.9 mil | 4.8 mil
Area 777 km2 | 4715 km2
Density 4212 people / km²
GDP 482 billion U.S. Dollar
Walking Parks, community
Cycling 10% 6.4% gardens
8% 4.4%
Motorcycle
25%

Public
transport
57% Information Sources:
Google Earth, all Maps are North Oriented
United Nations, The World’s Cities in 2016, Chapter: What is a City?
Metropolitan World Atlas, Arjen van Susteren, Published by 010 Publishers, 2005
Transportation Unemployment Green Spaces

City Interface | Caracas p. 254

Caracas
Introduction (2)

Caracas, Capital District, Venezuela

Located in a valley of the Venezuelan coastal mountain range lies the city Santiago de León
de Caracas, more than 750 meters over the sea. Founded in 1567, Venezuela Province became
the capital of the Spanish Empire. The city outgrew its original plans and expanded its urban
frontiers alongside the Guaire River. As the territory was developed, each landlord proposed a
variation of the original grid as their street system, which resulted in a patch-work organization.
In the land not included in the governmental zoning plan, illegal housing spread.
Located in the center of Colombia on a high plateau, Bogotá is the capital and largest city
of Colombia, it is the political, economic, administrative and industrial center of the country.
Bogotá has 20 localities, or districts, forming an extensive network of neighborhoods. The
urban layout in the center of the city is based on the focal point of a square or plaza, typical
of Spanish-founded settlements, but the layout gradually becomes more modern in outlying
neighborhoods.

The Grid | Sevilla The Grid | Sevilla

Caracas in History
Los archivos de las Indias

(1) (3)

Expansion from the Center to the East | 1938 Plano de Fundacion de Santiago De Leon, Hoy Caracas, Funda en 1567

Expansion from the center to the east | 1938

Lucca, Rafael Arráiz. Santiago de León de Caracas: 1567-2030 | 2004 Plano de fundacion de Santiago De Leon, Hoy Caracas, Funda en 1567
Image Sources: Andreas Hofer. Karl Brunner y el urbanismo europeo en América Latina.

(1) Lucca, Rafael Arráiz. Santiago de León de Caracas: 1567-2030 | 2004

(2) Los Archivos de las Indias
(3) Andreas Hofer. Karl Brunner y el urbanismo europeo en América Latina

City Interface | Caracas p. 256

(4) (6)

Newspapers
Plana Ideal de una Cuidad Colonial Espñola Aerial View Newsweek and Time

Plana ideal de una cuidad colonial espñola

Andreas Hofer. Karl Brunner y el urbanismo europeo en América Latina.

(5) (7)

Traza de Santa Dominigo Catia Area and La Guaira of Caracas in 2011

Traza de Santa Dominigo
Andreas Hofer. Karl Brunner y el urbanismo europeo en América Latina.

Catia area and La Guaira of Caracas in 2011

U-TT Archive
Image Sources:
(4) Andreas Hofer. Karl Brunner y el urbanismo europeo en América Latina
(5) Andreas Hofer. Karl Brunner y el urbanismo europeo en América Latina
(6) U-TT Archive
(7) U-TT Archive

City Interface | Caracas p. 258

Tool 1
Oil and the Automobile City (1)

ESG Factor: Governance

Thematic Cluster : Public Infrastructure / Mobility

Year : 1948 -

From the Grid to Urban Sprawl

Main stakeholders: Robert Moses, City Government

“Oil and the Automobile City” shows the urban expansion that marks the beginning
of the social segregation and the transition from the compact colonial city to the
outspread modern one; this phenomenon was directly influenced by the motor
vehicle culture of North American cities.

Latin American cities have experienced rapid and drastic urban transformations in Urban Lifestyle | Country Club Neighbourhood | 1950s
the last century. In this sense, the fragmented urban and social fabric of Caracas
are the results of arbitrary forces and events like the oil-based economy, rural and
Urban Lifestyle | Country club neighbourhood | 1950s
foreign migration, and the modern architectural movement. These influences (2) Lucca, Rafael Arráiz. Santiago de León de Caracas: 1567-2030 | 2004
have transformed Caracas from the rigid Spanish grid to an organic, chaotic and
spontaneous city.

The expansion to the east, encouraged by the American standard and the car culture,
started to create new isolated houses, which were very different from those in the
historic district characterized by proximity to basic services, and with access to the
tram system as the main mode of public transportation(1).

Along with the prosperity through oil came serious traffic problems as well as new
expansion plans like Robert Moses proposal in 1948for main arteries in the city. The
agenda was to promote the automobile by creating more room in the city, resulting
in the vehicle shaping Caracas’ landscape and living conditions in a very decisive way.

The priority given to the urbanism of highways means that until recent years other
forms of transportation have been neglected; because of this, the best way to
experience the urban landscape of Caracas remains the automobile(2).
Caracas, TEXACO Gas Station

Urban Freeways

Urban Freeways
Lucca, Rafael Arráiz. Santiago de León de Caracas: 1567-2030 | 2004

Image Sources:
(1) Lucca, Rafael Arráiz. Santiago de León de Caracas: 1567-2030 | 2004
(2) Lucca, Rafael Arráiz. Santiago de León de Caracas: 1567-2030 | 2004

City Interface | Caracas p. 260

CARACAS EXPANSION FOR 1954
(3) (5)

Caracas Expansion Plan | 1954 Expressway

Expressway | today
unknown
Caracas expansion plan | 1954
unknown
(4) (6)

Caracas Protestas Francisco Fajardo Venezuela 2017 Protestas francisco fajardo venezuela 2017
Caracas
unknown
unknown

Image Sources:
(3) Unknown
(4) Unknown
(5) Unknown
(6) Unknown

City Interface | Caracas p. 262

 « URBAN DESIGN I/II + III + IV URBAN STORIES» | FALL 2018 / SPRING 2019 | COORDINATOR : MELANIE FESSEL | | ETH ZÜRICH | DARCH | CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER |

BOGOTÁ
Tool 2
TOOL: THE HYBRID CITY
The Hybrid City (1)

ESG Factor: Environment

HEMATIC CLUSTER:
NFORMAL / HYBRID CITY
EAR:
40’s - Thematic Cluster : Informal / Hybrid City
Year : 1940‘s -

ARRIOS Between Formal and Informal

ain stakeholders:
MainSelf-built initiatives
stakeholders: Self-built Initiatives

e inventive power of the urban laboratory that exists inside the Barrio in Caracas is an aspect that
ould be of interestTheto inventive
plannerspower of the urbanThe
and designers. laboratory
role ofthat
theexists inside the Barrio
professionals in Caracas
is to explore andis an aspect
cover the extreme richness of these zones as a valid model for housing development, along withto explore
that should be of interest to planners and designers. The role of the professionals is
and discover
e self- regulatory systems the extreme
that generate richness
living spacesoffor
these zones as a valid model for housing development,
millions.
along with the self-regulatory systems that generate living spaces for millions.
e phenomenon of The informal urbanization has become the single most pervasive element in the
phenomenon of informal urbanization has become the single most pervasive element Caracas, Favelas, Informal Settlements
oduction of the cityinofthe
Caracas. In thisofsense,
production theofBarrios
the city canInbe
Caracas. interpreted
this sense, the as a complex,
Barrios can beadaptive
interpreted as a
stem, which is permanently recreating itself.
complex, adaptive system, which is permanently recreating itself.
(2)
Caracas, Favelas, Informal Settlements
e mass of the Barrio
Thestructure
mass of the follows
Barrio the concept
structure of the
follows growing of
the concept house. The growing
the growing house
house. The is
growing house
pically made of a concrete
is typically frame,
made ofand filled with
a concrete frame, the
andcheapest
filled withlocal block or
the cheapest brick
local available.
block or brick available.
Antenna-
tenna- like concrete supports likerising
concrete
out o supports rising out
the columns o the
of the columns
last of the
floor are leftlast floor are left
as provision forasa provision
for a future that will bring materials for expansion. The Barrio houses
ture that will bring materials for expansion. The Barrio houses maintain a microclimate that is far maintain a microclimate
perior to comparablethat is far superior
dense to comparable
structures dense structures
in the formal city. The inpedestrian
the formal city. The and
access pedestrian
the access
pendence on the topographic situation, which are currently considered negative characteristics, negative
and the dependence on the topographic situation, which are currently considered
characteristics, could be easily reversed into assets. Existing forestation and vegetation can
uld be easily reversed into assets. Existing forestation and vegetation can be used to support the
be used to support the microclimate, and additional forms of roof farming should be studied
croclimate, and additional forms of roof farming should be studied and promoted.
and promoted.

e Caracas case allows

Theus to learn
Caracas from
case the us
allows improvisation
to learn fromof a city
the formed byofunpredictable
improvisation a city formed by agents
unpredictable
d uncontested forces. Caracas
agents offers us an forces.
and uncontested insightCaracas
on how offers
cities us
in the future on
an insight will
howdevelop.
cities inWhile
the future will
e traditional city surrenders to formal
develop. While modes of operation,
the traditional the informal
city surrenders to formalsector
modesis gaining terrain.the
of operation, In informal
any ways, it seems that the
sector is informal city is In
gaining terrain. presenting
many ways, us it
today
seemswith the
that thestronger
informalculture, which is us today
city is presenting
with by
o increasingly adopted thethe
stronger
formal culture,
part ofwhich is also increasingly adopted by the formal part of Caracas.
Caracas.

Playing Children in the Informal Settlements

Playing children in the informal settlements
unknown

Image Sources:
(1) Unknown
(2) Unknown

Caracas, “23 Enero” Social Housing Project surrounded by Favelas

City Interface | Caracas p. 264
OL: THE HYBRID CITY

ATIC CLUSTER:
RMAL / HYBRID
(3)
CITY (5)

IOS
takeholders: Self-built initiatives

ntive power of the urban laboratory that exists inside the Barrio in Caracas is an aspect that
be of interest to planners and designers. The role of the professionals is to explore and
the extreme richness of these zones as a valid model for housing development, along with
regulatory systems that generate living spaces for millions.

nomenon of informal urbanization has become the single most pervasive element in the
on of the city of Caracas. In this sense, the Barrios can be interpreted as a complex, adaptive
which is permanently recreating itself.
Caracas, Favelas, Informal Settlements
s of the Barrio structure followsvs.the
Planned Settlement concept
Informal Settlement of the growing house. The growing house is Super blocks housing | 23 Enero | 2004
made of a concrete frame, and filled with the cheapest local block or brick available.
- like concrete supports rising out o the columns of the last floor are left as provision for a
hat will bring materials
(4) for expansion. The Barrio houses maintain a microclimate that is far (6)

to comparable dense structures in the formal city. The pedestrian access and the Super blocks housing | 23 Enero | 1959
nce on the topographic situation, which are currently considered negative characteristics, unknown

easily reversed into assets. Existing forestation and vegetation can be used to support Planned the settlement vs. Informal settlement
unknown
mate, and additional forms of roof farming should be studied and promoted.

acas case allows us to learn from the improvisation of a city formed by unpredictable agents
ontested forces. Caracas offers us an insight on how cities in the future will develop. While
tional city surrenders to formal modes of operation, the informal sector is gaining terrain. In
ys, it seems that the informal city is presenting us today with the stronger culture, which is
easingly adopted by the formal part of Caracas. Super blocks housing | 23 Enero | 1959
unknown

Construction Process Caracas, "23 Enero# Social Housing Project Surrounded by Favelas

Construction process
Petare Image Sources:
Caracas,
(3) Unknown “23 Enero” Social Housing Project surrounded by Favelas
(4) Petare
(5) Unknown
(6) Unknown

City Interface | Caracas p. 266

Tool 3
Multiple Hubs (1)

ESG Factor: Social

Thematic Cluster : Public Infrastructure / Mobility

Year : 2007

Transportation, Infrastructure/ Social-Facilities

Main stakeholders: Urban-Think Tank

The Metro Cable in San Agustin, Caracas not only connects the barrio dwellers to the
main transportation system
| « URBAN DESIGN I/II but
+ III + also, andSTORIES»
IV URBAN most importantly, creates
| FALL 2018 / SPRING 2019hubs for social
| COORDINATOR : MELANIE FESSEL | | ETH ZÜRICH | DARCH | CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER |
services and spaces for community interaction.

Metro Cable introduces formal infrastructure for the integration of the informal city.
TOOL: MULTIPLE HUBS
The phenomenon of informal urbanization has become the single most extensive
element in the production of the city of Caracas. Because the last 30 years of urban
Networks | Nodes

development have received limited participation from local politicians, planners,

and urbanists, these areas have engaged in bottom-up processes that fostered the (2) Networks | Nodes
Open Technology Initiative
integration of the barrios into the formal city through localized social initiatives in
accessibility.
DIY SOCIAL ACTIVISM AND PARTICIPATION
PUBLIC
The Metro Cable INFRASTRUCTURE
project was conceived as an /initiative
MOBILITY
that presents an alternative
proposal inYEAR:
opposition to the government’s one, which consisted of a road network
through the barrio, displacing up to a third of inhabitants and disrupting their way
of life. 2007

Connected to the Metro Systems of Caracas, the public transit system provided in the
“formal” city, the Metro Cable has five additional stations. Two are in the valley and
METRO
connect directly to theCABLE FORtransport
existing public A BARRIO system; the other three stations are
located along
Main stakeholders: Urban-Think meet
the mountain ridge on sites that Tankthe demands of community
access, established pedestrian circulation routes, and suitability for construction with
minimal demolition of existing housing. The architectual and urban interventions
impacting saftey and security improved the quality of life.
The Metro Cable in San Agustin, Caracas not only connects the barrio dwellers to the main
transportation system but also, and most importantly, creates hubs for social services and spaces for
community interaction.

Metro Cable introduces formal infrastructure for the integration of the informal city. The
phenomenon of informal urbanization has become the single most extensive element in the
production of the city of Caracas. Because the last 30 years of urban development have received
limited participation from local politicians, planners, and urbanists, these areas have engaged in
bottom-up processes that fostered the integration of the barrios into the formal city through
U-TT
Metro Cable | San Agustin, Cable| 2007
Caracas Car -Caracas
2010
localized social initiatives in accessibility.

The Metro Cable project was conceived as an initiative that presents an alternative proposal in
opposition to the government’s one, which consisted of a road network through the barrio, displacing
Image Sources:
up to a third of inhabitants and disrupting their way of life. (1) Open Technology Initiative
(2) U-TT Archive
Connected to the Metro Systems of Caracas, the public transit system provided in the “formal” city,
the Metro Cable has five additional stations. Two are in the valley and connect directly to the existing
public transport system; the other three stations are located along the mountain ridge on sites that City Interface | Caracas p. 268
meet the demands of community access, established pedestrian circulation routes, and suitability for
(3) (5)

Acupuncture | Barrio San Agustin | Road Proposal | 2004 Missing Watersystem Metro Cable

Acupuncture | Barrio San Agustin | Road proposal | 2004

U-TT Archive MetroCable
unknown
(4) (6)

Acupuncture | Barrio San Agustin | Road Proposal | 2004 Protestas Francisco Fajardo Venezuela 2017
Metro Cable
MetroCable
U-TT Archive

Acupuncture | Barrio San Agustin | Road proposal | 2004

Image Sources:
U-TT Archive
(3) U-TT Archive
(4) U-TT Archive
(5) Unknown
(6) U-TT Archive

City Interface | Caracas p. 270

 | « URBAN DESIGN I/II + III + IV URBAN STORIES» | FALL 2018 / SPRING 2019 | COORDINATOR : MELANIE FESSEL | | ETH ZÜRICH | DARCH | CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER |

BOGOTÁ
CARACAS,
Exercise
EXERCISE: CARACAS
Caracas
CITY:
Tool : The Hybrid City
Caracas
TOOLS
The Hybrid City
1.
The excerpt below - extracted from “The participation of states and citizens in global governance”, by the

the regulatory framework of a country. Crucial is the fact that it is in itself licit (building houses/shelters and
inhabiting them is not in itself criminal) and could take place within the regulatory framework. (...) So part of

objective need for housing by the poor and low-income workers.”

[Saskia Sassen. “The participation of states and citizens in global governance”. in: Interventions: International
Journal of Postcolonial Studies. Routledge. 2003. P 241-248]

1. Discuss, based on this text, the physical meaning of “informality” in cities. What are consequences for a city
that is generated from these logics (concerning the urban morphology, new typologies, mobility, ownership,
safety, governance, new developments, etc.)?
2. Often informal and formal structures overlap and influence each other, in a positive and/or negative manner,
creating a hybrid urban environment. Name and describe an example (except Caracas) where such
phenomenon can be observed.

2.

City Interface | Caracas p. 272

 Reading
ETHZ D-ARCH CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIG PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

CaracasARA A
READING: G
(1) ara as r a i a “ ie arrios entstehen”.in: Stadtbau e t: aracas. e e ber .
. ahrgang. P .
(1) Caracas Urban Think Thank. “ Wie Barrios entstehen”. In: Stadtbauwelt: Caracas. Dezember 2003. 48. 94
Jahrgang. P52-63

City Interface | Caracas p. 274

ETHZ D-ARCH CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

City Interface | Caracas p. 276

ETHZ D-ARCH CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II FALL 2017/ SPRING 2018 COORDINATOR: MELANIE FESSEL CARACAS_BOGOTÁ

6
City Interface | Caracas p. 278
ETHZ D-ARCH CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

City Interface | Caracas p. 280

ETHZ D-ARCH CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER
LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II FALL 2017/ SPRING 2018 COORDINATOR: MELANIE FESSEL CARACAS_BOGOTÁ

11
City Interface | Caracas p. 282
ETHZ D-ARCH CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER

13

�� City Interface | Caracas p. 284

London
Great Britain
Tool 1
Polycentric City
Governance | Governance/ Policy

Tool 2
Regeneration vs. Gentrification
Environment | Destruction/ Reconstruction

Tool 3
Roaring Public Realm
Social | Community Projects

p. 286
Infographic
Map of London Size Comparison: Zurich, CH -London, GB

London | City Proper 10km London | Metropolitan Area 20km

city proper urban footprint 5 10km

0
metropolitan urban agglomeration
area 10km 20km
Zurich | City Proper Zurich | Metropolitan Area

Data City proper | Metropolitan area

Population 8.9 mil | 14.2 mil
Area 1570 km2 | 8382 km2
Density 5609 people / km²
GDP 542 bil. U.S. Dollar
Parks, community
Cycling 6% gardens
Car 6% 33%
31%
Walking
15%

Public
transport Information Sources:
48% Google Earth, all Maps are North Oriented
United Nations, The World’s Cities in 2016, Chapter: What is a City?
Metropolitan World Atlas, Arjen van Susteren, Published by 010 Publishers, 2005
TRANSPORTATION UNEMPLOYMENT GREEN SPACES

City Interface | London p. 288

London
Introduction (4)

London, England, United Kingdom

“Londinium” was founded by the Roman Empire four years after their invasion in 43 A.D. In the
2nd century, the city population had already reached 60’000 people.
Until the 17th century, London has expanded within the boundaries of the city, fostering
overcrowding and unsanitary conditions. This lead to diseases such as the Great Plague of
1665–1666, which killed up to 100,000 people, a fifth of London’s population. The Great Fire of
London followed, destroying central parts of London in September 1666.
After 60% of the city was destroyed, a new era of development started. A competition was
held to develop a strategy to rebuild the city.
The strengthened, stone-reliant city structures that were rebuilt survived into the 21st century
and are still visible in today’s street network.

London in History Rebuilding Plan by Christopher Wren, 1666

(1)

The Lines of Communication in 1642, George Vertue, 1738 Rebuilding Plan by John Evelyn, 1666

Image Sources:
(1) A Plan of the City and Suburbs of London as Fortified by Order of Parliament in the Years 1642 & 1643, George Vertue, 1738
(2), (3) Sir Christopher Wren’s Plan/ Sir john Evelyn’s Plan for Rebuilding the City of London after the Great Fire in 1666

City Interface | London p. 290

(4) (6)

Interview with Justin McGuirk This Painting shows the Great Fire of London in 1666, as seen from a Boat in Vicinity of Tower Wharf

(7)

The Disappearance of Robin Hood (2018) The Ring of Steel, Designed as an Emergency Measure, 1990’s

Image Sources:
(4) U-TT
(5) Klearjos Eduardo Papanicolau / U-TT
(6) https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b6/Great_Fire_London.jpg, 18.06.2019
(7) http://www.harvarddesignmagazine.org/issues/42/fortress-london-the-new-us-embassy-and-the-rise-of-counter-terror-urbanism, 18.06.2019

City Interface | London p. 292

Tool 1
Polycentric City (1)

ESG Factor: Governance

Thematic Cluster : Governance / Policy

Year : -

Delivering Density and Mobility

Main stakeholders: Planning Authorities of London

A polycentric network of sub-centres surrounding a compact inner-city forms Greater London

– the administrative extent, made up of the 32 London boroughs and the City of London at
its centre. Consolidating such urban structure creates a complex institutional relationship
between dependency and autonomy; centrality and periphery.
The city is home to more than 8.8 million residents - a population expansion largely fed by
immigration. And despite the upheaval of Brexit, London is on track to add two million more
residents by 2050. Such growth feeds a construction boom that is redrawing London’s historic
London’s Localities
skyline.
London’s Localities
While different London localities - with their own extraordinary mixture of identities, characters,
histories and communities - grow at unprecedented speed, and the demand for housing and
services increases dramatically, the city’s lateral expansion is constrained but the Green Belt -
(2)
a ring of protected green spaces restraining London sprawl.
Increasing Floor Area Ratio (FAR / Bebauungsziffer) when land supply is constrained is a key
way of delivering more homes. It is essential to responding to the particular characteristics
of a site, its surroundings and the programmatic needs of future numbers of residents, rather
than applying general density standards.
More than 500 new tall buildings are in the pipeline across Greater London, with a growing
clusters of skyscrapers in the City of London. Yet the dominant mono-functionality of this area,
with office locations and little living population, fails to generate vibrant neighbourhoods,
and becomes, in turn, more vulnerable to external threats. Mobility and connectivity area
another a key factor to allow growth. A well-structured underground mobility system, the
Tube, connects different neighbourhoods with the city centre, where the highest concentration
of jobs is located. Simultaneously a dense system of urban trains links the southern part of
the city to the northern one. Though a monocentric commuting pattern, both at urban and
sub-urban level, emerges. Localities are soon to be better connected when Crossrail opens
its Elizabeth line next year, relieving congestion on the aging London Tube and cutting travel
times between east and west by as much as half.
Investing into expanding the public transport network allows to retrofit the city into mixed-
use neighbourhoods, and influences the generation of investments by unlocking land for new
developments. Measures like congestion charging support such approach by limiting use of
private vehicles. However, their biggest impact remains the increased modal shift toward
public transport and the prioritisation of public spaces over cars.
Key policy interventions are, therefore, geared to reduce congestion and improve public London’s spatial plan - "The New London Plan#
transport system capacities. Connecting localities becomes a driver of compact urban growth
and a catalyst of urban regeneration projects. Image Sources:
(1), (2) UCL, CASA for the Greater London Authority

City Interface | London p. 294

 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

587 35
(3) (5)

Tall buildings in the pipeline, up 7.9% from 544 in 2019 Tall buildings completed in 2020

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

91,578
37% 44.5%

Introduction
← LONDON TALL BUILDINGS SURVEY 2021
new homes could be Executive Summary | 6
provided by the tall
of the total pipeline is in of the entire tall buildings in the pipeline
Outer London buildings pipeline is in
East London

Slides
48%
of the tall buildings in the pipeline are
located close to transport links

London Tall
← LONDON Buildings
TALL BUILDINGS SURVEYSurvey
2021 2021 Executive Summary | 7 Commuting Pattern 2012 Commuting Pattern 2012
Claudia Sinatra
London Tall Buildings Survey 2021
New London Architecture

(4) (6)

Urban Development under the Greater London Council (GLC) 1965-1986 London Tube Peak Hour
Urban Development under the Greater London Council (GLC) 1965-1986
BBC News ‘ The rise and fall of the GLC’ Image Sources: London Tube Peak Hour
(3) New London Architecture focustransport.org
(4) BBC News ‘ The rise and fall of the GLC’
(5) Claudia Sinatra
(6) focustransport.org

City Interface | London p. 296

Tool 2
Regeneration vs. (1)

Gentrification
ESG Factor: Environment
Thematic Cluster : Destruction/Reconstruction
Year : -

A Tale of two Cities

Main stakeholders: Private Investors

A city district transformation led by mostly neo-liberal private regeneration projects empowers
investors rather than communities.
Richard Rogers "Cities for a Small Planet#: Urban Development Potential for 2026

Derelict industrial sites along the Thames and the city’s hundred-mile network of canals
provided for decades sites of opportunities and regeneration potential. Over the last 30 years
many of them are being reinvented as new neighbourhoods. The development of Canary (2)
Wharf was a first manifestation of development approaches driven by private investors and
market forces. This trend continues today, covering some of the largest regeneration projects
in Europe. From King’s Cross and Silvertown to Nine Elms and Elephant & Castle, entire districts
are to face regeneration showing what a well-rounded, up-scaling makeover looks like.

Opportunity is also found at the site of the 2012 Olympics. It’s been converted to a much-
used Queen Elizabeth Olympic Park, with the swimming pool complex, the velodrome, and
the stadium. The athlete’s village, where 17,000 competitors slept, was refashioned into nearly
3,000 apartments. Half of the units rent for market rate, half qualify as affordable, many with
enough bedrooms to hold a family. In the run-up to the games, then Mayor Ken Livingstone
emphasised the event’s potential to kick-start a regeneration of neglected, impoverished
parts of East London. The pieces are in place for a multidecade renewal project which did not
end with the Olympic games.

Mega events present opportunities, but also big challenges for comprehensive sustainable
(SDG 11) development projects. Planning through retrofitting and incremental growth assures
benefit and legacy for local communities.

Urban regeneration schemes include the renovation of council estates built during the post-
war period, many of them with cultural and heritage value. When such value is acknowledged,
buildings have their existence granted. But even if the conservation status is awarded doesn’t
mean the estate is saved as transformation into luxury objects along with preservation (i.e.
Balfron Tower, Barbican Estate) is common. For estates which have no conservation status,
demolition and replacement takes the form of luxury flats with minimal or inexistent affordable
housing as well as displacement of local tenants (i.e. Robin Hood Gardens, Heygate).

Regeneration without incorporation and empowerment of local communities inevitably

leads to outpricing, and triggers gentrification as a foreseeable collateral effect. If existing
communities are not assisted in the process of value harvesting of their neighbourhoods,
local and long-term residents are pushed out of locations when the value of their physical Robin Hood Gardens
neighbourhood increases.
Image Sources:
(1) LSE Urban Age Istanbul Conference
(2) dezeen

City Interface | London p. 298

(3) (5)

Olympics Afterlife: Local flats in the shadow of the new luxury apartment blocks Olympics Afterlife: the main Olympic arena is now West Ham’s home ground

Olympics Afterlife: Local flats in the shadow of the new luxury apartment blocks
The Guardian Olympics Afterlife: the main Olympic arena is now West Ham’s home ground
The Guardian
(4) (6)

Graffiti against new luxury developments in Hackney Wick Flat Price

Graffiti against new luxury developments in Hackney Wick
kompasapp.com
Flat Price
www.theinformationcapital.com

Image Sources:
(3) The Guardian
(4) kompasapp.com
(5) The Guardian
(6) www.theinformationcapital.com

City Interface | London p. 300

Tool 3
Roaring Public Realm
ESG Factor: Social

Thematic Cluster : Community Projects

Year : -

“For the many, not the few”

Main stakeholders: Private Owners

Pseudo-public spaces or ‘Pops’ – large squares, parks and thoroughfares that appear to be
public but are actually owned and controlled by developers and their private backers – are
on the rise in London and many other cities, as local authorities argue they cannot afford to
create or maintain such spaces themselves.
One of the biggest public squares in Europe - Granary square, in the new development around
Kings Cross - is currently privately owned. So are extensive areas outside City Hall on the south
bank of the Thames, home to London’s democratically elected mayor and assembly, and in
the financial districts of the City of London and Canary Wharf.
Markets of London: creating encounters and forming a vibrant city
Although they are seemingly accessible to members of the public and have the look and feel of
public land, these sites are not subject to ordinary local authority bylaws but rather governed
by landowner’s regulation and usually enforced by private security companies. The power for
corporate entities to not only impede certain activities but to bar the public access to “public”
space was upheld during the Occupy protest court proceedings.
The increase of privately-owned, -managed and -secured public spaces limits the potential
range of spatial engagement. It threatens essential features of urban life such as conviviality,
spontaneity, and participation of diverse sections of a city’s communities.
Public places like open markets and high streets are the public interface of urban communities.
They are social spaces of diversity where local identity is formed within a framework
characterised by value chains that increasingly benefit interests outside of the community.
But they are also contested spaces of globalisation and gentrification as the forces of
regeneration spelling an end to traditional markets. The gentrification process can be helped
or hindered by how streets and market communities respond to the arrival of new residents
and developments.
London is not only a powerhouse of the economy, but also an incubator for youthful, innovative
architecture and urban design thinking. Amid speculative developments, inclusive policies
and design become a matter for the Mayor to ensure resilient growth by institutionalising
creativity.
With Good Growth by Design, Sadiq Kahn, created a programme that encourages collaboration
between City Hall, the London boroughs and other public bodies to create successful, inclusive
and sustainable places. With the help of 50 design advocates, the Mayor is aiming to achieve
new developments that should benefit Londoners. As such, it should be sensitive to the local
context. It should also be environmentally sustainable and physically accessible. Among the six
‘pillars’ of the programme, setting best-practices through design inquiries helps to investigate
POPS Profiler Output for Privately Owned Open Spaces
key issues for architecture, urban design and place-shaping and to set clear policies and
standards. Image Sources:
(1) The Guardian
(2) www.london.gov.uk

City Interface | London p. 302

(3) (5)

POPS Profiler Dalston Eastern Curve Community Garden by muf art/architecture & J&L Gibbons

Dalston Eastern Curve Community Garden by muf art/architecture & J&L Gibbons
Lecture at Urban Age Istanbul Conference
(4) (6)

The Granary Square ‘Pops’ in London’s King’s Cross is one of the largest open-air spaces in Europe Publica’s Transformation of Oxford Street 2017

The Granary Square ‘Pops’ in London’s King’s Cross is one of the largest open-air spaces in Europe
The Guardian
Image Sources: Publica’s Transformation of Oxford Street 2017
(3) harvarddesignmagazine.org publica
(4) The Guardian
(5) Conference
(6) Publica

City Interface | London p. 304

 | « URBAN DESIGN I / II + III / IV URBAN STORIES» | FALL 2018 / SPRING 2019 | COORDINATOR : MELANIE FESSEL | | ETH ZÜRICH | DARCH | CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER |

LONDON
Exercise
EXERCISE: LONDON
London
Tool : Regeneration vs. Gentrification
CITY:
LONDON
TOOL:
Gentrified City
1. Conduct a brief research and find a comparable project in another city in which such an urban
The new urban development initiated by actors from policy and finance often leads to massive urban transformation can be observed.
transformations. In the case of London, the Thames Gateway urban regeneration scheme and the Olympic 2. Glue or draw an image, graphic or photo of the chosen city.
projects brought top-downarchitecture to East London. It was proposed and executed under the premise of 3. Explain the background of your chosen situation - what actors, aims, and implications
types of development cooperations, heavily modifying and gentrifying the cityscape. Below you can see an were typical for this urban transformation? Be critical and support, as well as justify, your
image of such urban transformations that took place in East London during the last ten years. Such urbanism argumentation with facts. Finalize the task with your own conclusion.
paradigms often lead to the expulsion of existing social and economic networks and destruction and
replacement of existing communities. The original inhabitants are not able to to live and work under the new
circumstances and are therefore indirectly forced to leave.
1. Chosen project:

2.

3.

Gentrification in East London

City Interface | London p. 306

Reading
| ETH ZÜRICH | DARCH | CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN
London(1) Rogers, Richard, «The Urban Renaissance Six Years on»
ETHZ D-ARCH
Bennett, Jon (Ed.).
(1) Richard
CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN
Online at: http://www.urbantaskforce.org/UTF _final_report.pdf (24.04.2017). Pp 1 - 9.
Rogers
(1) Rogers, Richard, &The Urban Renaissance Six Years on'
“The Urban Renaissance six years on”
Bennett, Jon (Ed.). Online at: http://www.urbantaskforce.org/UTF _final_report.pdf (24.04.2017). Pp 1 - 9.
Contents
The Urban Renaissance six years on 2
Introduction 4
1 Design excellence 5
2 Social wellbeing 9
3 Environmental responsibility 12
4 Delivery, fiscal and legal frameworks 15
Postscript 18
Acknowledgments 19
The Urban Renaissance six years on
by Richard Rogers
In 1998 the Deputy Prime Minister invited me to set up the
Urban Task Force to identify causes of urban decline and
establish a vision for our cities, founded on the principles
of design excellence, social wellbeing and environmental
responsibility within appropriate delivery, fiscal and legal
frameworks. Many of our 105 recommendations have been
addressed by the Government, shaping much of current
and future national policy on England’s towns and cities.
In the original Urban Task Force Report, we set out a vision:
a vision of well designed, compact and connected cities
supporting a diverse range of uses – where people live,
work and enjoy leisure time at close quarters – in a
sustainable urban environment well integrated with public
transport and adaptable to change. Six years on, and with
a third successive Labour Government in place, there are
some notable successes:
• For the first time in 50 years there has been a measurable
change of culture in favour of towns and cities, reflecting
a nationwide commitment to the Urban Renaissance.
• People have started to move back into city centres:
in 1990 there were 90 people living in the heart of
Manchester, today there are 25,000 residents; over the
same period the population of central Liverpool has
increased fourfold.
• By adhering to the principle of sequential testing, re-use
of brownfield land instead of building houses on greenfield
sites has been encouraged. Today, a national average of
70% of new development is on brownfield land, compared
with 56% in 1997.
• Building densities have increased, from an average of 25
dwellings per hectare in 1997 to 40 dwellings per hectare
in 2005, making better use of our land and resources.
• The Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment
is now an established champion of design quality; the
Academy for Sustainable Communities and the regional
centres have been launched to address the skills deficit.
2 3
2 3
| PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER
PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER
• Local authority performance is on an upward trend.
The Audit Commission’s Comprehensive Performance
Assessment of local authorities across the country has
found the vast majority to be ‘good’ through to ‘excellent’.
• There has been some progress to reduce the environmental
impact of new buildings with a new and welcome code of
sustainable building.
• There has been a significant increase in investment in
public transport infrastructure, with greater attention given
to the needs of pedestrians and sustainable transport.
• Private investment has been levered into the cities.
Since 1996, £2 billion of private sector investment
has flowed into the Manchester city region alone.
• £39 billion has been allocated over the next five years to
deliver the Sustainable Communities Plan across England.
• Cities and regions have greater powers to control their
destiny.
Thanks to these measures, and a period of sustained
economic growth and stability, England’s cities are very
different places from the post-industrial centres of
unemployment and failing public services of twenty
years ago. English cities have established themselves
as powerhouses in the UK economy and centres for
cultural innovation. They stand more confidently on the
international stage.
This progress is cause for celebration, but not evidence that
the job is done. New issues have emerged, and old issues
remain, which require renewed attention from Government.
• Failure to keep up with the challenge of climate change
threatens enduring environmental degradation.
• Middle class families are moving out of towns and cities
in search of better schools, less congestion and a safer
environment. In 2001, only 28% of people in inner London
were aged 45 or older, compared with 40% across the UK
as a whole.
|
LONDON
| « URBAN DESIGN I/II + III + IV URBAN STORIES» | FALL 2018 / SPRING 2019 | COORDINATOR : MELANIE FESSEL |
LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II FALL 2017/ SPRING 2018 COORDINATOR: MELANIE FESSEL LONDON
Towards a Strong Urban Renaissance
• Massive inequalities persist in our cities. Competition making processes and institutions which lack coherent
for space pushes up prices for housing, making access area-based delivery mechanisms.
for lower income households much harder. • Whilst focusing on sustainable communities, we have
• Social housing supply is too low. The Barker Report weakened our stance on urban regeneration.
estimated that an extra £1.2bn is required each year
to subsidise 17,000 additional social housing units. To solve the problems facing us today and build on our
• G rowing housing demand is a big challenge. How successes to date we have to learn from the experience of
can we build compact, well-designed, sustainable the past six years, reflect honestly on what has worked and
neighbourhoods which make best use of brownfield where problems remain, and take decisions now to ensure
sites, are well served by public transport, hospitals, the mechanisms to deliver an urban renaissance are fit to
schools and other amenities, and do not weaken meet the exacting demands of the vision.
existing urban areas?
That is why I have asked my colleagues from the Urban Task
• Opportunities to create sustainable, environmentally
Force to collaborate in writing this short report. It is not a
friendly communities are being missed because transport
comprehensive update of ‘Towards an Urban Renaissance,’
provision and funding is still too dislocated from the
the final report of the Urban Task Force in 1999. Rather, it is
overall planning process.
an independent report based on the personal experience of
• Few well-designed integrated urban projects stand out Urban Task Force members on the ground, designed to
as international exemplars of sustainable communities, stimulate public debate and encourage new thinking.
despite public investment in new housing.
• Design quality is not a central objective for public bodies I hope this work will help us realise the widely shared vision
with responsibility for the built environment. These often of a lasting Urban Renaissance in England.
lack design input at board or cabinet level.
• The confusing sponsorship and funding arrangements of
the Regional Development Agencies – through which they
are 85% funded by ODPM but sponsored by the DTI –
have led them to focus on economic development,
jobs and growth rather than high quality, well-designed,
sustainable urban development.
• Design advice to Ministers, Mayors, local authority
leaders and cabinets is still too limited. Richard Rogers
November 2005
• The plethora of overlapping, but differently funded
and monitored, regeneration bodies has reduced the
effectiveness of public sector led regeneration schemes.
Sustainable regeneration of large complex areas (e.g.
Thames Gateway) suffers from fragmented decision-
Rogers, Richard. «The Urban Renaissance six years on». Bennett, Jon (Ed.). Online at: http://www.urbantaskforce.
org/UTF _final_report.pdf (24.04.2017). Pp. 1 - 9.
2
3
City Interface | London p. 308
| ETH ZÜRICH | DARCH | CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN
ETHZ D-ARCH CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN
Towards a Strong Urban Renaissance
Introduction
This report comes at a pivotal time for urban regeneration.
Today, cities are seen as assets rather than liabilities. Their
role as engines of economic growth is widely accepted and
their spheres of influence – the city regions – are becoming
recognised as fundamental building blocks in the national
fabric. Against this backdrop of a shift in culture, milestones
such as the Neighbourhood Renewal Areas, growing housing
demand and proposals to develop London for the 2012
Olympic Games present once in a lifetime opportunities.
Decisions taken today will dictate for a generation whether
English cities can realise their potential to shape a more
sustainable future for us all.
This national sense of urgency is reinforced by pressing
environmental challenges at a global and local level. In
March 2005, the Government launched a new strategy for
sustainable development, which set out principles through
which people can enjoy a better quality of life without
compromising the quality of life of future generations. In this
report, we show how urban regeneration has a crucial role to
play in delivering that strategy. Done well, urban development
can help us live within the limits of environmental resources
and slow demand for energy and materials through efficiency
measures and recycling. Done wrong, development can
increase pollution, widen social and economic inequalities
and deprive future generations of environmental assets.
The vision of the Urban Task Force remains an integrated
and multifaceted one founded on the creation of urban
communities that:
• a re well designed, compact and connected
• support a diverse range of uses in a sustainable
urban environment
• a re well-integrated with public transport
• a re adaptable to change.
True to that vision, and in keeping with the original mission
of the Urban Task Force, we make recommendations in this
report based on the principles of:
• design excellence
• social wellbeing, and
• environmental responsibility
set within a viable and sustainable economic, legislative
and delivery framework.
4
4
| PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER
PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER
Chapter One looks at quality of design. We recommend that
the design of buildings and public spaces be hardwired into
the public institutions responsible for delivering sustainable
communities by placing design champions at strategic board
level, making design quality a corporate objective, and
reinforcing this in the way Government funds and tasks their
activity. We recommend a strengthening of design advice to
ministers, mayors, local authority leaders and cabinets. We
recommend that public transport be funded and prioritised
based on its potential to deliver urban regeneration, not just
on a transport business case.
Chapter Two looks at social wellbeing. We want to
encourage communities of mixed tenure, income and
ethnicity by increasing the supply of affordable rented and
owner occupied housing within existing built up areas close
to local amenities and open space. We also recommend a
target to transform all social housing estates into mixed
tenure communities by 2012.
Chapter Three considers our response to pressing
environmental challenges. We urge an approach to the
growth areas that strengthens and regenerates existing
urban communities and takes a brownfield-first approach
to development. We recommend extending the national Code
for Sustainable Buildings to all new housing developments
by the end of 2006, and encourage the Government to extend
similar measures to existing buildings.
Chapter Four examines the delivery, fiscal and legal
frameworks within which the principles of urban renewal must
be turned into practical action. We believe city governments
and mayors should be empowered to raise taxes and funds,
and we recommend Urban Regeneration Companies be given
the powers they need to take a pre-eminent role.
|
LONDON
| « URBAN DESIGN I/II + III + IV URBAN STORIES» | FALL 2018 / SPRING 2019 | COORDINATOR : MELANIE FESSEL |
LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II FALL 2017/ SPRING 2018 COORDINATOR: MELANIE FESSEL LONDON
Towards a Strong Urban Renaissance
1
Design excellence
Introduction investing in the country’s urban regeneration effort. Fourthly,
A key message of the Urban Task Force was that urban public bodies lack core delivery skills.
neighbourhoods should be vital, safe and beautiful places
to live. This is not just a matter of aesthetics, but of The Urban Task Force report argued strongly that the
economics. As cities compete with each other to host institutions tasked with delivering the urban renaissance
increasingly footloose international companies, their (such as the Regional Development Agencies, Urban
credentials as attractive, vibrant homes are major selling Development Corporations, Urban Regeneration Companies
points. This demands that ever greater significance be given and English Partnerships) should place the quality of the
to the design and management of the public realm. Well- built environment at the heart of their mission. This has not
designed and maintained public spaces should be at the happened. Too many delivery agencies focus on site delivery
heart of any community. They are the foundation for public rather than quality of design, so will never deliver the quality
interaction and social integration, and provide the sense of and variety of urban communities championed by the Urban
place essential to engender civic pride. Task Force. Ministers are also hampered in making planning
decisions when CABE – their adviser on design issues – has
Progress been previously involved in the planning process.
It has been widely recognised that the physical and social
At the delivery end, design culture is not yet embedded in
spheres must be linked to be truly sustainable, and there has
the procurement and management process. The Urban
been a concerted attempt to tackle inequality by promoting
Task Force recommended that public funds should only be
more affordable housing. However, quality and delivery have
invested in significant urban projects that are subject to
been extremely weak. Despite over £2bn being invested by
design competitions and that all major schemes should be
central government in urban regeneration since 2000, only
conceived as three-dimensional spatial masterplans. While
a handful of completed projects can be considered of
the last six years has seen many competitions in the UK
international stature. The Millennium Village in Greenwich,
for urban masterplans, the vast majority have been badly
innovative schemes in Manchester and the many visionary
run, lagging well behind the standards of our European
Peabody Housing projects in London are encouraging
colleagues. Despite the wealth of design talent available
examples.
nationally and internationally, they have not yielded a new
generation of high quality solutions. The quality of design
The majority of new developments remain poorly designed,
briefs is often poor – ignoring the Urban Task Force
with public realm and buildings of a very low quality. Where
recommendations for integrated, spatial design that gives
some good practice has emerged, it tends to be in smaller
priority to connectivity, social inclusion, high quality public
‘infill’ schemes where designers can relate to an existing
space and sustainability. A clear and deliverable public
context. However, too many housing projects are just that –
realm strategy must be a pre-requisite for any sustainable
thoughtlessly laid out groups of cheaply built fragmented
community, rather than an afterthought or planning gain
residential units relatively isolated from surrounding
add-on. Strict design codes, such as those used for
communities. These often lack the core social and
planning layouts, are no replacement for well informed
commercial institutions that sustain urban life and any sense
design professionals.
of place or beauty. There is a risk of increased ghettoisation
between market and subsidised housing.
In our mind, the same high standards for sustainable
inclusive design should apply to private projects as to those
The reasons for this are four-fold. First, there is a lack of
driven by the public sector. In areas of the country where the
vision at the outset, compounded by overweight decision
housing market is overheated, we are concerned that the
making structures that are unable to focus and prioritise.
need for short-term ‘numbers’ is overtaking the need for
Secondly, the procurement and delivery process is
long-term vision. Many large-scale projects, often in sensitive
fragmented and not joined-up. Thirdly, quality of design is
town and city sites, are being developed in a piecemeal
not considered a priority by many of the public institutions
fashion without appropriate investment in the quality of the
1 Design excellence 5
5
Rogers, Richard. «The Urban Renaissance six years on». Bennett, Jon (Ed.). Online at: http://www.urbantaskforce.
4
org/UTF _final_report.pdf (24.04.2017). Pp. 1 - 9.
5
City Interface | London p. 310
| ETH ZÜRICH | DARCH | CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN
ETHZ D-ARCH CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN
Towards a Strong Urban Renaissance
Although built to higher density, the poor design of this development
in Appleton, Warrington, does little to convey a sense of place and
public transport connections are poor.
public realm, appropriate access and the design of individual
buildings. Although the levers of public funding and other
control mechanisms cannot be brought to bear on private
projects, the design of individual housing units must be
improved and the quality increased to reflect advances in
new technologies, construction techniques and
environmental efficiency. The Urban Task Force did not
address the issue of the private residential sector in detail,
but it is clear that new measures are needed to ensure that
private housebuilders – despite their best intentions – do not
build a new generation of mono-functional enclaves based
on lowest common denominator design.
Transport
Transport lies at the heart of urban regeneration. In the
original Urban Task Force report we presented a vision
of how this should be done: road space would be planned,
as it is in the most advanced European cities, to give priority
to walking, cycling and public transport; a seamless-web
system of fast, efficient public transport would connect city
centres with strong sub-centres developed around transport
interchanges, allowing quick and easy transfer from express
light rail to feeder buses; planned densities would increase
around these points of maximum accessibility, and mixed
uses would maximise easy access on foot to shops and
services.
In a few best-practice cities and towns there are signs
that this is beginning to happen. In London, the congestion
charge has helped civilise conditions in the centre, the
bus system has responded massively and flexibly to the
challenge of growth, commuter rail has modernised and
responded to rising demand. There are individual good
examples in other cities, especially in their central areas
where civilised public spaces have been created. But they
are few and far between. Urban streets are over-engineered
to maximise traffic flow, pedestrians and cyclists are still
treated as second- or third-class citizens, and public
transport in most cities is totally un-integrated.
6 1 Design excellence
6
| PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER
PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER
The root of the problem is that decisions on urban transport
are taken piecemeal, in apparent isolation from their impact
on regeneration; indeed, there appears to be next to no
evaluation of the broad regeneration benefits that
investments would help bring about. Merseytram has stalled,
despite the renewal it would bring to a corridor stretching
from Liverpool’s Pier Head via Lime Street and Norris Green
to Kirkby. Manchester’s Metrolink extensions have not
started, despite their vital importance to the regeneration of
New East Manchester. Money is lacking to extend London’s
Docklands Light Railway through Barking Riverside, crucial
to the start of this key generation scheme in Thames
Gateway. Corby still lacks a passenger rail service, despite
being a target for regeneration and an important part of the
sustainable communities plan. The examples could be
multiplied; the evidence is that the Department for Transport,
again dominated by highway engineers, is simply not part of
the government’s regeneration agenda.
Communities Minister David Miliband recently said, “All
departments should be regeneration departments.” That
must equally apply in central government, where we need far
greater integration between the ODPM and the Department
for Transport in particular, and in our city administrations.
The challenge is to produce urban environments as good as
those in Amsterdam and Copenhagen, Freiburg or
Strasbourg. There is no reason why we should lag so far
behind the best practice of our neighbours.
Money for investment is one key. In French cities like
Strasbourg and Nantes, resources are found to support new
tram routes that underpin regeneration; there is joined-up
urban policy. Reintegrating the different parts of the urban
transport system is another: bus quality contracts are a start,
but very far from the seamless-web philosophy that is
needed. Re-educating the engineers, and creating a new
profession of urban transport designers capable of
producing efficient and elegant urban environments, is a
third. Good transport planning and good urban design go
hand in hand.
Challenges
• Too much emphasis is given to the delivery of quantity
rather than the benefits of quality. Even when experienced
designers are involved in a regeneration project, the brief
often undervalues the benefits of design.
• High quality design is not integrated or hardwired into the
procurement and delivery process of regeneration projects.
• The attention given to design quality varies too much
across Government departments, their agencies and local
authorities.
| | « URBAN DESIGN I/II + III + IV URBAN STORIES» | FALL 2018 / SPRING 2019
LONDON
LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II FALL 2017/ SPRING 2018 COORDINATOR: MELANIE FESSEL
• Ministers, mayors, local authority leaders and cabinets
receive too little good advice on design.
• Public sector clients lack the necessary skills to give
significance to design quality from inception to realisation.
Major public clients do not have design champions at
board or cabinet level or in executive positions, and do
not possess the appropriate design expertise to promote,
evaluate and deliver well-designed developments.
• We lack clearly structured decision making bodies of a
manageable size to get things done.
• Development briefs for key urban sites are poorly
structured, often giving more importance to short term
commercial value than the creation of an integrated urban
vision to bring long term economic benefit.
• Too often, design is imposed on communities rather than
involving them. Community groups and local
representatives are still excluded from the decision-making
process and are not adequately supported by professional
facilitators. They are rarely involved by client groups in the
development of design briefs and are often excluded from
selection panels.
Communal space is integral to the design of this development in
Malmo Western Harbour, Sweden.
• There are insufficient mechanisms in place to ensure that
housebuilders and developers follow through to deliver
high quality schemes once they have acquired land from
public sector agencies.
• There is too often a separation between the design team
appointed to carry out the masterplan and another design
team charged with delivering the detailed design of
individual units and places. It is a fragmented process that
creates fragmented environments.
• The competitive bidding process is not used to the full
and is failing to provide opportunities for emerging design
talent in the UK and abroad to invest their design skills in
complex regeneration schemes across the UK.
Rogers, Richard. «The Urban Renaissance six years on». Bennett, Jon (Ed.). Online at: http://www.urbantaskforce.
org/UTF _final_report.pdf (24.04.2017). Pp. 1 - 9.
6 7
| COORDINATOR : MELANIE FESSEL |
LONDON
Towards a Strong Urban Renaissance
• Design quality is threatened by an excessive reliance on
design codes rather than design professionals.
• W hile there have been welcome moves in some cities
and boroughs to rebalance the relationship between
vehicles and people by prioritising pedestrians, there
is still much to be done.
• Space continues to be wasted thanks to overly demanding
highway standards and sprawling road layouts, despite
explicit guidance requiring Local Authorities to review
their standards.
• The poor design and lack of coordination of street
furniture too often impedes its function and reduces the
aesthetic value of its surroundings.
Vision
In our vision, high quality design is a central objective for
public bodies responsible for delivering regeneration and is
entrenched in the delivery of private sector residential
communities. Public space takes priority over the car, well
designed and complementary public and private realms
create a sense of place, and the built environment is fertile
ground in which communities can flourish.
Recommendations
Design quality and procurement
• Integrate and hard-wire quality of design of buildings and
public spaces into public institutions by placing design
champions or advisers at strategic board or cabinet level
and making design quality a corporate objective.
• Review the Government’s tasking framework and funding
agreements for all relevant public bodies to make
design a central component and require regular reports
on delivery. Use the comprehensive performance
assessment to do similar for local authorities.
• Improve the quality of independent design advice
available to ministers, mayors, local authority leaders
and cabinets in ways that complement the role of CABE
in the planning process.
• I nsist that existing design competitions guidance
(e.g. Commissioning a Sustainable and Well-Designed
City: a Guide to Competitive Selection of Architects and
Urban Designers, GLA Architecture + Urbanism Unit,
July 2005) is followed in all regeneration projects which
receive public funding, ensuring open and transparent
procurement and high quality design briefs. A majority
of design competition jurors should be architects or
design professionals.
• Ensure that design quality is delivered throughout the
lifetime of urban design developments. For larger sites,
commission spatial masterplans for the wider area, invite
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City Interface | London p. 312
 | « URBAN DESIGN I/II + III + IV URBAN STORIES» | FALL 2018 / SPRING 2019 | COORDINATOR : MELANIE FESSEL |
| « URBAN DESIGN I/II + III + IV URBAN STORIES» | FALL 2018 / SPRING 2019 | COORDINATOR : MELANIE FESSEL |
| ETH ZÜRICH | DARCH | CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER |

LONDON
LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II FALL 2017/ SPRING 2018 COORDINATOR: MELANIE FESSEL LONDON
LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II FALL 2017/ SPRING 2018 COORDINATOR: MELANIE FESSEL LONDON

(2)Ricky
(2)
(2) Burdett,
Burdett, Ricky,«Changing
Ricky,
Burdett «Changingvalues»
values»
ETHZ D-ARCH CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN PROF. ALFREDO BRILLEMBOURG | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER (2) Ricky
Urban Burdett
Age Conference. 2009. Onlime at: http://www.urban-age.net/0_ downloads/LondonNewspaper.pdf
Urban Age Conference.
““Changing
(24.04.2017). 2009. Onlime at: http://www.urban-age.net/0_ downloads/LondonNewspaper.pdf
values”
““Changing
(24.04.2017). values”

TranTran
Towards a Strong Urban Renaissance

developers to bid for individual sites on the basis of a
design proposal, not just a financial offer, and evaluate
tenders on the basis of design quality and long term
value-for-money, not solely on short term financial
considerations.
• Develop mechanisms that ensure public participation
and involvement in the development of urban vision
statements. Promote the involvement of professional
facilitators to support community groups and qualified
designers at key stages of project development and
implementation alongside landowners, developers and
project sponsors.
• Place an architect or allied professional in a key advisory
position within the Olympic Delivery Authority.
Transport
• Fund and prioritise public transport based on its potential
to contribute to a fully rounded urban renaissance, not
just on a transport business case or simplistic job
creation arguments.
All images
All images © John
© John
sub regional masterplanning to recognise, encourage
and enable comprehensive regeneration.
• Draft new design guidance for highway engineers
and traffic planners that gives priority to the needs
of pedestrians and demands a safe, high quality
environment without imposing a rules-based recipe
for over-engineering.
• Involve utility companies earlier in the planning process
so they can take responsibility for a strategic approach
rather than being presented with problems to tackle in
too short a timeframe.
Skills, research and education
• Tackle the lack of urban design skills within local
authorities by strengthening the role of the Regional
Centres of Excellence for Sustainable Communities,
developing a close working partnership between it
and the Leadership Centre for Local Government, and
ensuring they complement, rather than overlap with,
the Academy for Sustainable Communities in Leeds.

• Extend the “London-type” bus franchising system • Ensure public agencies and local authorities procure
to the rest of the country, so that certainty can be and manage a high-quality design and development
introduced into public transport planning and delivery. process by insisting they follow appropriate advice
This will enable developers and regeneration agencies from CABE.

CHANGINGVALUES VALUES
to have some confidence in the public transport Behind central London’sfacade of happy replace an enclosed shopping mall with a tra- replace an enclosed shop
• Task an independent review team to scrutinise the ditionalan
grid of streets, a

CHANGING
consumerism
Behind central liesanother
London’s reality.
facade London
of happy ditional
replace angrid of streets,
enclosed and interstitial
shopping mall withland-
a tra- replace enclosed shop
systems around which they are being asked to formal education process followed by design may be one oflies the world’sreality.
greatest cities, yet scaped public
consumerism another London ditional grid of spaces.
streets,Today Broadgate,
and interstitial land- ditional grid of streets, a
structure higher-density mixed use development. professionals and recommend changes to ensure mayitsphysical
be one ofenvironment doesnotcities,
the world’sgreatest live upyetto Paddington
scaped publicBasin
spaces. and MoreBroadgate,
Today London vie to Paddington Basin and M

Franchising is also virtually the only way of ensuring a more integrated approach to planning, architecture,
Public lifeand urban spaces itsthis reputation,
physical and in many
environment doesways it epitomis-
not live up to create London’s
Paddington Basinslickest
and MoreandLondon
most controlled
vie to create London’s
Paddington Basinslickest
and M

integrated services, ticketing and fares.

Public lifeand urban spaces es JK Galbraith’s maxim of “private
thisreputation, and in many waysit epitomis-
espublic squalor”.maximThe so-called public
affluence,
space
environments
create London’sas
these emerging
unique
slickest
ascommercial
selling
and mostpoints of
controlled
districts.
environments
create London’s asslickest
unique
landscaping and the social and ecological environments. JK Galbraith’s of “private affluence, environments unique selling pointsof environmentsasunique

L
of many housing estatesis“SLOAP” (Space One pressing question isif, and how, One pressing questi
public squalor”. The so-called public space these emerging commercial districts.
ondon’srelationship with itspub- of thisnew-found attitude. Somerset House, Left Over After Planning); abandoned terri- London can leverage private funding for
• Enforce the requirement set five years ago that Local • Dedicate a greater proportion of government research lic domain ischanging.Walk Tate Modern’sTurbine Hall, the renovated
of many housing estatesis“SLOAP” (Space
toriesof fear and conflict which only now are
One pressing question isif, and how,
public realm projectswithout relinquishing
London
Onecan leverage
pressing pri
questi
Authorities should review all highways and parking ondon’srelationship with itspub- of thisnew-found attitude. Somerset House, Left Over After Planning); abandoned terri- London can leverage private funding for Londonrealm
public projectspri
can leverage wi
funding into the quality of the built environment and along Kingsway, a busy thorough-
lic domain ischanging.Walk
Southbank, and the King’sRoad are others.
Tate Modern’sTurbine Hall, the renovated
receiving attention. Much of London remains
toriesof fear and conflict which only now are
control to private interests. The Elephant &
public realm projectswithout relinquishing controlrealm
public to private intere
projects wi
fare split by an underpassand Trafalgar Square had become a race track gritty to the point of squalor, with cracking Castle scheme illustratesthe challenge of
standards in the light of planning guidance on housing. the public realm, rather than focusing on construction along Kingsway, a busy thorough-
polluting traffic, and you will
Southbank, and the King’sRoad are others.
with three lanesof traffic whizzing round the
receiving attention. Much of London remains
pavement, unsafe lighting, an incoherent
control to private interests. The Elephant &
revamping a space’snegative image while pre-
Castle scheme
control illustrates
to private interes
fare split by an underpassand Trafalgar Square had become a race track gritty to the point of squalor, with cracking Castle scheme illustratesthe challenge of revamping a space’sneg
Castle scheme illustrates
• Review how public transport and Highways Agency methods and costs. find nearly twenty new bars, cafes,
polluting traffic, and you will
“ heart of the capital”, where Londonershave
with three lanesof traffic whizzing round the
clutter of street furniture, poor design and
pavement, unsafe lighting, an incoherent
serving itscharacter and generating benefits
revamping a space’snegative image while pre- serving itscharacter and
revamping a space’sneg
sandwich shopsand fusion-food traditionally met to celebrate, commiserate shoddy workmanship. for local stakeholders.
find nearly twenty new bars, cafes, “ heart of the capital”, where Londonershave clutter of street furniture, poor design and serving itscharacter and generating benefits
decision making can be integrated more closely into takeaways, all of them opened in
sandwich shopsand fusion-food
and protest. Only four yearsago, it washard
traditionally met to celebrate, commiserate
While the tension between inner city
shoddy workmanship.
The promotional rhetoric of new projects
for local stakeholders.
serving itscharacter and
The promotional rh
the past five years. They are crowded and to reach the heart of the Square; a perception residentsand night-time revellersseemsto at Stratford City, Elephant & Castle, King’s
takeaways, all of them opened in and protest. Only four yearsago, it washard While the tension between inner city The promotional rhetoric of new projects at Stratford City, Elepha
thriving, and they spill out onto the street. reinforced by the statistic that in 1997 less have attained equilibrium in the streetsof Crossand White City privilegesthe design The promotional rh
the past five years. They are crowded and to reach the heart of the Square; a perception residentsand night-time revellersseemsto at Stratford City, Elephant & Castle, King’s Crossand White City pr
Many have young French, Italian and Polish than 10% of userswere Londoners. The sim- Barcelona,Amsterdam or Manhattan, of their spacesover the design of their build- at Stratford City, Elepha
thriving, and they spill out onto the street. reinforced by the statistic that in 1997 less have attained equilibrium in the streetsof Crossand White City privilegesthe design of their spacesover the d
staff serving behind the counters, demon- ple act of reuniting one side of Trafalgar London isstill struggling to balance this ings, underscoring the significance of public Crossand White City pr
Many have young French, Italian and Polish than 10% of userswere Londoners. The sim- Barcelona,Amsterdam or Manhattan, of their spacesover the design of their build- ings, underscoring the s
strating a seemingly natural expertise at han- Square to the National Gallery, and opening equation. The City of Westminster famously space in realising the commercial potential of their spacesover the d
staff serving behind the counters, demon- ple act of reuniting one side of Trafalgar London isstill struggling to balance this ings, underscoring the significance of public space in realising the com
dling an espresso or toasting a panino. a grand staircase to the north, hasredefined reversed itsdecision to pedestrianise a large of a regeneration area.While thissignals ings, underscoring the si
strating a seemingly natural expertise at han- Square to the National Gallery, and opening equation. The City of Westminster famously space in realising the commercial potential of a regeneration area.W
These scenesare duplicated across the sense of both enclosure and permeability part of Soho because of the noise and disrup- a new-found engagement with the civic, the space in realising the com
dling an espresso or toasting a panino. a grand staircase to the north, hasredefined reversed itsdecision to pedestrianise a large of a regeneration area.While thissignals a new-found engagemen
London, in the high streetsof Clerkenwell and to one of London’siconic urban landmarks. tion it caused to the local residents(i.e. vot- increasing privatisation of the“public” realm of a regeneration area.W
These scenesare duplicated across
Chiswick, Stratford and Stoke Newington.
the sense of both enclosure and permeability
Today, touristsand Londonersalike use the
part of Soho because of the noise and disrup-
ers), including acresof rubbish from heaving
araises
new-found engagement with the civic, the
questionsabout whether and how increasing privatisation
London, in cappuccino
the high streets of Clerkenwell a new-found engagemen
The new culture reflectsnotand only tospace
one ofasLondon’s
a stage-set iconic urbanand
of theatre landmarks.
reality. tion it causedand
restaurants to the local residents
bars.As inner-city(i.e. vot-
regenera- increasing
London’sprivatisation
public spacesof canthe “public”
create realm
the sponta- raisesquestionsabout w
increasing privatisation
Chiswick, Stratford
the pervasive and Stoke
presence Newington.
of a younger and more Today, tourists
Regardless ofand
the,Londoners
at times, overlyalikeaggressive
use the ers),
tionincluding acresof rubbish
growsincreasingly reliantfrom
on theheaving
mantra raises
neous questions about
possibilities whether
of truly urbanandplaces
how and London’spublic spacesc
The new cappuccino culturebut reflects raisesquestionsabout w
international population, also not
a newonly
atti- space asa stage-set
programming of of theatre
events, and reality.
Trafalgar Square restaurants
of mixed-use anddevelopment,
bars.Asinner-city regenera-
itscombination London’s
continuepublic spaceswhere,
to be spaces can create the sponta-
asRichard neouspossibilitiesof tru
London’spublic spacesc
thetude
pervasive presence
to London’s “old”of public
a younger and more
realm. Regardless
doesperformof the, anatimportant
times, overly aggressive
function in the tion growsincreasingly
of different and at times reliant on the mantra
incompatible activi- neous possibilities
Sennett put it, youoffeel
truly
safeurban places
“ lost in and
a crowd.”
international population, but also a new atti- programming of events, Trafalgar Square of mixed-use development, its combination continue to be spaceswhere, asRichard neouspossibilitiesof tru
Historically, London’spublic spaceshave been public life of the capital; and all thiswithout tiescan engender conflict and fuel a sense of Sennett put it, you feel sa
tude to London’s
residential “old”orpublic
squares, largerrealm.
parks. The city’s does
theperform
overpoweringan important
presencefunction
of retail.in the ofincreasing
different and socialat times incompatible activi-
exclusion. Sennett put it, you
Ricky Burdett isthe feel safe“ lost
Director in a crowd.”
of Urban Ageand
Historically, London’spublic spaces have been publicThelife of the capital; and all Sennett put it,is
you
thefeel sa
current imagination of public realm encom- Mayor of London hasthis without
followed the tiescan Asengender
ever, in thisconflict and fuel
profoundly a sense of
mercantile Centennial Professor in Architectureand Ricky Burdett Direc
residential squares, or larger
passesspaces that are lessgreen and parks. Themorecity’s the overpowering
lead presenceand
of Rome, Barcelona of retail.
Copenhagen in increasing
city, private social exclusion.
investors have got there first. In Ricky Burdett
Urbanism, istheDirector
London School ofofEconomics
Urban Ageand
and
current
denselyimagination
occupied; a ofshift
public realm encom-
in lifestyle that is The Mayor
initiating the 100of London hasfollowed
Public Spaces programme,the theAs18thever,
andin19th
thisprofoundly mercantile
Centuries, London’s devel- Centennial Professor in Architectureand
Political Science Ricky Burdett
Urbanism, istheDirec
London Schoo
passes
bothspaces that are
threatening andless green andThe
enriching. moredown- lead of Rome,
which aimsto Barcelona
transform and Copenhagen
three placesin everyin city, private
opers createdinvestors have
beautiful gotsustainable
and there first.set-
In Urbanism, London School of Economicsand
Started in the late 1990s, the Greenwich densely
side isthe pervasive consumerism thatisnulli-
occupied; a shift in lifestyle that initiating the 100 Public Spaces
London borough over the next decade. The programme, the 18th and 19th Centuries, London’s
piecesof urban design: the great squaresand devel- Political Science Urbanism, London Schoo
Millennium Village in London’s Greenwich both threatening and enriching. The
fiesstreet culture; the upside isthe recogni- down- which aims to transform three places
goal isto create spacesthat work throughout in every opers created beautiful and sustainable
streetsof Bloomsbury, Belgravia or Bedford set-
Peninsula shows how good results can side isthe
tion thatpervasive consumerism
the quality of the publicthat realmnulli-
– London
the dayborough
and year,over themany
for the next decade. The
constituencies pieces
Park.of Inurban design:
the 1980s, the great
Canary Wharf squares
took theand
fiespaving,
street culture;
lighting,the upside
street isthe recogni-
furniture and land- goal isare
that to create
beginningspaces tothat work throughout
re-engage with the city’s streets of Bloomsbury,
bold steps of investingBelgravia or Bedford
in high quality open
match high expectations when a proper
tion that the quality of the public realm
scaping – doesmatter, and that we are begin- – the day and year, for the many constituencies
public realm.Assuch, they constitute a new Park. In the 1980s, Canary Wharf
spacesfor itsprivileged usersin what wasthen took the
commissioning process is in place. paving, lighting, street
ning to take pride in furniture
how our city andlooks
land-and that are beginning
approach to innertocity re-engage with
liveability at the city’s
a time bold stepsof investing
an unknown location.inThishighhasquality open
paid off hand-
Masterplanning by Erskine Tovatt. scaping – does
feelsafter matter,
years and that we are begin-
of neglect. public realm.Asdensity
of increasing such, theyand constitute
rising demands a newfor spaces
somely. forRetail
itsprivileged
developersusershavein what
takenwas note:then
the
ning toTrafalgar
take pride in how our city looks
Square must be the flagship and approach to inner
quality open spaces. city liveability at a time an unknown location. This has paid
remodelling of the Elephant & Castle site will off hand-
feelsafter yearsof neglect. of increasing density and rising demandsfor somely. Retail developershave taken note: the
Trafalgar Square must be the flagship
URBAN AGE CONFERENCE NOVEMBER 2005
quality open spaces. remodelling of the Elephant & Castle site will
8 9
URBAN AGE CONFERENCE NOVEMBER 2005
9
8 Burdett, Ricky. «Changing values». Onlime at: http://www.urban-age.net/0_ downloads/LondonNewspaper.pdf
(24.04.2017).
Burdett, Ricky. «Changing values». Onlime at: http://www.urban-age.net/0_ downloads/LondonNewspaper.pdf
9
(24.04.2017).
9
8

City Interface | London p. 314

Mexico City
Mexico
Tool 1
Recovering Waterscapes
Governance | Ecology / Landscape

Tool 2
Networks of Green
Infrastructure
Environment | Public Infrastructure / Mobility

Tool 3
Macro-Scale Micro Housing
Social | Housing

p. 316
Infographic
Map of Mexico City Size Comparison: Zurich, CH -Mexico City, MX

Mexico City | City Proper 10km Mexico City | Metropolitan Area 20km

city proper urban footprint 5 10km

0
metropolitan urban agglomeration
area 10km 20km
Zurich | City Proper Zurich | Metropolitan Area

Data City proper | Metropolitan area

Population 9.2 mil | 21.8 mil
Area 1454 km2 | 7866 km2
Density 6000 people / km²
GDP 400 bil. U.S. Dollar
Cycling Parks, community
1% Walking 4% gardens
Car 1% 7%
55%

Public
transport
32%

Information Sources:
Google Earth, all Maps are North Oriented
United Nations, The World’s Cities in 2016, Chapter: What is a City?
Metropolitan World Atlas, Arjen van Susteren, Published by 010 Publishers, 2005
Transportation Unemployment Green Spaces

City Interface | Mexico City p. 318

Mexico City
Introduction (2)

Mexico City, Mexico, Mexico

Tenochtitlan was founded in 1325 by the Aztecs as their capital. In their history, an eagle landed
on a nopal cactus with a snake in its beak, which marked the founding place for the settlement.
After a siege by the Spanish Hernán Cortés, the Aztec king Cuauhtémoc surrendered in 1521.
During this battle, the city was destroyed and had to be rebuilt in the following years. The city
was renamed Mexico, Aztec temples were replaced by Catholic churches, and the imperial
palaces have been claimed for the Spanish crown.
As the city population grew, the urban fabric came up to the lake’s waters. Since mosquitos
spread diseases and regular floods rendered the sewage system useless, the water was
drained. Since then, the city has overbuilt a majority of its lake area, erasing their freshwater
supply. Surrounded by mountains, the polluted air stagnates over Mexico and there is limited
area to spread out further. The city of today, therefore, faces problems such as overpopulation,
traffic congestion, water scarcity, and poverty.

Mexico City in History

The Eagle Landing on a Cactus, Flag of Mexico

(1) (3)

Map of the Aztec City Tenochtitlan, Published in Nuremberg, 1524 Map of the City on the Lake, by Juan Gómez de Trasmonte, 1628

Image Sources:
(1) https://www.historytoday.com/archive/cartography/map-tenochtitlan-1524, 19.06.2019
(2) https://fr.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fichier:Flag_of_Mexico.svg, 19.06.2019
(3) Juan Gómez de Trasmonte, 1628

City Interface | Mexico City p. 320

(4) (6)

Grid System of the Aztecs, by Diego Rivera, 2008 Aztec Great Temple | Historic Centre | Post Classical Period (800 - 1520)

(5) (7) Aztec Great Temple | Historic Centre | Post Classical Period (800 - 1520)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:EagleBuildingBldgATemploMayor.JPG

HISTORIC CENTER

Historic Centre Mexico City Plaza de la Constitución or Zócalo | Historic Center

Plaza de la Constitución or Zócalo | Historic Center
https://de.foursquare.com/v/plaza-de-la-constitución-zócalo/4b2e85fdf964a520cee124e3 http://megacon

Historic Centre Mexico City

Image Sources:
http://tgoogle.com

(4) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Murales_Rivera_-_Markt_in_Tlatelolco_3.jpg, 19.06.2019

(5) http://tgoogle.com
(6) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:EagleBuildingBldgATemploMayor.JPG
(7) https://de.foursquare.com/v/plaza-de-la-constitución-zócalo/4b2e85fdf964a520cee124e3

City Interface | Mexico City p. 322

Tool 1
Recovering Waterscapes (1)

ESG Factor: Governance

Thematic Cluster : Ecology / Landscape

Year : 2000‘s

Project Ciudad Futura

Main stakeholders: Innovative green infrastructure offices

The Basin of Mexico City has suffered from periodical transformations until today. From being
a lake- side city barely one hundred years ago, today Mexico City is dying of thirst. An enormous
visionary project is being planned. It consists of a new lake for Mexico City. This project aims
at solving Mexico City’s water problems and returning part of the former lake back to the city.

When the Aztecs founded the city “Tenochtlitlan” in the center of the “Texcoco” lake, they Before and Today - Mexico Ciudad Futura. Editorial RM. 2010 Before and Today

optimized the resources of the lake system and learned to control the overflow with dams.
Ciudad Futura

They managed to separate brackish from fresh water and to cultivate crops on artificial
islands called “Chinampas.” Already in 1521, this city was an urban agglomeration of almost 1 (2)
million inhabitants. The Spanish did not understand the lake system and set out to dry up the
basin by digging artificial exits, called the “Nochistongo Cutting.”

Today, only small parts of the lake remained, since the metropolitan area of the Valley of
Mexico, which houses more than 20 million inhabitants, has been built directly upon the ruins
of its ancestors and spread over five dried-up lakes. Mexico City is suffering today from a huge
scarcity of water; 37% of the water distributed in the city is lost due to leakage and aging
pipes. Due to the irregular distribution and lack of universal connection to the water mains,
20% of the city’s population has no guaranteed access to water. 70% of the needed water is
taken from the ground of the basin, and 30% is brought from outside. The over-exploitation of
the underground has led the city center to subside by up to 7 meters.

The planned project, “Mexico Ciudad Futura,” proposes the rehydration of the ancient lake, fed
by 5% of the city’s discarded water. It promises a sustainable solution for Mexico City’s water
system, and it is accompanied by new infrastructure projects, such as an airport, new urban
housing and commercial developments, green public areas, educational and sports facilities.

Students at the ETH, under the supervision of Prof. Elia Zenghelis, re-imagined the waterscape
of Mexico City through the conceptual strategy of mega structures and proposed different
design solutions for the infrastructural and hydraulic issues of the city.

Ground Sinking | Leaks in the Water System Ground Sinking | Leaks in the Water System
http://www.flickr.com/photos/dolgin/3308060784/

(1) Gomez, Margarita. Lecture at ETH Zurich (12.05.2011) Image Sources:

(2) DAZ. Citámbulos Mexico City: Journey to the Mexican Megalopolis. Jovis Verlag. 2008. P 242. Online in: http://www.citambulos.net/publicaciones.html (1) CIUDAD FURTUNA
(5.5.2011) (2) http://www.flickr.com/photos/dolgin/3308060784/
(3) Gonzalez de Leon, Teodoro; et. al. Mexico Ciudad Futura. Editorial RM. 2010. Online in: http://www.mexicociudadfutura.com/proyectos/ciudad-futura/
ciudadfutu- ra.html (5.5.2011)

City Interface | Mexico City p. 324

(3) (5)
LAKE
ZUMPANGO

LAKE
XALTOCAN

LAKE
TEXCOCO

BRACKISH
WATER

TENOCHTITLAN

LAKE LAKE
FRESH
XOCHIMILCO CHALCO
WATER

Cut of Nochistongo XVIII

Water Footprint
Urban Footprint

N 0 5 10
XVI Century KILOMETER Basin Today - Future. Gonzalez de Leon, Teodoro; et. al. Mexico Ciudad Futura. Editorial RM. 2010

XVI Century
Conagua | www.cna.gob.mx

(4) (6)

LAKE
TEXCOCO

LAKE LAKE
XOCHIMILCO CHALCO

Interceptor Oriente
(Under Construction)

Water Footprint XVI

Water Footprint
Urban Footprint

N 0 5 10
2000 | Today KILOMETER Future City Project. Gonzalez de Leon, Teodoro; et.al. Mexico Ciudad Futura. Editorial RM. 2010

2000 | Today
Conagua | www.cna.gob.mx

Image Sources:
(3) Conagua | www.cna.gob.mx
(4) Conagua | www.cna.gob.mx
(5) http://www.citambulos.net/publicaciones.html (5.5.2011)
(6) http://www.mexicociudadfutura.com/proyectos/ciudad-futura/ ciudadfutu- ra.html (5.5.2011)

City Interface | Mexico City p. 326

Tool 2
Networks of Green (1)

Infrastructure
ESG Factor: Environment
Thematic Cluster : Public Infrastructure / Mobility
Year : 2000‘s

Metrobus - Reorganizing Public Transport

Main stakeholders: Traffic planning department of the city government

The public transport system in Mexico City involves two main actors. The transport system in
the Federal District, which is operated by the government, and the transport system of the
Greater Metropolitan Area of Mexico State, which is covered by a privately organized plan. The
recent increasing traffic congestion in Mexico City motivated the government to re-organize
the public transport and find new innovative solutions to alleviate the problems.
Mexico City, Traffic Jam
Five million citizens spend between three and four hours each day commuting within the
metropolitan area of Mexico City. The public transport system is operated by the government
of the Mexican Federal District and by several public companies. The metro system, the light (2)
rail system, the trolleybus network and the bus network are public-driven transport systems,
while the Metrobus is private- public partnership and the “peseros” (collective-buses) and taxis
are managed by private companies or individuals.

The “peseros” are used by 55% of the city’s passengers and cover all the routes that are still not
covered by the public transport systems. In 2005, the new transport system “Metrobus” opened
a new high-capacity rapid transit network. The “Metrobus” replaces two routes covered before
by the “peseros”; first, the 20 km long north-south axis known as “Avenida de los Insurgentes,”
and second, the east-west axis or “Eje 4 Sur”.

This system was influenced by the “TransMilenio” in Bogota and “Rede Integrada de Transporte”
in Curitiba. It consists of several interconnected elevated stations, which in turn, are connected
by an exclusive lane only for the express buses. The stations are simultaneously linked to other
transport networks, such as the metro.

The “Metrobus” serves up to 400 000 passengers per day. The new lines have proven to reduce
the traffic on the main roads and reduce the delays between the connecting networks.

Mexico City, Metrobus

(1) Gomez, Margarita. Lecture at ETH Zurich (12.05.2011) Image Sources:

(2) DAZ. Citámbulos Mexico City: Journey to the Mexican Megalopolis. Jovis Verlag. 2008. P 244-254. (1) DAZ. Citámbulos Mexico City: Journey to the Mexican Megalopolis. Jovis Verlag. 2008. P 244-254.
(3) Urban Age. “Mexico City: Mobility and Transport”. Online in: http://www.urban-age.net/10_cities/05_mexicoCity/mexicoCity_M+T.html (5.5.2011) (2) Http://www.urban-age.net/10_cities/05_mexicoCity/mexicoCity_M+T.html (5.5.2011)

City Interface | Mexico City p. 328

(3) (5)

WHAT IDENTIFIES MEXICO CITY

Autopista

Autopista Pachuca
POLLUTION CONTAMINACIÓN 20,89 Autopista
MARIACHIS MARIACHIS / RANCHERAS 10,76

OVERPOPULATION SUPERPOBLACION 9,49

FOOD COMIDA 5,06

Avenida
TRAFFIC TRAFICO 2,53 Anillo Periferico
Autopista Texcoco
OLIGARCHY OLIGARQUICA 2,53

INTENSITY INTENSIDAD 2,53

Circuito Interior
BIG CITY CIUDAD GRANDE 2,53 Viaducto Miguel Aleman

NO REFERENCE SIN REFERENCIA 1,90

MUSIC MUSICA / MUSICAL 1,90 Autopista Toluca Autopista Ignacio Zaragoza

AZTECS AZTECAS 1,90 Segundo Piso

POVERTY POBREZA 1,27

HAPPINESS ALEGRIA 1,27

EARTHQUAKE TERREMOTOS 1,27

Highways
CROWD MUCHEDUMBRE 1,27
Main Axes
MEASURELESS INCONMESURABLE 1,27
Ring
CHURCHES IGLESIAS 1,27 Elevated
Autopista
CHAOS DESORDEN / CAOS 1,27
Estudio “Culturas Urbanas en América Latina y España” Road
N 0
System
5
| Today
10
KILOMETER

CULTURE CULTURA 1,27

ENTRAINMENT DIVERSION / ENTRETENIMIENTO 1,27

Road System | Today
(4) (6)
Estudio “Culturas Urbanas en América Latina y España”

Suburban Train

Eco Bici

Segundo Piso

Metrobus
Suburban Train Line 1 + 2+ 3 Metro 12
Metrobus Line 1 + 2
Metrobus Line 3 + 4
Metro Line 12
Eco Bici
Existing Ring Road
Elevated Highway

Linear park Mexico City TheNGreen

0
Plan 5 10
KILOMETER

Linear park Mexico City

https://www.archdaily.com/770861/mexico-parque-elevado-chapultepec-proyecto-catalizador-para-generar-comunidad-en-la-ciudad-de-mexico
The Green Plan

Image Sources:
(3) UNKNOWN
(4)https://www.archdaily.com/770861/mexico-parque-elevado-chapultepec-proyecto-catalizador-para-generar-comunidad-en-la-ciudad-de-mexico
(5) Conagua | www.cna.gob.mx
(6) Conagua | www.cna.gob.mx

City Interface | Mexico City p. 330

Tool 3
Macro-Scale Micro Housing (1)

ESG Factor: Social

Thematic Cluster : Housing

Year : 1940 - 2010

Social Housing Blocks, Family Housing Development

Main stakeholders: Mexican national government

The fast urbanization process of Mexico City -with its 3 million inhabitants- in the 1950s,
created an increasing demand for social housing, which gave rise to the production of
informal settlements. The response to this urgency was the creation of different social housing
typologies, which emerged in different time periods with different finance approaches.

The first actions undertaken by the government were a slum clearance and an urban Unidad Multifamiliar Miguel Aleman | Mario Pani | 1947 - 1948
renewal initiative; the social housing block typology was implemented between the 1940s and
1970s. The vertical housing developments and large scale complexes marked the first direct
governmental worker assistance. One example is the Multifamiliar Miguel Aleman, built by (2)
the Mexican modernist Mario Pani, following the principles of functionalism of Le Corbusier
(large green areas, communal facilities, and duplex apartments). Concurrently, some of the
low-income class started to appropriate the vacant and deteriorated houses in the historic
center, referred as neighborhoods or “vecindades.” The earthquake of 1985 led to the limitation
of vertical housing developments, promoting lower-height houses.

In 2000, the Mexican president Vicente Fox introduced a privately-driven social housing
development model and promised to build “two million low-income homes” throughout the
country. The design, planning, and construction of these single-family houses were delegated
to private real estate developers, producing a new social housing model of vast rows of
uniform and mass-produced homes. The houses are located at the periphery of Mexico City,
without zoning, without commercial, educational and collective space, totally disconnected
from the public transport network, and no room for growth and transformation. Nevertheless,
the inhabitants started to create solutions for their own necessities by organizing and adding
basic services, such as markets, grocery stores, bakeries and others to these homogeneous
satellite cities.

Housing Development | Ixtapaluca

(1) Urban Age. “Mexico City: Growth at the Limit?”. Online in: http://www.urban-age.net/03_conferences/conf_mexicoCity.html (5.3.2011)
(2) Garcia Peralta, Beatriz. “Vivienda social en Mexico (1940 – 1999): actors publicos, economicos y sociales”. Online in: http://www.javeriana.edu.co/
viviendayurbanismo/ pdfs/2-CVU-5.pdf (15.4.2011)
(3) Juarez Neri, Victor Manuel. “Condiciones de la Vivienda en la Zona Metropolitana del Valle de Mexico en el ano 2000”. Online in: http://www.ub.edu/
geocrit/sn/sn- 146(040).htm (15.4.2011) Image Sources:
(4) Villavicencio Blanco, Judith; Duran Contreras, Ana Maria. “Treinta Anos de Vivienda Social en la Ciudad de Mexico: Nuevas Necesidades y Demandas”.
Online in: http:// www.ub.edu/geocrit/sn/sn-146(028).htm (15.4.2011) (1) Unknown
(5) Corona, Livia. “Two Million Homes for Mexico”. Online in: http://www.liviacorona.com/#S7,,Two_Million_Homes_for_Mexico (7.5.2011) (2) Unknown
(6) Urban Age. “Transport and Housing: Policy in Practice”. In: The Endless City. Phaidon Press. 2007. Page 182 – 185.

City Interface | Mexico City p. 332

(3) (5)

Ciudad Nezahualcoyotl | Chimalhuacan Transformation | Imitating Styles and Typologies

(4) Ciudad Nezahualcoyotl | Chimalhuacan (6) Transformation | Imitating Styles and Typologies
Applemaps. 2019

Chimalhuacán | Garbage Dump Unidad Habitacional Nonoalco - Tlatelolco | Mario Pani | 1959 - 1964

Chimalhuacán | Garbage Dump Unidad Habitacional Nonoalco - Tlatelolco | Mario Pani | 1959 - 1964
Image Sources:
Photography by Dante Busquets. Flickr. 2007 Google Earth. 2012

(3) Applemaps. 2019

(4)Photography by Dante Busquets. Flickr. 2007(5) Conagua | www.cna.gob.mx
(5) Unknown
(6) Google Earth. 2012

City Interface | Mexico City p. 334

 | « URBAN DESIGN I / II + III / IV URBAN STORIES» | FALL 2018 / SPRING 2019 | COORDINATOR : MELANIE FESSEL | | ETH ZÜRICH | DARCH | CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN | PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER |

MEXICO CITY
Exercise
EXERCISE: MEXICO CITY
Mexico City
Tool : Networks of Green Infrastructure
CITY:
MEXICO CITY
TOOL:
Networks of Green Infrastructure
1. Find a similar initiative in other cities. Name the city and strategy. Discuss briefly the current
The transportation and mobility components of Mexico City’s Plan Verde (Green Plan) agenda, designed to lead problematic. Describe the main components of the chosen strategy and present your own critical
the city towards a state of EcoMobility, was launched in 2007. The plan is based on a multi-component strategy reflection.
to reduce traffic congestion and reduce greenhouse gases (GHG) emissions. The strategy has resulted in a set 2. Use a representative picture or sketch a situation that depicts the intentions and strategies of your
of programs to improve and expand public transportation systems, as well as offer more cycling and walking chosen development plan.
options. The Green Plan emphasizes local action, in particular, through initiatives such as the Hoy No Circula
(Day Without Car) and Muevete en Bici (Move on Bikes) programs, Eco Bikes, Metrobus, and the expansion of
the Metro system.

1. 2.

City name:
Strategy name:
Problematic:

Strategy description:

Your own critical reflection:

City Interface | Mexico City p. 336


Reading
Mexico City
(1)Ortega-Alcazar, Iliana, &Mexico City | Mobility and Transport'
Online at: http://www.urban-age.net/ (06.06.2011)
CONGESTION
AT THE LIMITS?
B H
ehind the serious transport
problem in the Metropolitan
Area of Mexico City (AMCM)
lies the predominance of low-
capacity vehicles both in collec-
tive and in private transport.
Around 50,000 minibuses and
microbuses handle the majority
of journeys in the city. Added to these are over
103,000 taxis in the Federal District and prob-
ably over 160,000 throughout the city, along
with approximately 450,000 vehicles carrying
loads. These units use the highways intensive-
ly and their fragmented and “home-made”,
corporate structure is highly inefficient with
low productivity, both for the users and for
the carriers and for the city in general.
Meanwhile, private transport handles only
19% of journeys but uses 95% of the vehicles,
which exceeds the 4 million units in circula-
tion and uses the highest proportion of road
space in the city as a whole.
The result of the above is extreme conges-
tion and journey stress, particularly serious
along the main highway corridors and access
roads of the city and during rush hour. One
third of all journeys are made in the morning
rush hour alone, and these journeys are taking
longer and longer. In the second half of the
1990s, we saw the determining dominance of
journeys made in Low-Capacity vehicles
(cars, vans, taxis and minibuses) which han-
dled over three quarters of metropolitan jour-
neys. A decade before that, only one third of
URBAN AGE CONFERENCE FEBRUARY 2006
journeys were done in Low-Capacity vehicles;
this rapid and negative transformation of the
composition of the urban transport service
was the result of the application of erroneous
government policies, which, for example,
decided on the freezing and subsequent
removal of the service of 4,000 buses in
Mexico City, known as Ruta-100 and the pro-
motion, to offset this, of vans, taxis and
minibuses as alternatives for saving public
resources, for self-employment and for collec-
tive transport. In other words, there was a dis-
mantling of a collective transport system
based on government-owned high-capacity
resources, promoting in return deregulation,
privatisation and fragmentation, further
reducing the efficiency and productivity of
high-capacity collective transport.
THE PROMOTION OF PRIVATE MOTORISATION
During the 1970s and 1980s, the city saw
accelerated demographic growth which,
above all, was translated into territorial
expansion. This led to the reinforcement of
the “horizontal extensive growth” of the
AMCM, which incorporated increasingly
outlying areas with less access to infrastruc-
ture and services. This was translated into
longer, delayed and costly journeys to get to
work, schools and services, which make met-
ropolitan journeys and the rise in motorisa-
tion one of the most significant aspects of this
problem in the city. The oil “boom” of the
mid-1980s promoted the purchase of cars.
This trend deepened with the signature of the
NAFTA, from the second half of the 1990s
onwards, the growth in car assembly was
explosive.
THE EXPLOSION OF THE CAR
The impressive dynamics of the car industry
has been translated, for the AMCM, into an
explosive growth of new vehicles which, at the
end of the 1990s, was calculated at between
250,000 and 300,000 additional vehicles on
average per year. Considering that during this
period, the population growth index for the
AMCM was reduced to just 1.5% per year on
average, the growth rate of the total number
of cars in the city is four times greater than the
population rate. Under these conditions and
after nearly fifteen years of non-construction
of major roads, the current Federal District
Government (GDF) decided to push forward
a rapid road programme, given that the deficit
calculated from the same totals 25%. This
programme forms part of the sector’s Integral
Programme and is complemented by various
collective transport measures.
TRANSPORT AND HIGHWAY PROJECTS
As part of this Programme, the most impres-
sive works are the road bridges located in the
ravines on the west side, the “Two Tiers of the
Ring Road”, the Eje Vial 5 Poniente, the San
Antonio motorway exit, giving traffic alterna-
tives in the strategic west zone of the city. We
should also mention the progress of the other
motorway exits of the Eje Troncal
Metroplitano Oriente. Alongside, in collective
transport, we have seen renovation of the
infrastructure of significant stretches of
underground, lines 2, 5 and 9, and nine trains
have been introduced on line 2. In addition,
the transport capacity of the public bus com-
pany Red de Transportes de Pasajeros (RTP)
has increased by 50% and 19.4 km of
LECTURE “URBAN STORIES” I/II
| « URBAN DESIGN I/II + III + IV URBAN STORIES»
Metrobus have been introduced. Metrobus
has 34 stations and runs 80 articulated buses
running on low-emission engines along
Insurgentes, one of the city’s main avenues. A
Cycle Path Project has also been set up, to
cover 90 km. In addition, a Suburban Train
Project has been decided on, to the north-
west, covering 25 km, using the existing rail-
way line.
AND WHAT ABOUT MOBILITY?
Metrobus and the Cycle Paths are brand-new
initiatives that lack additional investment in
facilities, stations, signposts, dissemination
and maintenance in order to allow for their
more efficient and optimum use. Also, and in
contrast with other major cities, there has
been no cultivation of a culture of the added
value of collective transport, even less of alter-
native transport: only 5% of the users of
Metrobus and the underground also own
cars. Also, with the exception of the
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México,
none of the city’s universities has infrastruc-
ture or programmes that promote alternative
transport. This is particularly serious when
the city is expanding territorially in a greater
proportion than the population, favouring
dispersion and disintegration. As a result,
there are elements that are indicative of the
fact that metropolitan mobility is being
organised along urban corridors that limit the
possibility of enjoyment of the city by the citi-
zens. A new type of segregation and confine-
ment is being promoted, even for those who
have the privilege of mobility in transport.
Bernardo Navarro Benítez is a Professor at the
Autonomus Metropolitan University
Conference Newspaper. «Mexico City. Urban Age Conference February 2006.». Online at: http://www.urban-age.
net/0_downloads/MC-Newspaper.pdf (06.06.2011). Pp. 4, 5, 8, 9.
5
FALL 2016/ SPRING 2017
MORE HOUSING
OR A BETTER CITY?
ow do we recover the loss of
housing in central areas without
increasing segregation in the
city? How do we respond to the
housing needs of the low-
income population? If building
is forbidden in outlying neigh-
bourhoods and a significant
segment of the population cannot access
housing in the centre, then where exactly
do people live?
The answers are increasingly complex,
largely due to the lack of any co-ordination
between the Federal District (FD) and the
State of Mexico, patently clear in the housing
sector. In addition to working with different
town-planning programmes and norms, in
the FD, measures have been adopted to regu-
late housing production and promote a more
balanced urban development, without con-
sidering that the FD forms part of the metro-
politan area, that the actions have repercus-
sions outside its limits and that, at the same
time, these actions have an effect thereupon.
An example of these measures: the ban on the
development of housing estates in the 1950s,
and from the mid-sixties onwards, the delimi-
tation of conservation areas, the definition
of land-uses, densities and volumes in subse-
quent neighbourhood town-planning devel-
opment programmes, and restrictions on
building housing in special controlled devel-
opment zones.
And lastly, in 2000, the FD Government
COORDINATOR: HARIS PIPLAS
| FALL 2018 / SPRING 2019
defined its urban policy around “Bando Dos”:
an order aimed at “reversing the loss of popu-
lation from the four central neighbourhoods,
making good use of its exhisting infrastruc-
ture and facilities for the benefit of poor resi-
dents, and regulating disproportionate
growth in the neighbourhoods to the south
and east. In order to protect conservation
land and prevent spread of the urban sprawl
in aquifer recharge zones where a significant
proportion of the city’s oxygen is produced”.
At the same time, for the working-class dis-
tricts of the outlying neighbourhoods, it is
implementing an improvement programme
which, in addition to expansion and rehabili-
tation, includes two kinds of new housing:
replacement of damaged housing or building
on already inhabited family plots.
Since the 1950s, the urban area of the
FD has exceeded the limits, accelerating the
development of middle-class housing estates
to the west, in districts bordering the State of
Mexico. At the same time, the industrial zone
to the north has been consolidated, and with
this, the construction of public housing
developments concentrated to the north
and east of the city.
Whilst there is increasing deterioration
and loss of housing in the working-class dis-
tricts in the centre, where the capacity for
more profitable uses of the land is growing,
the low-income population is increasing sig-
nificantly, a population that is turning to the
unofficial market in order to meet its housing
| COORDINATOR : MELANIE FESSEL
needs. Thus, there has been a proliferation
of clandestine estates and encroachment on
neighbourhoods and districts to the east and
south-east. Middle-class housing develop-
ments are located in the central band of the
FD and the residential areas to the west and
south; they make up the “city of the upper
classes”, which extends to neighbouring
districts.
It has been possible to generate new
housing in areas where housing had been lost.
However, as DeMet indicates, production
was concentrated in the four central neigh-
bourhoods: in 2000, only 30% of the private
supply was in this area; in the second quarter
of 2005, the percentage rose to 66%, 72% if
only new housing is included.
As the land prices are rising, the private
supply of housing of social and working-class
interest has fallen in relation to the middle-
class supply, supply of the former being trans-
ferred to the adjacent districts. Thus, in five
years, just over 60,000 new units in central
neighbourhoods were built, whilst a property
boom was recorded in the districts, involving
around 150,000 housing units, according to
data from the Urban Development
Department of the State of Mexico. The low-
income population has only been able to
obtain housing in the city centre, thanks to
programmes of the Housing Institute (INVI-
DF), with its high subsidy levels.
To cope with rising land prices, private
developers have increased density in housing
developments of social and working-class
interest, which according to DeMet, rose from
350 housing units/hectare in 2000 to over 650
housing units/hectare in 2005. They have also
reduced living space from 57 to 51m2. The
INVI-DF has used up its reserve of land in the
area; it does not have the resources to buy land
and depends on expropriation by the local
government in order to continue working in
City Interface | Mexico City
MEXICO CITY ETH
|
this part of the city.
With the new housing produced in the
city centre between 2000 and 2005, just over
200,000 people stayed or returned; a positive
balance for recycling of the area, which should
be recorded with the results of the 2005
Housing Count.
The scenario today is very different: the
supply of free land in the city centre has been
reduced and has become more expensive;
there is growing pressure on working-class
housing due to its development potential for
the construction of middle-class housing, and
the FD does not have any reserves. According
to Bando Dos, there will be no alternative for
the development of working-class and social
housing other than the metropolitan districts.
The solution put forward by develop-
ments in the districts raises new problems for
the population: outlying locations that mean
long, expensive travel and a lack of basic serv-
ices and facilities. As for the city, it will contin-
ue losing its population, and the floating pop-
ulation will rise, along with the requirement
for public transport on already saturated
highways.
Bando Dos needs to be revised in light of
its impacts both within and outside the limits
of the FD, and on the living conditions of the
average and low-income population. Tools
need to be designed so that the FD can recover
the added value that generates public invest-
ment in housing, in order to carry on produc-
ing it. Expanding, gradually, permission to
build working-class and social housing in
outlying neighbourhoods of theFD; in order
to grow from within, densifying and exploit-
ing the city’s services and facilitates, and
reducing the crowding out of its population
to dormitory zones of the city.
Noemí Stolarski Rosenthal is a private consult-
ant specialising in housing issues
URBAN AGE CONFERENCE FEBRUARY 2006
p. 338
| ETH ZÜRICH | DARCH
CASE STUDIES:
RECENT URBAN
INTERVENTIONS IN
MEXICO CITY
1 SANTA FE: FROM CITY DUMP TO GLOBAL NODE
The “corporate centre” of Lomas de Santa Fe,
as locals know the area, is located in a hilly
section of the sub-municipal district of
Alvaro Obregón in the Federal District's west-
ern edge. A new metropolitan centrality locat-
ed 30 km from the Benito Juárez international
airport and 40 km from Toluca airport in the
State of Mexico, the redeveloped Santa Fe now
has a completely different shape from what it
did two decades ago: the area had first con-
tained various sand mines and it subsequently
became home to huge city dumps. The steep
hills below the development, however, are still
largely occupied by precarious popular settle-
ments and low-income neighbourhoods.
As part of the policies for the rehabilita-
tion of Mexico City, Santa Fe was reconfig-
ured from 1989 onwards. Via the Urban
Development Master Plan (ZEDEC), Santa Fe
was transformed into an urban mega-project
which, multi-functional in nature, includes:
various corporate towers where multinational
corporations have set up their offices in
Mexico City; large-scale commercial facilities;
the campus of one of Mexico’s most presti-
gious private universities; and an up-market
housing stock. Road infrastructure has been
provided and Santa Fe has good connectivity
with other metropolitan centralities, in fact
| CHAIR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN
8
some see the node as an extension of the cor-
porate corridor along the Reforma Boulevard
and Chapultepec. Santa Fe may be seen as a
symbol of a modernising Mexico City and of
the city’s rising status in the global economy.
On the other hand, detractors may point to
the highly exclusionary character of the area
that is reflected in its introverted urban fabric
of single-point blocks, big-box mall typolo-
gies and gated residential complexes. The
reality is that Santa Fe is still growing and
it may still be in order to question both the
shape the area is taking and how this nodality
interacts with the rest of the city.
2 REVITALISING THE HISTORIC CENTRE
In the last 20 years, the historic centre of
Mexico City has suffered serious economic,
social and urban decay, chiefly after the earth-
quakes in 1985. Between 1970 and 1995, the
central city zone lost approximately 40% of its
population. In 1990, the Historic Centre Trust
was set up with the mission of revitalising this
central urban quarter and restoring its valu-
able yet rapidly decaying architectural her-
itage. The Trust’s board is made up of repre-
sentatives of federal and city government, of
private actors and of civil society organisa-
tions – critics argue, however, that the revitali-
sation process is now dominated by business
| PROF. HUBERT KLUMPNER
8
4
9 cles, which are responsible for 70% of the air
2 contamination. With the central objective of
6 8
5 emissions, the Federal District has promoted
1 3
8 10 times more investment.
elites and transnational real estate interests.
The restoration plan underway has vari-
ous objectives: to attract private investment,
reactivate its unutilised building stock, ensure
the economic revitalisation of the zone and to
generate formal employment. On the social
dimension, the aims are to improve the live-
ability of the area, attract residents back and
solve issues of insecurity and congestion
caused by the overwhelmingly large presence
of street vendors. Although the plan has
already begun to show positive outcomes, and
there is a visible movement of employers and
residents returning to the centre, several ques-
tions remain unanswered. What will be the
most desirable mix of industries and activities
for the area? What type of employment will be
created? How will the new economy solve
issues of informality? Will a revitalised centre
keep a percentage of social housing? Will the
most important civic space in the city main-
tain its socially mixed character or will pro-
cesses of gentrification and displacement take
hold and purge its diversity and vibrancy?
3 REACHING FOR THE STARS: TWO-TIER MOTORWAYS
The Government of the City of Mexico has
proposed the construction of two tiers over
the Periférico (Ring Road) and the Viaducto
(Miguel Alemán Viaduct) with the aim of
| | « URBAN DESIGN I/II + III + IV URBAN STORIES»
MEXICO CITY
the need to improve a metropolitan transport
infrastructure.
The project is being co-financed by three
governments: the Federal government, the
State of Mexico government and the Federal
District government who are joining forces to
start up the railway that will connect the old
central railway station of Buenavista with
suburbs in the State of Mexico. Its final desti-
nation will be Huehuetoca, covering 240 km.
Construction of the first 25 km, from
Buenavista to Cuautitlán, has already begun.
The suburban train will carry 320,000 passen-
gers a day, mostly workers and students who
will save more than 2.5 hours daily on each
round trip. The fare will be equivalent to what
people are paying today on other means of
transport. The train will also contribute to
reducing the road problem and will have a
positive impact on environmental conditions
in the area.
5 METROBÚS: THE FUTURE OF COLLECTIVE
TRANSPORT IN MEXICO CITY?
It is estimated that in the Federal District,
there are already 3.2 million registered vehi-
reducing road congestion and contaminating
the construction of a dedicated-lane bus sys-
tem since 2002. This initiative follows the suc-
7
cess of the BRT systems (Bus Rapid Transit)
in South American cities such as Curitiba,
Bogotá, Sao Paulo and Quito. With the advan-
tage that they use the existing road infrastruc-
ture, the BRT systems have constituted an
option that is economically more viable than
other collective transport systems such as the
underground, which requires approximately
Inaugurated on 19 June 2005, Metrobus
required an estimated investment of 48 mil-
lion pesos in road works and approximately
212 million pesos in coaches. It has approxi-
mately 85 articulated buses that travel along
the some 20 km of Avenida Insurgentes at an
average speed of 21 km/h. It has 34 stops and
2 terminals (Dr. Gálvez and Indios Verdes).
On its busiest section, Metrobus carries
around 5,500 passengers per hour.
6 URBAN PARKS
It seems almost unnecessary to mention the
vital importance of parks, green and open
spaces in dense urban areas. Urban parks
beautify their surroundings and are funda-
expanding and improving the capacity of the mental as aquifer recharge zones, for produc-
main controlled access roads, improving ing oxygen and for reducing contaminants.
journeys, reducing travel time and reducing Green spaces in the Federal District cover
contamination indicators. only 12,828 hectares. The green space average
The project has been controversial and is 15.1m2/resident if we take into considera-
citizens were even consulted for their tion both private and public green spaces and
approval. The year 2002 saw the beginning of this figure falls to only 5.2m2/resident if limit-
the work which, planned over four separate ed to public green spaces. The amount of
stages, overall, totalled 35 km of road. An green space in Mexico City therefore is not
approximate total investment of 2,000 million only much lower than that available in
pesos will be required. The first phase of the European cities but it also falls considerably
work is complete and measures 13.8 km in below levels achieved in other high-density
length. The construction of this stage has cities with comparably large populations such
already required 1,500 million pesos, the as Shanghai.
equivalent of a significant percentage of the Because of these shortages, many green
2002 budget for transport and road pro- spaces have suffered serious damage due to
grammes. The second, third and fourth phas- overuse. A case in point is Chapultepec Park.
es consist of the design and construction of a With 686 hectares of woods, the largest
second tier, in both directions, over other sec- regional park in Latin America is visited by
tions of the Periférico, the Viaducto and other 15 million people a year and up to 17,000 visi-
urban main roads. tors each Sunday. Because this space had been
invaded by street vendors, waste and contami-
4 THE SUBURBAN TRAIN nation, the Chapultepec Park Trust was set up
In the Metropolitan area of Mexico City, for its restoration. The aim was to gather
around 35 million journeys are made daily, resources and draft a masterplan to restore
and those who travel from the suburbs spend every corner of this urban asset, which is also
between five and six hours commuting each one of the few inclusive spaces in the city.
day. The Suburban Train Project, which will Other ambitious initiatives include the pro-
connect the Federal District to the State of posal to recreate the dried-up lake in the Vaso
Mexico, is the first step towards dealing with
URBAN AGE CONFERENCE FEBRUARY 2006
URBAN AGE CONFERENCE FEBRUARY 2006
Conference Newspaper. «Mexico City. Urban Age Conference February 2006.». Online at: http://www.urban-age.
� net/0_downloads/MC-Newspaper.pdf (06.06.2011). Pp. 4, 5, 8, 9.
7
6
| FALL 2018 / SPRING 2019
de Texcoco zone; to produce a new ecological
park on the eight hectares that used to be the
Azcapotzalco Refinery and join it to other
parks along a green linear corridor; and to
distribute pocket parks throughout the city.
Mexico City seems to be rediscovering the
importance of high-quality green open spaces
and, in this respect, taking the same path
shown in initiatives such as London’s Green
Grid or the Mayor’s 100 Public Spaces, or the
initiatives to revitalise the Los Angeles River
and transform it into an armature that could
rearticulate the disjointed urban landscape
of Southern California.
7 THE FARO (LIGHTHOUSE) TO THE EAST OF THE CITY
In Mexico City, the supply of public space
and cultural facilities has been concentrated
in a narrow area bordering the centre and
south-west of the city, where the most privi-
leged social groups live. As a result, the eastern
zone of the city suffers from both economic
disadvantage and cultural neglect. With the
intention of decentralising and democratising
the access to culture, the city government
decided to create a cultural centre in the east.
In 1998 a project was approved to create a cul-
tural centre in an abandoned property that
had been built years ago by the architect
Alberto Kalach, who was also commissioned
to refurbish the site for its new purpose. Since
its opening in the year 2000, the F-ábrica de
AR-tes y O-ficios de Oriente (Factory of Arts
and Crafts of the East) offers workshops to
around 1,700 children, youngsters and adults;
a library and internet access; film screenings
and other cultural activities – all free of
charge. It also holds huge concerts and youth-
oriented events for nearly 10,000 people at a
time. These events are known for their safety.
No major incidents have been reported, even
though the facilities sit in a high-crime area
with several opposing gangs active. Middle-
class young people are beginning to attend
these events regularly.
The FARO is located in the borough of
Iztapalapa, one of the poorest and troubled
areas of the Federal District, just a few blocks
from the city’s largest dump, in a popular
neighbourhood built over the dried-up
Texcoco Lake. The FARO has been described
as a socially inclusive and culturally alterna-
tive space, and although its ability to respond
to the lack of cultural facilities in the east of
the city is limited, this initiative, now being
reproduced in other parts of the city, hints at
the potential that social inclusion and cultural
production offer to revitalise cities.
8 THE RE-DENSIFICATION OF THE URBAN CORE:
BANDO DOS
In December 2000, the then Mayor Andrés
Manuel López Obrador issued Bando Dos
(Informative Decree 2), a policy initiative to
promote the re-densification of the Federal
District’s four core boroughs of Cuauhtémoc,
Miguel Hidalgo, Benito Juárez and
Venustiano Carranza and to curtail develop-
ment in peripheral zones, particularly those
with a high degree of environmental sensi-
tivity. The initiative responds to three main
concerns: population losses at the urban core
that generate conditions of underutilised
infrastructure; urban sprawl over land to be
preserved as green fields; and decreasing lev-
els of local water supply from within the met-
ropolitan area. From the 1970s onwards,
Mexico City experienced a gradual decline in
the population living in central zones and a
rapid expansion of peripheral neighbour-
hoods. Between 1970 and 2000, the four core
boroughs lost over one million residents and
their share of the city’s total population fell
from 73% in 1950 to 20% in 2000. At the same
time the city was progressively losing its
capacity to retain rain water to replenish its
| COORDINATOR : MELANIE FESSEL |
(4)
“W
aquifers due to the multiplication of impervi-
ous surfaces, increasing quantities of potable
water were being wasted because of leakages
through the overextended pipe system.
Stricter growth controls in outer bor-
oughs and a streamlined process to grant
building permits at the core are the two con-
crete policies announced by the Bando Dos.
In the five-year period since the initiative was
first implemented, the four core boroughs
have witnessed both a construction boom and
steep hikes in housing prices that have also
impacted on the rest of the metropolitan
housing market. There has also been a prolif-
eration of low-density subdivisions and gated
communities at the edges of the metropolitan
zone in the State of Mexico. Is the re-densifi-
cation of the core an achievement of the
Bando Dos or was it already underway before
the initiative? Are the negative metropolitan
dynamics unintended consequences of the
policy? There is a wide range of opinions from
both detractors and supporters of this contro-
versial re-densification initiative. The case
also illustrates wider debates on the relation-
ship between urban densities and housing
affordability, the need to consider the role of
design in re-densification initiatives, and the
limits of territorial policies in taming sprawl
when they are not implemented within wide
regional frameworks.
9 HOUSING IMPROVEMENT PROGRAMME
(PROGRAMA DE MEJORAMIENTO DE VIVIENDA- PMV)
The PMV dates back to 1998. It was jointly
designed by the city government and repre-
sentatives from the various NGOs from the
Habitat Coalition-Mexico to address the
acute housing problems of popular settle-
ments, which were originally informally
developed and cover more than half of the
metropolitan surface. The PMV grants loans
to low-income families living in the Federal
District (heads of household earning less than
US$ 600 per month) and it provides technical
assistance to programme participants con-
cerning design issues and spatial arrange-
ments within the housing unit. It was first
co-financed by the city’s administration and
NGOs and it has now been put under the
entire supervision of the Federal District’s
Housing Institute.
The PMV’s main objectives are to create
better living conditions for socially disadvan-
taged families; to deal with problems of over-
crowding; and to improve precarious, dam-
aged or at-risk housing units. The interven-
tions sponsored by the programme to reach
these goals include: expansion; improvement;
preventive, corrective or general mainte-
nance; new progressive housing, designed
for subsequent expansion; and new finished
units. Since 2001, around 62,417 loans have
been granted by this programme and it is
envisaged that by the end of 2006, the pro-
gramme will have organised almost 130,000
housing operations – while these figures fall
far below existing needs, the PMV represents
the largest public intervention to improve
housing conditions in popular settlements to
date. However, those who question the pro-
gramme focus on the quality of its implemen-
tation rather than on the scale that it has
achieved. The PMV has been critiqued for not
following up with loan recipients on building
details pertaining to their individual units
and even less on the positive effects that the
interventions could have on the physical
shape of their neighbourhoods. Their bottom
line is that the PMV has only accelerated
self-help construction without really solving
structural problems in the housing stock and
conditions of overcrowding.
City Interface | Mexico City p. 340
Havana
Cuba
Tool 1
Designing the Water
Environment | Public Infrastructure / Mobility

Tool 2
Heritage Protection
Governance | Governance/Policy

Tool 3
Zero Carbon Island
Social | Destruction/Reconstruction

p. 342
Infographic
Map of Havana Size Comparison: Zurich, CH - Havana, CU

Havana | City Proper 10km Havana | Metropolitan Area 20km

city proper urban footprint 5 10km

0
metropolitan urban agglomeration
area 10km 20km
Zurich | City Proper Zurich | Metropolitan Area

Data City proper | Metropolitan area

Population 2.1 mil. | 2.1 mil.
Area 730 km² | 730 km²
Density 2876 people / km²
GDP 40 bil. U.S. Dollar
Public
transport Parks, community
Car 2% gardens
22% 7% 3.6%

Walking
11% Cycling
50% Information Sources:
Google Earth, all Maps are North Oriented
United Nations, The World’s Cities in 2016, Chapter: What is a City?
Metropolitan World Atlas, Arjen van Susteren, Published by 010 Publishers, 2005
Transportation Unemployment Green Spaces

City Interface | Havana p. 344

Havana
Introduction (2)

Havana, La Habana, Cuba

Havana was founded in 1515 by the Spanish conqueror Diego Velázquez de Cuéllar. The
The City as a Factory: Shipping, Distribution, Transportation and Production
natural bay was beneficial for setting up a port that would supply the Spanish fleet on their Facilities and Factories, Bird’s Eye View, 1889
way to conquer more territory.
The harbor itself was exposed to the sea, which resulted in raids from pirates and corsairs,
as the trading port grew in popularity and ships from all over the world frequented the port
more often. To prevent the city from falling victim to those attacks, the government built its
fortification wall, today UNESCO protected heritage.
The picturesque and historical city center annually attracts over a million tourists. While
narrow streets and overhanging balconies facilitate the sightseeing tourism, the buildings
itself collapse due to a neglect of maintenance.
The citizens of Havana settled south-west of the bay, in the modern business district Vedado
and the adjacent suburban development.

Havana in History
(1)
View of the Historic Center of Havana, 1851, Now Protected by the UNESCO as a World Heritage

(3)

Map of Havana, 1851 Wall of Change, Havana, Lebbeus Woods, Project from Havana Wall of Change, Havana | Lebbeus Woods | Project from Havana
pinterest.com

Image Sources:
(1) http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/havana/havana-1851.jpg, 18.06.19
(2) http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/havana/havana-bay.jpg, 18.06.19
(3) pinterest.com

Havana, 1851 City Interface | Havana p. 346

www.latinamericanstudies.org
(4) (6)

Field Study Sitesy Deep Havana Deep Havana

Havana Summer School | Chair of Architecture and Urban Design

(5) Field Study Sitesy (7)

Havana Summer School | Chair of Architecture and Urban Design

Malecon, Havana Deep Havana

Image Sources: Deep Havana

(4) Havana Summer School | Chair of Architecture and Urban Design Havana Summer School | Chair of Architecture and Urban Design
(5) Havana Summer School | Chair of Architecture and Urban Design
(6) Havana Summer School | Chair of Architecture and Urban Design
(7) Havana Summer School | Chair of Architecture and Urban Design

City Interface | Havana p. 348

Tool 1
Relocation of primary port
Designing the Water (1)

ESG Factor: Environment

Thematic Cluster : Public Infrastructure / Mobility

Year : 2000‘s -

New Global Connectivity

Main stakeholders: Planning Authorities, Brazilian engineering company

Havana is a unique urban case study due to its particular historical moments that influenced
its development. Its strategic location in the Gulf of Mexico made Havana one of the most
important trading hubs of the Americas, a key node between the New and the Old World. At
the center of the city is Havana’s harbor. Through the centuries, it remained a crossroad of
cultural exchange, generating wealth and a cosmopolitan flavor. With the imposition of the
U.S. embargo in 1960, as well as the economic difficulties that followed the dissolution of the Relocation of Primary Port
Soviet bloc until 1990, made its international trade suffer immensely. The harbor transitioned
slowly into a vast area lined with vacant factories, abandoned piers, and rusted cranes. Relocation of Primary Port
ETH, Havana Summer School
(2)
In 2009 a new port was constructed in the Mariel area (free trade and development zone) on
areas in ruin
the western outskirt of the city by a Brazilian engineering company following an agreement
between Cuba and Brazil. The agreement required the Brazilian government to subsidize up
to $800 million of the project. The new port is meant to attract Cargo from the Panama Canal
and accommodate larger cargo ships than the current Havana Port can currently support. In
addition, the project is intended to attract foreign investment and act as a stop-over point
for cargo ships bound for the U.S. The project assumes its success with the recent lifting of U.S.
trade embargos.

The Port of Havana and the surrounding Havana Bay thus will be redefined by the relocation
of the port activities to the new Mariel port. Today, with the relocation of all industrial activities
to the newly opened port of Mariel on the outskirts of the city, and the U.S. blockade lifted, a
wealth of investment is being directed to the port of Havana presenting a new challenge for
this vast stretch of undeveloped land in the center of the city. Because the political system
means that the state owns all of the land, the direction of the development is up to the
governmental bodies. Struggling between globalization, modernization, and the country’s
revolutionary socialist tradition, an alternative solution to the global commercially driven
development is needed. As a potential, access to waterfronts is an opportunity for urban
development as shore areas, and riverbanks are designed frontiers due to challenges made
by climate change and other natural and humanmade factors.

The U-TT team, together with students, developed alternative architectural typologies and
inclusive urban visions for the port of Havanna, having in mind challenges of conventional
approaches to urban development characterized by privatization, fragmentation, and Port of Havana
gentrification.

The project activities included a proposition of architectural projects that react to the
Image Sources:
existing built legacy to absorb the influx of capital investment and connect the surrounding Port of Havana, today
(1) Havana Summer School | Chair of Architecture and Urban Design Bukard Roli
neighborhoods to the waterfront while generating an overall urban vision that tackles issues (2) Bukard Roli
related to tourism, infrastructure, preservation, environment, mobility, and natural resources.

City Interface | Havana p. 350

(3) (5)

Relocation of primary port

Bukard Roli Deep Havana Industries of Havana Harbour
Chair of Architecture and Urban Design

Port of Havana
N/A
(4) (6)

Mariel, New Cargo Port and Special Economic Zone Public Square, Port of Havana

Mariel, New Cargo Port and Special Economic Zone

ZED Mariel

Public Square, Port of Havana

Source: Claudia Castillo, Bahia de la Habana, Centrando una idea de Intervencion
Image Sources:
(3) n/a
(4) ZED Mariel
(5) Havana Summer School | Chair of Architecture and Urban Design
(6) Claudia Castillo, Bahia de la Habana, Centrando una Idea de Intervencion

City Interface | Havana p. 352

Tool 2
Heritage Protection (1)

ESG Factor: Governance

Thematic Cluster : Governance / Policy

Year : 1519 -

Unchanged Architectural Morphology

Main stakeholders: Planning Authorities, UNESCO

Founded about 1519 on Cuba’s north-western shore, Old Havana has maintained a remarkable
unity of character through its adherence to its original urban layout. Urban plazas surrounded
by many buildings of outstanding architectural merit and narrow streets lined with more
popular or traditional styles permeate the historic center of the city. Its overall sense of
architectural, historical and environmental continuity makes it the most impressive historic
city center in the Caribbean and one of the most notable in the American continent as a The Historic Centre of Havana
whole. With the establishment and development of the fleet system in the Spanish West Indies,
Havana in the second half of the 16th century became the largest port in the region, and in
the 18th century developed a complete dockyard in the New World, both of which necessitated (2)
military protection. The extensive network of defensive installations that was created between
the 16th and 19th century includes some of the oldest and largest stone fortifications now The Historic Centre of Havana
standing in the Americas. SYSTEM OF SQUARES
Chair of Architecture and Urban Design

PLAZAS OF METROPOLITAN LEVEL

The development and expansion of the city virtually came to a halt after the Cuban revolution INTERCONNECTION HUBS
in 1959. Therefore, the urban structures of the past have been conserved to a large extent. URBAN PARKS AND GARDENS
Havana mostly maintains an excellent spatial quality and represents a piece of urban heritage EDGE SHAFTS
worth preserving. Havana becomes a complex agglomeration of patterns from its central
COMMERCIAL AND SERVICE CORRIDORS
neighborhoods with heritage areas, in which use and density recreate its original lifestyle and
give a distinctly urban character.
SQUARES OF SCALE NEIGHBOURHOOD
STREETS OF SPECIAL INTEREST
All the necessary elements are located within the boundaries of Old Havana and express its
outstanding universal value, including Old Havana’s urban layout with its five large plazas HISTORIC CENTRE BOUNDARY
and its harmonious ensemble of architectural monuments and traditional-style popular
buildings from different periods in its history, and its extensive network of fortifications.
Because of the historical role played by building ordinances during the 19th and 20th centuries,
Old Havana’s urban and architectural morphology has remained virtually unchanged. The
city’s 214 hectares large historic center and its fortifications are of sufficient size to adequately
ensure the complete representation of the features and processes that convey the property’s
significance.

Havana represents a relevant case study to explore the interplay between history, architecture,
politics, and lifestyles, having in-situ the strategic condition of preservation by hibernation, the
neglect of existing building stock, and the UNESCO world heritage brand as an engine for local Main Squares and their Connections
identity and economy.

Main Squares and Their Connections

Image Sources: Chair of Architecture and Urban Design
(1) Chair of Architecture and Urban Design
(2) Chair of Architecture and Urban Design

City Interface | Havana p. 354

(3) (5)

Habana Vieja Visualization of the Plaza Vieja, Havana

Habana Vieja
N/A
Plaza Vieja, Habana
(4) (6) N/A

Centro Habana Proposal for Hotel Prado & Malecón, Havana

Image Sources:
(3) n/a
(4) n/a
(5) n/a
(6) n/a

City Interface | Havana p. 356

Centro Habana
N/A
Tool 3
Zero Carbon Island (1)
EXPANSION EXPANSION
ESG Factor: Social THROUGH ADDITION
The consequence of exterior modification
THROUGH COMPRESSION
The impact of interior modifications

Thematic Cluster : Destruction / Reconstruction

Year : 1959 -

Case Study of Barbacoas

Main stakeholders: Citizens

Havana displays a great number of variations of the urban square block; densities, block
and lot sizes, public green spaces and road profiles vary significantly. The former farmland
perimeter often defines the limitation of one grid. Private developers and landlords mostly
drove residential developments of the 19th and early 20th century. The former social
stratification of the city can easily be read by the grid layout and its density, but the Cuban
revolution overrode, to some extent, the coherence of the social level of its occupants. Squatted City

Due to a huge emigration of wealthy people after the Cuban revolution in 1959, notably
to Miami, the existing building stock of Havana was resettled and re-inhabited, or literally (2)
speaking, squatted. The term squatting is not entirely precise from the legal point of view, as
the exchange of population was executed under government control.
Squatted City
ETH Studio Basel
Large building structures, such as villas, were not only built upon and expanded but also
subdivided and thus turned into multi-family houses. Over the years this process generated its
own self-dynamic. For example, due to the lack of dwellings, vertical and horizontal subdivision
provoked the emergence of smaller and smaller architectural units within the existing build
volume. Such inverted architectural transformations in Havana are called Barbacoas.

Barbacoas are a particularly located in the older parts of Havana. Their high ground floors
were originally built for shops and warehouses. When owners and commerce left the area due
to structural changes and problems of access to transport, this space was used for housing.
Most Barbacoas lack proper ventilation. The lack of natural light is also a big issue. The access
is usually through stairs comparable to ladders. The construction is often made of unusual
materials, like plywood from old transport boxes, or even cardboard.

This situation is also a result of the connection to the Barbacoas’ illegal roots. It is the simplest,
fastest and cheapest way to make an expansion of a house. Therefore, Barbacoas are the
most common constructions in Havana to increase the indoor living space.(1)

Self-Built Transformations

Self-Built Transformations
Image Sources: Havana Summer School | Chair of Architecture and Urban Design
(1) ETH Studio Basel
(2) Havana Summer School | Chair of Architecture and Urban Design
(1) ETH Studio Basel. “Squatted City”. Kai Franz & Caroline Pachoud (ed.). Basel. 2007. Pp. 26-35, 38, 52, 68, 70.

City Interface | Havana p. 358

 SPLITTED HOUSE REFRACTUATED FLAT
From singular to duplex From multiple to myrios

(3) (5)

SPLITTED
SPLITTED HOUSE
SPLITTED
HOUSEHOUSE REFRACTUATED FLAT
REFRACTUATED
REFRACTUATED FLAT FLAT
From
From singular
From
singular to duplex
singular to duplex
to duplex From
From multiple
From to myrios
multiple
multiple to myrios
to myrios

BARBACOA PLACA
BARBACOA
“Cielo falso” - fake heaven Horizontal Independent
PLACA second floor
subdivision of a
“Cielo falso” room
- fake heaven Horizontal Independent second floor
Squatted City
subdivision of a room ETH Studio Basel
Squatted City Barbacoa

(4) (6) Barbacoa

Havana Summer School | Chair of Architecture and Urban Design

BARBACOA
BARBACOA
BARBACOA
BARBACOA PLACA
PLACA
PLACA
PLACA
“Cielo
“Cielo
“Cielo falso”
“Cielo
falso”
falso” --fake
falso”
- fakefake heaven
-heaven
fake Horizontal
heaven
heaven Horizontal
Horizontal
Horizontal Independent
Independent
Independent second
Independent
second
second floor
second
floor floor
floor
subdivision
subdivision
subdivision
subdivisionofofof
aa aof
roomroom
a room
room
Squatted
Squatted City City
Squatted
City
ETH Studio
ETHBasel
Studio Basel
ETH Studio Basel

Squatted City
Squatted City
ETH Studio Basel
ETH Studio Basel
Squatted City Reusing the Space of the Broken Down Buildings

Image Sources:
(3) ETH Studio Basel Reusing the space of the broken down buildings
(4) ETH Studio Basel Havana Summer School | Chair of Architecture and Urban Design
(5) Havana Summer School | Chair of Architecture and Urban Design
(6) Havana Summer School | Chair of Architecture and Urban Design

Squatted
Squatted
Squatted
CityCity City
Squatted
City
ETHStudio
ETHETH Studio
ETH
Studio Basel Basel
Studio
Basel
Basel City Interface | Havana p. 360
Exercise
Havana
Tool : Heritage Protection

Havanna represents a case of special interest for urban research; the development and expansion of the
city virtually came to a halt after the Cuban revolution in 1959. Therefore, the urban structures of the
past have been conserved to a large extent. The compact urban fabric of Havanna conserves low rise
buildings, colonial facades, wide plazas and narrow streets.
1. Sketch a section of Havanna, marked on the red line.*
2. In contrast to Havanna, New York is characterized by rapid growth and different types of urban
densities and it also includes high rise buildings, block structures and a strict grid. Draw also a section
of New York City.*
*Consider the following elements: scale, density, topography, building types, infrastructure,
open space, elevations, etc. Both pictures have the same scale.

2.

Plaza Vieja | Havana | Cuba Midtown | New York City | U.S.A.

1. 2.

City Interface | Havana p. 362

Reading
Havana

City Interface | Havana p. 364

City Interface | Havana p. 366
City Interface | Havana p. 368
City Interface | Havana p. 370
Tool1
Planning the (1)

Metropolitan Area
Stadt Zurich (Kerngemeinde)
VorortsgOrtel
ErsterVorortsgurtel (Volksziihlung 1950)

ESG Factor: Governance

ZweiterVorortsgOrtel (Volksziihlung 1960)
DritterVorortsgurte( (Volksziihlung 1970)
VierterVorortsgurtel (Volksziihlung 1980)
Thematic Cluster: Governance/ Policy - FunfterVorortsgurtel (Volksziihlung 1990)
- SechsterVorortsgOrtel (Volksziihlung 2000)
Year: 1900's

Strive for a City for All

Main stakeholders: Planning Authorities on federal, cantonal and municipal
levels, universities, planning offices

The first railway line in Switzerland, the so-called "Spanischbrotlibahn" was inaugurated in
1847, connecting Zurich with Baden. It meant the starting point of the rise of Zurich as the
commercial capital of Switzerland. The heavy industrialization pushed by entrepreneurs such
as Alfred Escher, the founder of the machine factory "Escher-Wyss," accelerated the urban
growth of Zurich. In 1893 and 1934 the city borders were extended by incorporating formerly
independent municipalities (="Eingemeindungen"). The administrative borders of Zurich have Areal Growth ofthe Agglomeration ofZurich according to the Definition ofthe termAg91omerrrt1on by the Bundesamt furStat:istik

not changed since, but nowadays the urban agglomeration and its footprint reach out far
away beyond the administrative boundaries. Another round of incorporations seems at this
moment politically impossible. Still, large parts of Switzerland appear today as one continuous (2)
urban fabric. This circumstance requires new ways of thinking about how the country's
urban landscape and infrastructure should be treated, including new policies and forms of
collaboration between the municipalities.

In the mid-1960s the task of how to plan, manage and use land, emerged as a national
issue in Switzerland. In 1969 the first federal law on spatial planning was ratified formulating
the strategy that land has to be managed economically and that national, cantonal and
municipal planning authorities have to synchronize their policies. The campaign to construct
new highway routes since the 1950s and through the inauguration of Zurich's urban railway
(=S-Bahn) network in 1990, resulted in a polycentric metropolitan region. The densification hubs
around the train stations became sub-centers with important social and economic functions.

A holistic understanding and a public dialogue of Switzerland's urban landscape started only
in the last decade, resulting in new urban research works such as ETH Studio Basel "Urban
portrait of Switzerland" as well as new urban and spatial policies and legal frameworks.
The most important are the new spatial planning law (=Raumplanungsgesetz) and the new
"Spatial concept for Switzerland" developed by the Federal spatial planning office. Building
upon that, the U-TT team developed a program focused on designing a software platform to
synthesize possible future urban scenarios for the whole of Switzerland as part of the SwissAIM
project. Through dynamic modeling of urban structures, landscapes, demographics, energy,
resources, and socio-economic conditions, the project is characterized by a holistic fusion of
urban knowledge, big-data, and sophisticated analytics. This tool supports planners, urban
designers, architects, landscape designers, and engineers with realizable and practical visions
to help the design process and visualize new urban and infrastructural concepts.

Image Sources:
(1) Unknown
(2) Unknown

City Interface I Zurich p.382