Folk Song and The Construction

INFORMATION TO USERS
This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films
the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and
dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of
computer printer.
The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the

copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations
and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper
alignment can adversely affect reproduction.
In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript
and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized
copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion.
Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by

sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing
from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps.
Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced

xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white
photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing
in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order.
ProQuest Information and Learning

300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 USA
800-521-0600
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
ABSTRACT
Tide of Dissertation: FOLK SONG AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF GREEK
NATIONAL MUSIC: WRITINGS AND
COMPOSITIONS OF GEORGIOS LAMBELET,
MANOLIS KALOMIRIS, AND
YANNIS CONSTANTINIDIS
Bliss Sheryl Little, Doctor of Philosophy, 2001
Dissertation directed by: Professor Shelley G. Davis

School of Music
My dissertation examines the relationship between the construction o f a national
identity in Greece and the corresponding construction of a “national” music. It focuses
on the vital role that Greek folk song played in this process during the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries. Specifically, I discuss folk song’s contribution to the development of
Greek national identity and art music in three areas: 1) as a political tool in constructing
a national identity; 2) as the defining element in music and essays by Greek composers;
and 3) as the structural basis for the compositions of Yannis Constantinidis.
Drawing on the work of anthropologists, sociologists, and musicologists, I
provide a historical context for the construction of modem Greek identity. I also explore
the manifestation o f cultural dualism in Greek language, music, and dance, and examine
how Greek folk song and dance were used to legitimize claims o f cultural continuity,
support political goals of irredentism, and serve as representations of national character.
Folk song served as the philosophical and musical foundation in the construction
o f Greek “national” music. After exploring representations o f Greek musical history in
the twentieth century, I provide an overview o f Greek music during the last two hundred
years, examine the theoretical writings of three national composers, and give a broader
picture o f the contributions and repertoire of national composers. 1 discuss the
controversial issue of the harmonization of Greek folk song from my analyses of essays
by the composers, folk song collections and arrangements, scores, and recordings.
As a reflection of the cultural dualism of Greek national identity, the works of
Georgios Lambelet, Manolis Kalomiris, and Yannis Constantinidis are crucial for
understanding the aesthetic, social, and political interrelationships in Greece and Europe.
Constantinidis employed a new approach to the composition o f national music, based
almost entirely on the parameters of Greek traditional music. Critical reviews of
performances and analyses of Constantinidis’ orchestral works foster an understanding of
the composer’s style and his particular approach to Greek traditional music. His music,
and that of his colleagues, provided an important mechanism for constructing Greek
national identity.
FOLK SONG AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF GREEK NATIONAL MUSIC:
WRITINGS AND COMPOSITIONS OF GEORGIOS LAMBELET,
MANOLIS KALOMIRIS, AND YANNIS CONSTANTINIDIS
by
Bliss Sheryl Little
Dissertation submitted to the Faculty o f the Graduate School o f the

University of Maryland, College Park in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
2001
Advisory Committee:
Professor Shelley G. Davis, Chair

Professor Robert L. Gibson
Professor Regina Harrison
Professor Carolina Robertson
Professor Susana Salgado
UMI Number 3024942
Copyright 2001 by
Little, Bliss Sheryl
All rights reserved.
__ ®
UMI
UMI Microform 3024942
Copyright 2001 by Beil & Howell Information and Learning Company.
All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.
Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company

300 North Zeeb Road
P.O. Box 1346
Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346
©Copyright by
Bliss Sheryl Little
2001
PREFACE
This dissertation evolved from a fascination with Greek music and culture that
began in 1980, when I first lived in Athens. In the process o f writing my master’s thesis
on the symphonies o f Manolis Kalomiris, I came to realize the significant influence of
Kalomiris and other “national school” composers on twentieth-century Greek musical
life. My appreciation for Greek traditional music was fostered by subsequent trips to
Greece during the 1980s and early 1990s and through contact with Professor Markos
Dragoumis and the Center for Asia Minor Studies in Athens. All of these factors led to
this project, which focuses on the construction of a national music and its relationship to
Greek folk song.
The generous funding of a Fulbright-Hays Fellowship for Doctoral Dissertation
Abroad provided the opportunity to spend a year in Greece and obtain the materials
needed for this project. My thanks go to William R. Ammerman, Executive Director of
the Fulbright Program in Greece, and his staff for their support. I am especially grateful
to George Leotsakos, who placed his private library at my disposal and patiently
answered my many questions. Special thanks also to Professor Lambros Liavas for
providing materials from the Constantinidis Archive, to Myrto Economidou and
Philippos Tsalahouris o f the Kalomiris Society, and to Aris Bazmadelis at the Aristotle
University of Thessaloniki. I am grateful to C. Papagrigoriou-H. Nakas music
publishers and the Kalomiris Society for permission to reproduce excerpts from music
by Constantinidis and Kalomiris. I also thank Mary Pittas, Rena Pappas, and
Constantinos Danos for their assistance with translations and to Gene Valentine and
ii
Haris and Dora Anastasiou for helping me elucidate some o f the more difficult
passages.
I should like to extend my heartfelt and sincere appreciation to Professor Shelley
G. Davis for his expert guidance throughout the project, as well as to the other members
o f my committee, Professors Robert L. Gibson, Regina Harrison, Carolina Robertson,
and Susana Salgado. The Kapelouzos and Anthes families in Athens are always in my
thoughts for their encouragement and friendship. Finally, but foremost, I wish to thank
my parents, family, friends, and especially my husband, Benjamin Broome, all o f whom
have supported me in countless ways throughout this challenging and ultimately most
rewarding process.
Notes on Translations, Transliterations, and Musical Symbols
Because I have not used Greek characters in the main text o f this dissertation, I
have chosen a form of transliteration that is a modified phonetic system. Modem
Greek, however, is not highly standardized, and there are often several equally viable
spellings and transliterations of words and proper names. In most instances, I have used
common, latinized forms of Greek proper (personal or place) names.
All translations from Greek sources are my own, and I take full responsibility
for any inaccuracies that may appear. The bulk o f the translation was done in Athens
and at the University of Maryland, where I worked under the supervision o f native
Greek speakers. Constantinos Danos provided the translation of the song texts in
Appendix C, to which I made further editorial changes. In these translations, we have
sought to be literal, rather than literary. Throughout the text, transliterated Greek words
are italicized, and English translations o f Greek words and sources are placed in
iii
brackets. I have capitalized the names of Greek dances only when they bear the title of
a movement of a musical work.
Names of modes, as well as letter names of the musical scale have been
capitalized. Although the harmony used by composers is largely “nonfunctional,” I
have used lowercase letters and Roman numerals for minor or diminished sonorities and
uppercase for major or augmented in analytical descriptions and musical examples. I
use Arabic numbers for scale degrees. Lowercase italicized letters are used for the
phrase structure of folk melodies, while uppercase letters indicate the form of a section
or movement. Not to be confused with Western chromaticism, chromatic modes of
Greek folk music refer to scales with two chromatic tetrachords, each containing the
interval of an augmented second. The double chromatic mode has two chromatic
tetrachords, separated by a whole tone, with an identical pattern: minor second,
augmented second, minor second.
In the “Gypsy” chromatic mode, the augmented second falls between the third and
fourth scale degrees; thus, the two tetrachords are not symmetrical and are only
separated by a half step.
iv
Mixed modes contain one chromatic and one diatonic tetrachord joined either
conjunctly or disjunctly. Although many combinations are possible, the most common
mixed modes consist of a lower chromatic tetrachord and an upper tetrachord of the
Dorian or Aeolian mode.
Aeolian
tetrachord Dorian Aeolian
chromatic gypsy
tetrachord tetrachord 8ypsy
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface ii
Table of Contents vi
List o f Figures vii
List o f Musical Examples viii
Chapter One: Introduction 1
Chapter Two: Folk Song and the Construction of a Modem Greek Identity 16
Chapter Three: Folk Song and the Construction of Greek National Music 60
Chapter Four: Constantinidis, Folk Music, and Greek Identity 168
Chapter Five: Conclusion 244
Appendix A: Figures 252
Appendix B: Musical Examples 271
Appendix C: Texts and Translations 332
Bibliography 358
vi
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. National Composers in Greece 252
Figure 2. Works of Yannis Constantinidis (Compiled by Lambros Liavas) 253
Figure 3. Constantinidis, 6 Studies on Greek Folk Rhythms, Structure 254
Figure 4. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. 2, Structure 255
Figure 5. Constantinidis, Three Greek Dances, Structure 256
Figure 6. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. 1, Structure 257
Figure 7. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. 1, First Movement 258
Figure 8. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. 1, Sixth Movement 259
Figure 9. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. 1, Second Movement 260
Figure 10. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. I, Third Movement 261
Figure 11. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. I, Fourth Movement 262
Figure 12. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. I, Fifth Movement 263
Figure 13. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Constantinidis’ Structural Plan 264
Figure 14. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Structure 265
Figure 15. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Prelude 266
Figure 16. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Ostinato 267
Figure 17. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Intermezzo 268
Figure 18. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Finale, First Part 269
Figure 19. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Finale, Second Part 270
vii
MUSICAL EXAMPLES
Example 1. Bourgault-Ducoudray, “Ma ti to theP i manna sou,” mm. 1-28. 271
Example 2. Kalomiris, “Mi me tyragnis ke kleo,” mm. 1-18. 273
Example 3. Constantinidis, “Ma ti to theP i manna sou,” mm. 1-24. 274
Example 4. Kalomiris, O Protomastoras, Act I, “The Bridge of Arta.” 276
Example 5. Bourgault-Ducoudray, “Aide kimisou kori mou.” 278
Example 6. Lambelet, “Aide kimisou kori mou,” mm. l-l 1. 280
Example 7. Kalomiris, “Aide kimisou kori mou,” mm. 1-10. 281
Example 8. Kalomiris, Mother's Ring, Act I, Lullaby. 282
Example 9. Kalomiris, Symphony No. 2, Second Movement, m. 71. 284
Example 10. Kalomiris, Symphony No. 1, Third Movement, mm. 238-49. 284
Example 11. Kalomiris, Symphony No. 1, Second Movement, mm. 1-11. 285
Example 12. Kalomiris, Symphony No. 1, Third Movement, mm. 16-25. 287
Example 13. Kalomiris, Magic Herbs, Prelude. 289
Example 14. Kalomiris, O Protomastoras, leitmotif for Protomastoras. 291
Example 15. Constantinidis, 8 Greek Island Dances, Allegretto con grazia,

mm. 1-20. 292
Example 16. Constantinidis, Three Greek Dances, Syrtos, mm. 40-47. 293
Example 17. Constantinidis, 5 Songs o f Expectation, “Konda mou irthe

ke kathise” [He Came and Sat by Me], mm. 18-26. 294
Example 18. Constantinidis, 6 Studies on Greek Folk Rhythms, Prelude,

mm. 1-15. 295
Example 19. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite Mo. I, First Movement,

mm. 1-15. 296
Example 20. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. /, First Movement,
mm. 31-41. 300
Example 21. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. I, Sixth Movement,

mm. 1-13. 303

mm. 23-27. 305

mm. 52-64. 306
Example 24. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Prelude, mm. 1-14. 308
Example 25. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Prelude, mm. 27-43. 311
Example 26. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Ostinato, mm. 52-66. 315
Example 27. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Intermezzo, mm. 9-18. 318
Example 28. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Intermezzo, mm. 59-70. 320
Example 29. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Finale, mm. 1-16. 322
ix
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
We are the descendants of Greeks...we must either try to become again worthy o f this
name, or we must not bear it.
Adamantios Korais, 18031
The crisis of identity constitutes the central problem of neo-Hellenic society, the
fundamental element of contemporary Hellenism, and the axis around which our
modem history revolves.
D. G. Tsaousis, 19832
My dissertation examines the relationship between the construction of a national
identity in Greece and the corresponding construction of a “national” music. It focuses
on the vital role that Greek folk song played in this process during the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries. Specifically, I discuss folk song’s contribution to the development
of Greek national identity and art music in three areas: 1) as a political tool in
constructing a national identity; 2) as the defining element in music and essays by
Greek composers; and 3) as the structural basis for the compositions o f Yannis
Constantinidis.
Drawing on the work of anthropologists, sociologists, and political scientists, I
provide a historical context for the construction of modem Greek identity in Chapter
Two. I examine the study of Greek identity in terms of binary oppositions and situate
'Quoted in Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the

Origin and Spread o f Nationalism (New York: Verso, 1983; revised ed., 1991), 72.
2Quoted in James D. Faubion, Modem Greek Lessons: A Primer in Historical

Constructivism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 138.
these images in the historical past. I also explore the manifestation o f cultural dualism
in Greek language, music, dance, and discuss the ways that Greek folk song and dance
were used to legitimize claims o f cultural continuity, support political goals of
irredentism, and serve as representations of national character.
In Chapter Three, I discuss the construction of Greek “national” music and the
centrality o f folk song as its philosophical and musical foundation. First, I confront the
assumptions and representations of Greek musical history in the twentieth century.
Informed by the small body of literature on modem Greek music and extant articles by
composers, I provide an overview o f Greek music during the last two centuries and the
writings o f three composers who were associated with national music. These writings
reveal the extent to which composers closely mirrored the prevalent national ideology
o f their time, and they give insights into Greek identity vis-a-vis the ancient past and the
“East.” I discuss the controversial issue of the harmonization of Greek folk song from
my analyses of essays by the composers, folk song collections and arrangements,
scores, and recordings. Finally, I give a portrait of the careers, contributions, and
repertoire of eighteen “national” composers, generally considered the most
representative by Greek musicologists.
In Chapter Four, I demonstrate that Yannis Constantinidis employed a new
approach to the composition o f “national” music, one based almost entirely on the
parameters of Greek traditional music. I present critical reviews of the performances of
Constantinidis’ orchestral works and show that critics favorably compared him to other
Greek national composers. Analyses of two of Constantinidis’ works illuminate these
perceptions o f Greek critics and afford an understanding o f the composer’s style and his
specific approach to Greek traditional music. Finally, I discuss Constantinidis’ use of
musical quotation and specific folk song genres, and show how he observes and
manipulates the modal, rhythmic, harmonic, timbral, and structural aspects of folk
music within the larger context of a symphonic composition.
To foster proper understanding of the development o f Greek national identity
and national music, I begin by examining the broader issues of national identity,
nationalism, and music nationalism in Europe in the nineteenth century.
National Identity and Nationalism
The large body of scholarly literature on national identity and nationalism has
approached these concepts from various philosophical perspectives. Scholars have
attempted to define essential terms, such as nation, state, nationalism, ethnic identity,
and culture, but there is considerable debate on the interpretation of these concepts.
There is general agreement that national identity is a Western construction or
conception that is inextricably linked to the formation o f modem nation-states in
Europe. This gradual process, spurred by the ideas of the Enlightenment and the French
Revolution as well as by the development of new economic structures, involved the
“transformation of diverse peoples inhabiting a given territory into the single people of
a nation.”3
Anthropological approaches to the study of ethnic identity, and by extension,
national identity, have traditionally defined ethnic groups or nations by their common
3Anastasia N. Karakasidou, Fields o f Wheal, Hills o f Blood'. Passages to

Nationhood in Greek Macedonia 1870-1990 (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press,
1997), 18.
traits, such as origin, descent, history, language, and culture. Though sociologist
Anthony D. Smith considers national identity an abstract and multi-dimensional
concept, involving a “political community” and a “definite social space,” he focuses on
five fundamental elements that are shared among the members of that community. He
defines the nation as “a named human population sharing an historic territory, common
myths and historical memories, a mass, public culture, a common economy and
common legal rights and duties for all members.” The nation signifies a “cultural and
political bond,” whereas the state refers to “public institutions, differentiated from and
autonomous of, other social institutions and exercising a monopoly o f coercion and
extraction within a given territory.” 4 Similarly, Hugh Seton-Watson defines a nation as
“a community of people, whose members are bound together by a sense of solidarity, a
common culture, a national consciousness.” The state, on the other hand, is “a legal and
political organization with the power to require obedience and loyalty from its
citizens.”5
Smith postulates two models of the nation but acknowledges that every case of
nationalism combines elements from each of these in varying degrees and forms. He
makes a distinction between the Western or “civic” model o f the nation and the non-
Westem or “ethnic” concept of the nation, more closely associated with Eastern Europe
and Asia. The “civic” model emphasizes a spatial or territorial conception of homeland,
4Anthony D. Smith, National Identity (New York: Penguin Books, 1991; reprint,
Reno, NV: University ofNevada Press, 1993), 14-15.
sHugh Seton-Watson, Nations and States (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1977),
1.
the idea o f a legal-political community and equality among its members, and a common
civic culture and ideology, whereas the “ethnic” model stresses common descent,
popular mobilization, and vernacular languages, customs and traditions. Smith’s two
models help explain the cultural dualism inherent in the formation o f the Greek nation
state. In Greece, the nation was perceived as both a historic territory and a community
that traced its common descent from the ancient Hellenes, and the people of “Greater
Greece” were the object o f nationalist aspirations. Public education had a significant
role in imposing a national culture, while linguistic and ethnographic research into folk
culture and demotic song “creat[ed] a widespread awareness o f the myths, history, and
linguistic traditions of the community, [and] succeeded in substantiating and
crystallizing the idea o f an ethnic nation in the minds o f most members.”6
Other scholars offer additional perspectives on the topic. Fredrik Barth rejected
earlier essentialist notions o f ethnic identity and declared that its critical feature was
“the characteristic of self-ascription and ascription by others.” Barth’s situational
approach to identity emphasizes the individual’s choice in the adoption of a particular
national identity, even though there may be considerable pressure from the state to
impose one.7 Ernest Gellner draws upon Barth’s idea in one of his definitions o f nation:
Two men are of the same nation if and only if they recognize each other
as belonging to the same nation. In other words, nations maketh man;
nations are the artefacts of men’s convictions and loyalties and
solidarities... .It is their recognition of each other as fellows o f this kind
6Ibid., 9-12.
7Fredrik Barth, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries (Boston: Little, Brown, 1969),
10-13; quoted in Loring M. Danforth, The Macedonian Conflict: Ethnic Nationalism in
a Transnational World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 198.
which turns them into a nation, and not the other shared attributes,
whatever they might be, which separate that category from non
members.8
For Benedict Anderson the nation is “an imagined political community - and
imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign.”9 A critical feature o f the
emergence of the modem nation was its “community o f anonymity,” which enables
citizens to identify with one another in a common allegiance to the nation. Anderson
emphasizes the role o f literacy and print capitalism in this process, arguing that they
allowed people to imagine a community of nations.
Gellner defines nationalism in terms o f political and national congruence. He
explains: “Nationalism is a theory of political legitimacy, which requires that ethnic
boundaries should not cut across political ones, and, in particular, that ethnic boundaries
within a given state.. .should not separate the power-holders from the rest.” Gellner
also describes nationalism as “a very distinctive species of patriotism,” that can only
thrive under “certain social conditions.” “Homogeneity, literacy, anonymity are the key
traits.” 10
As an ideological movement, nationalism emerged as a central political force in
the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in Europe. The goal of nationalist
movements was to create a state, “a territorially bounded political unit,” out o f a nation,
“a homogeneous cultural community.” The nation-state is a result of a successful
8Emest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press,
1983), 7.
9Anderson, Imagined Communities, 6.
10Gellner, Nations and Nationalism, 1,138.
nationalist movement; thus, the state has the same political boundaries and homogeneity
o f the population as the nation.11 Partha Chatterjee writes that nationalism “allows for a
central role of the state in the modernization o f society and strongly defends the state’s
unity and solidarity.”12 Smith broadens the definition of nationalism by defining it as “a
form o f culture - an ideology, language, mythology, symbolism and consciousness -
that has achieved global resonance, and the nation is a type o f identity whose meaning
and priority is presupposed by this form o f culture.” 13
One of the most prevalent assumptions of nationalist ideology and subsequent
historiography was the idea of “national awakening.” This view claimed that the
“nation,” defined as “a community of culture and social sentiments,” preceded the
state.14 The idea can be traced to the writings of Johann Gottfried von Herder (1744-
1803), who believed that “every nation was an organic entity with its own native
cultural institutions and pure spirit that are best reflected in the folk poetry of the
peasants. If a nation is to seek political sovereignty, it must find its pure spirit and build
its future on the cultural traditions of the past.”15 Therefore, folklore and language
contain the essence of a people’s identity. Balkan nationalists appropriated Herder’s
MDanforth, The Macedonian Conflict, 14.
12Partha Chatteijee, The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial
Histories (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 10.
13Smith, National Identity, 91-92.
14Paschalis M. Kitromilides, “‘Imagined Communities’ and the Origins o f the

National Question in the Balkans,” European History Quarterly 19, no. 2 (April 1989):
150.
15Carol Silverman, “Reconstructing Folklore: Media and Cultural Policy in

Eastern Europe,” Communication 11 (1989): 141.
ideas to legitimize their political goals and sought to establish uninterrupted cultural and
national continuities with their glorious past. Liah Greenfield deconstructs the myth of
“national awakening” by arguing that because national identity is a matter o f self
ascription, it either “exists or it does not; it cannot be asleep and then be awakened.”16
Nationalism also assumes that national identities are natural and static. Loring
M. Danforth aptly summarizes this perspective: “In nationalist ideologies, national
identity is reified and essentialized; it is defined, not as something situational, which is
constantly constructed and negotiated, but as something innate and permanent, which
constitutes a natural or spiritual essence often identified with a person’s blood or
soul.” 17 This way of thinking dictates that in order to be a member of the Greek nation,
one needs to have Greek parents or “Greek blood,” and be “Greek in spirit.” Danforth
argues, however, that “national identities are not biologically given, they are socially
constructed.” 18 Homi K. Bhabha discloses another paradox of nationalism, by showing
that homogeneity and heterogeneity coexist simultaneously in nationalist narrative,
“sliding ambivalently from one enunciatory position to another.”19 This attempt to
l6Liah Greenfield, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity (Cambridge, MA:

Harvard University Press, 1992), 13; quoted in Danforth, The Macedonian Conflict, 15.
17Danforth, The Macedonian Conflict, 109.
18Ibid„ 110,231.
l9Homi K. Bhabha, The Location o f Culture (New York: Routledge, 1994;

reprint, 1995), 147.
present a unified homogenous nation conflicts with the maintenance of hierarchies of
class and culture, which the dominant classes need, but deny.20
Gellner joins others in exposing the fabrications of nationalism by contending:
“Nations as a natural, God-given way o f classifying men, as an inherent though long-
delayed political destiny, are a myth; nationalism, which sometimes takes pre-existing
cultures and turns them into nations, sometimes invents them, and often obliterates pre
existing cultures: that is a reality, for better or worse, and in general an inescapable
one.”21 Like Gellner, E. J. Hobsbawm argues that nationalism and states create nations
and also stresses the role o f “artefact, invention and social engineering” in the making
of nations.”22 In Greece, as in other nation-states, nationalism has continued to be a
potent force to cultivate the homogeneity of the nation and mass loyalty to the state.
Several other scholars have proposed approaches that allow for more flexibility
and interplay between the constructs o f nation, state, and nationalism. Anastasia
7T
Karakasidou argues: “nationalism creates and transforms the nation, simultaneously.”
Danforth’s approach is similar, stressing the dialectical relationship between nation and
state. “It is not nations that make states, nor states that make nations. The state clearly
participates in the process of building the nation, but the nation, as a reality and an
20Peter Wade, Music, Race, and Nation: Musica tropical in Colombia (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 2000), 5.
71
Gellner, Nations and Nationalism, 48-49.
Ê . J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth,

Reality (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990; 2nd ed., 1992), 10.
^Karakasidou, Fields o f Wheat, 26.
ideal, plays an equally important part in the process of creating the state.”24 Such
approaches, emphasizing the fluidity of national identity and its changing relationship to
other groups, clearly challenge the tenets of nationalist ideologies and their claims of
the cultural and ethnic homogeneity o f the nation. They support Joane Nagel’s
conception of identity as a social construction whose existence and meaning “are
continuously negotiated, revised and revitalized, both by ethnic group members
themselves as well as by outside observers.”25
Nationalism in Music26
Music nationalism has generally been associated with the nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries, with composers who were from areas on the “periphery” of Europe
(or beyond), and with the quotation of folk music, the use o f a folklike style, or
programmatic elements that were national in origin. This definition rests on the
assumption that the central tradition of Western art music came from Germany, France
and Italy. The label “peripheral” implies an opposition to the universal or international
24Danforth, The Macedonian Conflict, 16.
25Joane Nagel, “Constructing Ethnicity: Creating and Recreating Ethnic Identity

and Culture,” Social Problems 41 (1994): 153; quoted in Danforth, The Macedonian
Conflict, 198-99.
26This historical overview has drawn upon the following sources: The New
Grove II Dictionary o f Music and Musicians, s.v. “Nationalism,” by Richard Taruskin;
Leon Plantinga, Romantic Music: A History o f Musical Style in Nineteenth-Century
Europe (New York: W. W. Norton, 1984); Friedrich Blume, Classic and Romantic
Music: A Comprehensive Survey, trans. M. D. Herter Norton (New York: W. W.
Norton, 1970); and Glenn Watkins, Soundings: Music in the Twentieth Century (New
York: Schirmer Books, 1988).
10
character of mainstream European music, automatically giving “national” composers an
inferior status in the canon.27
Herder’s theory of a unique or authentic collective spirit of a people and its
manifestation in language and folklore had a pronounced effect on musical thought and
composition throughout Europe. In late eighteenth-century Germany, Herder’s
influence was made manifest by a greater use o f stereotyped local color in both
instrumental and vocal music, particularly opera buffa, where it was associated with the
peasantry and had a comic nature. A proliferation of published folklore also provided
material for composers, especially for lieder, and helped to raise the national
consciousness of various ethnic groups. In the nineteenth century, German instrumental
music became the universal standard, assuming the values o f “pure spirituality and
inwardness” derived from the “folk” that German Romantics had projected on music
itself.28
Musical nationalism in France was characterized by a preference for vocal
music and large forces, as in Parisian grand opera and the orchestral compositions of
Berlioz. In the 1870s, compositions by Camille Saint-Saens and his followers, written
to contest German absolute music, provoked a reaction that eventually led to a set of
27According to Taruskin, “there was no greater nationalist in nineteenth-century

music than Wagner - unless it was Verdi.” Richard Taruskin, “Some Thoughts on the
History and Historiography of Russian Music,” Journal o f Musicology 3, no. 4 (1984):
329. Music, particularly opera, has often been appropriated as a political tool o f the
state or of nationalist ideology. For an account o f the mechanism and goals o f state
intervention in the opera, see Jane Fulcher, The Nation’s Image: French Grand Opera
as Politics and Politicized Art (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987).
n The New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and Musicians, s.v. “Nationalism,” by

Richard Taruskin.
11
“national characteristics,” recognized as distinctively French. Composers looked to
their classical past, especially to Rameau, to find these qualities, deliberately
constructed against German romantic virtues.
The development of music nationalism in Russia profoundly influenced
composers in other countries, including Greece. Since modem national consciousness
emerged as a consequence o f “westernization” through the cosmopolitan urban elite,
Taruskin argues that all composers and participants were members o f the
“westernizing” faction, not merely those who were perceived as writing national
music.29 This westernization began in the eighteenth century, when Empress Anne
(reigned 1730-40) established a precedent o f importing foreign art music (Italian opera)
for the court’s entertainment. As was later the case in Greece, the aristocracy did not
support indigenous artistic productivity, since foreign imports enhanced the country’s
image and prestige abroad. Instrumental music, the most prestigious genre in Europe,
became established in Russia through the founding of an orchestra and two
conservatories. Anton Rubinstein’s plan, however, to import German musicians and
teachers created a nationalistic furor and a schism between the “national” composers of
Glinka’s generation and the “nationalists” of Balakirev’s.
The collection and publication of folk song in Russia also made the oral
tradition available to composers and the educated elite and raised an awareness of “the
people.” By contrast, Glinka used a more international style and rarely made reference
29As Taruskin notes, for either Slavophile or Westemizer, “once one is writing,
say, for the symphony orchestra, the basic acceptance o f and commitment to the
musical Europeanization of Russia has been made.” Taruskin, “Some Thoughts on the
History,” 333.
12
to the Russian folk tradition in his music. Though it served as a “document o f the
official nationalism” and used an invented folklike style, Glinka’s opera, A Life fo r the
Tsar, was musically progressive and elevated Russian music to a new level and
prestige. Glinka’s work Kamarinskaya (1848), based on folk materials, became a
model for all Russian music that aspired to be “authentic” and “national.”30 Its
significance lay “in its fortuitous yet symbiotic fusion of national thematic material and
sui generis form.”31
Balakirev attempted to establish a genre and a national “school” through his two
overtures on Russian themes. The first overture drew from extant anthologies, while
the second used folk melodies he himself had collected and would later publish. Unlike
Glinka’s work, Balakirev used “German” formal organization (symphonic allegro with
introduction), as a means of legitimizing his work and acquiring stature. As Taruskin
points out, “the impulse to write an imposing symphonic work based on Russian folk
songs was as much a Westernizing impulse as a nationalistic one.” In Balakirev’s
anthology o f folk songs (1865-66), he introduced a new style of “modal”
harmonization, one that preserved the diatonic purity of the minor mode, possessed the
quality of tonal “mutability,” and avoided dominant harmony.32 Although the
distinctive harmonic style of these settings was Balakirev’s own invention, they were
20The New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and Musicians, s.v. “Nationalism,” by

Richard Taruskin.
31Taruskin, Defining Russia Musically (Princeton: Princeton University Press,

1997), 122.
32Mily Alekseyevich Balakirev, Sbornik russkikh narodnykh piesen [Collection

of Russian Folksongs] (St. Petersburg: A. Iogansen, [1866?]).
13
perceived as generically “Russian.” This style was enthusiastically adopted and
assimilated into the music o f all the members of the “mighty kuchka.” By the 1890s,
however, Balakirev’s novel style had been turned into a “rigidly formulaic,
superprofessionalized canon.”33
Taruskin also exposes other misconceptions about Russian nationalism. First,
he argues that nationalism itself was imported into Russia, because it was considered to
have positive value in nineteenth-century Europe. Second, because non-German
“nationalism” was received and valued as exoticism, Russian composers whose music
was considered more international (or less “national”) were seriously devalued.34
Third, the perception that a composer belonged in one of two camps grossly
oversimplified a more complex situation, in which several music styles coexisted.35
These perceptions of nationalism pertain equally to other countries “on the
periphery,” including Bohemia, Norway, Finland, and Greece. Composers in the
United States and Latin America also produced “national” music that incorporated
indigenous elements of their respective cultures.36 Of all the composers of the twentieth
33Taruskin, Defining Russia Musically, 132-33,150.
34For discussions of musical exoticism, see Jonathan Bellman, ed., The Exotic in
Western Music (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998); Ralph P. Locke,
“Cutthroats and Casbah Dancers, Muezzins and Timeless Sands: Musical Images o f the
Middle East,” I#*1-Century Music 22, no. 1 (1998): 20-53; and Derek B. Scott,
“Orientalism and Musical Style,” Musical Quarterly 82, no. 2 (1998): 309-35.
35For example, Tchaikovsky’s late “imperial style” was just as Russian as works
that used folklore, though his music has been criticized for its lack of “Russian
character.” The New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and Musicians, s.v. “Nationalism,”
by Richard Taruskin.
36For a discussion of the assimilation o f indigenous elements into art music of

Latin America, see Malena Kuss, “Identity and Change: Nativism in Operas from
14
century, Bela Bartok most fully synthesized the elements o f folk music into his own
musical language.37
The rise o f nationalism in Europe in the nineteenth century and its
manifestations as musical nationalism in countries on the periphery - Russia, Eastern
Europe, and Scandinavia - indelibly shaped the development of national music in
Greece. In order to properly understand Greek national music, it is necessary to
examine elements of modem Greek identity. In the following chapter, I provide an
overview of modem Greek history, discuss the cultural duality o f Greek identity, and
explore the relationship between folk song and dance and the construction of Greek
national identity.
Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico,” in Carol E. Robertson, ed., Musical Repercussions o f

1492 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Press, 1992), 299-335; and Malena Kuss, “The
Structural Role of Folk Elements in Twentieth-Century Art Music,” in Proceedings o f
the XlVth Congress, International Musicological Society: Transmission and Reception
o f Musical Culture, Vol. Ill (Turin: EDT/Musica, 1990), 99-120.
37Taruskin also describes the “Cold War” politics that partitioned Bartok’s
works into “folkloric” and “modernist.”
15
CHAPTER TWO: FOLK SONG AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF
A MODERN GREEK IDENTITY
[Greece] is an inexhaustible musical mine.
L. A. Bourgault-Ducoudray, 18761
If anyone wants to leam about ancient Greece it is worth his while studying the modem
country in all its aspects, especially in regions like the Dodecanese where the people
have faithfully retained their traditions.
Samuel Baud-Bovy2
The national identity of modem Greece has been constructed from the tension
that exists between different interpretations, images and ambiguities o f the historical
past. Both Greek and foreign writers have expressed modem Greek identity in terms of
binary oppositions, usually couched in terms of “Self’ and “Other,” “West” and “East,”
or “Europe” and “Greece.” From the late eighteenth century on, the two familiar
stereotypes of “Hellenic” and “Romeic” became prominent, those identified with
classical Hellas and with the Byzantine-Ottoman period. When Greece won
independence in 1830, the Hellenic image was deemed necessary for the survival o f the
state because it provided an acceptable external image for the country. Through the
process of nation-building, the state established institutions that further served to
cultivate national identity and unify its diverse peoples both within and beyond its
borders. The study of folk song, incorporated within the discipline of folklore, provided
‘Cited on p. 87.
2Quoted in Lambros Liavas, “Music in the Aegean,” in Music in the Aegean

(Athens: Ministry of Culture - Ministry of the Aegean, 1987), 34.
16
the scientific proof of “cultural continuity” that was critical for justifying the state’s
ideology and strongly contributed to the process of constructing a national identity.
The evolution of modem Greek identity was a complex process, illuminated by
the examining of distinctions between “Greeks” and “Others” in several historical
periods, starting with ancient Greece. In the next section, I present a historical
overview of Greek identity before the establishment of the nation-state, focusing on
those aspects of collective identity that defined “Greekness,” as well as on perceptions
held by Europeans. The pair Self/Other, which incorporates the basic duality of
familiarity and strangeness, formed the basis for the definition o f ethnicity and ethnic
group. These terms linguistically originated in classical Hellas, and they conveyed the
Greek people’s evolving sense of their own identity in relation to other groups.
Perceptions of Greek Identity before 1830
Ancient Greece
From written records, it is clear that the collective identity of ancient Greeks was
framed in terms of “Self’ and “Other.” This dichotomy between a non-ethnic “us” and
ethnic “others” was expressed in terms of the opposition between civilized and
barbarian.3 For the ancient Greeks, the word “barbarian” (varvaros) meant a foreigner
who spoke an incomprehensible language, symbolized by the sounds, “var-var.”4
3At first, the term barbarian was not necessarily pejorative, but it was often used
in that way. Modem Greek renders varvaros as barbarian (as a noun) and barbaric,
barbarous, ungodly, unholy, and unchristian (as an adjective). Similar meanings
developed in other modem European languages.
4Aristidis E. Constantinidis, I ellinikes lexis stin angliki glossa [Greek Words in

the English Language], 2nd edition (Thessaloniki: By the Author, 1991), 60.
17
Barbarians were from the “North” (Scythia), but “Orient” was also used to describe the
uncivilized. The Persians to the east were considered a “quasi-civilized other.”5 The
ancient Greeks also called the Balkan mainland beyond the islands “Europe” and
believed that the Haemus (later called Balkan) mountain chain was the natural border
between the Thracian-Hellenistic world and the barbarian lands along the Danube.6
The term ethnos had several meanings for the ancient Greeks, but it always
referred to a group of people (or animals) who shared some cultural or biological
characteristics and who lived and acted in concert. These usages referred to “other”
non-Greek peoples (ethnea), as peripheral foreigners, in contrast to the Greeks, the
genos Hellenon [the Hellenic people]. But the ancient Greeks also used other levels of
identification, such as with one’s polis (city-state) or one’s ethno-linguistic group
(Ionian, Boeotian, Dorian, Aeolian).7
These terms helped maintain a sense o f identity by erecting cultural, social, and
linguistic barriers to protect the dominant group from the uncivilized outsider. Ethnic
elites in the Hellenistic and Roman empires, however, were encouraged to adopt
dominant customs and to participate in the social and political institutions, though
ethnic prejudice remained widespread.8 A person who was not o f Greek ancestry could
5Maria Todorova, Imagining the Balkans (New York: Oxford University Press,
1997), 11.
6Ibid., 25,159. In Greek mythology Europa was a Phoenician princess carried

off by Zeus. Thus, she originated from the eastern Mediterranean and may have been
considered a “foreigner” by the Greeks.
7John Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith, eds., Ethnicity (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1996), 4,7.
“ibid., 11.
18
become a Hellenist, one who spoke Greek and had a Greek outlook and way o f life.
This was hellenization, in effect, assimilation, or the replacement o f old identities with
those of the dominant culture.9 The term ethnos kept its meaning o f “outsider,” when it
was used in its plural form (ta ethne) by New Testament writers and Church Fathers to
refer to the gentiles, the non-Christian and non-Jewish pagans.10 From the time o f the
Roman emperor Diocletian (245-313), the East-West division was introduced into
administration, and the dioceses of Egypt and Anatolia were considered the Orient.11
Thus, for the ancient Greeks, identity was defined in terms of a Greek or non-Greek
ethnicity or culture, but not in terms of a national identity.
The Byzantine Period
For a millennium, the Byzantine Empire had a “profound political, institutional,
legal, religious, and cultural impact” on the historical legacy of southeastern Europe.12
“East Rome,” the Eastern provinces of the old Roman Empire, gradually evolved into
the medieval Byzantine Empire with its immense changes in state and society after the
seventh century.
Constantine I (2807-337), the first Roman Emperor to profess Christianity,
initiated the evolution of the empire into a Christian state. After he became sole
emperor of East and West in 324, Constantine renamed Byzantium as Constantinople
9In the Hellenistic period, Greek civilization (Hellenism) was modified by

“Oriental” influences.
10Ibid., 4. Ethnos in modem Greek, however, means nation.
1'Todorova, Imagining the Balkans, 11.
l2Ibid., 12.
19
and established it as his permanent capital. Constantinople, the “second Rome,”
“cherished queen of all cities” became the empire’s political and religious center.
Christianity served as the empire’s unifying religion, but the Great Schism o f 1054 split
the Church into two segments. In the medieval period, the East-West dichotomy
depicted the opposition between Orthodoxy and Catholicism, as well as the larger
division between Islam and Christianity. Todorova has noted that “the dichotomy East-
West had clearly defined spatial dimensions: it juxtaposed societies that coexisted but
were opposed for political, religious, or cultural reasons.” 13 For Byzantium, the
unrivaled center of the civilized European world for several centuries after the fall of
Rome, the West was synonymous with barbarity and crudeness. Anti-Westernism also
grew after the sacking o f Constantinople by Roman Catholic Crusaders in the thirteenth
century, and the ecclesiastical hierarchy o f the Orthodox Church has kept this bitter
memory alive until the present.14 Through the endowment of property by emperors, the
Church became the largest institutional landowner, helping to maintain its powerful
position throughout the Byzantine period.
The inhabitants of the Byzantine Empire called themselves Romaioi, or Romans,
since they viewed their state as the Roman Empire that had prepared the way for the
coming of Christ. They believed that their earthly empire was unchangeable, since it
was so closely modeled on the heavenly pattern. Though Hellene had taken on the
13Ibid., 11.
14Elizabeth H. Prodromou, “Paradigms, Power, and Identity: Rediscovering

Orthodoxy and Regionalizing Europe,” in Culture and Reconciliation in Southeastern
Europe (Thessaloniki, Greece: Association for Democracy in the Balkans, n.d.), papers
read at International Conference, Thessaloniki, Greece, 26-29 June 1997,151. In early
May, 2001, the Pope visited Athens in an historic move to end centuries of hostility.
20
meaning o f “pagan” in the early years o f Christianity,15 it was later used by the
Byzantines to mean, “cultured.” The Classical culture and education o f the upper
classes retained an enormous prestige and influence. Even though Byzantium society
was diverse, Hellenization provided a way for “barbarians” to assimilate and increase
their social status. The Greek language was the lingua franca of administration,
commerce, religion, education, and higher learning.16 The empire under the Palaeologi
(1261-1453) patronized secular literature and learning, and most scholars considered
their Hellenic heritage a mark of distinction. Mistra, near the ancient city of Sparta,
became a center of Byzantine culture and a refuge for artists and scholars who dreamed
o f a rebirth of Hellenism on Hellenic soil.
The Ottoman Period
The five hundred years of Ottoman rule gave the Balkan peninsula its name,
established the region’s longest period o f political unity, and left a distinct political,
cultural, social, and economic legacy.17 During the fourteenth century, the gradual
Ottoman conquest of lands corresponded to the decline and retreat of Hellenism in the
East. The fall o f Constantinople on May 29,1453, represented the end of the Byzantine
Empire, and the beginning of a long period of relative isolation from the historical
movements in Western Europe.
15Michael Herzfeld, Ours Once More. Folklore, Ideology, and the Making o f
Modem Greece (Austin, University of Texas Press, 1982), 6.
l6Anastasia N. Karakasidou, Fields o f Wheat, Hills o f Blood. Passages to

Nationhood in Greek Macedonia 1870-1990 (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press,
1997), 219.
17Todorova, Imagining the Balkans, 12.
21
The Balkans were inhabited by a plethora of ethnic groups linked in a complex
web of interaction. The Ottomans organized the population o f their empire into
communities or administrative units, known as millets, based on religion rather than
language or ethnicity. Thus, for the majority of people in the empire, the most
important aspect of identity was their religious affiliation, broadly defined as being a
Christian, Muslim, or Jew. The “Rum” millet, or Orthodox Christians, spoke a number
of different languages, but were “culturally homogenized by the Orthodox Church.”18
The Church survived the Ottoman conquest because of its success in adapting to the
changed political situation and its ability to unify early modem Balkan society:
Headed by the Great Church of Constantinople as the supreme locus of

spiritual and political leadership and with its central focus unshakably
fixed on the old imperial capital o f East Roman emperors and Ottoman
sultans, Balkan society in this guise remained heir of imperial
ecumenical ideas of medieval Byzantium. It was precisely in this
context that the Orthodox Church, with Ecumenical Patriarch at its head,
was transmogrified into a polity in captivity.19
Despite the unity of the Christian community, Greeks held a higher status than
other groups. With its center in the former Byzantine capital, the Orthodox Church
maintained the use of Greek as its official language and continued to appoint
individuals considered “Greek” to its highest positions. During the Ottoman period,
terms later used to designate different ethnic or national groups (Bulgarian, Greek,
Vlach) were used to designate different sociocultural categories. A farmer or shepherd
(“Bulgarian” or “Vlach”) could advance to the more distinguished level o f “merchant”
l8Paschalis M. Kitromilides, “‘Imagined Communities’ and the Origins o f the

National Question in the Balkans,” European History Quarterly 19, no. 2 (April 1989):
151.
19Ibid., 151-52.
22
(“Greek”) through the process of upward social mobility, a process basically
indistinguishable from “Hellenization.” In addition, there were other important aspects
o f identity as well, such as an individual’s status as member o f a certain family or
village.20 Since the population was strongly segregated by religion, there was little
social cohesiveness or integration among the various groups.21
As an Islamic state, the Ottoman Empire maintained a strict religious hierarchy
where non-Muslims were second-class citizens. Although the Greek community
enjoyed a considerable degree o f religious freedom under Ottoman rule, members
possessed few legal rights and were required to pay special taxes, including the dreaded
paidomazoma, or janissary levy. The practice of gathering their brightest children into
the ranks of the Sultan increased the Christians’ contempt for their occupiers but
afforded the opportunity for Greek young men to advance into the upper echelons of
Ottoman society, where they served as elite soldiers or bureaucrats. In order to avoid
paying taxes, some wealthy Christians donated their land to the Church, while retaining
access to it. During the seventeenth century in remoter regions o f the Empire, families
or whole villages converted to Islam because of the harsh social and economic
discrimination they experienced as Christians.22
Despite the Greeks’ inferior status in Ottoman society, a small number rose to
positions o f power in the Ottoman hierarchy. During the seventeenth century, the
20Loring M. Danforth, The Macedonian Conflict. Ethnic Nationalism in a

Transnational World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 57-59.
^Richard Clogg, A Concise History o f Greece (New York: Cambridge

University Press, 1992), 14.
23
Phanariots, educated Greeks or Hellenized men who were associated with the
Patriarch’s quarter in Constantinople (the Phanar), began to have an important role in
both political and intellectual life. They served as skilled diplomats for the Ottoman
court and, from 1699 to 1821, held the title o f Great Interpreter, a position that
controlled foreign affairs. During the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries,
Phanariots controlled the Danubian principates of Wallachia and Moldavia, ruling over
them as princes, or viceroys of the Ottoman sultans. The courts of the Greek princes
became enlightened centers of Greek education and culture through which Western
ideas flourished. For the most part, the Phanariots were dedicated to preserving the
status quo and their positions of power within the Ottoman hierarchy; few participated
in the Greek War for Independence.23
During the long Ottoman occupation, the Greeks resisted their suppression by
instigating sporadic revolts and by celebrating the exploits of the klefts. Though the
klefts were bandits who preyed on both Greeks and Turks, their attacks on Ottoman
targets, along with their celebrated bravery, frequently made them heroes of folk
songs.24 Other folk songs from the period of the Tourkokratia [Turkish domination]
express feelings of sorrow and bitterness over the loss of Constantinople and the
23Clogg, A Concise History o f Greece, 21-23; Linos Politis, A History o f Modern

Greek Literature (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973; reprint, Oxford: The
Clarendon Press, 1975), 74.
24The Ottomans formed Christian militia, armatoloi, to control the klefts, but the
distinction between the two groups was often vague.
24
hardships o f life, but they also promote a “millenarian faith in the eventual resurrection
o f the Empire and the rebirth of Hellenism and Greek glory .”25
One of the fundamental ideological tenets in Greece from the nineteenth century
on was that the Church, along with the Greek language and folk traditions, had
maintained the “national” identity of Greeks during this “Dark Age” or period of
“slavery.” It stipulates that for nearly four hundred years, the Greeks managed to
preserve their religion, their language, and their advanced level of cultural development,
as well as an indomitable passion to liberate themselves from their foreign masters. The
Orthodox Church did contribute to the preservation of collective identity, but on a
religious, not a national, basis. Furthermore, since the Patriarchate was obliged to
conform to the policies of the Ottoman state for the survival o f the Church and its
members, it was adamantly opposed to the sporadic armed revolts and the subsequent
organized movement for Greek independence.26
The Europeans viewed the Ottomans as a threat, a “monolithic image of oriental
barbarism,” that stood as the complementary opposite to their own civilization.27
Europe’s intense fear o f the “infidel Turks” and Islam was perpetuated until the end of
the seventeenth century when the Ottomans permanently retreated from territories in
25Paschalis M. Kitromilides, “The Dialectic of Intolerance: Ideological

Dimensions of Ethnic Conflict,” Journal o f the Hellenic Diaspora 6, no. 4 (Winter
1979): 15.
26Kitromilides, ‘“ Imagined Communities’ and the Origins o f the National

Question in the Balkans,” 178-84.
27Michael Herzfeld, Anthropology through the Looking-Glass: Critical

Ethnography in the Margins o f Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987),
28-29.
25
Central Europe. English images of the “Turk” in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries ranged from those of “tyranny, arbitrariness, extortions, slavery, piracy,
savage punishments, and Christian ordeals” to those o f “strength, the picture o f an
empire in its zenith.”28 These simultaneously contrasting views are echoed in
Orientalist scholarship, which has frequently portrayed the Ottoman Empire as “exotic,
somehow backwards, and vaguely threatening.”29 Though the Greeks were Christians,
Westerners viewed them as “schismatics” who possessed many of the characteristics of
“otherness” that defined the Ottomans.30 In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
Europeans attributed the failure of modem Greeks to measure up to their ancestors’
achievements as proof o f the “inner forces of decay” and “the stray ways o f the
Greeks.”31
After the fall of Constantinople, many educated Greeks fled to Western Europe.
This “vigorous Greek intellectual diaspora ...secured a continuous and fruitful
exchange that became a fundamental element of the humanistic spirit o f the
Renaissance.”32 The close relationship of Venice, and later Italy, with the Balkans was
29Karakasidou, Fields o f Wheat, 218.
30Though their literature was respected, Greek emigres to England in the

sixteenth century were treated as “conniving pretenders.” “In Shakespeare’s day Greek
was a household word for ‘crook.’” Robert Eisner, Travels to an Antique Land: The
History and Literature o f Travel to Greece (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press,
1991), 52; quoted in Todorova, Imagining the Balkans, 90.
31Olga Augustinos, French Odysseys. Greece in French Travel Literature from

the Renaissance to the Romantic Era (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press,
1994), 61,281,285; quoted in Todorova, Imagining the Balkans, 78.
26
promoted by the continued presence of emigres, particularly the prosperous and
influential Greeks.33 The exchange of ideas and secular learning between the two
regions would lead later to the Balkan, and specifically the Greek, Enlightenment.
Greek Enlightenment and Independence
During the later 1700s, the ideas o f the Enlightenment emanated horn the
cultural centers o f Europe into the Balkans and inaugurated a process that involved
profound social, cultural, and political changes over the next two hundred years. The
Enlightenment was historically significant because it “aspired to transform the life of
Balkan peoples living under Ottoman domination, on a model o f Western culture, and
thus to integrate the forgotten nations o f the European periphery into the common
historical destiny of the continent.”34 Two of the most important factors that
contributed towards the emergence of the Greek Enlightenment were the decline of the
Ottoman Empire and the rise of a widely dispersed and prosperous mercantile class that
promoted economic connections between Europe and the Ottoman Empire.33
Merchants, who were ethnically Greek or culturally Hellenized, dominated the trade o f
the entire region, and, from approximately 17S0, the Greek language became the lingua
33lbid., 66.
34Paschalis M. Kitromilides, “The Enlightenment East and West: A Comparative

Perspective on the Ideological Origins o f the Balkan Political Traditions,” Canadian
Review o f Studies in Nationalism 10, no. 1 (1983): 55.
35The 1774 Russo-Turkish treaty o f Kutchuk Kainardji gave special privileges to

the Greeks of the Ottoman Empire, thus contributing to the rise o f the merchant class
and economic prosperity.
27
franca o f Balkan commerce. The merchants established large Greek communities
throughout the Mediterranean, the Balkans, central Europe, and southern Russia.36
During the height of the Greek Enlightenment (1770-1820), Greek merchants
financially supported an intellectual revival, a critical factor in the development of
national identity. They endowed schools and libraries and subsidized the publication of
literature targeted for a Greek audience. The revival o f interest in the past was reflected
by an increased number of classical texts and published books about ancient Greece.
For the first time, young Greek men, sent to study in Western European universities
were exposed to the ideas of the Enlightenment, the French Revolution, and romantic
nationalism. They also became acutely aware o f the Western world’s esteem of ancient
Greece and their own unique position as heirs to this heritage.
Europe’s reverence of ancient Greek language and culture was increasingly
apparent by the middle of the eighteenth century, when scholars were recreating the
glorious ancient Hellenic civilization through their many books and editions of the
Greek classics. There was continuing interest in the monuments of classical antiquity,
and European elites flocked to Greece for their “Grand Tour” experience. The tourists,
however, were usually dismayed by the apparent disparity between their perceptions of
ancient and modem Greeks.38
36Clogg, A Concise History o f Greece, 20-23; Karakasidou, Fields o f Wheat,

218-19.
37Clogg, A Concise History o f Greece, 27-28.
38Todorova, Imagining the Balkans, 63,92.
28
The Western-educated Greek merchants and intellectuals began to construct a
new Hellas, one clearly built on European ideas and Western perceptions o f ancient
Greece.39 The Greeks’ increasing awareness o f their distinct historical past helped them
recognize that political change was essential if Hellenism were to be realized.
Adamantios Korais (1748-1833) urged his countrymen to emulate the noble elements of
the ancient past and to educate and transform themselves so they would be worthy of
emancipation from the Ottoman yoke. At the beginning of the nineteenth century,
national consciousness had cropped up in only small sectors of Greek society, but it had
developed more rapidly within the communities of the diaspora. The Philiki Etairia, or
Friendly Society, founded at Odessa in 1814, directed its efforts towards a coordinated
revolt that led eventually to the liberation of Greece.
Although small uprisings in 1821 in the Peloponnese evolved into recognized
warfare against the Ottoman Turks, the situation quickly stalemated, leading to a power
struggle among various Greek factions.40 In 1825, when the tide turned against them,
the Greeks looked to the Great Powers for assistance.41 By this time, the Europeans
viewed the political emancipation o f the Greeks as the only means of reviving the
classical past and sent financial aid to support the war and help its victims.
39French culture, particularly the circle of the Encyclopedistes, decisively

influenced the Greek Enlightenment. Politis, A History o f Modern Greek Literature, 77.
40The Greek insurgents were composed of four groups: kleft military leaders,
Peloponnesian notables, island ship owners, and a small group of westernizing
intellectuals. Clogg, A Concise History o f Greece, 39.
41Ibid., 35-42. The Great Powers were Great Britain, France, and Russia.
29
Philhellenes, like the poet Byron, had already enlisted in the cause o f Greek freedom,
largely because o f the liberal and idealized notions they held about ancient Greece. In
order to protect their own political and economic interests, the Great Powers of Britain,
Russia, and France intervened in the war in 1827 and effectively ensured the
independence of Greece.43
Political History of Greece in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries44
The Creation o f the Greek Nation-State
From the beginning, the creation of modem Greece as a nation-state was
inevitably complicated by the differing political agendas and cultural identities of
several Greek factions, as well as by the continuing intervention of the Great Powers.
The new nation faced enormous social and financial problems after years of fighting,
but its first president, Ioannis Kapodistrias, set about creating the foundations o f a state
structure and negotiating favorable borders. Political dissension and anarchy preceded
the assassination of Kapodistrias by his opponents in 1831, less than four years after he
had taken office. The dependent relationship of Greece and Europe became more
43The decisive battle was at Navarino, when the Great Powers defeated the naval
squadron of Egypt and Turkey on October 20,1827.
44This historical overview has drawn upon the following sources: John
Campbell and Philip Sherrard, Modern Greece (London: Ernest Benn, 1968); Richard
Clogg, A Concise History o f Greece (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992);
Nicholas Gage, Hellas: A Portrait o f Greece (Athens: P. Efstathidadlis, 1987); Misha
Glenny, The Balkans 1804-1999. Nationalism, War and the Great Powers (London:
Granta Books, 1999); David Holden, Greece without Columns: The Making o f the
Modem Greeks (Philadelphia: J. P. Lippincott, 1972), Michael Llewellyn Smith, Ionian
Vision: Greece in Asia Minor 1919-1922 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1973);
Constantine Tsoucalas, The Greek Tragedy (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1969); and C.
M. Woodhouse, A Short History o f Modern Greece (New York: Praeger, 1968).
30
entrenched in 1832, when a treaty placed Greece under the “guarantee” of the
“Protecting” Powers, who had determined that the country should be a hereditary
monarchy and had selected Otto o f Bavaria for its king.45 During Otto’s reign (1833-
1862), internal political strife increased; opposition to the king led to several uprisings
and resulted in the bloodless revolution of 186246 With Otto’s forced departure, the
Great Powers were obliged to find a new monarch. They chose Prince George of
Denmark, who assumed the throne with the title of King George of the Hellenes (1863-
1913). Although rivalries between the Great Powers continued, the new government
and its liberal constitution of 1864 operated with a renewed sense of stability47
The period between 1890 and 1920 saw the rise o f the middle class, new
economic wealth, educational improvements, and an intense national awareness.
Significant progress was made in many sectors of Greek life, yet Greece remained a
poor country, hampered by anti-Turkish uprisings, internal disorganization, economic
underdevelopment, and dependence on loans from the European market. This deep
economic crisis culminated in the declaration of state bankruptcy in December 1893 and
helped precipitate the Greek-Turkish war of 1897. Because of continued Greek
45The Europeans believed that the Greeks were incapable o f governing

themselves and determined that they needed to be “rehabilitated” by imitating Western-
derived classical models. Todorova, Imagining the Balkans, 78.
46Otto, of the Bavarian dynasty of Wittlesbach, was given the title of King o f
Greece.
47Although King George reigned for nearly fifty years, from 1863 until his
assassination in 1913, the Greek government changed hands regularly. “Between 1864
and 1908, Greece had an average o f nearly one general election every two years and a
new administration every nine months.” David Holden, Greece Without Columns: The
Making o f the Modem Greeks (London: Faber & Faber, 1972), 127.
31
intrusion into Macedonian territory, Turkey declared war on Greece in April 1897. The
following month, the Great Powers intervened in the conflict in order to save Greece
from defeat and prevent the royal dynasty from overthrow, since King George and
Crown Prince Constantine would be blamed for the army’s failure. In spite o f the
conflict’s disastrous results, the island o f Crete was granted autonomy.
The institutional and cultural development of the new nation was significantly
influenced by a small group of intellectuals, eager to incarnate the Greeks as heirs to the
heritage o f their ancestors and thus prove that they were worthy to be accepted as
modem Europeans.48 The grafting of Western parliamentary institutions and forms of
European constitutional government onto a deeply traditional society with a vastly
different political culture widened the cultural gap between the modernists and the
traditional elites, exacerbating tensions throughout the nineteenth century49 In addition
to politics, the importation of Western models in many fields, including art, music, law,
and education resulted in a wider dichotomy in society. Traditional architectural forms
were displaced by neoclassic buildings, then in vogue throughout Western Europe, and
artistic traditions dating back to Byzantine times were overlaid with Western models,
particularly those of German romanticism. The cultural orientation of the new state
towards the classical past was symbolized by the choice of Athens as capital, the
establishment of the University of Athens in 1837, and the founding of the national
48In an effort to define Greek national identity in terms o f its classical or

European roots, the heritage of the Byzantine and Ottoman periods was devalued.
49Clogg, A Concise History o f Greece, 52-53.
32
archaeological museum in 1829.50 The University emphasized the study of ancient
Greek culture and was used by the state as a means o f “re-Hellenizing” the Greek
populations that were still part of the Ottoman Empire. From the beginning, institutions
served as tools for promoting the state ideology of the Megali Idea [Great Idea], a
“vision that aspired to the unification of all areas of Greek settlement in the Near East
within the bounds of a single state with its capital in Constantinople.”51
In the middle of the nineteenth century, militant nationalism, religious
fundamentalism, and various philosophical orientations converged and supported the
political ideology of the “Great Idea.” In his Essay on the Philosophy o f History
(1841), Markos Renieris refuted the eighteenth-century philosophy of liberal
individualism, affirmed the “final truth of the Christian religion,” and stressed the
collective wisdom of the people, the Volk, considered the “repository o f true values and
true knowledge.”52 loannis Kolettis first coined the term “Great Idea” in 1844, in his
address to the National Assembly. He defined “Greeks” as “those who lived in any land
associated with Greek history or the Greek race” and identified the two foremost centers
of Hellenism: Athens and Constantinople.53 Kolettis’ vision of his nation’s mission in
the world became the dominant ideology of the emergent state:
By her geographical location, Greece is the center of Europe; with the

East on her right and the West on her left, she has been destined through
50At first, the museum was located on the island o f Aegina; later, it was moved
to Athens.
5,Ibid., 3.
52Kitromilides, “The Dialectic of Intolerance,” 11-12.
Clogg, A Concise History o f Greece, 48.
33
her downfall to enlighten the West and through her regeneration to
enlighten the East. The first task has been fulfilled by our ancestors; the
second is assigned to us... Athens, and the rest of Greece divided in the
past in particular states, fell and through her downfall she has
enlightened the world. Contemporary Greece, united as she is in one
state, one purpose, one power, one religion, should therefore inspire
great expectations in the world....54
The Balkan Wan and Asia Minor Disaster
For several years after the 1897 war there was turmoil and internal unrest.
Following the example of the military rebellion o f the Young Turks in deposing the
Sultan, the Greek army organized a successful revolution in 1909 to overthrow the
existing government. Power was taken away from all the old political parties and given
to the Cretan statesman Eleftherios Venizelos. As prime minister, Venizelos promoted
widespread reforms in the government, military organization, and industry, and formed
new alliances to enable Greece to extend her northern borders.
By the time the First Balkan War erupted in October 1912, Greece’s army and
navy were strong enough to liberate Epirus, part of Macedonia, Crete, and the islands in
the eastern Aegean. During the Second Balkan War (June to July 1913), Greece added
more territory in Macedonia, nearly doubling both her size and population. The
national policy, the “Great Idea,” had been accomplished to a considerable degree, and
both Eleftherios Venizelos and King Constantine became national heroes.
Just fourteen months after the Second Balkan War, regional crises in Europe
exploded into World War I. A substantial policy difference emerged between
S4I tis iritis Septemvriou en Athinais Ethniki Synelefsis. Pratika [Proceedings of

the National Assembly of Third September in Athens], Athens, 1844,190-91; quoted in
Kitromilides, “The Dialectic o f Intolerance,” 14.
34
Venizelos and the new king Constantine, who reigned from 1913 until 1917. Venizelos,
supporting the Allies, clashed with the monarch’s position on neutrality. This dispute
also divided the Greek political parties, but the pro-AUied side eventually led the
country into war in 1917. King Constantine, the son o f King George, left Greece in
1917 and appointed his second son, Alexander, to replace him. By September 1918, the
combined armies of Greece, France, England, and Serbia took the offensive that led to
the surrender o f Bulgaria and the signing of an armistice with Turkey on October 30,
1918. With the Treaty of Sevres in 1920, Greece gained the entire region of Thrace and
all the Aegean islands that had been occupied by Turkey. The Greeks of Asia Minor,
including Smyrna, became part of a Greek-administered province, with the option of
inclusion in the Hellenic nation after a period of five years.55
The victory of the Greek troops and the ensuing land acquisitions were
ephemeral and soon led to disaster. The accidental death o f King Alexander on October
25,1920, and the defeat of Venizelos in the election of November 14,1920, prompted
the return of King Constantine to Greece and the consequential withdrawal of support
by the Allies. The Greek army, embroiled in the Asia Minor Campaign against the
Turkish Nationalist Movement and its leader Mustapha Kemal (Ataturk), struggled on
for two years without foreign support. After March 1921, the Greek military situation
progressively deteriorated, and in August 1922, the Turks launched an enormous
offensive that forced the withdrawal of the Greek army to the coast and their evacuation
o f Smyrna. The “Asia Minor Catastrophe,” which consisted in the nearly complete
destruction of Smyrna, the slaughter o f thousands o f people, and the violent expulsion
55The Turks, however, never ratified the Treaty o f Sevres.
35
of a million and a half Greeks from Eastern Thrace and Asia Minor, left deep scars on
the political, economic, and social face o f the Greek nation. Nearly eighty years later,
the Asia Minor Catastrophe is still perceived as “the greatest trauma of the collective
subconscious of modem Hellenism.”56
Greece after 1922
The next fifty years were characterized by political instability. Dictators,
monarchs, and various political parties ruled Greece, their authority and influence
interwoven with the historical events o f the age. Following the attack by Fascist Italy at
the beginning of World War II (October 28,1940), the Greek population endured
occupation by German Nazi forces and severe persecution. After April 1941, the King
and his government operated from Egypt, where they assisted the British Royal Navy
and formed strong army groups in the Middle East. During World War II and the
subsequent civil war, more than a tenth of the Greek population perished from the war
or starvation. Fighting continued between Communist (ELAS) and Government forces
during the ensuing civil war (September through December 1944), when the British
defeated the ELAS partisans.57 The third and bloodiest round of the civil war broke out
in March 1946 and continued primarily in northern Greece for almost three-and-a-half
years, but concluded with the defeat o f ELAS in August 1949. On September 28,1946,
King George II returned to the throne but died soon afterwards, on April 1,1947. His
56George Leotsakos, “Anafora sti mousiki zoi tis Smymis,” [Account of the
Musical Life of Smyrna], Epilogos '93 [Epilogue ’93] (Athens: Galaios, 1993), 371.
57ELAS stands for Ethnikos Laikos Apeleftherotikos Stratos [Greek People’s

Liberation Army].
36
brother, Paul, reigned from 1947 until his death on March 6,1964. After the civil war,
the nation began reconstruction under the leadership of five successive prime
ministers.58
Following the election loss and resignation of Prime Minister Konstantinos
Karamanlis in May 1963, George Papandreou and his majority Centre Union formed an
independent government (February 1964). A schism in the Centre Union party
contributed to the July 1965 crisis, whereby King Constantine II (1964-1967) was
accused of instigating a royal coup, which intended to remove the Centre Union from
power. Acute dissention and instability preceded the military junta o f April 1967, when
a group of colonels seized power and imposed a dictatorship. As a result, the authority
of the legitimate government and that of King Constantine II was usurped. After the
failed counter-coup by King Constantine II, the royal family fled the country, and the
monarchical period of Greek history came to an end.
The youth resistance movement and the Turkish occupation of the northern part
of Cyprus prompted the collapse of the junta in 1974, when Konstantinos Karamanlis
returned as prime minister to head the new democratic movement. New waves of
political uncertainty rocked Greece in 1981 when a socialist, Andreas Papandreou, was
elected prime minister. He implemented social reforms in his first term, but mounting
economic problems and a series of major scandals overshadowed his second term. In
the 1990 elections, Konstantinos Mitsotakis and his conservative New Democracy party
gained a narrow majority in parliament, but the party’s policies of economic stringency
58These governments were headed by Prime Ministers Nikolaos Plastiras,

Constantine Tsaldaris, Sophocles Venizelos, Alexander Papagos, and Konstantinos
Karamanlis.
37
and proposals for the privatization of the large state sector proved to be unpopular with
much of the electorate. In 1993, Papandreou's Panhellenic Socialist Movement
(PA.SO.K.) returned to power with a share o f the vote only marginally smaller than it
had received at the time of its electoral triumph in 1981. In the 1990s the Greek
government achieved economic reforms and greater integration with the European
Community but faced new political and social challenges, including strains in Greek-
Turkish relations and shifting demographics owing to a sizable influx o f refugees from
Albania, war-torn Balkan countries, and the former Soviet Union.
The Construction of Modern Greek Identity
The construction of modem Greek identity resulted mainly from the sociological
and political changes that occurred at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the
nineteenth centuries. The process of nation building was the major critical juncture in
modem Greek history and produced the cultural dualism o f Greek identity. Cultural
dualism was created from the colliding world views of two powerful cultures: an older
traditional culture inherited from the Byzantine and Ottoman Empires, and a younger
reformist culture greatly influenced by Western Europe. The coexistence and struggle
between the two cultures produced a profound and enduring division in Greek society
and politics.59
Since the establishment of the Greek nation-state in 1830, the study of modem
Greek identity has concerned itself with the “meaning of Greekness”. Several scholars,
59Nikiforos Diamandouros, Cultural Dualism and Political Change in

Postauthoritarian Greece, paper presented at the Center for Advanced Study in the
Social Sciences of the Juan March Institute on 16 April 1993,5-8.
38
including Prodromou, have described modem Greek identity in terms o f two opposing
images that represent two different historical pasts.
On the one hand, the Greek nation-state has been invented as the modem
West’s incarnation of an idealized classical Hellas, while on the other
hand and to a far lesser extent, the Greek nation-state has been expressed
as the modem representation of the Eastern Roman Empire that was
fundamentally Byzantine, Orthodox, and eventually, Ottoman
imprinted.60
Michael Herzfeld describes Greece as being tom between two opposing
stereotypes, “the holy one of timeless Hellas and the unclean one derived from the
historical Tourkokratia"61 These two identity archetypes originated from Western
Europe, from its own “process of reimagining,” which began in the Renaissance and has
continued to the present day.62 By the seventeenth century, Europeans began to think of
the origins of Western civilization as distinct from all others.63 In the eighteenth
century, the deep structural changes that took place in the political, social, and cultural
life of Europe led to technological advancements, expanded trade and improved
communications. European civilization became the “ultimate cultural touchstone,” “the
secular Eden,” achieving a near perfection.64 Europe professed its superiority both by
tracing its roots back to ancient Hellas and by contrasting its civilization to the “East.”
60Prodromou, “Paradigms, Power, and Identity,” 145. The dual heritage o f the
past can be symbolized by two images: the Parthenon from classical Athens and the
Church o f Aghia Sophia from Byzantium.
6lHerzfeld, Anthropology through the Looking-Glass, 41.
62Prodromou, “Paradigms, Power, and Identity,” 145.
63Ibid., 148.
MHerzfeld, Anthropology through the Looking-Glass, 28.
39
Europe claimed ancient Greece as its spiritual and intellectual ancestor. In
ideological terms, Hellas was the “parent” and “cultural exemplar” o f Europe; to be a
European was to be a Hellene.6S In terms of their origins, the Greeks were accorded the
most prestigious status of any other country in Europe, placing them in a unique
position as “the chosen ones.”
But what the Europeans found there greatly contrasted with their idealized
images o f ancient Hellas. Accounts of Western travelers and diplomats during the
Ottoman period described the contemporary Greeks (and other Orthodox Christians) in
highly unflattering terms: dirty, illiterate, debased, barbaric, and religiously
backward.66 These were the same kinds of judgments often made against the Turks,
“the most potent living symbol of oriental barbarism.”67 Europeans assumed that the
Greeks had been “contaminated” by “Oriental” or “non-European” elements during the
many centuries since classical times. Europe maintained its superiority by defining
itself in opposition to the exotic Other, which included Greeks, Turks, and peoples
throughout the whole Balkan region. Western discourse formulating modem Greek
identity and exploring the relationship between Greece and Europe came to be situated
within the larger intellectual tradition o f Orientalism.
As constructed by the West, each of these opposing modem Greek identities is
derived from the “image of a conquering Other,” be it European or Oriental. According
to Herzfeld, the tension between the two poles can be viewed metaphorically in terms of
65Herzfeld, Ours Once More, 5.
66Prodromou, “Paradigms, Power, and Identity,” 148.
67Herzfeld, Anthropology through the Looking-Glass, 28.
40
the Biblical “Fall,” with ancient Greece representing the state o f perfection. To the
West, now the “secular Eden,” the close association of Greeks with Orthodoxy, the fall
o f Constantinople in 1453 and the subsequent Turkish domination resulted in a
corruption or “post-fall alienation from the idealized collective self.” The contrasted
roles of “Ur-Europa and humiliated oriental vassal” seem incompatible, but both imply
inferiority to “true” Europeans. Because of Eurocentric ideology, Greeks were
marginalized because they are “neither dramatically exotic nor yet unambiguously
European.”68 From the Western perception, the state of transition, complexity,
mixture, and ambiguity is an abnormal condition, and “in-betweenness” is rejected.
This transitional status is a central characteristic in descriptions of modem
Greece. The Balkans, and specifically Greece, have ofren evoked the image o f a bridge
or crossroads between East and West. Strictly speaking, Greece is part of Europe
geographically, though its “in-betweenness,” has relegated it to the periphery. Western
discourse cast the Balkans as a “bridge between stages of growth,” with labels such as
“semideveloped, semicolonial, semicivilized, semioriental.”69 Western scholars have
largely ignored “modem” Greece, as distinct from that of the classical or Byzantine
period, resulting in the “marginalization of the Greek-speaking world.”70 The legacy of
400 years of Ottoman occupation is usually cited as the primary reason for Greece’s
position on the “margins of Europe.”
68Ibid., 19-20,41,111.
69Todorova, Imagining (he Balkans, 16.
70Margaret Alexiou, “Modem Greek Studies in the West: Between the Classics
and the Orient,” Journal o f Modern Greek Studies 4 (1986): 5.
41
The uncertain position of Greece meant it was often constructed not as Other but
as “incomplete self.” Greece’s religious and ethnic differences were problematic when
defining its relationship to Europe. Because of the political and ideological rivalry
between Rome and Constantinople, Catholics viewed Greek Orthodoxy as a
“schismatic, heretic deviation.”71 Orthodoxy’s supposedly Oriental characteristics,
described by such negative terms as backward, authoritarian, irrational, and
superstitious, situate it in “an opaque symbolic and political space that is neither of nor
separate from the European West.”72 At the same time, however, the boundary between
Christianity, even in its Orthodox variety, and Islam was seen as uncrossable.
Likewise, despite discourses discussing racial ambiguity in the Balkans, the peoples of
the region were still positioned on the side of “Indo-European.” In other words, for
Greece and the Balkans, differences are treated as variations “within one type.”73
Nationalist discourses in the Balkans have renounced what they perceive as “Eastern”
or “Turkish” and think of themselves as “Western,” even in an incomplete sense. Their
argument is that “they are not only indubitably European, but have sacrificed
themselves to save Europe from the incursions of Asia; a sacrifice that has left them
superficially tainted but has not contaminated their essence.”74
72Prodromou, “Paradigms, Power, and Identity,” 148. The author clarifies

“Oriental” as meaning Middle Eastern, Islamic, or Slavic-Russian.
^Todorova, Imagining the Balkans, 18-19.
74Ibid., 58.
42
The Greek nation’s ambiguous relationship with Europe complicated its own
construction of national identity. The acceptance o f the Greeks’ cultural claims as heirs
to the ancient Hellenes coincided with a widespread but ambivalent recognition of
Greeks as primordial Europeans, not modem Europeans. In turn, Greeks viewed
Europe as an unattainable ideal. As Chouliaras explains, “For [the Greeks], who were
exuberant because o f and tyrannized by their past, Europe meant the displaced and
continuously unattainable, presently realized future of their long-lost past.”75 The
assertion of a Greek primitivism was a fundamental precondition of the idea of cultural
duality, and the ambiguous relationship of Europe and Greece created the anxiety at the
core of modem identity.76
Modem Greek identity depends largely on a specific context and, thus, has
resisted being forced into the duality of “Europeans” and “Others.” This is made
especially clear in the ambivalence that the Greeks express about their “Europeanness.”
From the time of independence, Greeks traveling to Europe spoke of their own country
as if it were not European:
A Greek says he is going to Europe when he is going to France and Italy.

He calls Englishmen, Germans, or any other Western people who happen
to visit or reside in Greece, Europeans in contradistinction to the Greeks.
The occidentals in Greece do likewise. They are Europeans, and by
implication, the Greeks are not...The Greek is racially and
geographically European, but he is not a Western [sic]. That is what he
means by the term, and the signification is accepted by both Greek and
75Yiorgos Chouliaras, “Greek Culture in the New Europe,” in Greece, the New
Europe, and the Changing International Order, ed. Harry J. Psomiades and Stavros B.
Thomadakis (New York: Pella, 1993), 113.
76Ibid., 112.
43
foreigner. He is Oriental in a hundred ways, but his Orientalism is not
Asiatic. He is the bridge between the East and W est....77
At the end of the nineteenth century, William Miller wrote that “[w]hen the
inhabitants o f the Balkan Peninsula are meditating a journey to any o f the countries
which lies west of them, they speak of'going to Europe,’ thereby avowedly considering
themselves as quite apart from the European system.”78 Used in this sense, “Europe”
was a “synonym for progress, order, prosperity, radical ideas, that is, an image and an
ideal, a Europe belonging to Time (understood as development), not Europe as a
geographic entity.”79
The study of modem Greek identity leads to other dualities and ambiguities.
Michael Herzfeld expands the perspective for the two competing images of Greece by
locating them in a larger context of externally directed and introverted. Both images are
constructions of history and culture, and both are distinct notions of the meaning o f
“Greekness.” He links this external/internal dichotomy to two opposing cultural labels:
“Hellenist” and “Romeicist.” On a basic level, it seems to duplicate the dominant
opposition: “Hellenists” are associated with the image of classical Greece, while
“Romeicists” identify themselves with the Byzantine and Ottoman eras. As Herzfeld
explains, the supporters of the extroverted model, “Hellenists,” “point to the ‘survival’
of linguistic and social traits from the Classical era” and look beyond the national
77A. Duckett Ferriman, Greece and the Greeks, (New York: James Pott, 1911),
132; quoted in Todorova, Imagining the Balkans, 16. Ferriman was a British author.
78William Miller, Travels and Politics in the Near East (London: T. Fisher
Unwin, 1898), 38-39; quoted in Todorova, Imagining the Balkans, 43.
44
borders. “Romeicists” “are more likely to dwell on the traces of Turkish values in
everyday Greek life” and are reflexive, in that they may not share certain aspects of
their identity with outsiders. This dichotomy is not a simple one, however, because
these two images exist simultaneously, creating a constant tension between them on
both an individual and a national level. The use of these two images helps to explain
the differences that arise between official (or public) and unofficial (or private) points
of view.
Though contemporary Greeks have a hierarchy o f multiple identities, including
national (Greek), local (place of residence), continental (European), and regional
(Balkan, Southern European, or Mediterranean),81 modem Greek identity has most
frequently been described in terms of oppositions. Cultural dualism or disemia (double
code), which has indelibly shaped the construction of a Greek national identity, revealed
the deep divisions in Greek society and the differences in perceptions o f the past and
visions for the future. The construct reflected an affinity for classical Athens or for
Byzantium and magnified opposing facets of the Greek personality:
extroverted/introverted, European-oriented/traditional, progressive/conservative,
urban/rural, educated/illiterate, foreign/indigenous, and “Hellene”/“Romeios.” Greek
identity was also situated within the larger framework of Orientalism, which implied the
binary oppositions of West/East, European/Orient, pure/impure, and civilized/barbaric.
80Herzfeld, Ours Once More, vii, ix. In contemporary Greece, Ellenes

(Hellenes) is the general term of reference for Greeks, while Romios is pejoratively
associated with the “backward” and “surreptitious” character o f Greek life during the
Tourkokratia. Laurie Kain Hart, Time, Religion, and Social Experience in Rural
Greece (Lanham, MD.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1992), 13.
8lTodorova, Imagining the Balkans, 44.
45
Cultural dualism was expressed in the ambiguous relationship between Greece and
Europe and played an intrinsic role in the formation o f state institutions and political
ideology. It was inevitably connected to the language question (diglossia), with the
distinction between katharevousa (the “purified” written language) and demotic (the
“popular” spoken language), and to the subsequent development o f literature and
scholarly disciplines.
The Language Question
The “language question,” which divided Greece until recent years, was also
vitally connected to the formation of national identity and the political goals of the new
state. Unlike other European countries, Greece did not adopt its modem spoken
language, dimoiiki, as the official state language, but chose instead to devise a new
version of Greek, katharevousa, which became the common written language. Since it
was partially modeled on the ancient language, katharevousa was deemed more
appropriate for the functions of a new government and its accompanying literary
culture. The rationale for acceptance of this new language was threefold: to gain the
respect of Europe, to re-establish the people’s link to their ancestors, and to allow
current ideas and scientific concepts to be expressed more easily.
Greek intellectuals in the nineteenth century strongly debated the language
question, largely around the issues of education and the “enlightenment of the nation.”
Conservatives argued for a complete return to ancient Greek, a small group of
progressives advocated the modem spoken language, while others supported a
compromise between the ancient and modem languages. Many believed that by
imitating the ancient language, the universally admired culture of classical Hellas would
46
automatically be revived.82 Katharevousa, the creation o f Adamantios Korais in 1804,
was a language based on popular speech, “corrected” and “embellished” on the model
of the ancient, and “purified” of its foreign (including Turkish) elements.83 The
division between katharevousa and dimotiki also reflected the cultural dualism o f Greek
society, between urban and rural, educated and illiterate, rich and poor. The language
question was also acutely connected to politics. For the most part, conservative
governments have supported katharevousa for education and all aspects o f intellectual
life, whereas more liberal governments have favored dimotiki.M
As a result of the adoption o f katharevousa as the official language, Greek
literature remained divided for many years. With the exception of the Heptanesian
school, which was under Italian influence, prose writers used the more formal
katharevousa. The language of poetry, however, remained dimotiki.85 As time passed,
82The Greek intellectuals, who had been educated in Western Europe, felt that
the ancient Greek language was “an instrument o f such supreme perfection that any
deviation from it was a cause for regret and shame.” Peter Mackridge, “Katharevousa
(c. 1800-1974): An Obituary for an Official Language,” in Background to
Contemporary Greece, vol. 1, ed. Marion Sarafis and Martin Eve (London: Merlin
Press, 1990), 39.
83Ironically, katharevousa was modeled on French, another result o f the Greek

intellectuals’ contact with the French Enlightenment. This created an artificial and
grammatical basis of katharevousa. Ibid., 40.
84A division between the spoken and written languages had been present since
ancient times. At the time of independence, Greece was experiencing a transition from
an essentially oral culture to a more literate culture. Since writing had historically been
done in a form of Greek partly modeled on the ancient language, it seemed necessary to
adopt a more formal Greek for the official documents of the new state, not the language
o f the “illiterate folk.”
8SDemotic had been the language of poetry for several centuries. Because
katharevousa was the official state language, Athenian poets attempted to write in it
from 1830-1880. Mackridge, “Katharevousa,” 30.
47
writers abandoned the moderate and elegant katharevousa o f Korais and gradually
transformed it into “an increasingly pure form of linguistic archaism which reached its
height about 1880.”86 The appearance in 1888 o f My Journey by Yannis Psycharis
(1854-1929) was a reaction to archaism and a revolutionary declaration in favor of
demotic language.87 Psycharis’ polemical book had a decisive influence on literature
and intellectual life, inspiring an intense activity in the demotic language and a
discovery o f folk life and traditions. But it was also political in its linkage of the
language question to the “Great Idea,” and thus, the survival and prosperity of the Greek
nation.88 The language question became an increasingly critical national issue in the
first decade o f the twentieth century, and it was inextricably tied to social and political
events.
A series of events magnified the volatile nature of the controversy. The
translation o f the Gospels into dimotiki in 1901 provoked riots by university students,
who claimed that the use of demotic made a mockery of “Hellenism, the ‘sublime
language’ of the Greeks, and the Holy Gospels themselves.”89 The “purists” used the
excuse of the Gospel Riots to launch a campaign against the demoticists, who were
86Politis, A History o f Modem Greek Literature, 12.
87Ibid., 170. Psycharis (Jean Psichari) lived in Paris, where he occupied a

central place in French intellectual circles.
88Mackridge, “Katharevousa,” 30.
89Eight of the student demonstrators died in clashes with the police.
48
often called malliari, or “hairiesbecause o f their appearance.90 Two years later, the
National Theater’s production of Aeschylus’ Oresteia in demotic translation also
provoked demonstrations and resulted in the production’s abrupt cessation. Having
been charged with atheism in 1901, the demoticists were now accused o f “trying to
drive a wedge between Ancient and Modem Greek culture,” when, paradoxically, they
were providing accessibility to the ancient drama through an intelligible language.91
“The National Language Society” was founded in 1905 to advocate the teaching of
demotic in primary school and the adoption o f dimotiki as the “written language of the
Greek race.”92 The tribune for demoticism was the periodical Noumas (founded 1903),
whose correspondents criticized established values and katharevousa, but also
contributed pure literary criticism93 The two forms of the language maintained
separate functions for much of the twentieth century, but in 1976, dimotiki was
legislated as the sole language of education and administration.94
90Malliari also means “unkempt” or “vulgar.” It was used to describe a

language that is free from rules and supposedly reproduces the spoken language of the
“simple people.” I am indebted to Mary Pittas for this explanation.
91Mackridge, “Katharevousa,” 30-31. Later, attempts were made to link

demoticism with such disparate attributes as anti-national behavior, the physical and
moral corruption of children, cosmopolitanism, feminism, populism, dictatorship, and
communism.
92Ibid., 32.
93Politis, A History o f Modem Greek Literature, 217.
MIn practice, most educated Greeks were using a mixed language, a mingling of
katharevousa and dimotiki, by 1900. C. D. Gounelas, “Neither Katharevousa nor
Demotic: The Language of Greek Poetry in the Nineteenth Century,” Byzantine and
Modern Greek Studies 6 (1980): 82. In the 1980s, the adoption o f the monotonic, or
single accent system, simplified the system o f accents used in the written language.
49
As the new nation developed institutions, established an official language, and
expanded its boundaries, it also set out to prove its identity and noble lineage through
scholarly fields of study. The selective establishment and structure o f “identity
disciplines,” such as archaeology, laography [folklore studies], and philology, reflected
the anxiety o f the Greeks and their cultural duality.95 These disciplines developed
largely as a reaction to attacks on Greek heritage and its historical continuity, as well as
to the nationalistic and political claims that were based on this “Hellenic” identity. In
the 1830s, foreign academics, chiefly the Austrian historian Jakob Philipp Fallmerayer,
outraged the intelligentsia when they claimed that the modem Greeks were not the
lineal descendants of the ancients.96 At first, Greek scholarship was concerned only
with establishing a link with ancient Hellas, but later it began documenting cultural
survivals of other periods, in order to refute Fallmerayer’s claims. Around the middle
of the nineteenth century, Konstantinos Paparrigopoulos, a professor at the University
of Athens, formulated a theory of Greek history that linked the ancient, medieval and
modem periods in an unbroken continuum. The doctrines o f survivals and continuities
were used for many ideological and political purposes, and the work o f Greek scholars
helped ensure the political survival of the Greek state through the definition of national
and cultural identity, and the superiority o f this identity over that of other Balkan
peoples.97
9SChouIiaras, “Greek Culture in the New Europe,” 114.
96Fallmerayer insisted that Greece was a “Slavic” nation, as a result of the influx
o f populations during Byzantine times, with no claim to the name o f Hellas.
97Danforth, “The Ideological Context of the Search for Continuities in Greek

Culture,” Journal o f Modern Greek Studies 2, no. 1 (May 1984): 66-67.
50
Folk Song and the Construction of Greek National Identity
The creation of the discipline o f folklore with its strong interest in folk song in
the 1800s and early 1900s closely parallels political and social developments in Greece.
In his book, Ours Once More, Herzfeld demonstrates how Greek scholars constructed
cultural continuity in defense of their national identity, supplying the intellectual
reinforcement for the political process of nation building. In order for Greece to have
an acceptable external image and secure European support for the emergent nation
state, Greeks had to prove their identity as Hellenes and, ultimately, as Europeans.
Folklore provided a way of documenting the history of the rural “folk” and supported
the claim that the Greeks had an unbroken cultural continuity to their illustrious
predecessors.
The emergent discipline of folklore and its emphasis on the study of folk song
not only provided legitimacy for the new Greek state, but also had an extremely
important role in the construction and manipulation of Greek national identity.
Although both Hellenic and Romeic parts of that identity were addressed, the study of
folk song was used to reinforce several key issues of Hellenic ideology. First of all,
scholars persuasively argued that modem Greek folk song provided the critical link of
cultural continuity with ancient Greece. Second, certain types of “historical” songs,
such as kleftic songs, were viewed as an embodiment of Greek national character.
Through their heroism and individualism, the klefts, in turn, validated the “European”
character and cultural identity of the Greek people. Third, folk song research
contributed to the growth of national consciousness and provided evidence that would
permit the conceptual assimilation o f minorities within Greek borders. Finally, folk
song was used as legitimization for the “Great Idea,” the reclamation o f all former
51
Greek lands, which was an active political goal of the Greek state until the Asia Minor
Catastrophe o f 1922. Through their folk song research, individual scholars provided
materials that helped to construct a Greek national identity and supported the tenets of
Hellenic ideology.
With the rising interest in European folklore in the early 1800s, it is not
surprising that Europeans were the first to gather and publish collections of Greek folk
songs. Claude Fauriel’s two-volume compendium, Chantspopulaires de la Grece
moderne, was published in France in 1824 and 1825. After the Greek War of
Independence, Greeks from within and outside the boundaries of the new nation-state
became involved in the research of the folklore and folk song of their people. As a
significant mercantile and cultural center, the Ionian Islands had a seminal role in the
development of folklore, arts, music and literature in Greece. As the discipline of
Greek folklore blossomed, Greek scholars set out not only to “correct” the Romeic view
presented by the philhellenes and Heptanesians but also to disprove the claims of
Fallmerayer, who denied the Classical ancestry of the modem Greeks. In both
instances, Greek intellectuals strongly reacted to their perception of foreign interference

98
in domestic affairs, revealing their overriding concern with external appearances.
As an oral document, the kleftic songs constructed the ideal image of Greek
valor whether the characters or events they portrayed were generalized or specific. The
prominence o f the kleftic hero figure and his loss of anonymity can be correlated with
the growth of national consciousness and literacy in nineteenth-century Greece. In
these songs, the klefts were progressively canonized as patriots, while other folk songs
98Herzfeld, Ours Once More, 24-52.
52
that mentioned the klefts were altered to conform with philhellenic or Hellenist
ideology. Published kleftic songs emphasized the ideal image of the klefts while
diverting attention from references to their bandit lifestyle. The songs, then, reinforced
the distinction between the idealized “pure Greek” klefts of the independence period and
the scomed “foreign” or “criminal” brigands who were still roving the countryside after
1832. In her research, Dora d’Istria (1828-1888) demonstrated that the continuity
between Classical and modem Greek culture was supported by the existence o f a Greek
00
national character, most aptly exemplified in kleftic songs.
The abundance of folk song research in many Greek-speaking areas, including
parts o f Asia Minor, contributed substantially to the growth of national consciousness.
Greek folk song was also used to provide evidence that would permit the conceptual
assimilation of Christian ethnic minorities within the nation’s borders. The perception
of ethnic, religious, and linguistic homogeneity was an important objective o f the Greek
state. But the fact that Greek songs are treated extensively, while songs in the
Koutsovlach language are often excluded from published collections, points to the
selective way that folklore was used to support Hellenist ideology.100
For Nikolaos Politis, founder of the discipline of Iaography [folklore studies],
folk song occupied a central position in Greek folklore research. In his comprehensive
taxonomy (1909), folk songs are listed first within the category of “monuments o f the
word.” As an indication of their importance in the overall classification system, folk
"Ibid., 58-72.
I00lbid., 72-74. The Koutsovlachs are an ethnic minority who settled in the
region o f Epirus (northwest Greece). Their language is closely akin to Romanian.
53
songs are divided into numerous subcategories including “lyrical, epic, religious,
satirical, and humorous or disrespectful songs, as well as those that are sung on
prescribed days or occasions, dramatic games, children’s songs, and work songs.”101
Politis’ classification of Greek folk songs aided in the construction o f a particular view
of the historical past. He believed that all songs were composed by individuals and
correlated to a specific event. Since each song had an Urtext form, to which a date
might be attached, Politis believed the scholar could carefully “purify” the original from
later variants or “accretions.” The Hellenist position on cultural continuity was also
reinforced by his argument that although the ideas of an Urtext song were rooted in the
distant past, they were expressed in a distinctive Greek manner. In his collection
Selections from the Songs o f the Greek People (1914), Politis begins with historical
songs, those that commemorate events that can be assigned a specific date, from 1361 to
1881. He examines the genre of kleftic songs separately from historical songs, further
establishing its autonomous and privileged status in Greek folklore. He follows these
with the Akritic songs, narrative texts about the Akrites, border guards o f Byzantium.
Declared by Politis as “the national epic of the modem Greeks,” the 1875 “discovery”
o f the Akritic songs seemed to support the claim that the Byzantine period was the
essential link between antiquity and the present.102
Folk songs were used not only to establish specific connections with the
Classical past but also to support the doctrine of Greek irredentism. Songs and texts
with links to Classical or Byzantine themes, including the Akritic songs, strengthened
l0lIbid., 145.
I02Ibid., 99-118.
54
the argument that the former geographical boundaries of Hellenism should be
recognized and reclaimed for the Greek nation-state. Hellenists read the large body of
laments for the fall of the City [Constantinople] as a prophecy o f future redemption and
restoration of past glories, including the recapture of the Byzantine capital. Politis
interpreted these lament texts as “evidence of widespread national aspirations” and their
“extensive distribution throughout the Greek-speaking world as proof of the Greeks’
cultural homogeneity and shared sense of identity.” He also viewed the texts as
validating the continuity of Greek character over time: an optimistic attitude in contrast
to the “oriental fatalism” of the Ottoman Turks. The last line of the most famous of
these laments, the “Song of Aghia Sophia,” holds out the hope that Constantinople “will
be yours/ours once more.” For the Greeks, this one line of folk-song text perfectly
encapsulates the political and territorial goals o f the “Great Idea.”103
The Construction of “National” Dances in Greece
Greek folk dance was also used to construct a Greek national identity based on
claims of cultural continuity. European writers and artists made the first systematic
attempts to link ancient Hellenic and contemporary dances. Because o f their historical
significance and geographical origin, certain dances after 1821 were elevated to national
symbols. The kalamatianos and tsamikos dances came from the Peloponnese and
Roumeli, respectively, two of the first regions of Greece to gain their independence
103
Ibid., 123-38.
55
from the Ottomans.104 Several scholars consider the syrtos, a close relative o f the
kalamatianos, to be the oldest Greek dance.105 The tsamikos became closely associated
with the klefts, the war for independence, and the Greek character (pride, bravery),
making it one o f the most potent symbols of national identity.106
During the nineteenth century, the kalamatianos and tsamikos were constructed
as “national” or “pan-Hellenic” dances and gradually dispersed throughout Greece.
They helped to promote a sense o f “national” culture among the many geographical
regions and heterogeneous groups that were being incorporated into the nation-state.
Wealthy and middle-class Athenians, however, had more cosmopolitan tastes,
preferring the latest forms of European entertainment to Greek folk music or dance. In
the later 1800s, a small group of individuals committed themselves toward preserving
the Greek “national” dances and sparked a “revival” in urban centers. In dance schools,
military schools, and salons of high society, instructors began teaching “national”
dances along with the standard repertoire of European dances, such as the waltz, polka,
l04Lisbet Torp, “It’s All Greek to Me: The Invention of Pan-Hellenic Dances
and Other National Stories,” paper presented at the Nordic and International Folklore
Symposium in Memory of Dr. Bengt Holbek, University of Copenhagen, Dept, of
Folklore, 11-12 December 1992,2, 5.
l0SLambelet names the syrtos as the most popular, links it to ancient inscriptions,
and remarks that it is considered the “national dance par excellence.” Georgios
Lambelet, La musique populaire grecque (Athens: 1934), 35-36. Hunt describes the
syrtos and kalamatianos as the same dance; the syrtos is in 2/4, while the kalamatianos
is in 7/8. Yvonne Hunt, Traditional Dance in Greek Culture (Athens: Center for Asia
Minor Studies, 1996), 88. Kalamatianos refers to the town o f Kalamata in the southern
Peloponnese, one of the centers of silk production during the Byzantine Empire. Ted
Petrides, Greek Dances (Athens: Lycabettus Press, 1975), 67.
l06The name may be derived from the tsamika, the costume o f the klefts, or from
the Tsams, of Epirus, a predominately Muslim minority. Hunt, Traditional Dance in
Greek Culture, 87.
56
and minuet.107 By the end of the nineteenth century, “well bred” Greeks knew how to
dance the “national” Greek dances, along with European ones.l0S These dances also
served to reinforce Greek identity in the era o f the “Great Idea.” Petrides mentions that
the upper class Greeks in Smyrna finished their balls by dancing a kalamatianos as a
symbolic act to express solidarity with “mother” Greece.109
The kalamatianos and tsamikos became more firmly entrenched as “national
dances” as organizations and activities promoted their cultural continuity and historical
significance. The Lyceum of Greek Women, founded in 1911, was dedicated to the
revival and dissemination of Greek dances, while the appearance of books and
recordings supported the teaching and performance of selected “pan-Hellenic” dances.
Thus, based on their presumed ancient origin and historical significance, the
kalamatianos and tsamikos assumed the most prominent position in publications and
repertoire of dance schools.110
Music, dance, and language served as markers of social class and reproduced the
oppositions of cultural dualism. Katharevousa was perceived as an “emblem o f social
advancement” that distinguished those who had mastered it from the “ignorant and
l07Torp, “It’s All Greek to Me,” 6.
108Irene Loutzaki, “Mia kritiki matia apo anthropoloyiki apopsi sti meleti tis
istorias tou chorou stin Ellada” [Greek Dances. A Critical Review of Books Relating to
the Traditional Dances in Greece], unpublished manuscript; 1992; quoted in Torp, “It’s
AH Greek to Me,” 6.
109Ted Petrides, “Greek Folk Dances and Change,” in The Dance Event: A
Complex Cultural Phenomenon, ed. Lisbet Torp (Copenhagen: ICTM Study Group on
Ethnochoreology, 1989), 152; quoted in Torp, “It’s All Greek to Me,” 6.
110Torp, “It’s All Greek to Me,” 7. The kalamatianos and tsamikos comprise a
large percentage o f the dances in Haralambos Sakellariou’s book Greek Dances (1940).
57
uncultured herd.”111 By contrast, dimotiki was associated with the “folk,” meaning the
rural inhabitants or the urban working class.'12 Likewise, demotic music had village or
“unsophisticated” connotations for well-to-do Athenians, who listened and danced to
European music or Greek genres modeled on those of Europe. Folk music was also
scorned for its perceived “contamination” by “Oriental” or “Turkish” sources. In
particular, the amanes, defined as a “long-drawn-out love song,” was despised for its
“Turkish” characteristics, which often included long melismatic phrases, microtonal
embellishments, rhythmic fluidity, specific modal structures that prominently used
augmented seconds, and the insertion o f the word aman into the text."3 In a review of a
pedagogical piano work by the composer Yannis Constantinidis, the music critic Minos
Dounias wrote about the disdain of many educated Greeks towards traditional music
and its Oriental characteristics: “I hear many asking themselves why Constantinidis, a
serious musician, undertook such a “hobby,” or even why he chose these intolerable
Greek “amanes” as a theme.”' 14
Throughout the twentieth century, scholars debated passionately regarding the
lineage and purity of Greek folk music. Even in the 1990s, scholars writing about
'' 'Mackridge, “Katharevousa,” 41.
" 2The same adjective (dimotiko) is used in Greek for “demotic” language,
“primary” school, and “folk” songs, and may have caused the common perception that
these three concepts are interlinked. Ibid., 47.
1,3In Greek, aman is rendered “oh dear” or “gosh.” In Turkish, there are several
meanings, including “oh!,” “mercy!,” “help!; “please,” and “for goodness sake,” though
figuratively, the word can mean “to be much distressed.”
' l4Minos Dounias, Musikokritika. Eklogi apo to kritiko ergo loti [Music
Criticism. Selections from His Critical Work] (Athens: Estia, 1963), 151.
58
Greek folk or art music revealed ambivalent attitudes about Greek identity and Oriental
influences. For example, Nikos Maliaras states that the “multiple attractions” o f modes
containing the augmented second give them “a sensual and often erotic character.”115
George Leotsakos comments that the augmented-second interval is associated with
“exotic” modes, in contrast to “Western” major and minor modes. By skillfully
combining the two types of modes, the composer Samaras was able to “marry the East,
or Greece of his visions, with the West.”116
At the beginning of the twentieth century, Greek composers who envisioned a
“national” music had substantial obstacles to overcome. The Athenians’ negative
perception of traditional music, along with their consumption o f European popular
music, did little to encourage Greek composers to create an art music based on the
modes and rhythms of folk song. Nevertheless, numerous ideological and intellectual
developments in Greece supported the construction o f “national” music. These
included the study of folk song, emergence o f folklore, gradual dispersion of “national”
dances, and national ideology of the “Great Idea.” All of these factors provided
legitimation for the Greek state and were vital in the construction and manipulation of
Greek national identity.
In the next chapter, I examine essays and music of several Greek composers,
placing them in their historical and cultural context.
II5Nikos Maliaras, “Dimotika tragoudia tou aigaiou ke tis Kritis sti mousiki tou
Manoli Kalomiri” [Demotic Songs of the Aegean and Crete in the Music of Manolis
Kalomiris], Mantatoforos 39-40 (1995): 147.
116George Leotsakos, “Lychnos ypo ton modion. Erga ellinon syntheton yia
piano 1847-1908” [Light under a Bushel. Piano Works by Greek Composers 1847-
1908], notes to the recording, Crete University Press, CUP 11,39-40.
59
CHAPTER THREE: FOLK SONG AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF
GREEK NATIONAL MUSIC
And this must be the goal of every truly national music: to build the palace where the
national soul will be enthroned.
Manolis Kalomiris, 1908*
The most national, most creative, most genuine work that Greek composers will do is
the cultivation of Greek melody with the application of polyphony, and its technical
development on the basis of counterpoint and fugue. And this will be the true national
music of the future.
Georgios Lambelet, 19012
As an essential force in the construction of a Greek national identity, folk song
was also the central defining element in the creation of a national music in Greece.
According to the composer Petros Petridis, the creation of a national music was
essential to the survival of Greek culture. He regarded the establishment of national
music as a patriotic duty, because it preserved Greek folk song and established a “new
voice of Hellenism.” Composers, such as Petridis, reinforced fundamental assumptions
of Greek nationalism in their writings. They maintained that Greek folk music and
Byzantine chant had survived the long years of the Ottoman occupation and kept the
spirit of Hellenism alive in the people. Because of its strong link to national identity,
Greek folk music provided inspiration and musical vocabulary to composers throughout
'Cited on p. 97.
2Cited on p. 130.
60
the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and defined the development of the so-called
“national school” o f music.
By using indigenous folk song in their compositions, Greek composers not only
gained access to a rich tradition of musical sources and stylistic elements not available
elsewhere, but they were also able to support the goals of the developing nation-state.
Research in Greek folk song supported scholars’ claim of an unbroken cultural
continuity with antiquity. This research provided the proof that Greeks were both
Hellenes and Europeans and legitimized the Greek state, which was dependent on and
largely manipulated by the Great Powers. A Greek national music with folk song at its
core, but primarily expressed in the language of European art music, reinforced this
complex identity. Like folk song, compositions of “national” music were used to
strengthen certain aspects o f Hellenic ideology. The rhetoric of composers writing
about “national” music reveals that they considered folk song the essence of Greek
identity, the very “pulse” or “soul” o f the nation. Educated composers saw themselves
taking the role o f the esteemed bards and folksingers who had raised national
consciousness. References to historical events, from antiquity, Byzantine era, or the
war for independence, were given prominence in compositions. The works o f Greek
poets, inspired by historical events and folk poetry and written in demotic language,
were also a significant influence on composers. Historical songs, including those
proclaiming the heroism o f the klefts, provided the basis for the epic nature of some
works o f composers and reinforced the Greek national character. During the period
1900-1922, musical works were used overtly for the support of the “Great Idea” and
other political goals, and during World War II, compositions stirred up feelings of
61
patriotism and resistance. Through their use o f folk song and references to Greek
history, individual composers produced works that helped to construct a Greek musical
identity, one that largely supported the tenets of Hellenic ideology.
W riting the History of Greek Music
In much of his recent research, George Leotsakos, the distinguished scholar of
modem Greek music, has questioned many of the widely held assumptions regarding
the writing and interpretation of Greek musical history. First o f all, he argues that the
history o f art music in Greece can be traced back to a much earlier date than previously
thought. Second, his thorough research on the music of the Ionian Islands has produced
new evidence of its distinctive Greek character, and he has documented its rich heritage,
unbroken continuity, and significant contributions to Greek musical life. Third, he
maintains that the musical contributions of composers from the Ionian Islands were
marginalized by several influential individuals on the mainland o f Greece, including
Georgios Nazos, director of the Athens Conservatory, and the composer Manolis
Kalomiris. Fourth, he shows that this marginalization o f Ionian composers produced a
specific reading of Greek musical history, one that gradually resulted in a division of
composers into three “schools”: the Ionian (Heptanesian), the national, and the postwar
(modem). This interpretation was solidified by Greek histories o f art music from 1919
until the end of the twentieth century. Fifth, Leotsakos has called attention to the biased
perspective created by the tendency o f twentieth-century Greek music historians to
emphasize the contributions of the “national school,” and their labeling of earlier
composers who used folk song or “national” stylistic characteristics in their works as
“forerunners” or “heralds” of the “national school.” Sixth, with the discovery of
62
nineteenth-century works that can be interpreted as “national” music, Leotsakos argues
that these artificial divisions into “schools” should be abolished. As further evidence of
the misrepresentation that has occurred in the writing of Greek musical history, he
points out that many composers after World War II also have drawn musical elements
from their Greek heritage, including folk song and Byzantine chant.3
The construction of Greek music history as a chronological succession of
contrasting “schools” gradually evolved with the emergence of composers who strove
to create a “national” music. Those who identified themselves as “national” composers
acknowledged the substantial influence of folk and Byzantine music on their works, but
they also employed the predominant European musical vocabulary of their era. They
contrasted the new “national” music with the earlier tradition of music from the Ionian
Islands, which was rejected as being “Italianate.” More specifically, national
composers rejected the music of the Heptanesians because it was perceived as “foreign”
or “non-Greek,” largely because it did not manifest the characteristics of folk music.
Although it may have seemed necessary for a “national” music to throw off “foreign”
musical domination, the reasons for the discarding of over a century’s tradition of Greek
music are entangled in a complex web of interrelated artistic issues and personal
ambitions. Leotsakos assigns most of the blame to Kalomiris for promoting the “three
3George Leotsakos, “Lychnos ypo ton modion. Erga ellinon syntheton yia piano
1847-1908” [Light under a Bushel. Piano Works by Greek Composers 1847-1908],
notes to the recording, Crete University Press, CUP 11.
63
school” approach to Greek musical history and instigating attacks on Ionian composers
to advance his own musical career.4
Kalomiris’ tremendous influence on Athenian cultural life was seen in the
perspectives taken by Greek musicologists in the writing of their nation’s musical
history. In the first of these accounts, penned in 1919, Theodoras N. Synadinos made a
clear distinction between composers of “national” music and composers from the Ionian
Islands. In the prologue, he states: “the so-called modem Greek music does not mean
Heptanesian [music], which comprises an entirely special chapter in the development of
music in Greece, and was also very important.” Synadinos divided the history of
modem Greek music into three periods: 1830-1871,1871-1891, and 1891-1919.5
Unlike the first two periods, which displayed “unhealthy romanticism,” the third period
was the “most remarkable,” with a “very intense and serious musical flowering.” The
works of such composers as Spyridon Samaras, Dionyssios Lavrangas, Georgios
Lambelet, Kalomiris and Dimitrios Lialios “are distinguished not only by superior
inspiration, but also superior technique, and national character.” Synadinos credited
Lambelet as the first to aspire to give “authentic color” to Greek music and recognized
Kalomiris for his revolutionary ideas about the “Greek character” of music.6
4Ibid. Leotsakos asserts that “the term Ionian has become almost derogatory,
implying deliberate insularity.” Ibid., 24.
5Synadinos defined the beginning of each period by a specific event: the

liberation of Greece, the founding of the Athens Conservatory, and the reorganization of
the Conservatory.
6Theodoros N. Synadinos, Istoria tis neoellinikis mousikis 1824-1919 [History

of Modem Greek Music 1824-1919] (Athens: 1919), vii-x.
64
Fivos Anoyanakis’ history (1960) articulated the commonly accepted
assumptions about the “national school” held throughout most of the twentieth century.7
Though Anoyanakis clearly divided Greek composers into the expected three
categories, the bulk o f his study was devoted to the Greek “National Music School,”
which he described as the “fruit of the social and intellectual regeneration” o f its age.8
Anoyanakis discussed several o f the most significant influences on Greek composers,
primarily the different national schools o f Europe (Russian, Czech, Spanish) and the
intellectual climate in Greece, including the poets Kostis Palamas and Angelos
Sikelianos, the language question, the periodical Noumas, and the New Stage of
Christomanos.9
Anoyanakis reinforced two assertions frequently made by Greek composers and
musicologists. First, there had been no native Greek artistic tradition before the
national school, because the music composed by members of the Heptanesian school,
particularly opera, was too closely associated with Italy. Second, the only Greek
resources that composers had available to them to use as the foundation o f their music
were demotic song and Byzantine melody. But, because this music was usually
7Fivos Anoyanakis, “I mousiki sti neoteri Ellada” [Music in Modem Greece],

first published as an appendix to the Greek translation o f Karl Nef, Einfuhrung in die
Musikgeschichte (Athens: By the Author, 1960).
8Anoyanakis also discusses Greek folk song and instruments, musical ensembles
and music education in the nineteenth century and early twentieth century, Italian opera,
operetta, and komidhyllio, a type of Greek comic theater.
9Ibid., 29. Palamas (1859-1943) was the central figure in Greek cultural life for
more than fifty years. In 1901, the writer K. Christomanos (1867-1911) founded the
New Stage, which regenerated theatrical life in Greece. Polids, A History o f Modem
Greek Literature, 157,210,215.
65
monophonic (or heterophonic), or had not developed harmonically in the same way as
had European music, the national composers turned to the music of the West, especially
that of the national schools. He implied that the Greek national school could leam
much from the attempts of these national schools, which earlier were “trying to throw
off the yoke o f Italian, German and French music.” 10
Citing its affinity with other national schools, Anoyanakis identified three
characteristics of the Greek national school, all derived from the use o f folk songs: 1)
the predominance of modal melodies, usually not based on European major and minor
scales; 2) the rhythmic variety, as well as the frequent use of new [i.e., additive] meters:
7/8,5/8, and others; and 3) the peculiar harmonic language, the result o f the use of new
scales."
Anoyanakis credited five composers with laying the foundations o f the national
school in the first two decades of the twentieth century: Lavrangas, Georgios Lambelet,
Kalomiris, Marios Varvoglis, and Emilios Riadis. Besides their compositional
activities, these composers made important musical contributions in the areas of music
education, research in and harmonization o f demotic songs, and the establishment of a
national opera company. Anoyanakis also quoted passages of Lambelet’s first writings
about national music and demotic song. He acknowledged Kalomiris as “the national
10Anoyanakis, Music in Modern Greece, 29-30.
"Ibid, 30.
66
composer, the leader o f the modem Greek National Music School” and discussed the
composer’s philosophy, life and works.12
Greek musical historians after 1900 constructed and perpetuated a division
between “Ionian” and “national” composers.13 They clearly gave preferential treatment
to the “national school” and stressed its connections to folk music, demotic poetry, and
national movements in other countries. Generally, these histories began their survey of
modem Greek music in 1830, since it coincided with Greek independence and the
establishment of the new nation-state. This chronology served Hellenic ideology by
emphasizing the construction of a national identity unmistakably separated from the
Ottoman past. In addition, as Leotsakos has argued, the omission of a musical history
before 1830 marginalized the contributions o f composers from the Ionian Islands.
Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century Music in the Ionian Islands
The construction of a national musical identity necessitated the clear distinction
and elevation of perceived Greek elements versus foreign influences. Composers who
called for the creation of a national music in the first decade of the twentieth century
sharply contrasted their objectives and art music with those of their predecessors.
Lambelet and Kalomiris thought the music o f composers from the Ionian Islands too
heavily influenced by Italy to have a Greek identity. Historians later described
l2Ibid, 30-40.
,3Besides Synadinos and Anoyanakis, historians who adopted this “schism”

include Avra Theodoropoulou, Sophia Spanoudi, Georgios K. Sklavos, Spyros
Skiadaressis, Dimitrios A. Hamoudoupoulos, and George Leotsakos (until 1988).
George Leotsakos, “Light under a Bushel,” 21.
67
composers who utilized elements o f Greek folk song in their music as “forerunners” or
“heralds” to the national school. A closer look at this period, however, reveals that
these established assumptions have restricted our view of history and need serious
reexamination.
Research by Leotsakos has documented a rich history of art music on the Ionian
Islands, one that began long before Greek independence and continued throughout the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Leotsakos’ work confirms that Greece’s tradition of
art music is among the oldest in the Balkans. As a result o f the four-hundred-year
occupation by Venice, the music of these islands, including Byzantine and folk music,
was strongly influenced by their proximity and close contacts with Italy. As early as the
beginning of the seventeenth century, some Byzantine chants were arranged as
multiple-voice settings in a Western style.14 Italian cultural influence was seen in the
lonians’ preference for opera, in the adoption of the conservatory as the model for
musical education, and in the development o f major-minor harmony in the popular
songs known as kantades. Thus, Western polyphony came to Greece through its
neighbor, Italy, which had established a close cultural relationship with the Ionian
Islands.
Ionian intellectual life was concentrated in the capital city, Corfu, which also
boasted the earliest and most prominent Greek operatic center. The first known opera
was presented at the Teatro San Giacomo in Corfu in 1733, introduced by the
lAThe New Grove Dictionary o f Music and Musicians, s.v. “Greece HI: After
1830,” by George S. Leotsakos. Leotsakos describes the chants as being “harmonized”
in a Western style.
68
impresario Carlo Grassi,15 but regular performances were not staged there until 1771.
Leotsakos regards this date as the “beginning of Greek art music,” because these
recurring operatic performances contributed toward the development o f a musical
tradition that spread throughout Heptanesia and the mainland o f Greece.16 Profoundly
shaping th f musical and social life o f the islands, these productions established a pattern
o f lavish spending for the importing of Italian companies, a pattern that continued for
nearly two-hundred years. The earliest known performance o f a work by a Greek
composer occurred in 1791, when the “farsetta per musica” Gli amanti confusi ossia II
brutto fortunato [The Confused Lovers or The Ugly Fortunate] by Stefanos Poyagos (/?.
c. 1791 -1819) was staged at the San Giacomo Theater in Corfu. Poyagos was the
teacher of the most famous Ionian composer, Nikolaos Halikiopoulos-Mantzaros (1795-
1872), considered the “patriarch” o f the “Heptanesian School.” Among Mantzaros’
many compositions are the earliest extant Greek works, dating from 1815 and including
the one-act comic opera Don Crepuscolo as well as several arias.17
After studying with Niccolo Antonio Zingarelli at the San Pietro a Majella
Conservatory in Naples, Mantzaros returned to Corfu where he made several important
contributions to Greek musical life. He was responsible for the basic music education
15The New Grove Dictionary o f Opera, s.v. “Corfu,” by George S. Leotsakos.
ieThe New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and Musicians, s.v. “Greece III: Art
Music since 1770,” by George S. Leotsakos.
l7These arias include: Sono inquieto ed agitato [I am anxious and agitated],

Bella speme lusinghera [Beautiful and happy hope] and Come augellin che canta [Like
a little bird that sings]. See Leotsakos, “Light under a Bushel,” 9. Other early works
include Ludovico Platonis’ Atreus ke Thyestes (performed 1817-22 in Zakynthos) and
Poyagos’ I para Feaxin aftxis tou Odysseos, given in Corfu in 1819. The New Grove
Dictionary o f Opera, s.v. “Greece,” by George S. Leotsakos.
69
o f a majority o f other Ionian composers and music teachers, often without receiving
payment for his work. In 1840, Mantzaros founded the first “Philharmonic Society” of
Corfu.18 After this date, more societies appeared throughout Heptanesia, principally
established by other Ionian composers. Although they operated on small budgets, these
philharmonic societies, which included secondary schools of music, trained wind
players for participation in Ionian and mainland Greek bands and orchestras. Mantzaros
wrote a large number of compositions, including “sinfonie,” chamber works, piano
solos, choral and vocal works, and arrangements o f Greek folk songs and Byzantine
hymns, but, unfortunately, most were lost or have remained unknown. Mantzaros is
best known for his setting of Solomos’ “Hymn to Freedom,” which became the national
anthem in 1865 and is considered the first important work of modem Greek music
literature.19
A large group of native composers from Heptanesia flourished in the nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries. Like Mantzaros, their “enlightened teacher,” many of
these composers made their way to study in Italy, most often in Naples, Milan, or
,8The Corfu Philharmonic Society was the first Greek conservatory, and it
primarily trained players for wind bands, which became popular throughout the Ionian
Islands and the Greek mainland. The New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and Musicians,
s.v. “Greece III: Art Music since 1770,” by George S. Leotsakos.
19The “Hymn to Freedom” is a cantata for four-part male chorus and piano
(1828-30); the national anthem is the first 24 verses, without the introduction. George
S. Leotsakos, Elliniki mousiki zoi ke dimiourgia 1910-1914. I Ellada ton Valkanikon
Polemon 1910-1914 [Greek Musical Life and Creation 1910-1914. Greece during the
Balkan Wars 1910-1914], Offprint (Athens: Society o f the Greek Literary and
Historical Archive, 1993), 247.
70
Bologna.20 Unlike Mantzaros, however, most of them spent a greater part of their lives
abroad. Strongly influenced by the Romantic environment and characteristic Italian
melody, harmony, and forms, the Ionian composers gravitated to Italian vocal genres.
Their primary works were operas, set to Italian libretti, sometimes successful in Italian
lyric theater.21 These operas were also performed in Heptanesia by touring Italian opera
companies. Domenikos Padovanis (1817-92), a distinguished disciple of Mantzaros,
was one o f the few Ionian composers whose operas have survived. His works include
Dirce, the one-act comic opera II ciarlatano preso per principe and three one-
movement sinfonias for orchestra, including one dated December 1837, the oldest
known example of orchestrated Greek music.22
Two of Mantzaros’ students, Spyridon Xyndas (1812-1896) and Pavlos Carrer
(1829-1896), are recognized as the first Greek composers whose works became widely
known to their countrymen in the second half of the nineteenth century. Xyndas’ comic
and politically satirical opera O Ypopsefios Vouleftes (The Parliamentary Candidate),
20Spyros Motsenigos provides biographical information about 33 Ionian-bom

composers. Spyros G. Motsenigos, Neoelleniki mousiki. Symvoli is tin istorian tis
[Modem Greek Music. Contributions to Its History] (Athens, 1958), 223-60.
21At first, Ionian composers modeled their operas on those o f Niccolo Zingarelli,
Mercadante, Bellini, Donizetti and Verdi. The New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and
Musicians, s.v. “Greece III: Art Music since 1770,” by George S. Leotsakos.
“ Following his musical education in Rome, Padovanis returned to Corfu, where

he taught from 1841. He was also one o f first members of the Corfu Philharmonic
Society. Leotsakos, Greek Musical Life, 247. Leotsakos describes his music as
“possessing a refined technique,” “melodic eloquence and theatrical atmosphere” and
positions him in the bel canto school o f Bellini and Donizetti.
71
composed in 1867, was the first opera written to a Greek libretto.23 Carrer composed
several operas inspired by historical Greek subjects and his country’s War for
Independence, including Marcos Botsaris (1857-58), Kyra Frosyni (1869), Despo or
Heroine ofSouli (1882), and Marathon-Salamis (1886).24 Carrer’s song, “0 Yero
Demos” [Old Demos] from Act I of Marcos Botsaris, described as “a heartbreaking
farewell to life sung by an old kleft,” achieved an immense popularity in the late 1800s
and was often mistaken for a “folk” song.25
Besides Xyndas and Carrer, several other composers frequently made reference
to folk songs from Heptanesia or the Greek mainland, including Frangiskos [Franciscos]
23Written on a libretto by I. Rinopoulos, it remained popular until the end of the

century. Ibid. Leotsakos describes the opera as “a fresh work revealing the dichotomy
between corrupt politicians and destitute peasants at the time o f the union of the Ionian
Islands with Greece (1864). Musically, the obvious model is the Italian buffo style,
which is happily blended with echoes o f southern Italian folklore and distinct references
to Ionian and mainland Greek folk elements.” The opera’s performance in Athens at
the Boukouras Theater on March 14,1888 is considered the “birthday” of Greek lyric
theater. The New Grove Dictionary o f Opera, s.v. “Greece,” by George S. Leotsakos.
24Fragiskos [Franciscos] Domeniginis (1809-1874), Iosif [Joseph] Liveralis

(1820-99), Nikolaos Tzanis-Metaxas (1825-1907) and Georgios Lambiris (1833-1889)
also wrote operas that were inspired by the Greek Revolution. Leotsakos, Greek
Musical Life, 247. Some Italian composers also drew on this material. The New Grove
Dictionary o f Opera, s.v. “Greece,” by George S. Leotsakos.
2sThe song is set to the poetry o f Aristotelis Valaoritis. Leotsakos, “Light under
a Bushel,” 36. Excerpts from Marcos Botasris were performed in Athens in 1858
before King Otto. The opera was not staged for several years, however, because its
subject matter (the Greek war of independence) was politically sensitive. In the Ionian
Islands, under British rule until 1864, an opera with this theme might have stimulated a
desire for enosis [union] with Greece, while on the mainland, the patriotic sentiments
might have jeopardized Greece’s relations with the Great Powers. The opera’s triumph
in Athens in 1875 guaranteed Carrer’s position as “a monumental figure in Greek
music, perhaps the most popular and widely performed composer in the nineteenth-
century Greece before Spyridon Samaras.” The New Grove Dictionary o f Opera, s.v.
“Greece,” by George S. Leotsakos.
72
Domeniginis (1809-1874) and Iosif [Joseph] Liveralis (1820-99).26 According to
Leotsakos, one of Liveralis’ extant piano works, the Le Reveil du Klepht (1847), stands
as “a landmark in the history of Greek music,” because it is not only one o f the earliest
“national school” compositions in the world, but it is the oldest known and extant
“national school” work in modem Greek music.27 Leotsakos classifies the composition
as “national” from its allusion to folk songs o f mainland Greece, though he also
suggests that the composition could be described as a ‘“ naive’ harmonic approach to
some folklike, rather than folk, motifs through the major and minor modes, which
enhances its unaffected charm.”28 In any case, if the label of “national” is used,
Leotsakos argues that it also applies to many o f the works of composers from the Ionian
Islands.
A younger generation of Heptanesian composers, often labeled as “forerunners
of the national school,” utilized elements of traditional music more frequently. These
26Leotsakos contends that the first version o f the Mantzaros’ “Hymn to

Freedom” may have “some traces of an Ionian folk song” and that two arias from
Xyndas’ opera The Parliamentary Candidate have “unmistakable folk echoes.”
Leotsakos, “Light Under a Bushel,” 23,35.
27After examining Liveralis’ extant piano works, Leotsakos wrote: “The

extremely elegant, crystal-clear writing in the higher and the graceful economy in the
lower register justify his reputation as a pianist and establish him as one of the earliest
Greek pianist-composers and his works as the dawn of the Modem Greek piano
repertoire.” Ibid., 34.
28Ibid., 35-36. The full name o f the composition is Le Reveil du Klepht,

Souvenirs des Chants Populaires de la Grece Varies pour le Piano, or To xypnima tou
klefti [The Awakening of the Klepht]. It has seven movements, three of which have
descriptive titles: “La Zamarra del Pastore [The Shepherd’s Flute], Ballo [Dance], and
Tsamico [Tsamikos Dance].
73
composers, including Napoleon Lambelet (1864-1932),29 Georgios Lambelet (1875-
1945), Dionysios Lavrangas (18607-1941), and Spyros Samaras (1861-1917), exercised
a significant influence in Greece and abroad. The first Greek composer with an
extensive international career, Samaras studied in Corfu, Athens, and Paris (with
Delibes). He has been described as a “spontaneous melodist” and, more importantly, as
the “forerunner o f Italian verismo.” Between 1882 and 1911, several of his operas,
including Flora mirabilis( 1886) and La Martyre (1894), triumphed in Europe,
especially in Italy, and were even more popular than those of Mascagni.30 Lavrangas, a
prolific composer, combined stylistic elements from both French and Italian opera and
instrumental music with those of Greek folk music.31 His time abroad in Naples and
Paris prepared him well for the role he would play in the development o f Greek musical
life. In 1900, he and a fellow conductor, Ludovicos Spinellis, founded the Elleniko
Melodrama [Greek Opera] company. After the company’s debut with La Boheme, it
staged over fifty Greek and foreign operas for its audiences over the next forty-three
years.
29Napoleon Lambelet was a “pioneer of the operatic idea” in Greece, but he also
worked in Egypt (1893-98) and England as a composer and conductor. Leotsakos,
Greek Musical Life, 248.
30Ibid. Samaras’ operas were staged in Milan, Rome, Paris, Monte Carlo,
Cologne, Berlin, Vienna, Malta, Bucharest, Constantinople, Smyrna, Alexandria, and
Cairo. The New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and Musicians, s.v. “Samaras,
Spyridon,” by George S. Leotsakos.
3'Besides operas, Lavrangas composed operettas, symphonic works, sacred

choral compositions, and songs. Leotsakos regards Lavrangas’ Ta dyo adelfia [The
Two Brothers] (1901) as the first National School opera. The New Grove II Dictionary
o f Music and Musicians, s.v. “Greece III: Art Music since 1770,” by George S.
Leotsakos.
74
In sum, the works of the Ionian composers demonstrated strong cultural
influences from Europe, the Greek mainland, and their own islands. Throughout the
nineteenth century, these composers gradually defined “Greek” identity by using Greek
texts in their vocal works, choosing opera libretti that referred to events in ancient and
modem Greek history, and incorporating elements of Greek traditional music.
Although many works of the Heptanesian composers are lost, inaccessible, or
unknown, a more accurate picture of their vast musical contributions has been slowly
emerging. Despite the frequent indifference and hostility directed towards them, Ionian
composers indelibly shaped musical life, education and composition on the Hellenic
mainland.33
Mainland Greece in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries
The incorporation of folk song and the adoption of European musical genres,
particularly opera and instrumental music, assisted the Greeks in their desire to
strengthen Hellenic elements of national identity and present an acceptable external
image. At the time of independence, Greeks living on the mainland were largely
unfamiliar with Western art music. The first president of Greece, Ioannis Capodistrias
(1776-1831), supported the education and performance of Western music. During his
32Many o f the works of the Ionian composers were lost either as a result of the
bombing o f Corfu in World War II or in the great earthquake of 1953.
33After 1880 many Ionian-born composers came to Athens, including Georgios

Lambiris (1833-89), Spyridon Samaras, Dionyssios Lavrangas, Napoleon and Georgios
Lambelet, Iossif and Spyridon Kaesaris, Lavrentios Camilieris (1874? 18787-1956),
Ludovicos Spinellis, Georgios Axiotis, and Dionyssios Rodhotheatos (1847-96). The
New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and Musicians, s.v. “Greece III: Art Music since
1770,” by George S. Leotsakos.
75
short term in office (1828-31), Capodistrias established a position for the teaching of
Western music on the island of Aegina and invited foreign artists to Greece. Other
plans to introduce Western music to the new nation, however, were interrupted by his
assassination.34
It was during the reign of King Otto (1832-62) that long-term patterns became
firmly entrenched on the mainland: the importation of foreign artists, a preference for
opera (and, later, operetta), and a lack o f government support for Greek music education
and composition. Following the example set by Corfu, the Greek state collaborated
with impresarios to import Italian opera companies, reportedly, for the entertainment of
foreigners and wealthy businessmen.35 Rossini’s II barbiere di Siviglia was the first
opera staged in Athens in 1837. Three years later, Lucia di Lammermoor inaugurated
the opening of the Boukouras Theater, which provided a venue for operatic
performances until the end of the nineteenth century. Initially, the Greek press opposed
foreign opera for “alleged immorality” and because the State spent enormous sums to
promote it.36 Opera spread to other Greek cities after 1840 but was not readily accepted
at first by local Greeks, who did not gravitate to the strange foreign melody.37 During
the second half of the nineteenth century, however, Italian and French opera and
operetta gradually became more popular with a larger segment o f society. Under the
z*The New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and Musicians, s.v. “Greece III: Art
35Leotsakos, Greek Musical Life, 383.
36The New Grove Dictionary o f Opera, s.v. “Athens,” by George S. Leotsakos.
37Fivos Anoyanakis, “Music in Modem Greece,” 12.
76
direction of Napoleon Lambelet, the EUiniko Melodrama [Greek Opera] presented
Xyndas’ The Parliamentary Candidate at the Boukouras Theater in 1888. Although
this company was disbanded two years later, Lavrangas and Spinellis founded a second
Greek Opera in 1900, which survived without assistance from the state until 1943. The
Ethniki Lyriki Skini [National Opera], inaugurated with a production of Die
Fledermaus, was established in 1939.38 Operetta was introduced to Athenians in 1873
by an Armenian company and quickly grew in popularity. The Elliniki Operetta [Greek
Operetta], founded in 1908, and other subsequently organized troupes presented an
astounding number of Greek works in this genre.39
In addition to opera and operetta, popular music in the last three decades of the
nineteenth century included Athenian kantades, romantic serenades for male chorus,
modeled on those from the Ionian Islands. Because of the influence of Italian opera and
popular song, the kantades were usually sung in a major mode and harmonized by a
small group of singers. While one voice carried the melodic line, a second voice
accompanied the treble in parallel lower thirds or sixths or parallel superimposed thirds,
and then a bass line was added to complete the harmonization.
The komidhyllio, a comic theater or vaudeville that included music, became
fashionable with the Athenian public during the last decade o f the century. Although it
n The New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and Musicians, s.v. “Greece III: Art
39Leotsakos estimates that approximately 1000 operettas by Greek composers

were written and performed between 1900 and 1940. The two most prominent Greek
composers of operetta were Theofrastos Sakellaridis (1883-1950) and Nikolaos
Hatziapostolou (18797-1941). Leotsakos, Greek Musical Life, 389.
77
was influenced indirectly by Italian opera and French operetta, it combined Greek
subjects and folk songs, satire, and Eastern motives. This form of musical theater,
written in the demotic language of the people, encouraged writers to present their prose
with added musical comments. The first play, Mylonadhes (The Miller), adapted from
an old Italian comedy, was presented in 1888. Although komidhyllio was a brief
attempt to merge music and theater, it positively strengthened national music with its
utilization of the demotic language and folk music.40
In contrast to the vast amounts spent on the importation of opera and operetta,
only limited funds were available for music education. Special schools providing
education for Byzantine chant (1837) and military music (1843-55) were short-lived.41
At least three private musical societies in Athens were active between 1870 and 1900,
and they succeeded in gradually increasing the public’s acceptance of Western music.42
The first significant musical institution in modem Greece was the Athens Conservatory,
founded in 1871. During its first twenty years, its director was the composer and
educator Alexandras Katakouzinos (1824-1892), who worked tirelessly, with limited
40Fivos Anoyanakis, “Music in Modem Greece,” 27-28. The composer

Ludovicos Spinellis viewed komidhyllio as “a stepping-stone towards a national school
of opera.” The New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and Musicians, s.v. “Greece III: Art
4lThe formation of philharmonic societies in the Ionian Islands, which later

spread to the mainland, was stimulated by the presence o f British military bands. King
Otto included two Bavarian military bands in his entourage and supported tours of
bands to six major Greek cities during his reign. Fivos Anoyanakis, “Music in Modem
Greece,” 11-12.
42Leotsakos names the private society Euterpe (1871-75) (modeled on the Corfu
Philharmonic Society), the Athens Philharmonic Society (1885-1900) and the Omilos
Philomousson (1893-1900) as examples. The New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and
78
private funding, to educate Athenians musically. Leotsakos writes: “[Katakouzinos]
proceeded with extreme caution, smoothly bridging the gap which divided the Greek
public at that time from the artistic Western music.”43
The marriage o f Prince Constantine to Princess Sophia Hohenzollem, a sister of
the Kaiser, in 1889, initiated a period of “sudden Germanization” of Athenian life.
Thereafter, German culture began to exert more influence at the institutional level,
including conservatories. The banker Andreas Syngros (1830-1899) played a pivotal
role in this change. After contributing large sums for the construction of the Demotikon
Theater o f Athens (1888), he offered financial support to the struggling Athens
Conservatory. But Syngros’ offer was made with the condition that Georgios Nazos
(1862-1934), the son of a close personal friend, would be appointed as director in place
of Katakouzinos. Despite the support of powerful patrons, criticism of Nazos and his
policies grew steadily during his directorship (1891-1934). Nazos advocated foreign
music, particularly German and French, and showed a fierce opposition to Italian-
trained Greek composers (usually from Heptanesia). Not surprisingly, he was in
conflict with many of the native and distinguished foreign music teachers who taught at
the Athens Conservatory, a situation that produced long-term negative results. Among
those he alienated were the composers Napoleon Lambelet, Georgios Lambelet,
43Katakouzinos worked in the Greek community o f Odessa, Russia (1861-70),

then was invited to Greece in 1870 by Queen Olga to direct the Royal Chapel choir. He
introduced four-part harmonized settings of ecclesiastical music to the Greek
community in both Odessa and Athens. Leotsakos, Greek Musical Life, 383.
79
Georgios Axiotis, Lavrangas, Lavrentios Camilieris, Spinellis and later, Samaras and
Kalomiris.44
The establishment of other conservatories challenged the monopoly o f power
held by the Athens Conservatory and created additional opportunities for the study of
Western music. In 1899, the German pianist Lina von Lottner (1852-1934), pupil of
Hans von Btllow, and several other professors from the Athens Conservatory founded
the so-called “New Conservatory.” More frequently known as the Lottner
Conservatory, this institution continued until 1919 and trained the first Greek mixed
chorus to perform European choral music, primarily oratorios by German composers. It
also published the monthly periodical Apollon, one of the first musical journals in the
country. Besides a few references to ancient Greek music, the articles in Apollon
focused mostly on German classical and romantic composers, while ignoring those of
modem Greece.4S Although it produced some outstanding students, the Lottner
Conservatory for the most part remained isolated from Greek musical life.46
Conservatories gradually proliferated in the twentieth century, starting with Kalomiris’
initiatives. After a quarrel with Nazos, Kalomiris left his position at the Athens
44Leotsakos, “Light Under a Bushel,” 11-12; Leotsakos, Greek Musical Life,

383-84. Until Nazos’ death in 1934, over 60 foreign guest teachers, mostly pianists,
were invited to the conservatory. The New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and
45The 1904-05 volume abounds with articles about Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven,
Franck, and mainly Wagner, with whom the Athenian public had just begun to be
acquainted. Leotsakos, Greek Musical Life, 382.
46Among the most distinguished students of the Lottner Conservatory were the
outstanding baritone Yannis Anghelopoulos (1881-1943), operetta composer Nikos
Hadjiapostolou (18797-1941) and composer Dimitrios Levidis (18867-1951).
Leotsakos, “Light Under a Bushel,” 13.
80
Conservatory and founded the Hellenic Conservatory (1919), and later, the National
Conservatory (1926), both active to the present day.
With the establishment of the Athens Conservatory’s symphony orchestra in
1893, chamber and orchestral music was available to Athenians for the first time.
Experienced foreign conductors were brought in to direct the orchestra: Franck Choisy
(1899-1907), Armand Marsick (1908-22) and Jean Boutnikoff (1923-29). Performance
standards steadily declined, however, partly because orchestral musicians normally held
several positions and had inadequate rehearsal time.47 The repertoire consisted of
German classics, from Mozart to Wagner; music of Greek composers was rarely played
during Nazos’ directorship.48 From 1919 to 1925, the Hellenic Conservatory supported
its own symphonic ensemble, but then it merged with the Athens Conservatory
orchestra to form the famous Syllogou Synavlion [Concert Society] (1925-27).49
Dimitri Mitropoulos launched his career from the podium o f the Hellenic Conservatory
and achieved distinction during his association with the Concert Society and Athens
Conservatory orchestras. Mitropoulos’ esteemed reputation drew numerous
international celebrities to Athens, whose visits contributed toward a “brilliant period in
47Generally, these musicians also played for opera and operetta productions.
Leotsakos blames this practice for producing the “the lowest level of musical
performance in the whole world” until 1991. Leotsakos, Greek Musical Life, 382.
48Nazos forbade the musicians of the orchestra to participate in a concert of

works by George Lambelet in 1911. Ibid. From 1922, Greek works appeared more
frequently on concerts at the Athens Conservatory.
49The Concert Society existed for only two years; afterwards, the orchestra came
under the auspices of the Athens Conservatory.
81
Greek musical life” (1920-40).50 In 1942, the Athens Conservatory Orchestra was
nationalized, becoming the Kratiki Orchistra Athinon (K.O.A.) [Athens State
Orchestra]. Opportunities to hear the works of Greek composers increased significantly
with the founding of the Greek Radio Orchestra in 1938.SI This ensemble performed an
abundance of Greek works, providing composers with a permanent and supportive
venue for their creative efforts.
National music evolved within a complex historical, political, and artistic
climate. With the establishment of music conservatories, ensembles, and archives, the
existence of a small audience for Western classical music, and a growing interest in
traditional music and folklore in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth centuries, the
institutional foundations had been laid for the development of a “national” music.
Writings of G reek Composers about National Music
During the first decade of the twentieth century, two Greek composers, Georgios
Lambelet and Manolis Kalomiris, began formulating the philosophical foundations of
what would be called the national school. They were influenced by the expression of
Greek nationalism in literature, art, and philosophy that had developed in the 1800s.
S0The New Grove Dictionary o f Music and Musicians, s.v. “Greece III: After
1830,” by George S. Leotsakos. Leotsakos lists the following foreign celebrities who
visited Athens during this period: Camille Saint-Saens, Emo Dohnanyi, Alfred Cortot,
Alexander Brailowsky, Bronislaw Huberman, Jacques Thibaud, Fritz Kreisler, Nathan
Milstein, Pablo Casals, Jean Martinon, Bruno Walter, Eugen Jochum and Hermann
Scherchen. The New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and Musicians, s.v. “Greece III: Art
5'Greek Radio (Elliniki Radiofonia) later became E.R.T., the Elliniki Radiofonia
ke Tileorasi [Greek Radio and Television].
82
Since they had both studied abroad, Lambelet and Kalomiris were also knowledgeable
o f Western musical history, including the appearance of national schools in other
countries. All of the above elements, though disparate, influenced their writings, in
which Lambelet and Kalomiris sought to define their musical goals. Lambelet was the
first to put forth his views about national identity and music in the journal, Panathinea,
in 1901. Kalomiris penned his famous “Manifesto” in 1908 and continued to express
his ideas about national music, folk song, and demotic poetry through the 1950s. In
1919, Petros Petridis spoke about Greek national music in a lecture given in London.
An examination of the writings and speeches of these three composers affords a better
understanding of how national music was constructed in Greece, how it was defined in
relationship to folk song, and how it was related to the ideology o f European national
music schools and the prevalent nationalist ideology of the time.
Georgios Lambelet: uNational Music” (1901)
Georgios Lambelet was the first Greek composer to write about creating a
national music inspired by folk traditions. After Lambelet returned to Greece in 1901,
he published an essay “I ethniki mousiki” [National Music], which clarifies the main
components of a Greek musical identity.52 Lambelet’s conception o f a national music
drew from both European musical traditions and Greek cultural heritage and, most
importantly, was firmly grounded in Greek folk song. His essay expressed many o f the
ideas about national music, folk song, and modem Greek poetry that would be reiterated
S2Georgios Lambelet, “I ethniki mousiki” [National Music], Panathinea 3

(1901): 82-90,126-31.
83
by other composers and scholars throughout the twentieth century. For example,
Lambelet used the metaphor of a tree to symbolize national art or music, an image that
Kalomiris then frequently elaborated upon in his writings.
Lambelet’s conception of national music is influenced by a number o f ideas that
circulated in Europe in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. By speaking in more
general terms at the beginning of his essay, he positions Greece within the European
musical context. Lambelet’s essay reflects the influence o f Herder’s romantic idea of a
collective national spirit or personality for each community. Seeking to clarify the term
“national art,” Lambelet explains that it is “something much broader and more noble
than the multitude of people can imagine,” not “pompous marches” that depict patriotic
deeds. In its broader sense, Lambelet defines “national art” as “that which interprets
more generally the idea and feeling o f a nation,” one that is revealed in a distinctive
“national character.” He argues that all artists are national, “because their work is
nothing else but [located in] the tree o f national art, nothing other than an extended
branch which draws its essence from the deep roots of the environment and the people.”
At the same time, he notes that national artists can also have an international impact,
and cites Wagner as evidence of this.53 National art is the “true art” because it “draws
its essence from the pure and sincere roots of the national idea.” He contrasts this to a
“false and hypocritical art” which seeks to distance itself from its social and physical
roots. But although the art of each people reveals a distinctive national character,
Lambelet says that the national composer must enrich his art with current international
53Lambelet, “National Music,” 83.
84
musical technique, including polyphony. At the same time, national composers must
avoid the imitation of foreign music; national music must reflect the character o f Greek
people, not the character of European art.S4
Even before establishing the cultural duality o f this desired national musical
identity, Lambelet looked to other artistic forms in Greece that had developed a rich
tradition in the 1800s. He claims that no national music had existed in Greece up to that
time - thus overlooking the Ionian composers - but Greek literature, namely poetry and
short story, provides an example of how such national art could be created. The
“brightest” example is Dionysios Solomos, the distinguished poet of Greece, the
“inspired and spiritual bard of freedom.” Lambelet credits Solomos and other poets
with the establishment of “poetic-patriotic” school, which was based on the folk songs
and hymns from the independence period.5S
Lambelet cites the many ways Solomos provided a model for composers who
not only set his texts to music, but also sought similar philosophical goals. Solomos
established the pattern of the foreign-educated Greek artist who returned to his country
to work toward the creation of a national art. After prolonged study abroad and
connection with Italian intellectual circles, Solomos came back to Greece (Ionian
Islands) and thoroughly immersed himself in the demotic language and folk traditions,
seeking “to liberate his soul, as much as possible, from the influence of Italianism,
although he adored the literature and poetry of the Italians.” Though Solomos “wrote
54Ibid., 83-84.
S5Ibid., 82-85.
85
the language of the people and with the people’s feeling, he idealized and refined these
and put in his work all the noble spirituality that nature and his deep encyclopedic
education gave him.” Lambelet calls Solomos’ work a “national creation, an extremely
aristocratic intellectual conception, [which] bears with it all the international technique
and spiritual progress o f his time.”56 Thus, Solomos served as an exemplar and
inspiration to “national” composers and demonstrated the path toward achieving their
goals: a solid education (usually abroad), extensive training in international artistic
techniques, a thorough knowledge and love for the demotic language, folk songs, and
Greek traditions, a close affinity with the social and natural environment of Greece, and
spiritual and intellectual maturation.
Several times in the essay Lambelet reiterates the central tenet in the
construction of a national musical identity in Greece: folk music is the inspiration for
the creation of national music, just as demotic poetry provided Greek poets with the
basis of their art.
It cannot be denied that the demotic muse, in poetry as well as in music,

presents us the contemporary Greek soul in its entirety. All that to which
it gave birth in our poetic art through Solomos, Krystallis, Palamas,
Porfyras, and others, must also do the same thing with our musicians.
Just as Solomos and the others who I mentioned, loved, studied, and took
care of it, in this way, our composers must love it, unite themselves in it,
immerse themselves in it, nestle it in their souls, and make it their own.
When this is done let them not be afraid that they will only be capable of
singing about the loves of a shepherd and shepherdess, but that the scope
of their creation will be limitless. It will be possible for them to write
symphonies a quattro tempi and suites for orchestra. They will be able
to distill in their art all the spirituality and all the latest international
development from a technical, aesthetic, and psychological point of
56
Ibid., 84.
86
view. [It will be possible] to apply to it all the techniques depending on
their particular idiosyncrasy, to be of a real school or idealist. ...Finally
their art can be of international impact and can be valid beyond their
period.57
Lambelet further elaborates his belief in the almost unlimited creative potential
o f Greek folk music and poetry.
Demotic poetry and demotic music is that which is the purest, most
beautiful, most original and truest [of] which modem Greece can offer in
art. Within it is reflected the soul of Hellenism, and if, just as there were
found enough poets who loved and cultivated the demotic poetry in
Greece, if a Grieg can be found for demotic music in Greece, that alone
would shake up the five continents. The melodic and rhythmic richness
o f Greek demotic melodies is such that the demotic muse of other
nations would pale [in comparison]. L. A. Bourgault-Ducoudray, writes
about Greece and the Orient in general: ‘it is an inexhaustible musical
mine.’58
In order for composers to have access to this “musical mine,” Lambelet
expressed the need for a thorough collection and serious study o f Greek folk songs.
This kind of research would be a national contribution made by well-educated scholars,
who have a thorough understanding of the language, traditions, music, and natural
environment of the people.
The musician, who is also versed in literature, philosophy and history,

would tour Greece, conducting a search down to the last village, in order
to collect all the most genuine and beautiful Greek melodies, which
vanish every day through the continually developing communication
with the people who are of European culture, and lose their primitive
aroma in the pure and virgin places where they are to be found. And as
he toured and collected these melodies, how this musician would benefit
himself and the art of his nation, if he at the same time studied the nature
and the social environment from which they sprang, the soul, the
customs, the historical development of the people who created them, that
57Ibid., 86.
58Ibid., 87. Lambelet wonders, “What would become of Greek demotic

melodies in the hands of a Greek Grieg?”
87
is to say if he labored to create a philosophical treatise o f his art, and
then in one volume if he were to present all these melodies, in which
[volume] he would also state what he felt and judged about them,
studying and analyzing. [If this volume had come out] our composers
would then have the ready-made ground on which to cultivate their
national ideal, and this ground would be fertile for new and original
inspirations, and their Greek soul, sincere and unforced, would create.59
Though Lambelet values Greek folk music as a creation in its own right, he
emphasizes its more significant role as the source material for musical works in a
“national” style. In his view, the composer mediates the distance between “folk” and
“art” music because his position as “expert” separates and elevates him above the rest of
“the folk.”60 Differentiated from “the people,” the artist takes the basic material,
whether it is language or music, and refines it. Although demotic songs represent the
most “national music” of Greece, they are “no more than a primitive expression o f art,
which can be used as basic material for composers who are experts.” True “national
music” can only be “cultivated and developed by talented composers who are profound
and well-educated,” but who must base their art on the Greek folk song.61 Thus, the
artist assumes a privileged position and creates a new product, more refined,
sophisticated, and “European” than “pure” folk song.
By establishing folk music as the central component o f national music, Lambelet
and subsequent composers sought to differentiate themselves from all previous
generations of Greek composers. In his essay, Lambelet set the tone for future scholars
S9Ibid.
la m b e le t seems to echo Herder’s ideas when he states that “the beginning of

all art always has its source in the people, “ who are “uneducated,” and “unspoiled by
any foreign influence.”
6lIbid., 84-85.
88
and composers of the “national school” who also criticized foreign, especially “Italian,”
influences in composers’ works and largely ignored earlier composers’ attempts to
integrate “folk” elements in their music. Lambelet argues that none of the composers of
the nineteenth century were dedicated to the creation of a national music. He believed
that Nikolaos Mantzaros, a contemporary of Solomos, was not interested in this goal
because o f one or more of the following factors: 1) “he could not avoid the influence of
Italian music”; 2) “he did not feel himself able” to work towards this goal; and 3) “he
did not have enough creative power in his art to attempt such an undertaking.”
Lambelet offers a relatively harsh criticism of Mantzaros’ most famous composition,
the “Hymn to Freedom,” later adopted as the national hymn of Greece. O f this
composition, Lambelet remarks: “This melody does not have a national character, and it
seems by its appearance more like an Italian hymn.” Indeed, Lambelet believed that
although Mantzaros was a skillful artist, he was not successful in giving any of his
works “a personal character, much less a national character.”62 Lambelet continues by
saying that there were a number of other composers who were active in Greece during
Mantzaros’ lifetime, many of whom also originated from Heptanesia. Although some
were very talented, he thought none of them “seems to have ever been inspired by a
national source.” 63Lambelet finishes his summary of nineteenth-century music by
calling attention to the presence of a promising group of individuals. “In more recent
years, several Greek composers appeared who are much more serious and scientific in
62Ibid„ 85.
63Three composers are specifically mentioned: Leonidas Albanas, Xyndas, and

Carrer, who he considered the most educated.
89
their compositions because they studied at European conservatories. But their
compositions were created under the full influence o f the character o f European art, and
add nothing to the national edifice of art.”64 These statements consistently illustrate the
bias o f “national” composers against those who came before them.
The remainder of Lambelet’s essay deals with three of the critical aesthetic
issues o f his time: the relationship of Greek folk song to the “Orient,” the movement to
resurrect the culture of ancient Greece, and the controversy over the harmonization of
Greek folk song. These issues are interrelated and will be discussed later in this
chapter. Lambelet’s explicit purpose in discussing Greek folk song, modal structure,
and harmonization was to aid in the creation of a national music.
Manolis Kalomiris: “A Few Words”(1908)
Many of the ideas Lambelet discussed were later echoed and expanded upon by
Manolis Kalomiris. “A Few Words,” Kalomiris’ earliest and most famous essay, was
printed in the program of his first concert of works in Athens in June 1908 and served
as a “manifesto” of the national school. This important document expressed Kalomiris’
dream o f creating a national music based on a synthesis o f Greek folk song and foreign
“artistic” music.65
MIbid., 86.
6SManolis Kalomiris, “Liga logia” [A Few Words], notes in the first program of
Kalomiris’ works, June 11, 1908, reprinted in the foreword to Apo ti zoi ke tous kaimous
tou Kapetan Lyra [From the Life and Longings of Captain Lyras] for narrator, vocal
soloists, and orchestra (piano/vocal score) (Athens: Manolis Kalomiris Society, 1958).
The announcement of the program read: “‘Hall of the Athens Conservatory,’
Wednesday, June 11,1908,6 p.m. Musical Evening o f the Composer Manolis
Kalomiris with the assistance of Miss Sm. Yennadi, Mrs. H[ara] Kalomiris and Mr.
90
During his second year of teaching in Kharkov, Kalomiris began planning a
concert in Athens dedicated entirely to his own works. The concert included several
songs (on verses by Palamas, Pallis, Malakassis, Kalomiris), Three Ballades for piano
solo, Prelude and Double Fugue for two pianos,66 and Romeiki Suite, arranged for two
pianos67 Kalomiris had composed most o f these works in Russia, although some dated
back to his student days in Vienna. When Kalomiris arrived in Athens in the early
summer to make arrangements for the concert, he was plunged into the middle o f the
controversy around the “language question,” one of the most divisive issues o f modem
Greece.
Kalomiris’ involvement in the demotic movement began while he was in Russia
and strengthened his desire to create a national music. Over thirty years later, he
recalled that he had frequently corresponded with leaders of the demotic movement in
Athens68 while he was in Russia and that his isolation there had “ignited” his
Hatzi-Apostolou. All the works performed will be works of Mr. Kalomiris, for voice,
piano and two pianos. Each ticket: 3 drachmas. On sale at the Conservatory.”
66Leotsakos notes that the work, given the “aggressively demoticist title”
Protovarema ke Diplofuga, is uneven in quality. He praises the prelude and the “clear
and meaningful” counterpoint of the first fugue. The second fugue, however, receives
criticism for its dense writing, blurred meaning, and rambling nature, and becomes a
metaphor for the “heavy bushel that hid the light o f nineteenth-century Greek music.”
Leotsakos, “Light under a Bushel,” 56-57.
67Kalomiris’ wife, Hariklea, also performed on the program as pianist. Manolis

Kalomiris, I zoi mou ke i techni mou. Apomnimoneumata 1883-1908 [My Life and My
Art. Memoirs] (Athens: Nefelis, 1988), 134-35.
68Kalomiris corresponded with Psycharis, Pallis, Eftaliotis, Palamas, and

Tangopoulos, subscribed to Noumas, and read the recent publications o f Greek poetry
and prose. Ibid., 118. From his last year in high school, when he read Psycharis’ My
Journey, Kalomiris began to leam as much as he could about the demotic movement.
Ibid., 51-52.
91
“nationalism and patriotism.” He found inspiration in the poetry o f Palamas and
“dreamt continuously o f a neo-Hellenic renaissance,” one that would unite the political
and artistic goals of his era.69 Initially, Kalomiris described himself as an “absolutely
enlightened and decided advocate of the demotic,” then later, as an “extreme proponent
o f demotic usage,” a position that caused great concern to his relatives. His uncle in
Constantinople tried to convince Kalomiris not to reveal himself as a demoticist or
malliari because it was a “stigma in the national traditions o f our family.”70
As predicted, Kalomiris’ concert created a scandal, not because of the music, but
because of the composer’s stance on the “language question.” For the first time in
Greek history, the program appeared in the demotic Greek, the common spoken
language o f the people, rather than the customary katharevousa. Kalomiris published
his program a few days before the concert, to be held at the Athens Conservatory.
Along with the titles of works to be played on the program, the composer included the
famous “manifesto,” which he identified as “a prologue where I explained my ideas
regarding the foundations of Greek music.” Although Kalomiris described it as being
“in the most ‘orthodox’ demotic,”71 his text actually used an exaggerated form of the
language. Most of the Greek newspapers swiftly launched an attack against Kalomiris,
69lbid., 132-33.
70Ibid., 119,137. Kalomiris also revealed that he was characterized as “vulgar”

for being a supporter of the demotic language. Ibid., 119. See Chapter Two for an
explanation of the language question and the intense controversy surrounding it.
71Ibid., 144. A modem Greek language teacher described this text as an

example o f a very “popular” form o f demotic, malliari, the spoken language of the
working class. Like other demoticists, Kalomiris demonstrated his identification with
the “folk” and his ardent opposition to katharevousa by writing in this form of the
Greek language.
92
calling him a malliaros musician and suggesting that “Russian rubles” had backed him
“in order to pervert the Greek language and Greek music.” Soon afterwards, a
representative from the Athens Conservatory informed Kalomiris that its hall was
unavailable for the concert unless new programs were printed in katharevousa.
Kalomiris was then faced with a tough dilemma, which he cleverly solved by offering
to print the programs in French, the language most frequently used at that time for
Conservatory events. The composer recalled:
And so I was able to give this concert of mine and start off on some
artistic road that I had engraved within my soul. French programs were
quickly printed up and pinned on the official billboard at Conservatory,
sent to newspapers and passed around by messengers the day of the
concert. It goes without saying that programs in demotic had already
circulated broadly, and when during the night of the concert the ushers
offered French programs, most o f the audience responded: “Thank you,
we have the Greek program.”72
According to Kalomiris, the performance was a great success and won the approval of
Kostis Palamas, the famous poet, and Georgios Nazos, Director o f the Athens
Conservatory, who later offered him a teaching position.
“A Few Words” firmly stated Kalomiris’ position on the central importance of
Greek folk song and literature in creating a “national music.” From the beginning he
emphasized that he avoided “systematic borrowing,” that is, the literal quotation of folk
melodies, although he occasionally used them for themes in his works. The language of
“national music,” however, is derived from folk song, including its melodies, modes,
intervals, rhythms, ornamentation, and character (including its simplicity). In addition,
the “national” composer appropriates elements from European music to create his own
72
Ibid., 150-51.
93
musical language. Kalomiris recognized the cultural dualism o f “national” music but
contended that “heterogeneous elements” can be skillfully united, just as the wreath
maker combines different kinds of branches or flowers together. Despite this mixing of
influences, the music will be considered “pure Greek” if it is based on Greek material
and contains the essence of the “National Soul.”
Kalomiris also described the close connection between Greek poetry and music.
He urged “national” music to reach its full potential by following the example set by
Greek writers and poets, particularly Palamas. He claimed that Greek literature did not
reach its maturity until the demotic language became more prevalent, because
katharevousa is an “artificial” language, incapable o f “nourishing a strong literature.”
In the same way, national music must take its inspiration from demotic Greek, the
“living national language of the people,” and the strong tradition of Greek poetry and
folk song, if it is to flourish and reach a higher level.73
The “manifesto” may also be interpreted in other ways that shed light on the
musical politics of the time. According to George Leotsakos, this document may be
read as a polemic against nineteenth-century Ionian composers, who were accused of
being “Italianate” and un-Greek. Generally antagonistic towards Italian music,74
73KaIomiris describes this higher realm as the “other world” or “supernatural.”
74Clues toward Kalomiris’ dislike o f Italian music can be found in his memoirs.
Concerning one of the well-known Italian teachers in Constantinople, Kalomiris wrote:
“Without being able to clarify why, I felt the style o f Italian music as one huge routine,
bon a toute faire, but without a single artistic breath....” Kalomiris, My Life and My
Art, 44. Just a year earlier, however, Kalomiris had been so impressed by a
performance o f La Boheme by an Italian troupe in Athens that he saved his money to
buy a piano score of the work. Ibid., 35. From late 1899 to 1906, Kalomiris’ musical
training was German, from his piano lessons with Sofia Ioannidis (Spanoudi), to his
94
Kalomiris took advantage of the pro-German sentiments in Greece after 1889 and
imported the “post-Wagner rivalry between Italian and German music.” His support o f
demoticism and his anti-ltalianism were both labeled as “progressiveness .” In addition,
personal ambition and jealousy played a role in Kalomiris’ strategy. By striking out
against Ionian composers, Kalomiris aligned himself with Georgios Nazos and prepared
the way for his own subsequent appointment at the Athens Conservatory in 1910. The
main target of his polemic, however, was Spyros Samaras, an “Ionian” composer who
had achieved international fame with his operas.75 A brief examination of the
“manifesto” brings these points into sharper focus. For example, in the first paragraph
Kalomiris refers to “the tireless work” of several “musically advanced countries,”
including Germany, France, Russia, and Norway, but omits Italy.76 Although Kalomiris
admits that foreign material can be used in the construction o f “national music,” the
studies in Vienna. In the summer o f 1905, when Kalomiris was visiting his family in
Smyrna, he heard a performance of the Greek Opera Company, directed by Lavrangas.
It was the famous opera by the Xyndas, The Parliamentary Candidate. Kalomiris
commented that it was the only time he heard this work performed. Although he
recalled the fine voices o f several of the artists, the performance overall made a negative
impression on him. He remembered the poor quality of the orchestra, choir, and stage
design. As far as the music itself, Kalomiris recalled a few of the comic ariettas. “In
these there appeared generally some self-conscious and discreet Greek or rather a
standard Eastern color which, in all this, gave these little ariettas something like
originality. All the other music in ‘Candidate’ was nothing but commonplace scraps of
Italian music of a sort.” Ibid., 90. This experience seemed to reinforce his bias towards
Ionian composers. In addition to Kalomiris’ largely negative personal experiences, it is
also true that his stance towards Italy corresponds closely to the xenophobic and
nationalistic charged atmosphere in Greece during the late 1800s and early 1900s.
7SSee above, p. 74.
76Kalomiris’ models were the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century German

composers, Russian “nationalist” composers (particularly Rimsky-Korsakov), and
Grieg.
95
point seems to be made that the Italian contribution is not suitable for this “palace.” His
admonition that the palace should be built on “Greek soil” and enjoyed by “Greek eyes”
can be interpreted as a “veiled attack on Samaras” - no other composer’s works
premiered or triumphed abroad.77
Leotsakos’ contends that the “manifesto” marked the beginning of the
“persecution of Ionian music,” or the “turning against the entire body o f older Greek
musical creation” which lasted approximately four years (1908-12). “Kalomiris’ war,
with the conquest of Greek musical life as its ultimate target, and with the periodical
Noumas, a stronghold of demoticism, as its base, spread fast and wide in the press.”
The results o f this “civil war” were an undermining of Greek music and a serious
impairment o f its natural development, the results of which are still apparent today.78
The themes that Kalomiris introduces in this essay continued to be reiterated and
expanded upon throughout his career in his other writings. Thus, the “manifesto”
stands as the basic ideas of a young composer who was determined to shape the history
o f modem Greek music. In order to clarify these points, I present a translation o f the
“manifesto” in its entirety.
The composer who today presents for the first time a small part o f the
beginning of his work has dreamed of creating a truly National music
based, on the one hand, on our pure demotic songs and, on the other,
ornamented with all the technical means which are given to us by the
tireless work o f the musically developed nations: and above all, the
Germans, French, Russians, and Norwegians.
In order to achieve this harmonic binding together o f these

heterogeneous elements, the artist thought it right to draw from our
77Leotsakos, “Light under a Bushel,” 14-17.
78Ibid., 10,15-16.
96
living literature, like the wreath maker who culls branches from this or
that tree and weaves his various kinds of flowers into wreaths.
He [i.e. Kalomiris] doesn’t mean to say that the mingling of these

elements should always occur in the same way. Not at all! Sometimes
the national character may be discernible only very dimly or not at all, in
the same way that art and ornamentation may give way to the simplicity
of the demotic song, so that you can hardly distinguish their traces. This
is not at all important! In the same way that the poet is free to take his
inspiration where he finds it, sometimes in national traditions and
sometimes in international events, the Musician will sometimes
fall/approach closer to the National Muse and sometimes to the Foreign
Muse.
It is necessary to note here that the artist who presents for the first time
today avoids borrowing melodies from our demotic songs in his work,
except for his themes in some of his great works (Romeiki Suite,
Ballades, and others) and the melodies in some of his songs, [which]
have been constructed on the rhythms, scales and the character o f our
demotic songs. [This is] because he believes that the systematic
borrowing from National melodies helps very little in the development of
National music. In the same way, although one very frequently
encounters Russian national melodies in the works of Tchaikovsky and
Rubinstein, they are not considered truly National composers compared
to the more recent composers (since Glinka had first shown the way)
[like] Rimsky-Korsakov, Balakirev, Musorgsky, Borodin, Dargomi'zhsky
and their student, Glazunov. One very seldom encounters some Russian
national melodies in [these composers] but [one] can always discern a
piece of the National Soul.19
And this must be the goal of every truly national music: to build the
palace where the national soul will be enthroned.
Now, if the artist has used foreign material along with the local for the
construction of that palace, it doesn’t matter. It is enough for his palace
79Kalomiris expressed a clear preference for the Russian nationalist composers

and an accompanying bias against Tchaikovsky and Rubinstein. His assessment of
these composers appears to have been made based on his perception of the absorption of
folk idiom in their music and quotation o f actual melodies.
97
to have a foundation on Greek80 soil, and to be made so that Greek eyes
will first delight in it and consider it to be a purebred Greek palace.
But whatever he begins and whatever he is engaged in, [there is] one
thing that the artist must not ignore: Life. For this reason it is impossible
for National music to sprout if it hasn’t been deeply watered by the
living National language o f the people.
One can define the purpose of music in this way: to give life to dreams,
on the one hand, and to represent Life as a dream, on the other. To
accomplish this, it is necessary that whatever accompanies [this music]
in its external representation should always be alive and unforced. (This
external representation is language from the vocal point of view and
language from the dramatic [point o f view], program in programmatic
instrumental music). In this way, the mind o f the listener without being
fatigued with unnecessary work will become one with the heart, so that
he can understand and feel at the same time, in order to gaze upon the
supernatural which must be enclosed in any real music.
It is obvious that for these aesthetic reasons, katharevousa, (without

mentioning the technical reasons which prevent us from accepting it in
all its details, which make its execution very difficult) with its false and
artificial life, did not prove itself worthy of nourishing a strong literature,
and thus will never be able to nourish a strong music. (It [music] is the
art [and] skill, which afrer letters, has the closest relation to language.)
Just as our literature did not really reach manhood until it escaped from
the suffocating clasp of katharevousa, so our music will only reach a
certain height when it follows the great road of truth which was shown to
us by the poet of the Journey and until it flies with the great wings which
were given to the Greek nation81 by the poet of the Dodecalogue of the
Gypsy!82
80The term translated as “Greek,” and used as an adjective referring to soil, eyes
and palace, respectively, is Romeiki, (Romeiko/i/a). It is the Romios part of the Greek
cultural identity, usually associated with Byzantine heritage.
81Literally, Romiosini, a poetic expression referring to Greece, the Greek nation,

or the Greek spirit.
82The references here are to Yannis Psycharis’ My Journey (1888) and Kostis
Palamas’ lengthy poem The Dodecalogue o f the Gypsy (1907).
98
Kalomiris: “Two Words” (1914)
Another early and succinct expression of Kalomiris’ position on “national
music” appeared as a preface to the publication of his first masterpiece, Magiovotana
[Magic Herbs].83 First published in Athens in 1897, Magic Herbs is the second part of
Palamas’ poem cycle Iambs and Anapests.*4 Kalomiris planned to complete the entire
four-part cycle, but managed to set only one more part, the first in the series, S'agapo [I
Love You] in 1925. Magic Herbs, for female voice and orchestra, consists of a short
prelude and eight songs, composed, for the most part, in 1912. Kalomiris specifies that
his work is a song cycle, which should be heard in its entirety and in the order written
by the composer. Though it was published as a vocal piece with piano accompaniment.
Kalomiris notes: “it is impossible for the adaptation for piano to render completely my
musical thought.”85
In “Two Words,” Kalomiris reiterates many of the ideas in his “manifesto.” He
begins by offering his settings of Palamas’ poem cycle as a prototype of Greek music,
clarifying this by saying it is not “a slavish and pale imitation o f our demotic music,”
but “something higher and broader,” a “pure expression of the Greek soul in music.”
The demotic song is “a means, not an end,” to create a true Greek music. He compares
83Kalomiris’ early writings included a series of articles for Noumas, but these
are not discussed in this dissertation.
MKalomiris most likely encountered these poems in 1905. Philippos

Tsalahouris and Nikos Maliaras, “The Magic Herbs and Their Time,” foreword to the
piano/vocal score (Athens: Manolis Kalomiris Society, 1991), 7.
8SThe full score remains unpublished. Manolis Kalomiris, “Dyo logia” [Two
Words], preface to Magiovotana [Magic Herbs], piano/vocal score (Athens: By the
Author, Mousiki edition, 1914).
99
the two sister arts of poetry and music: as the demotic language provided the foundation
for the poets Solomos and Palamas to write masterpieces or Greek poetry, so folk song
possesses the musical language needed to create a truly “Greek” or “national” music.
Using the metaphor of the village bard, Kalomiris insists that composers should not
imitate folk music but should become the “Bards of our Country and our Nation, and
that we sing it as the old Bard would have sung it if he had been the possessor of
today’s technical means in international music.”86 A way of legitimizing himself and
other composers who would strive toward creating a “national” music, Kalomiris
appropriates the familiar image of the local storyteller, who unifies poetry and music
and tells epic tales of past glories.
Petros Petridis: “Greek Folklore and Greek Music'* (1919)
In 1919, the Greek composer Petros Petridis gave a lecture at King’s College in
London entitled “Greek Folklore and Greek Music,” the first to specifically mention the
existence of a Greek “national school” of music and the stylistic elements that
contributed toward it. Speaking at a time of national euphoria, border expansion, and
the promise of liberation in Asia Minor, Petridis anticipated the creation of a “fourth
Greek civilization.” He described the “living forces” contained in Greek folklore,
including their “intense emotions and feelings.” Petridis used the metaphor of spring
flowers and a massive tree to symbolize the “thrilling life of the Greek people,” the
86lbid.
87Petros Petridis, Greek Folklore and Greek Music, from a lecture delivered at
King’s College, London, 21 March 1919, with foreword by M. D. Caclamanos.
100
inspired demotic poetry, and the great cultural renaissance that seemed ready to burst
forth in Greece and the cities of Asia Minor (Constantinople and Smyrna). He saw
Greek national music as playing a leading role in this renaissance and the nation’s folk
songs as being “potential elements for future cultural work.”88
Petridis’ overview of Greek folk song emphasizes the themes of cultural
continuity and national identity. Following the example of many folklorists, he pays
tribute first to historical ballads. Within this “immense” number o f ballads, “there are
many which can favorably stand comparison with the best specimens of epic folklore.”
Giving several examples of kleftic songs, he highlights the ironic beauty of the verses
and draws attention to the dual nature of the Greek character.89 Petridis argues that the
lament commemorating the fall of St. Sophia and Constantinople demonstrates the
Greek people’s capacity to struggle against fate, survive tragedy, and hope for the
future. He draws attention to the last two verses of the poem, which “have become a
prayer in the mouth o f the Greeks, at a time when the Greeks looked forward to the
political fulfillment of the “Great Idea.”90 Special mention is also made o f the
mirologia, the laments for the dead sung predominantly by women, “a tradition which
has been kept alive through the centuries and handed down to us.” In mirologia,
“Greek sensibility attains the highest pitch o f refinement” and “Greek motherhood
expresses its most powerful and delicate feelings.” During the Balkan Wars, Petridis
88Ibid, 15.
89Ibid., 17-21. As Herzfeld pointed out about Greek writers in the 1800s,
Petridis links the folk songs to the Greeks’ sense o f tragedy and fatalism.
90Ibid., 22-24.
101
was an eyewitness to a mirologia for a battalion’s commander, a performance that had
more “savage poetry and pictureresqueness” than anything else he had ever
experienced.91 Concerning the emotional depth and range found in the love songs,
Petridis notes: “There is no shade of human feeling which is not beautifully formulated
in the popular Greek folk songs.”92 After mentioning several other categories o f Greek
folk song, Petridis draws attention to its synthesis o f music, poetry and dance, “the
origin of which goes even farther back than the ancient Greek tragedy.”93 He also cites
evidence of cultural continuity in many elements o f ancient dances or customs found in
Greek folk dance.94
Petridis acknowledges the flowering o f art and literature that preceded the
conscious establishment of “national” music, citing Greek individuals who had
achieved status in their chosen fields. Besides the respected politician Eleftherios
Venizelos, Petridis includes Kostis Palamas, the foremost poet of his day, and Jean
9lIbid., 29-30. Petridis claims that even Wagner’s closing scene of Die Walkure
“does not contain half as much intense life as burst out from that sight I witnessed on a
Macedonian mountain peak.” Many laments were composed during the Balkan Wars of
1912-1913.
92The romantic song, one of the most important genres in Greek folk music, was
often associated with the islands and the “serene side of the Greek character.” Ibid., 28.
93Ibid., 30. Petridis specifically names “choral songs and dancing songs, idylls,
illustrative of magical and supernatural beliefs, ante-nuptial songs and subdivided into
youth-songs, maiden-songs and youth maiden-songs, those illustrative o f family life, of
early married life, of later married life, lullabies and nursery rhymes, ballads, illustrative
o f Byzantine, of Ottoman, and of recent Greek memories.” Ibid., 28-29. By naming
many genres of folk song, Petridis stresses its prominence in everyday life and links it
to scientific studies, including Nikolaos Politis’ taxonomy. See Chapter Two for a
discussion of Politis’ classification o f Greek folk song.
Îbid., 36-38.
102
Moreas, a transplanted Greek poet who won recognition for his work in French
literature.95 Petridis uses these examples to prove that Hellenism can “produce men
equally great in other branches of human activity.” Reproducing the nationalist
argument for cultural continuity, Petridis notes that despite the Greeks’ constant
struggle against the Ottomans for five centuries, they were able to preserve and keep
alive “precious cultural assets.” “Given what he [the Greek artist] has accomplished for
the last thirty centuries; given also the cultural assets he possesses at this very
hour...there is no doubt he will very shortly start creating a fourth Greek civilization.”96
Petridis believes the creation of national music is an essential element of the
Greeks’ “cultural assets” and the key to the survival of their society. He echoes the
prevalent view that folk poems, songs, and dances are the elements that have saved the
Greek people from extinction, given them courage and pride and formed their collective
memory and national identity. Petridis argues that the creation of national music is a
patriotic duty because it preserves Greek folk song and establishes a new voice of
Hellenism. He contends that “art is not a luxury but a necessity” and is an “eternal
truth” which elevates society and prevents its drift “back to barbarism.”97 The
responsibility for the survival of Greek culture - through artistic creation and its
wholehearted support - lies with the individual, the society, and the State.
Since he saw the very survival of the Greek nation at stake, Petridis suggested
specific steps that should be taken immediately, including founding institutions o f
9SIbid., 13-14.
%Ibid., 12.
97Ibid., 40. The “barbaric Turk” may be implied here.
103
artistic education, giving scholarships, and subsidizing concerts. Petridis saw these
steps as critical for the preservation of national identity. ‘T he work of national
reconstruction must be completed before that flood o f superficial international culture
comes in to drown all that is dear to us. We must strengthen our young school o f Greek
music, based chiefly on our folk songs, before the thistles of the cosmopolitan music-
hall creep in and grow strong enough to choke the tender flower of our tradition.”
Petridis’ wish is “that the Greek State, through the aid of reliable experts, should see
that the attention of the students is not directed to clumsily imitating this or that
composer in fashion, but to the great possibilities offered to them by their own music.”98
In his recognition of the central importance of folk song to the “national school” and its
need to form a distinctive Greek personality as opposed to a European imitation,
Petridis reiterates the sentiments of Georgios Lambelet and Kalomiris.
Like Lambelet, Petridis stresses that Greek folk poetry has already provided all
the material necessary for artistic creations.
If the popular bard, illiterate and unconscious as he is most o f the time,

can attain such heights o f poetic and philosophical truth, if, under the
heavy cover of misery and suffering, he is able to feel and grasp those
elementary forces which act behind the superficial veil o f human
consciousness, 1 cannot see why an educated and more conscious poet
should not feel them, grasp them, and bring them up to the surface in the
form of beautiful works of art. The essential forces are there, and they
cannot but come up through the medium of the poets, the musicians, and
all the other artists.”99
98
Ibid., 41.
99
Ibid., 22.
104
Among other resources available to the composer are “scenes o f Greek life” and
Byzantine music. Petridis concludes his speech by reconfirming the Greeks’
magnificent cultural heritage and anticipating “a first rate artistic efflorescence.” 100
Manolis Kalomiris: Writings, 1930-60
Kalomiris continued to express and expand his ideas about national music
throughout his career. The majority of his extant writings is from the late 1940s and
1950s and includes speeches to the Academy of Athens, lectures or introductions given
in conjunction with specific performances, and prefaces to publications of his works.
Kalomiris’ memoirs, My Life and My Art, were written from 1939 to 1958, but most of
the text was finished during World War II. Although it provides valuable information,
the project remained incomplete, for it omits practically all the details o f Kalomiris’ life
after his settlement in Athens (1910).101 The composer’s later writings summarize his
philosophy and reflect various changes in his thinking as he matured and became more
familiar with international musical trends.
Kalomiris’ dream of creating a national music was firmly grounded in his
experiences with Greek folk song. As he later recalled, “living traditional songs”
touched him more than anything else. He credits his grandmother and her blind cousin
with teaching him many folk songs and fairy tales as a young child.102 While Kalomiris
was in high school in Constantinople, he briefly studied with Georgios Pachtikos, a
looIbid., 42.
10'Kalomiris’ account is selective, and he was careful about his self-presentation.
l02Kalomiris, My Life and My Art, 16-18.
105
leading scholar o f demotic and Byzantine music. The composer’s love for demotic
song was intensified, however, after he heard a recital by Pericles Aravandinos, better
known as Aramis. In addition to arias and art songs by foreign composers, Aramis
included arrangements o f demotic songs on his programs, a novelty at the time.
Although Kalomiris acknowledged the baritone’s outstanding voice and technique, he
attributed his emotional reaction to something deeper: “I had been stirred only by the
folk song which had spoken to my soul and which had transported my mind and heart.
They still reverberated within me, these times sung sweetly by this Singer.”103 A few
months later while passing his summer holidays on a small Greek island, Kalomiris
“felt for the first time the living beauty and freshness inherent in some of our demotic
10,1
songs.” These experiences seem to have contributed towards his development of a
musical language based on the rich tradition of Greek folk song.
Kalomiris was also significantly influenced by a number of composers who had
developed their own “national” styles and were inspired by the traditional music of their
peoples. During his final year in high school, he began to learn about “national” music
o f other countries from his piano teacher, Sophia Spanoudi. As he studied Grieg’s
piano compositions, Spanoudi taught him about the artistic climate in Norway and
Grieg’s intellectual connection with Ibsen.105 But it was during his student years in
Vienna (1901-06) that Kalomiris realized his deep affinity for national music,
103Ibid., 38-43. Aramis (1854? or 1859? -1932) lived in Paris for much of his
career.
I04lbid., 49-50.
l0SIbid., 46.
106
particularly Russian. With the conservative musical tastes that were prominent in
Vienna at that time, Kalomiris recalls that there were few opportunities to hear what
were considered “modem” works. Through his fellow classmates, he was exposed to
the music of more “modem” composers o f the time, including Strauss, Debussy, and
Schoenberg. Russian music was infrequently heard in Vienna; only a few of
Tchaikovsky’s compositions were known, as well as the piano works o f Rubinstein. An
accomplished young pianist, Kalomiris performed one of Tchaikovsky’s piano
concertos, finding “rugged ethnic color” in his themes.106
Kalomiris’ understanding of Russian music, limited primarily to Tchaikovsky
and a few songs by other Russian composers, was substantially enhanced in the early
months of 1906 when he attended an entire program of Russian music by the Concert
Verein conducted by Gabrilovich.107 In addition to Tchaikovsky’s First Piano Concerto
and smaller works by Liadov and Musorgsky, the program included the Vienna
premiere of Rimsky-Korsakov’s Scheherazade. Kalomiris was captivated by this
performance and felt an immediate kinship with Rimsky-Korsakov’s music, which he
believed was rooted in folk song. He admired its “effortless melodic inspiration,
l06Ibid., 77-78. It is presumed that Kalomiris performed Tchaikovsky’s B-flat-

minor piano concerto, though he did not identify it specifically.
lo70ssip Gabrilovich (1878-1936) was an American pianist, conductor and

composer of Russian birth. From 1888 tol894, he studied piano with Anton Rubinstein
and composition and theory with Navratil, Lyadov and Glazunov at the St. Petersburg
Conservatory. A student o f Leschetizky in Vienna (1894-1896), Gabrilovich gave his
first public performance in Berlin (1896) and then began a series of successful tours in
Europe and America. He served as conductor o f the Munich Konzertverein (1910-
1914) and the Detroit Symphony Orchestra (1916-1936). The New Grove II Dictionary
o f Music and Musicians, s.v. “Gabrilovich [Gabrilowitsch], Ossip (Salomonovich),” by
Richard Aldrich and James Methuen-Campbell.
107
wonderful craftsmanship, original harmonies, brilliant and transparent orchestration,
and completely new poetic form o f architecture.” The way he described the then
contemporary Russian music closely paralleled his goals for modem Greek music:
With the sounds and rhythms of this peoples’ musical language, with its
legends and longings, the New Russian composers built their own
musical language which possessed all the artistic secrets of universal
music and expressed itself in a wonderful way, so that it becomes
meaningful and beloved not only to its own people but to people in every
nation which had the psychological temperament and cultivation to
understand it.108
Along with Greek folk song, the music o f Russian composers gave Kalomiris
the model and inspiration he needed to pursue his artistic dream o f creating a national
music. Many years later, he expressed the thoughts he had after attending the
performance of Scheherazade.
This is the right road. Don’t bang your head trying to find more
sophisticated combinations o f sound in order to be able to say something
“new” in the end. This “new” is found in your own heart and soul. Your
Grandmother and Tsatsa Marouka and all the anonymous songs and
lyrics of your people granted it to you, like the Fates in fairytales. They
open wide their sublime palaces these legends and the history, yearnings,
loves and craving for your people, at the same time so old and so new.
That’s how I felt it then deep down. I must have one mission, one
dream, one ambition: To become the troubadour, the musical messenger
of my people, to create a musical language o f my own, based upon,
certainly, the current artistic progression o f the musical art form, but that
which is drawn from the first wells of inspiration and not from some X,
Y, or Z music school and style, but comes from my own psyche and that
of my people. This, without knowing exactly, is what I did, timidly, in
my first compositions, from instinct, impulse, and intuition; now I would
do it consciously, with courage and with consistency.109
108
Ibid., 97-99.
109,
Ibid., 99-100.
108
After his graduation in 1906, Kalomiris decided to accept a teaching position in
Kharkov, Russia, where he hoped to gain a deeper knowledge o f Russian music and
art.110 During his four years there, he had numerous opportunities to hear works of
Russian composers. Kalomiris was impressed by the programs given by the Kharkov
Symphony, especially because three of the six winter subscription concerts were
dedicated to the works of Russian composers. The fourth concert of the series
presented compositions of the most celebrated Russians, including Tchaikovsky,
Musorgsky, Rimsky-Korsakov, and Glazunov, the fifth programmed works of younger
Russian composers who were relatively well-known, and the sixth introduced the music
of “pioneers,” young regional composers. Kalomiris bitterly compared these Russian
programs to concerts given in Athens:
Let’s keep in mind the old symphonic subscription concerts of the

Athens Conservatory, where they never dared to show Greek
composition • so that it wouldn’t rattle the nerves of the snobbish circle -
so that we can sense the tragic difference in perception of the cultivation
of National music from Tsarist Russia!111
In his dream to create a national music, Kalomiris also looked to the strong
tradition o f modem Greek literature for inspiration. Like Lambelet, he often
acknowledged his debt to distinguished poets of his homeland, including Dionysios
I l0lbid., 106.
II 'ibid., 121-22. Kalomiris was also impressed by the large and attentive
audiences for classical and modem music in Kharkov. He reported that he never saw an
audience “who received music with such enthusiasm, love, and sympathy as the Russian
audience at that time. “Long programs and repeated encores were common, and
soloists who played well were rewarded with “applause, flowers, and even presents that
fell like rain. Particularly when the performer was a young lady, the enthusiasm
reached the crowning peak, and towards bounds which I have never encountered in
other places or with the most famous of virtuosos.” Ibid., 123-24.
109
Solomos, Aristotle Valaoritis, Angelos Sikelianos, and especially, Kostis Palamas. In
more than one text, Kalomiris recognized the significant influence o f Palamas’ poetry
and friendship on his own art.112
His work for me has been as a true beacon of Art that illuminates and
will shine on throughout the centuries of Greek souls in the darkness that
closes in upon it from all sides. Like the life-giving sun, the Poetry of
Palamas has made the inside of my heart blossom thousands o f different
kinds o f songs and tunes. What are my best, purest [compositions] are
mostly linked with the verses of Palamas, with the ideas o f Palamas. I
composed the Palamas Symphony [as] altar and monument o f my faith
in the immortal Greek Art and the Poet who represents it.113
Palamas was the most influential personality on Kalomiris’ creative work.
Kalomiris was introduced to and “fascinated” by parts of the Iambs andAnapests as a
child, and some of his earliest compositions were settings of Palamas’ poetry, dating
back to his student years in Vienna. Kalomiris’ understanding o f Palamas significantly
deepened while he worked in Russia, for he not only began reading the great
masterworks of demotic literature but also initiated a personal correspondence with the
poet. Describing the impact that the Dodecalogue o f the Gypsy had on him at this time,
Kalomiris recalled that his “admiration for Palamas peak[ed] into a religion and true
faith.”
ll2The friendship between Kalomiris and Palamas lasted for 35 years, until
Palamas’ death in 1943. According to Beaton, Palamas “shared his contemporaries’
interest in folk poetry, but unlike them went further to achieve a grandiose synthesis, in
which the native Greek oral tradition plays its part alongside European late
Romanticism, Symbolism and the ideas of Wagner and Nietzsche.” Roderick Beaton,
“Greek Literature since National Independence,” in Background to Contemporary
Greece, vol. 1, ed. Marion Sarafis and Martin Eve (London: Merlin Press, 1990), 4.
1,3Manolis Kalomiris, “Skepsis yia tin elliniki mousiki” [Thoughts about Greek
Music. The Palamas Symphony], in Musical Morphology, Chap. 12 (Athens: Michael
Gaitanos, 1957), 59-60.
110
With it an entire musical and poetic world opened within me. It brought
me out o f my classical music upbringing, and out o f every convention. I
kept chasing away from myself the spiritual influence o f Western
civilization, trying to keep only its technical achievements. And after
my personal acquaintance with the Poet, and with the passage of time, I
felt my work more and more intimately interwoven ideologically with
the Palamic Idea, even when it didn’t depend directly on its verses.114
Palamas continued to exert a tremendous influence on Kalomiris throughout the
composer’s life. He was the first person that Kalomiris visited after arriving in Athens
in 1908 and the most distinguished individual attending the “Musical Evening” a few
days later. Afterwards, Palamas wrote a poem that gave his blessing to the composer:
“Your message is like the break of dawn.” Kalomiris recalled: “So with these verses he
gave soul to my struggle and gave me the most valuable laurel wreath of my life.”" 5
Palamas remained “an animating spirit, aid, and guide” for Kalomiris, whose veneration
grew for “our great National Singer” and “Poet o f the nation of Greeks.”116 Perhaps
more than any other Greek poet, Palamas gave music a prominent role in his poetry and
used it to symbolize new life, beauty, and bravery. He also substantially contributed to
the foundation of modem Greek music, not only because many composers set his
poems, but also because of the “Palamic idea,” which influenced the objectives and
scope of Greek musical creation. Kalomiris identified the “Palamic idea” in many of
his own compositions as well as in works of his contemporaries, including songs,
II4Manolis Kalomiris, “O Palamas k’i mousiki” [Palamas and Music], reprint

from the seventeenth volume o f the Cypriot Letters (Cyprus, 1952), 8. It appears that
Palamas gave Kalomiris a model for finding his identity as a Greek composer.
" 5Ibid., 5.
116Ibid., 5,11.
Ill
symphonies, chamber music, and opera.117 He metaphorically described the poet and
his work as “a large illuminated lighthouse that will guide the Greek Artist in the
stormy sea of his creative endeavor.” 118 Kalomiris later identified Palamas as one o f his
three heroes or “Gods”; the other two were Richard Wagner and Eleftherios
Venizelos.119
Palamas also deeply respected Kalomiris for his musical contributions and
involvement in the demotic movement. In 1925, after the premiere o f the first part o f
lambs and Anapests in Athens, Palamas commented:
If Kalomiris feels the need to produce a systematic composition on my

verses, this is important not only for the music but also for the history o f
modem Greek literature as well. Kalomiris is not only a landmark for
the art of music in its way towards more consolidated paths, open to
superior art-ideals; he is also one of the most important chapters in the
history of Demoticism.120
“ Greek Folk Song”
In “Greek Folk Song,” a speech given by Kalomiris in 1949, the composer
makes a clear distinction between demotic song and popular song in terms of source and
purpose.121 Kalomiris echoes nineteenth-century ideas about folk-song composition and
transmission: an anonymous individual composes a folk song for his own purposes,
then the song undergoes a process of transformation as it is circulates over a period of
M7Ibid., 6.
111“ibid., 10.
119Ibid., 5. Venizelos was the leading Greek statesman of the first half o f the
twentieth century and prime minister for twelve years.
l20Tsalahouris and Maliaras, “The Magic Herbs and Their Time,” 7.
121Kalomiris clearly distinguishes between demotiko [folk] and laiko [popular].
112
time. By contrast, an educated person composes a popular song, whose musical style is
directed toward the general public’s pleasure. Folk song mirrors the history, soul, and
“pulse of the people,” whereas popular song entertains the masses. Folk song is
considered the property of the people; popular song is the property o f the composer.
Kalomiris clearly values folk song much more than popular song. His attitude reflects
that of the “serious” musical establishment, who marginalized or denigrated composers
who chose to write operetta or set music for other theatrical genres. Kalomiris further
describes the national significance of Greek folk music and the regional variations that
made it such a rich source of inspiration for the Greek composer.
Within the Greek folk melody is stirred all the fate and history of the
nation as well as the distinctive character of every Greek land of the
Greek people. The klephtic songs of Roumeli and Epirus echo the
struggles and the agonies of the Greek nation under the unrelenting
tyranny of slavery, while the transparent songs o f the Ionian Islands,
which did not experience such harsh slavery, reflect the quiet disposition
of the good and peaceful Heptanesians. Between these two poles, the
demotic melody of the Aegean islands, especially the Dodecanese,
presents a distinctive and idiosyncratic wealth that combines passion and
expression with rhythmic originality and lively movement.122
“National Music”
In his article, “National Music,” (1957), Kalomiris makes his most complete
statement about Greek music. He reiterates many of the same ideas as before, stressing
the creation of a national music based directly on “the people.” He states that a national
composer must become intimately acquainted with folk songs and dances and receive
l22Manolis Kalomiris, “To elliniko dimotiko tragoudi” [Greek Folk Song],

offprint from the book Pente dialexis yenomenai is Rodon is to palation ton megalou
magistrou [Five Lectures Given in Rhodes in the Palace o f the Great Magistrate]
(Rhodes: State Printers, 1949), 4.
113
inspiration from Greek traditions, literature, poetry, history, and landscapes. But while
demotic music is recognized as the “seed” or “root” of national art music, it will
become a “fruitful and abundant tree” only by the refinement o f those who can
“elevate” it with their education, talent, and imiate feeling. National composers, rather
than imitating folk music, should become “the epic Bards of our Country and our
Nation” and use all the resources available in what he referred to as “international”
music. Kalomiris’ writings, then, clearly indicate his preference for absorption of the
Greek folk style into his own works, as well as an assimilation of Greek and European
styles.
Kalomiris’ notion of the “national character” of music reflects the cultural
duality of Greek identity. He claims that a nation cannot easily have its own creative
music if it has completely absorbed the “mentality of foreign musical schools.” He
believes that the Greek modal systems and musical aesthetics are so different from
French, German, or Italian music that the European influence “cannot prevent the
natural flow of [Greek] music.” Though Greece has a “uniquely distinguishing musical
civilization,” including the Byzantine tradition, Kalomiris does not believe this would
prevent “the development of a serious and more modem national music.” Greek
composers can easily relate to European music and yet maintain their own individuality
by skillfully employing harmony and polyphony with folk-inspired melody.123
,23Manolis Kalomiris, “Pagosmios i ethniki mousiki” [National Music World-

Wide], offprint from the book Five Lectures Given in Rhodes in the Palace o f the Great
Magistrate (Rhodes: State Printers, 1949), 11-12.
114
Written near the end o f his life, this article provides a true sense o f Kalomiris’
perspective of the historical development and relationship o f European and Greek
music. He repeats the notion that demotic melody, “the song o f the naive and good
people,”124 “is and always will b e ... the departure [point] in the shaping o f the personal
technique of a new national musical language.” Greek music, however, is more than
the presentation of folk melody, more than its transformation using contemporary types
of harmony and timbre. His assessment of this “musical re-creation” is that “at the very
most it will give us a vividly colorful musical picture with local national color” and that
it “would be nothing more than an imitation of the style of the older foreign national
music schools,” which he describes as an almost “alien” style. The revival of demotic
song or the use of its “external technical characteristics” is not enough for Greek art
music to develop to a higher stage. Kalomiris quotes the poetry of Solomos to identify
this “deeper and more spiritual” element: “Close Greece inside your soul.” Likewise,
the composer describes this distinctive Greek personality in rather poetic language:
When a work sings the strength of the Greek Leventia,125 the kindness,
the soul, the legends, the folktales of our people, our mountains, our sun,
[and] also reproduces and renders all these [things] into musical sounds
and rhythms, then the work will give us Greek music naturally and
freely, even if it is not based on decorative elements o f sounds and
rhythms.126
124This is a reference to the title of Kalomiris’ Symphony No. 2, “Symphony of

the Simple and Kind-Hearted People” (1931).
l25This is a direct reference to the title of his First Symphony; “Leventia” can be
roughly translated as manliness, courage, and generosity.
l26Kalomiris, “National Music,” 58-59.
115
The last clause suggests a broadening o f Kalomiris’ definition of Greek or
national music, since a composition need not be based on the language of folk music if
it has this elusive element of a “Greek soul.” Kalomiris attempts to put the
development of Greek music into perspective by referring to different stages of national
music in other countries:
It is possible that the popular song stood at the center and epicenter in the
creation of their national musical language, in another time and in other
peoples who desire to escape from the oppressive influence of the great
classical German, Italian, and French musical traditions. Today,
however, and in these older national musical schools of this kind, this
stage has become out-dated, as shown to us by the works o f Bela Bartok,
Stravinsky, Prokofiev, and Shostakovich.127
By the 1950s, Kalomiris seems to have been updating his original model o f the
“older foreign national music schools,” whose music was thought to be derived from
folk song, with one that was based on the development of a more contemporary musical
language by composers of international status. He extols composers like Bartok, who
studied and incorporated folk materials in his compositions but who also developed a
highly personal musical style. These composers demonstrated how Greek art music
could develop to a higher level, by speaking a more contemporary, international musical
language. This allows a “school” to be established. At the same time, Greek music
could retain its individuality from other musical schools by expressing its “Greek soul,”
“the primary characteristic for a truly Greek music composition.”128 A composer who
\")n
Ibid. These composers’ works did not become widely known in Greece until
the 1940s or 50s.
OS
Kalomiris himself turned to more contemporary language in his later
compositions, even using a tone row in the Third Symphony. Richard Strauss’ works
116
has spiritually assimilated all the nuances o f Greek folk song and expresses the “Greek
soul” will write “new original Greek melodies,” music that will express the “soul and
heart o f eternal Greece.” 129
The later writings o f Kalomiris describe four of his interrelated goals. First, the
creation of a “national” music would lead to the “foundation of a serious musical
culture” in Greece. Second, he hopes that national music could match the achievements
of modem Greek poetry.
I dream for our music [as] something analogous to what poetry

accomplished in neohellenic letters. Something that has as much relation
to the popular motive, as well as the verses o f Palamas, Solomos,
Valaoritis, Sikelianos, with demotic poetry.130
A third goal is that national music serve the Greek nation as it looks to the past
and present to discover its identity.
And then Greek music, that until now has already boasted o f musicians,
who with self-sacrifice and talent have worked and continue to work for
its foundation, will become the true messenger of our beautiful ideals,
will become the property o f the Greek people and will find once more
the Poet, as he says, “Ta ftera ta protina tis ta megala” [(Greek music)
will find its first great wings of old.”]131
Finally, Kalomiris states that the Greek music should become an exemplar to the
countries of the East.
In my opinion, the ultimate goal, the great ambition of Greek music,

would be to become this nucleus, the center of future creative music o f
could also have been a model. The discovery of Skalkottas’ works in the 1950s marked
the beginning of modernism in Greek music.
129Ibid., 58-59.
130Ibid., 43.
m Ibid., 46.
117
the East and to impose with its own initiative the music o f the perception
and temperament o f its neighboring peoples: to become this light-giver
and guide.132
Folk Song, Antiquity, and the “East”
Several related controversies form the background for the development o f a
national music in Greece. On the broadest level, these struggles were waged over the
meaning of Greek identity - which languages, spoken or musical, would most
appropriately represent the “people” or “nation.” The “language question,” discussed in
Chapter Two, bitterly divided Greek society into those supporting katharevonsa and
those advocating demotiki. Many of the leading intellectuals became involved in the
demotic movement and also turned towards Greek folk traditions for inspiration in
creating new works of art. The choice of Lambelet, Kalomiris and other composers to
make Greek folk song the basis of national music was controversial for several reasons,
all related to the issue of continuity. In the late 1800s and early 1900s, a movement to
restore the Greek musical culture o f antiquity looked to folk music for the survival of
ancient scales. Related to this movement was the position o f many scholars who
considered Greek folk music a cultural artifact that had remained mostly intact over a
long period of time and who sought to protect its “purity” from outside influences,
especially Western European. In contrast, demotic music was rejected by another
group, who considered it a “contaminated” product of the Ottoman era. Each o f these
views produced sharply varying opinions about the proper use o f folk song and,
132Ibid., 45. These words seem to echo Ioannis Kolettis’ much earlier
articulation of the Greek nation’s destiny to “enlighten the East,” better known as the
“Great Idea.” See Chapter Two.
118
particularly, its harmonization, in the works o f Greek composers. An examination o f
the writings of Lambelet, Kalomiris, and Petridis helps to clarify some aspects o f these
issues.
All three composers made references to the movement that advocated a
restoration of the language and culture o f ancient Greece. In his memoirs, Kalomiris
describes the “music circle” in Constantinople in the summer of 1899. At that time, his
uncle, an amateur singer, knew and admired Georgios Pachtikos, the Byzantine music
scholar and collector o f demotic songs.
In those days, Pachtikos made lots of noise around him. He always

spoke o f the “legitimacy” o f Greek music, as much with demotic as with
Byzantine and Archaic. He supported his ideas with uncompromising
arguments and stubbornly tried to persuade everyone that no other ideas
were valid. The same, more-or-less, was done later on in Athens by Mr.
Psachos. The difference was that Pachtikos had much less wisdom and
deep knowledge in these matters of Byzantine music and greater
pettiness. Pachtikos had another circle of friends who worshiped him,
who raved about the “corruption” of Greek music and believed Pachtikos
was a great composer, destined to revive the “divine” sounds of our
glorious ancestors.133
Kalomiris gives Pachtikos and “his prattle for Greek music, ancient tragedy, and
demotic songs” partial credit for helping him conceive the idea of creating a national
music. At the same time, Pachtikos’ “scholastic attempts” to write music for ancient
Greek tragedies contributed towards Kalomiris’ aversion to this genre.134
Lambelet goes into considerable detail about the group of people he calls
“pedants,” describing their goals as follows:
l33Kalomiris, My Life and My Art, 30.
I34Ibid., 41.
119
It is these same people who consider a backward movement as progress,
these people who if they are called linguists and language builders,
consider a return to the language of Plato as a mark o f progress in the
future of the language; if they are musicians, they struggle, they labor,
they excavate ancient libraries, they study Aristoxenos, Euclid,
Alexander the Alypion, to find the thread of ancient music, immerse
themselves in the eight-mode hymnody of John of Damascus in order to
give to religious music the character of the sixth century A.D. The same,
finally, who under the impression of religious Byzantine chants and the
songs o f the shepherds, compose the chorus parts of ancient tragedy,
under the impression that they are continuing the music o f the
ancients.135
Lambelet derides the group of music teachers who are looking for “the mystery
of ancient music” in Byzantine hymns and contemporary Greek melodies. Not only do
these teachers see a resemblance between the scales of ancient Greece and modem
demotic melodies, some of them “have collected demotic Greek melodies, for the sole
reason of cultivating ancient music with them!” Lambelet condemns this effort to use
demotic music “as a bridge to transport us to ancient music” and urges that ancient
Greek music, of which so little is known, “be buried once and for all.” In his opinion,
“there are no greater enemies of modem Greece than [these teachers].”136
Lambelet considered the objectives of the “pedants” completely incompatible
with the creation of a modem national music. Supporters advocating a return to ancient
music stood firmly against the use of harmony, considering it “a barbaric creation, alien
and inaccessible to the Greek soul.” 137 Lambelet argues that harmony is a natural
phenomenon and thus belongs to all nations or peoples. He is convinced that demotic
135Lambelet, “National Music,” 87.
I36lbid., 87-88. Herzfeld, Danforth, and others have discussed the strong
propensity of Greek folklorists to establish continuity to the ancient past.
I37Ibid.
120
melodies can be properly harmonized “without adulterating their character.”
Counterpoint and fugue are other technical means that can aid Greek composers in
achieving their aesthetic goals. Putting harmony or counterpoint with Greek folk music,
however, takes careful study and attention to the character o f folk melody. In order to
understand how harmony might be applied to modem Greek folk music, Lambelet first
explores the system of ancient Greek modes. Although he believes that Greek folk song
did not preserve much from antiquity and should definitely not be used as a means to
recreate ancient music, Lambelet does not dispute similarities between past and present.
He states that there are similarities between the ancient scales and the modem ones, on
which the Greek demotic melodies are based, and also concedes that “in the conception
I '18
of musical intervals, the modem Greeks agree with the ancients.”
Petridis also seems to take a middle ground with regard to this controversy. His
brief reference summarizes the two opposing positions regarding the scales of ancient
music and folk music.
There has been endless discussion about the relations o f the Greek scales
of today with those used by the ancient Greeks. Some have denied that
the Greek folk melodies and the scales they are built with have anything
to do with ancient scales. Others uphold the contrary opinion. It is
irrelevant to enter today into archaeological contentions. It is well nigh
agreed upon that most of the ancient scales have survived in the modem
Greek popular melodies.139
The question of continuity from the ancient or Byzantine past also framed the
dispute over the relationship o f Greek folk music to the “Orient” and Ottoman
138Ibid., 88-89.
139Petridis, Greek Folklore and Greek Music, 31-32. The Greek word for
popular (laikos) also can mean “folk.”
121
influence. The nationalist position insisted on the “authenticity” o f Greek folk music
since it had survived the long period o f occupation and was often used as a tool of
resistance. At the same time, certain characteristics o f Greek folk music were identified
as “Eastern” or “exotic.” Some advocated the removal or revision o f these “markers” to
create a “pure Greek” character, but others rejected demotic music altogether since it
had been “contaminated” by its contact with Ottoman music. In Greek traditional
music, scholars and composers identified “Otherness” primarily with chromatic modes
using augmented seconds. Thus, the use of certain modes, rhythms, and timbres in
Greek folk music strongly suggested “Eastern” influences.
The comments of each of the three composers reveal much about the ambiguous
relationship of Greek folk music to the “Orient,” or more specifically, to “Turkey.” In
his essay, Lambelet criticizes Bourgault-Ducoudray’s folk song collection for having
“very few genuine Greek melodies,” because the majority o f songs were from Smyrna,
which “although they are somewhat connected to the Greek character, are more likely
of Turkish and, in general, Oriental extraction.” In showing this bias against music
from Smyrna, he makes a clear distinction between Greek music from the mainland and
Asia Minor.140 By contrast, Petridis is more supportive o f Greek music with “Oriental”
characteristics.
Furthermore, there is in Greece and throughout the Orient, the Oriental

chromatic scale. The latter has been rather unjustly run down as being
too saturated with Asiatic sensibility. I, personally, should not mind
I40Lambelet, “National Music,” 87. As Lambelet was from the Ionian Islands,
whose traditions were more closely connected with Italy, he probably had had little
exposure to traditional music from the coast of Asia Minor, an area with a large Greek
population.
122
making a sober use o f this scale, together with the two or three variations
it may yield, as I was fortunate enough to discover quite recently. After
all, some pretty good things have come from Asia, and this undoubtedly
is one o f them.
Kalomiris took the “national” inclusive position, writing that Greek music
should encompass all the styles, types of expression, and areas where Greeks live and
have lived, including Asia Minor and Pontos. Some of this music was influenced by
other, neighboring peoples, and might have “Eastern” or “Oriental” traits.142
Moreover, I think that when we speak of Greek music, we do not mean

only “Greek” music, in other words, the folk music o f old Greece [the
geographical Greece]. I dream that Greek music should enclose within
its sounds and rhythms all the painful and joyful, and all the languid
songs of Hellenism, from the song of the shepherd’s flute of Pamassos to
the heroic mountains of Epirus, or to the very lively rhythms of Cyprus
and Crete and the sweet melodic songs of the Dodecanese. But also to
the “long drawn-out songs of oriental sadness”143 of Asia Minor and
Pontos, as the Poet sang them.144
Kalomiris believes that it was ridiculous to try to separate or abolish “Oriental”
or “Turkish” influences because they are so intertwined into the Greeks’ own folk
music. He speaks out against musical purists who would eliminate any foreign
14lPetridis, Greek Folklore and Greek Music, 32. Petridis was bom in Asia
Minor.
142Ka!omiris’ mother’s family was from Smyrna, Asia Minor, and there was
considerable discrimination in Greece against refugees from these areas after the 1922
Disaster. Thus, Kalomiris’ more inclusive view o f Greek identity reflects his personal
experiences as a Greek from Asia Minor.
143The amanes was another reminder o f “Turkish” music, perceived as “foreign”

and opposed to desired Greek attributes. Kalomiris, however, further legitimizes
“Eastern” influences by linking the amanes to Palamas’ poetry.
I44Kalomiris, “National Music,” 45.
123
influence in Greek music, and he criticizes their transcriptions and harmonizations of
demotic songs.
In fact, some reach, shall we say, some musical purism and they
scrutinize it to make sure that this refining does not corrupt the honorable
Greek ethos of demotic melody, and if the song, which the composer
used, is pure-blooded Greek or contains drops from oriental blood..
Other [sounds] again, as I have said above, are related to the oriental and
Slavic music, and also with gypsy music, as for example, the mode with
the two augmented seconds.” There are many “aestheticians” and some
musicologists who would like to banish these modes, that they do not
consider genuinely Hellenic and which remind them of the repulsive - in
their opinion - amanes and the influence of years of subjugation. Let
them allow me to have an opposite view. These modes have so
interwoven with the harmonization of our folk music, that we cannot
abolish them without distorting our folk musical expression. There are
demotic songs which are based on these modes and that are genuine
masterpieces, such as the well-known “Enas aetos kathotane” [An eagle
was sitting] or “Vasiliki prostazi” [Vasiliki commands] and many
others.145
Kalomiris believed that it is possible for Greek folk music, as well as “art”
music, to incorporate “foreign” elements without losing its national identity. He also
acknowledged the shared cultural values and heritage o f the Balkan region.
But even if one can perceive the foreign borrowing of certain sounds of
our folk music, I still think again that we would not have any reason to
erase them from the palette of Greek music. On the contrary, we should
regard them as an enrichment of one musical language, which is used as
much as possible to increase its horizons, without altering its character.
And I believe, its character is not altered by elements that are so
interwoven with the popular musical soul and which are connected to
neighboring nations - despite our dramatic present and past - a shared
co-existence, common customs and very often, shared psychological
makeup, nature and climate.146
14SIbid., 42-45.
146Ibid., 45.
124
Finally, Kalomiris linked the “Oriental” controversy to the “antiquity” debate by
making the argument that the “Oriental” influence may have originated in ancient
Greece. He saw connections with the ancient Greek tetrachords and modes, and
subsequently with the modes of Byzantine music and Gregorian chant.
Our demotic music, except for the major and minor modes o f western
music, relies on peculiar modes and sounds completely its own, as well
as on others that may be related to the sounds of eastern or Slavic music.
Many of those [sounds] may be derived from the modes of ancient Greek
music; at any rate, most are certainly identical to the sounds o f our
Byzantine ecclesiastical music, and these also have a close relation with
the old Gregorian chant of the western church. Besides, we scarcely
know whether this kinship with the oriental side is derived from the
influence of foreign popular music in our own, or the reverse, from the
influence of Greek musical culture upon its neighboring peoples.
Recently this last statement has seemed very likely to me, that many of
these melodies reveal the tetrachords o f ancient Greek music.147
In his memoirs, Kalomiris wrote about his developing compositional skills,
knowledge of Greek poetry, and perception of differences between Greek (or Eastern)
and Western “color.” As a young pianist, Kalomiris liked to improvise pieces with a
“Hellenic and Eastern color,” but when he began a serious study of the classics with
Sophia Spanoudi, he rarely played these types of pieces anymore. The “East,” however,
inspired his first compositions, including the Anatoliki Zografia [Oriental Picture], for
piano, and three songs. Kalomiris wrote the verses for the songs himself, using demotic
Greek in the first and third songs and katharevousa in the second. He makes the
observation that “the music of the demotic songs had some sort of Greek or at least
Eastern color, whereas the music o f the katharevousa song was a clean Western piece in
a major key to a large extent, without its own set of features or patterns.” Kalomiris
147
Ibid., 44-45.
125
interprets this as evidence that katharevousa cannot give birth to true literature or art.
For the most part, Kalomiris reflects that in his early compositions he was making “a
subconscious and timid attempt toward a particular regional Greek-eastern color with
related harmonic modulations.”148 The “color” o f Kalomiris’ music, as well as other
Greek composers, resulted from the use of the Greek modal system, the vertical
sonorities derived from these modes, and the meters found in Greek folk song.
Modal Classification and Harmonization of Demotic Songs
The harmonization of Greek folk song was at the center o f a heated debate
whose participants considered it “the central aesthetic and ideological problem of Greek
music.”149 National music was conceived in terms o f “applying” harmony and
polyphony to “Greek melody.” The modal structure of Greek folk song and its
perceived relationship with both “East” and “West” formed the backdrop to this
discussion.150 Arguments about the “correct” harmonization o f folk song revolved
around personal preferences, whether a tune should use only those vertical sonorities
inherent in the Greek modal system, producing a nonfunctional harmony from a
148Kalomiris, My Life and My Art, 50,72,94.
l4901ympia Fragou-Psychopaidi, I ethniki scholi mousikis. Provlimata

ideologias [The National School of Music. Problems of Ideology] (Athens: Foundation
for Mediterranean Studies, 1990), 70.
>S0For a discussion of Greek traditional music and its modal structure, see Solon
Michaelides, The Neohellenic Folk-Music (Cyprus: Limassol Conservatory, 1948); The
New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and Musicians, s.v. “Greece IV: Traditional Music,”
by Sotirios Chianis and Rudolph M. Brandi; and The Garland Encyclopedia o f World
Music, vol. 8, Europe, ed. Timothy Rice, James Porter, and Chris Goertzen, s.v.
“Greece,” by Jane K. Cowan.
126
Western point of view, whether other sonorities, including Western harmony, could
substitute in certain places, or whether harmony should even be used at all. As
Kalomiris explained, on one side were those who “claim[ed] that the Greek demotic
song by its nature does not support harmonic or polyphonic elaboration.” On the other
side were those who believed that Greek folk song should be harmonized according to
the rules of Western classical music. Kalomiris proposed a different solution: Greek
folk songs should be harmonized according to their own inherent qualities.151 In order
to understand these “inherent qualities,” composers and scholars were obliged to study
the modal basis o f folk song and to establish a system for classifying the various modes.
Besides providing a useful tool for grouping folk melodies, the classification system
also reveals much about notions of Greek identity. Scholars were able to take a
scientific “European” approach, demonstrate the continuity of modal structure from
antiquity through the Byzantine era and into modem times, and show the connection of
Greek modes to those used in the medieval church and modem European music.
In his folk song collection of 1876, L. A. Bourgault-Ducoudray laid the
foundation for the scale classification system expanded by other scholars.152 He
discussed scales or modes of three types: diatonic, chromatic, and mixed (hybrid).
Ducoudray related the various diatonic scales with the ancient Greek modes, citing
seven of them as being in common usage: Dorian, Hypodorian, Phrygian,
151 Kalomiris, “About the Harmonization o f Demotic Songs,” 35.
152L.A. Bourgault-Ducoudray, Trente melodiespopulaires de Grece et d'Orient,

(Paris: Henry Lemoine, 1876).
127
Hypophrygian, Lydian, Hypolydian, and Mixolydian.153 He then made a connection
between these ancient Greek modes, European church modes, and Greek ecclesiastical
music. Ducoudray pointed out that two of the ecclesiastical modes are chromatic (or
semi-chromatic) rather than diatonic, and these modes are also frequently encountered
in “popular oriental songs, especially in Turkey.”134 This admission o f difference leads
naturally into a discussion o f the “Oriental chromatic” mode used in Greek folk music.
He also briefly discussed the use of ancient modes in the popular songs of the Orient. A
third category is “hybrid” or mixed scales. Thus, diatonic scales are largely associated
with the rich heritage of ancient Greece, European church music, and Greek
ecclesiastical music. This reinforces the idea of continuity with the past, firmly placing
ancient Greece as the foundation of the European modal system. The continuationof an
ancient Greek musical system is also seen in the Byzantine modes and in Greek folk
song, both in diatonic and chromatic patterns. Chromatic modes have an “Eastern” or
“Oriental” association, and appear in both Byzantine music and many Greek folk songs,
as well as music of Turkey and the Middle East.
Lambelet reiterates many of the same points of Ducoudray and uses the same
basic classification system. He also relates the ancient scales with modem European
scales, showing, for example, how the major scale is derived from the ancient
Hypolydian mode. He points out that the seventh degree of the scale is the main
difference between the ancient scales (lowered seventh) and modem European scales
153Ibid., 16-17.
1S4The second mode is described as semi-chromatic, and the second plagai mode
as chromatic.
128
(leading tone), and that without the leading tone, the European system of harmony and
modulation would not exist.155 Lambelet’s primary criterion for harmonization of a
Greek folk song is that it must carefully reflect the modal character o f the melody,
including its melodic cadences at the ends of phrases. In other words, “the melody must
determine the harmony, not the other way around.”156
Lambelet makes several suggestions for harmonizing demotic melodies
according to their modal types. He claims that most Greek folk melodies do not use a
leading tone and recommends that composers harmonize them with plagal cadences,
unisons, and pedals, though the leading tone may be used in certain cases to avoid
monotony. The second category o f Greek modes has a leading tone and includes the
“oriental chromatic scale, which is found in ecclesiastical Byzantine music and in many
demotic oriental and Greek melodies.” Lambelet describes the intervallic content of
this scale as a “succession of chromatic fourths [i.e., tetrachords, each consisting o f two
semitones separated by three semitones], identical to each other, and separated by a
complementary tone [i.e., a whole step].” This results in two “leading tones”: the third
and seventh scale degrees.157 There is also the category o f mixed modes, “scales
consisting of the union of fourths which belong to modes of two different types.”
Lambelet says that the European minor scale and many “Oriental” melodies belong to
this category. He ends this section by stating that “there are many other connections
which may exist between European scales and ancient scales, and it is up to the hard
155Lambelet, “National Music,” 127-28.
l56Ibid., 129.
l57This is the double chromatic mode described in the Preface.
129
working researcher to find them.” 158 During the essay, Lambelet critiques an example
of Ducoudray’s harmonization o f a Greek folk song and then offers his own
harmonization as an example of a more careful rendering o f the modal character of the
melody. Although there are sometimes “adulterations” in Ducoudray’s harmonizations
of Greek folk melody, Lambelet states that “in general [Ducoudray] harmonizes the
melodies of his collection with an exact feeling, refinement, and grace.” 159
Lambelet concludes by saying that he has presented a summary o f the system of
ancient scales and that the modem demotic melodies are based on these. He has also
connected this with European scales, as much as possible. His goal is “to prove that it
is not difficult for the person who attempts to cultivate demotic melodies with an
application of polyphony to avoid adulterating their character.” Lambelet summarizes
his study with these words. “The most national, most creative, most genuine work
which Greek composers will do is the cultivation of Greek melody with the application
of polyphony, and its technical development on the basis o f counterpoint and fugue.
And this will be the true national music of the future.”160
Georgios Pachtikos’ 260 Demodi Ellenika Asmata, a folk-song collection o f the
early 1900s, also provides important information about the Greek modal system.161 It
includes a chart of the seven ancient modes used in demotic melodies and shows two
l58lbid., 129-31.
IS9Ibid., 128-29.
,60Ibid., 131.
16>Georgios D. Pachtikos, 260 Dimodi ellinika asmata [260 Greek Folk Songs]
(Athens: P. D. Sakellariou, 1905).
130
transpositions of a scale he identities as the “chromatic” type.162 Pachtikos and other
scholars o f Greek folk music often indicate chromatic modes by a non-standard use of
key signatures.163 In his extensive collection, Pachtikos provides transcriptions of folk
songs from Greece and many Greek-speaking areas.164 The author gives information
about each song’s origin (geographical region or village) and type (i.e., table song,
syrtos dance, etc.), provides the full text, and indicates a tempo and metronome
marking. In a few cases, he supplies a piano accompaniment, consisting of simple
chords and melodic doubling. The piano also furnishes an introduction to these songs.
During his lecture, “Greek Folklore and Greek Music,” Petros Petridis addressed
the issues of modes, rhythms, and harmonization of Greek folk song and their role in
“building a national school of music.” After discussing the continuity between ancient
Greek scales and modem scales, Petridis briefly mentions the five or six diatonic scales
o f Greek music, including the major scale; the minor scale in its two forms of harmonic
and melodic, and the Oriental chromatic scale.165 Since Petridis thinks that the
chromatic scale has much in common with the “ordinary minor scale,” he feels that it is
>62This scale is called the “Oriental chromatic” by Lambelet and is represented

by the following scale: d e k f g a b fc c" d. It is also transposed starting on e. Ibid., il-1.
l63These key signatures can have a simultaneous use o f sharps and flats (for
example, two flats and one sharp) and/or accidentals that do not follow the “normal”
order (for example, two sharps on g and d).
164For the most part, Pachtikos trusted the transcription of the folk songs to
others and identifies the transcriber under the title o f each example.
16SPetridis states that Bourgault-Ducoudray believed the harmonic or melodic

minor scale, found throughout Greece and the Orient, was “a mark o f Italian influence.”
Petridis, “Greek Folklore and Greek Music,” 32.
131
easier to harmonize than the other Greek modes.166 As a composer, Petridis views the
abundant number of scales as a precious resource that should be fully utilized in Greek
“artistic” music.
This simple truth dawns, therefore, upon us that if with only two scales,
the major and the minor, at their disposal, men have been able to
compose such admirable music as the last four centuries have seen, then
we may, without any exaggeration say, that the musical possibilities,
based on the popular Greek melodies and their scales, are well-nigh
inexhaustible.1
Petridis states that the “chief stumbling block” to the development of national
music has been the harmonization of these modes. Composers from both West and East
have been frustrated in their efforts: “The main reason of this universal failure has
undoubtedly been the narrow conception musicians had about the laws of strict and
correct harmony.” 168 Petridis supports his statement by giving examples of the rules of
classical harmony and by demonstrating how incompatible they are with these modes.
He believes that Greek composers should look to certain Russian and French
composers, especially Mussourgsky, Debussy and Ravel, for an alternative model in
their exploration of harmony. “Recent experiments, already successfully carried out by
the Russians, urge us to do just what is contrary to good harmony, if we want the color
and the atmosphere of the melody to be preserved.” Ravel’s Cinq melodies populaires
grecques (1906) is upheld as a model for harmonizing Greek melodies because it shows
I66Petridis explains that the Oriental chromatic scale has several characteristic
features, including raised third and seventh degrees, which aid its harmonization. Ibid.,
33.
I67lbid., 32-33.
168Ibid., 33.
132
an “organic” approach and provides a “satisfactory solution” for harmonizing different
modes.169 Petridis reiterates his belief that “the question of the harmonization and of
polyphony is a vital link between our folktunes and our national school o f symphonic
music. 5*170
• -
On November 18,1948, Kalomiris delivered a speech to the Academy o f Athens
specifically addressing the issue of the demotic song and its harmonization. He stated
that he had reached his conclusions after many years o f study and compositional
practice in applying these principles. Kalomiris believed that one must first study and
comprehend the “rich system o f sounds and modes” o f Greek folk song in order to
understand its capabilities for harmony and polyphony.171
Although Kalomiris recognized the existence of microtones in Greek traditional
music and Byzantine music, he believed that they must be sacrificed so that the Western
tempered scale could be used instead of the natural scale.172 In effect, he regarded
microtones as “foreign” to or incompatible with European music. Kalomiris related the
development o f equal temperament in Europe with the flourishing of instrumental
music and the creation of masterpieces, beginning with Bach’s Well-Tempered
Clavier.173 Kalomiris’ focus on instrumental music reflects the fact that it was valued
l69Ibid., 34.
l70Ibid., 42.
171Kalomiris, “About the Harmonization of Demotic Songs,” 35.
l72Lambelet also addressed the issue o f microtones in the introduction to his

collection o f folk songs. Georgios Lambelet, La musique populaire grecque (Athens:
1934), 29-31.
l73Kalomiris, “About the Harmonization of Demotic Songs,” 36.
133
more highly in the nineteenth-century German tradition that he studied intensively in
Vienna. Thus, it followed that Kalomiris felt the use of equal temperament absolutely
essential for Greek folk song to be incorporated effectively into instrumental music. He
further strengthened the connections of Greek “artistic” music to Europe (or
“peripheral” Europe) with the following observation:
Without exception, the more modem national schools that tried to create
a musical language of their own based on the tradition of the folk music
but [that] also were in agreement with the technique and aesthetic
progress of international music, accepted the tempered system although
their folk music also often includes proportional intervals of the natural
scale.174
Despite advocating equal temperament for the harmonization o f folk song,
Kalomiris remained committed to maintaining its modal structure. Like Lambelet, he
related these modes to Gregorian chant, Byzantine ecclesiastical music, and ancient
Greek music. By keeping the older modal system, Kalomiris believed that Greek
composers would have many more options available to them than using only the
Western major and minor scales. Composers, however, must first determine the modal
characteristics of each demotic melody in order to harmonize it properly.175
Kalomiris divided Greek modes into three families, which correspond closely to
the same classification system discussed by Bourgault-Ducoudray and Lambelet:
diatonic, chromatic, and mixed. He defined the first family as modes that use the
lowered seventh degree rather than the leading tone o f Western scales. The modes of
the second family have leading tones and are characterized by the interval o f an
l74Ibid., 37. This reasoning may be specious from our contemporary

perspective, but it was logical at the time.
175Ibid.
134
augmented second. This interval is formed by using a second “leading tone,” often the
raised fourth (attracted upward to the dominant) or lowered second (pulled downward to
the tonic). The third family is a fusion o f the first two categories, using both a lowered
seventh (upper tetrachord) and an augmented second degree (lower tetrachord).176
Throughout the speech, Kalomiris made a distinction between modes that are
defined as “Greek” and those that are associated with the “Other.” Kalomiris
considered the most characteristic Greek modes those belonging to the first and third
families. He called the modes of the first family the “simplest and certainly the most
distinctive of Greek folk music,” although they are also “encountered in the songs of
other neighboring peoples, even in Hungarian folk music.” Again, he related these
“characteristic Greek” modes to Byzantine and Gregorian chant. More importantly,
Kalomiris believed that Greek folk music attained a “completely distinctive character”
from the folk music of other nations in melodies that use the lowered seventh degree
(first family) and “certain characteristic popular dance rhythms of 7/8,5/8, and 9/8
(2+2+2+3) or (2+3+2+2).177
In contrast to the “Greek character” of the first family, the augmented second
interval gives modes o f the second family a “characteristic flavor to their melodic line,
which is related to the modes of the gypsy and eastern music.” At the same time,
Kalomiris was well aware that the melodic use of the augmented second was avoided in
“orthodox classical harmony.” His opinion about these “eastern” modes reveals the
,76Ibid„ 38.
I77lbid., 38-40.
135
ambiguity of Greek identity at the time; he includes “chromatic” modes as a category o f
Greek folk music, yet is cognizant of its associations with the “Other.” “In any case, it
mustn't be thought that I believe that these modes should be removed from Greek music
nor that our demotic songs, which follow these modes, do not also represent a genuine
Greek popular expression. But I do hold the opinion that the composer cannot forget
nor ignore this kinship.”178 In this instance, Kalomiris’ more diplomatic position on this
issue may reflect his desire not to alienate any member of his audience at the Academy
of Athens.
Kalomiris then discussed specific considerations for harmonizing melodies from
each of the three families. Since the modes of the first group have no leading tone, the
strong dominant-tonic harmonic progression of Western music does not exist. Instead,
the dominant chord becomes secondary, along with the chord on the seventh degree,
whose fundamental can be doubled safely. The subdominant and supertonic are
primary chords that can be used effectively at cadences, and plagal cadences are the
most frequently found in the harmonization of Greek folk melody. In every case, the
harmonization must be adjusted for the specific mode. In order to bring out the
character of melodies of the second family, Kalomiris recommended the use (but not
overuse) of altered chords, particularly those with the raised fourth degree, and “chord
clusters” in combination with pedal points, sonorities common in demotic music. He
explained that with multiple leading tones, the melody tends to move between the
tetrachord of the tonic and the tetrachord of the dominant. The composer must find the
178
Ibid., 38-39.
136
real tonic of the mode, although it is often difficult to do so because o f the strong
attraction to two scale degrees. Another challenge is when a folk melody from any of
the three families has a narrow range (as little as a fourth or sixth), which means the
composer must identify the correct mode and apply appropriate harmony.179 Kalomiris
repeatedly stressed that the “clear knowledge” o f the tonic “is an extremely important
part in correct harmonic understanding” that will result in “natural and unforced”
harmonization.180
Kalomiris noted that the major and “pure minor” scales do not belong to the
three families but offer additional possibilities to the Greek composer. He attributed the
use of major and minor modes in Greek music to several factors, most importantly to
Byzantine music and Gregorian chant, whose modes were derived from ancient Greek
music. But the influence of Western music, especially Italian, on the Ionian Islands was
also a critical factor. Even when Greek demotic songs are in major or minor, “the two
established so-called Western modes,” “they still retain a distinctive character which
demands that we distinguish them from similar European songs, even folk songs that
follow the same modes.” Thus, Kalomiris believed that the harmonization o f Greek
folk songs, even in major or minor modes, “cannot be restricted to the established
patterns of current harmony.” Instead, a careful consideration of a folk song’s melodic
179Ibid., 39.
180Ibid., 40.
137
and rhythmic structure and overall mood, as well as the borrowing of techniques used
for the three Greek families of modes will produce an appropriate harmonization.181
Kalomiris stated in conclusion that “the harmonization o f demotic melody does
not represent an end but a means,” a guide to the creation of Greek national music. The
composer incorporates these techniques as he seeks to “render in his own new and
original musical language the pulse of the National soul.” Through his intimate
knowledge and experience of Greek history, culture, and music, the composer can
create an individual expression that, like the poetry of Palamas, can represent the
collective spirit of his people.182
Rhythmic Elements of G reek Folk Music
The writings of Greek composers demonstrate a selective approach to the
resources of folk music. The authors primarily concentrated on the modal
characteristics of demotic song and their classification into three families in order to
facilitate the use of harmony and polyphony. Surprisingly, the element of rhythm
merited only a brief discussion, and little mention was made o f temperament, timbre,
and form.
Just as the large number of modes facilitated a rich melodic and harmonic
vocabulary for the Greek composer, the wide variety of meters found in folk song and
dance helped define national music. Petridis was one of the first to articulate the
18lIbid., 41.
182Ibid., 42. Kalomiris concludes his speech by quoting a short verse by

Palamas that alludes to the resurrection of the Greek soul.
138
enormous potential of folk-music rhythms for national composers: He emphasized that
Greek folk music provides freedom with its more flexible metrical organization,
diversity o f meters (including additive), metrical combinations, and wider variety o f
rhythmical cadences. Thus, the rhythmic flexibility o f Greek dances contrasts with the
prevailing “tyranny of the bar” of Western music. Petridis draws a parallel between
Greek folk music and contemporary music in its greater rhythmical awareness:
“Alternating bars of an ever increasing variety can already be seen in the works of
modem composers.”183
Kalomiris regarded the use of additive meters such as 7/8 and 9/8 as one of the
chief distinguishing features of Greek folk music, and in Lambelet’s collection of folk
songs, 7/8, the dance rhythm o f the kalamatianos, is the most prominent meter,
followed by 2/4, the rhythm of syrtos, ballos, and various regional dances.184 It is quite
likely that the construction of the kalamatianos as the “national dance” of Greece may
have influenced Lambelet’s choices o f the folk songs he transcribed and harmonized in
his collection.
The numerous writings by Lambelet, Kalomiris, and Petridis attempt to define
national music and its relationship to demotic song. The composers’ discussions o f the
musical characteristics of folk song, including modes, temperament, rhythms, and
l83Petridis, “Greek Folklore and Greek Music,” 38-39.
1840 f the 60 songs and dances in Lambelet’s La musique populaire grecque, 25

are in 7/8 meter and 23 are in 2/4. Two songs are transcribed in 5/8 or 5/4, the
remainder in 3/4,4/4, or changing meters (reflecting a sensitivity to the nuances o f the
text and melody).
139
appropriate harmonies, formed the stylistic parameters for their own works and for
those o f other composers commonly referred to as members o f the “national school.”
Greek Composers and “National” Style
As Anoyanakis and Leotsakos have pointed out, during the late nineteenth and
first half of the twentieth century, there were dozens of composers who were considered
part of the “national school.” Despite Kalomiris’ attempts, however, there was no
organized Greek “national school.” Rather, there was a large, loosely connected group
of composers (bom between 1875 and 1915), who created a substantial body of works
that shared certain identifiable characteristics of a Greek “national” style (Figure 1).
Kalomiris recognized the cultural duality and ideological potential of “national” music
when he defined it as a necessary combination of Greek folk song and foreign “artistic”
music. Following the example o f Greek writers, poets, and artists, composers of
national music constructed a musical identity by acknowledging their multiple historical
pasts - ancient, Byzantine, Ottoman, and modem - and by assimilating indigenous
musical elements with European ones. Composers of “national” music confirmed their
cultural status as Europeans by utilizing the predominant stylistic tendencies of
European art music, especially those of Germany and France. At the same time, they
validated their Hellenic identity by incorporating elements from traditional Greek
music, which served as the vital link between antiquity and the present. As in most
other European countries, this particular blending of native and foreign influences
created the raw material of “national music.” Each composer individualized his works
with a perceived identifiable regional or national character by incorporating features
140
associated with traditional music, including quotations and folk elements, and/or with
programmatic references to national literature, folklore, or myth.
Greek Composers and the Quotation of Folk Song
Although Greek folk song indelibly has shaped the musical language of
“national” composers, quotation of specific demotic melodies have occurred relatively
infrequently. The works o f Yannis Constantinidis (see Chapter Four) are an exception
to this trend. Generally, composers have quoted folk melodies in the following ways:
1) as harmonizations and adaptations of songs for voice and piano, mixed chorus, or
piano solo; 2) as themes for sets of variations; and 3) as dramatic devices within an
opera or symphonic work. Specific examples o f these three uses of folk song will be
cited throughout the remainder of this chapter.185
In theory and practice, Kalomiris consciously avoided quoting folk melodies in
his works. As he stated in his “Manifesto,” he believed that “the systematic borrowing
from National melodies helps very little in the development o f National music.”186
According to Nikos Maliaras, the composer quoted entire demotic songs or, more
commonly, small excerpts from them, about forty different times in his works. A
l85For example, Evanghelatos wrote an orchestral work, Variations and Fugue

on a Greek Folk Song (1949) and several songs on demotic texts; Nezeritis quoted three
folk songs in Five Dances for piano (1958).
t86Kalomiris, “A Few Words.”
141
number of the folk songs have been identified because Kalomiris referred to the source
from which he drew his material, or the melody itself is easily recognizable.187
In his study, Maliaras examined the seven Aegean or Cretan folk songs found in
Kalomiris’ compositions and discussed their context and harmonization. Kalomiris
used each o f these demotic songs in several of his compositions, including both vocal
and instrumental works. He usually chose demotic songs that he had heard as a child,
but sometimes he selected “well-known pan-Hellenic melodies.” Several of the
melodies were taken from published or unpublished collections o f demotic songs.
When Kalomiris consulted collections, he did so in order to locate appropriate melodies,
not to learn more about their origin or authenticity. He reproduced the traditional
melody, text, and form o f the demotic songs as they appeared in the collection when he
was setting them as a vocal work. In these works, a demotic theme is never interrupted
in the middle by Kalomiris’ own music, except for brief interludes between different
verses of the song. In purely instrumental works, however, Kalomiris felt free to
elaborate on the folk song, using thematic, rhythmic, and harmonic variations. In this
context, Kalomiris believed that “the demotic theme was transformed to an idea that
t XX
lent itself to modification and was open to the imagination o f the composer.”
l87Nikos Maliaras, “Dimotika tragoudia tou aigaiou ke tis Kritis sti mousiki tou
Manoli Kalomiri” [Demotic Songs o f the Aegean and Crete in the Music o f Manolis
Kalomiris], Mantatoforos 39-40 (1995): 145. Kalomiris used fewer examples of
Byzantine hymns or carols in his works. In the opera To Dachtilidi tis M am s, the choir
at the church sings a Byzantine melody associated with Christmas. The Byzantine
chant “Ti Ypermacho” appears in the opera Konstantinos o Paleologos (the ruler of
Constantinople when it fell to the Ottomans) and as the principal melodic material in the
fourth movement o f the Leventia Symphony.
188Ibid., 167-68.
142
Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Maliaras then summarized the way Kalomiris harmonized the seven demotic
melodies according to his established guidelines. In songs o f the first family, the
instrumental accompaniment is limited to simple rhythmic and harmonic patterns,
without a pedal point, with some limited chromatic episodes, especially towards the
end. To a large extent, Kalomiris uses a chromatic type o f accompaniment, which he
generally preferred in his works, for melodies of the second group. This chromatic
harmony is often quite removed from the basic tonality o f the song and creates unusual
progressions. Songs belonging to the major mode are harmonized with pedal points in
the bass, with diatonic and chromatic chords placed over them. Another level of
complexity arises from Kalomiris’ preference for a very independent accompaniment.
A dichotomy results from the difference between the basically unmodified demotic
melody and the greater rhythmic and harmonic freedom o f the accompaniment. In the
case of Kalomiris’ settings of the Aegean songs, Maliaras believes that the composer
faithfully followed his theoretical views. Despite his tendency to use chromatic and
altered chords in his compositions (even in melodies of the first family), Kalomiris
maintained, to a large degree, a consistent policy towards the harmonization of demotic
songs throughout his career.189
Greek folk song appeared in Kalomiris’ compositions from his first years in
Athens. In the third movement of the Quintet with Voice, written in 1912, he used three
demotic melodies as themes for polyphonic development. Kalomiris’ collection of ten
demotic songs with piano accompaniment, published in 1922, included most of the folk
I89Ibid., 169.
143
songs that he had used up to that time in his compositions.190 An examination o f these
songs reveals much about Kalomiris’ approach to harmonization, especially when
compared to settings of the same songs by other composers.
Kalomiris, Constantinidis, and Bourgault-Ducoudray harmonized the same folk
melody, a love song from Smyrna, “Ma ti to thel’ i manna sou” [But Why Does Your
Mother Want].191 Bourgault-Ducoudray’s setting (Example 1) utilizes a mode that
corresponds to G Mixolydian with a lowered sixth degree.192 In the accompaniment,
the sixth degree is raised part of the time, providing further modal ambiguity but greater
harmonic options. All vertical sonorities are derived from the mode. At first,
Ducoudray’s harmonization is limited to the tonic (sometime with the seventh) and
subdominant. A notable change occurs with the C-major triad in measure 12, an
implementation of the raised sixth degree, and the appearance of an unexpected
augmented triad (m. 15). The refrain (mm. 16-19) emphasizes the raised sixth degree
(and E-minor and A-minor triads), but concludes with a plagal cadence (C minor to G),
l90Kalomiris, Eikosi dimotika tragoudia [Twenty Folk Songs] (Athens:

Zacharias Makris, 1922). This collection was the first part of a proposed edition of
twenty songs, the second half of which was never completed. It appears that Kalomiris
also intended to supply orchestral accompaniment for these songs, but this plan did not
materialize. Maliaras, “Demotic Songs,” 149.
I9IL. A. Bourgault-Ducoudray, “Ma ti to thel’ i manna sou” in Trente melodies

populaires de Grece et d'Orient, (Paris: Henry Lemoine, 1876), 60-62; Manolis
Kalomiris, “Mi me tyragnis ke kleo,” from Twenty Folk Songs for voice and piano,
(Athens: Zacharias Makris, 1922); Yannis Constantinidis, “Ma ti to thel’ i manna sou,”
from Twenty Songs o f the Greek People for voice and piano, (Athens: C.
Papagrigoriou—H. Nakas, 1970), Vol. 1 ,12-14. Constantinidis also set this folk song in
his 44 Children's Pieces for piano. A translation of the texts of all the folk songs
discussed in this dissertation is found in Appendix C.
,92Modal ambiguity is increased by the absence of a seventh degree in the folk

melody. Ducoudray’s accompaniment consistently utilizes the lowered seventh degree.
144
the most common type in Greek folk music. Except for small alterations, the second
verse is identical to the first.
Kalomiris’ setting also contains a considerable amount o f modal ambiguity,
caused primarily by the flexibility of both the sixth and seventh scale degrees (Example
2). This ambiguity contributes to a wider range of harmonic possibilities, from the
initial static alternation o f G major and A diminished triads, to the augmented triad as
used by Ducoudray, and, finally, to a surprising series of sonorities in the refrain (mm.
11-14). The sonorities in the refrain are remotely related to the original mode through a
third relationship, made apparent by the cadence on E major. Compared to
Ducoudray’s setting, Kalomiris’ song provides a wider range o f chord voicings, as well
as an accompanimental figure paralleling the folk melody in thirds (mm. 5-7). The
piano accompaniment o f the second verse is more elaborate than the first, and a
postlude reaffirms the modal center on G.
For his setting, Constantinidis chooses a mixed mode on G (chromatic and
diatonic tetrachords, respectively) that contains a characteristic augmented second,
achieved by lowering the second degree (A-flat) (Example 3). The harmony is static in
the first verse, alternating between tonic and subdominant, with added tones present in
the right hand o f the expressive piano accompaniment. In the second verse the harmony
is expanded well beyond the mode, alternating between expanded sonorities on E and
C-sharp, before moving down by thirds and cadencing on tonic. This discrepancy
between the mode o f the folk melody and the accompaniment produces a type o f
bimodality, but a clear sense o f modality resumes in the refrain. The accompaniment of
145
the refrain is an elaboration o f the first verse with registral changes. The song ends
quietly with five measures of the opening piano figure.
Although all three of these arrangements are quite different from the
performance practice of Greek folk music, they each present a new dimension in its
interpretation as an art song. Each composer observes the changing meters and modal
ambiguities of the folk song melody, and maintains an individual approach to its
harmonization. A closer examination o f the music indicates that composers generally
followed their own suggestions for harmonizing demotic melodies as outlined in their
respective writings.
The insertion of recognizable demotic melodies into larger works, such as
operas or symphonies, gave these works new dramatic functions and provided
additional layers of emotional meaning to the listener.193 Regarding the quotation of
folk melodies in Kalomiris’ operas, Frangou-Psychopaidi gave a further explanation:
“As the characteristic melodies (Leitmotiv) represent persons or situations in a very
individual way, thus the recognized demotic or religious melodies characterize cultural
situations and values applied to the collective memory, and their meaning is recognized
by all the members of a culture.”194
Quotations of Greek folk song occur in Kalomiris’ first two operas and in his
symphonic works. The folk song “Dance of Zalongou” serves as the principal melodic
193George Leotsakos, “7o Dachtylidi tis Manas: I istoria, i epochi, i simasia tou”
[The Mother’s Ring: Its History, Era, and Importance], in the program o f the National
Opera, 1982-1983 Season, 9.
l94Fragou-Psychopaidi, The National School o f Music, 61.
146
and programmatic material for the symphonic poem O Thanatos tis Andriomenis.
Kalomiris quoted several folk songs in his first opera, O Protomastoras [The Master
Builder], written in 1915. In the prologue to the 1917 score, Kalomiris mentions that he
used two songs with the theme of the bridge o f Arta from the collection o f K. Psachos.
He also thanked Spyros Theodoropoulos for singing a lament from Mani, which became
the basis of the lament of the Singer in the third act.195 The first o f these folk songs
occurs near the beginning of Act I and is sung by a choir of gypsies and masons
(Example 4).196 At first, this melody in the major mode is sung in unison, but Kalomiris
soon turns to imitation (second verse) and various combinations o f polyphonic and
homophonic textures throughout the other verses. The open fifth bass pattern during the
first two verses and the unmistakable strophic presentation enhances the melody’s
recognition as a folk song. Although the text borrows phrases from the well-known
folk song, “Tis artas to yefyri” [The Bridge of Arta], Kalomiris adapts it to fit the plot
o f the opera.197 The composer quotes two more folk songs near the end o f Scene 1, Act
I, both of which also appear in his 20 Folk Songs. The first, Varia pou s ’agapo [From
Love My Heart Is Heavy], is sung by the chorus as the gypsy women dance with
,95Manolis Kalomiris, O Protomastoras [The Master Builder] (piano/vocal

score) (Athens: Gaitanos, 1940).
I96lbid., 9-15.
I97Kalomiris later includes the traditional melody and text in his 20 Folk Songs
(no. 7), where it appears in the key o f F major with the name “Tis artas to yiofyri.”
147
tambourines. The second, the Pentozalis, a popular folk-dance melody from Crete,
serves as a brief instrumental accompaniment to the chorus o f gypsies.198
In Kalomiris’ second opera, a lullaby from Smyrna provides a vital link to
traditional music. Both Ducoudray and Lambelet included the melody, “Aide kimisou
kori mou” [Go to Sleep, My Daughter], in their folk-song collections, as did Kalomiris
in his 1922 set of demotic songs.199 All three composers transcribed the melody in a
mixed mode, with a lower chromatic tetrachord, and preserved the character of a lullaby
with a slow tempo and soft dynamics.200 In Ducoudray’s setting, only three sonorities,
built on the first, second, and fourth degrees, are used to harmonize the melody
(Example 5). Lambelet expands his harmonization o f the lullaby by altering sixth and
seventh degrees of the mixed mode and emphasizing sonorities built on the first, fifth
and sixth degrees (Example 6). In his song setting, Kalomiris initially limits his
harmonization to sonorities built on first, second, and seventh degrees, but then he alters
the sixth and seventh degrees in the accompaniment, producing a strong cadence on the
dominant (D). (Example 7) In the opera, To Dachtilidi tis Manas [The Mother’s Ring],
the central character, the Mother, sings her son, Yannakis, to sleep. The first two
l98The first quotation is fairly extensive (28 measures), while the second
quotation lasts only eight measures. Kalomiris, The Master Builder, 121-24,126.
,99L. A. Bourgault-Ducoudray, “Aide kimisou kori mou,” in Trente melodies

populaires de Grece et d ’Orient, 2-3; Georges Lambelet, “Dodo, ma fille, fais dodo”
[Aide kimisou kori mou] in La musique populaire grecque, 181-82; Manolis Kalomiris,
“Aide kimisou kori mou,” from Twenty Folk Songs', Manolis Kalomiris, To Dachtylidi
tis manas [The Mother’s Ring] (piano/vocal score) (Athens: Gaitanos, 1937), 99-103.
200In this mixed mode, the augmented second falls between the third and fourth
scale degrees. The folk song’s origin from Smyrna and its emphasis on the augmented
second gave it a clear association with the “East.”
148
phrases are identical to Kalomiris’ song setting, but then the melody gradually expands
and is developed in each succeeding phrase (Example 8). Again, through chromatic
alteration of the sixth and seventh scale degrees, the composer creates a larger
collection of vertical sonorities upon which to draw.
Incorporation of Folk Elements
Although composers rarely quoted folk song, they freely drew upon elements of
demotic music, including diatonic and chromatic modes, characteristic melodic
embellishments and cadential patterns, additive meters and dance rhythms. The
influence of Greek folk music can be seen in orchestration with the emphasis o f certain
timbres,201 in harmony that may be partially based on the modal system, and in the
formal aspects of the music. In addition, composers frequently emulated indigenous
performance practice by utilizing mixed modes, drone accompaniments, simple
harmonic accompaniments with perfect intervals, and heterophonic presentations o f the
melody. Nearly every composer of the national school incorporated at least one o f
these many characteristics into his music.
Much of Kalomiris’ music is imbued with the spirit and feeling o f traditional
music and dance. He achieved a “Greek color” in his work by employing “small
musical cells” rather than relying on the quotation of folk music.202 Many passages in
20'in addition to preferences for specific wind and string instruments, two
composers included a folk instrument (hammered dulcimer) in a work. The santouri
part in the third movement of Kalomiris’ Leventia Symphony (1920) doubles other
instruments, but Zoras features the dulcimer in his Sonatina for Tsimbalo (or piano)
(1961).
202Maliaras, “Demotic Songs,” 144.
149
Kalomiris’ music demonstrate his close adherence to traditional modes, cadential
patterns, and additive meters. In his three symphonies, he preferred the Aeolian,
Dorian, mixed, and chromatic modes, upon which to base his harmony. A certain
“nonfunctionality” of vertical progressions occurs in the diatonic, chromatic, and mixed
modes, with the majority of “unusual” sonorities derived from the double chromatic
mode. Favorite solo colors in Kalomiris’ orchestral palette include the English horn,
oboe, clarinet, flute, violin, viola, and horn. These particular orchestral colors
correspond closely to the timbres he chose for several of his chamber, vocal, and stage
works, and may be an attempt to imitate the timbre of Greek folk instruments, such as
zourna [shawm], klarino [clarinet], and floyera [shepherd’s flute]. For example, his
Second Symphony contains extended melismatic passages, for flute, clarinet, and violin
(Example 9), which are closely related to the performance practice o f wind instruments
in folk ensembles.203 Kalomiris’ characteristic use of solo viola and violin in the
symphonies is often reminiscent of the playing techniques o f their native counterparts,
the violi and lyra. In the Scherzo of the First Symphony, the viola plays repeated notes
and melodic patterns in the Aeolian mode (Example 10) and is accompanied by flute,
oboe, English hom, harp, violin, cello, and tambourine. The timbre o f the viola and the
dance rhythm help create the particularly folklike character of this section of the
movement.
203The klarino or clarinet is especially important in Greek folk music since its
introduction on the mainland c. 1835. According to Fivos Anoyanakis, Greek Folk
Musical Instruments, translated by Christopher N. W. Klint (Athens: National Bank of
Greece, 1979), 201, klarino players have reshaped demotic melodies through skillful
ornamentation, virtuosity, and modal exploration.
150
O f all the woodwind and string colors, the English hom is Kalomiris’ preferred
solo instrument. Used most often with other solo wind and string colors, it usually
introduces a theme or carries an important contrapuntal line. The English horn’s
characteristic timbre appears in the movements depicting pastoral, festive, or love
themes in particular, but it is also found in the quieter, lighter-textured sections of other
movements. During the first statement o f a theme, effective passages o f solo timbres
occur frequently within the fabric of overlapping thematic layers (Example 11).
The incorporation of folk-music vocabulary can be most clearly seen in
Kalomiris’ Symphony No. 1, “Leventia” (1920). The word leventia implies a complex
network of meanings but can be rendered as “bravery” or “pride with heroism and
patriotism.” Kalomiris gives the image of the feast of brave warriors in the third
movement of this symphony and uses a traditional ternary form. The thematic groups,
key areas, and tempo variations create a clear formal design, related to the dance-like
character and programmatic inferences of this scherzo. In the first section themes A
and B are presented and then followed by several varied repetitions. The technique of
melodic variation, in many ways similar to that o f the folk musician, figures
prominently in Kalomiris’ symphonies. The first theme of the Scherzo shows
remarkable versatility in its subsequent variations. Its Dorian modal tendency, dance
like quality, sequential treatment of pitch materials, and repetition of rhythm provide it
with the foundation for multiple variations. Repetition, sequence, and modal alterations
are especially notable in this variation process, as are changes in orchestration, texture,
and articulation. A short excerpt from this section o f the Scherzo demonstrates the
process of melodic variation and the incorporation of other folk music elements,
151
including the scoring for a folk instrument, the santouri [hammered dulcimer] (Example
12).
Programmatic Aspects
Greek composers o f “national” music often utilized programmatic references to
national literature, folklore, or myth, a characteristic that exerted a considerable
influence in shaping national identity. These references include settings of texts by
modem Greek poets, the use of titles that evoke ancient Greece or modem Greek
folklore, works linked to Byzantine traditions, and the composition o f music for ancient
tragedies.204 In addition, many works were directly linked to current events and
national crises.
Nearly every composer used descriptive titles for some of his works, particularly
symphonic poems, suites, piano pieces and song cycles. Some examples include 8
Dances from the Greek Islands for piano (1954) by Constantinidis, Coastlines and
Mountains o f Attica (1954) by Antiochos Evanghelatos, Zalongo or Suite-Fantasia on
Greek Popular Themes (1930-31) by Aristotelis Koundouroff, Cypriot Wedding (1935)
by Solon Michaelides, Klephtic Dances (1922) by Petros Petridis, and Five Macedonian
Songs (1914) by Emilios Riadis. The Byzantine period also stimulated the imagination
of composers as topics for works, including Kalomiris’ opera Constantinos o
Paleologos (1961), Petridis’ Byzantine oratorio St. Paul (1950), and a number of works
by various composers based on Byzantine hymns. In addition, ancient Greek subjects
204Varvoglis, Riadis, and Mitropoulos were among the first composers who
wrote music for productions o f ancient drama.
152
inspired Menelaos Pallandios and a handful of other composers. Such works include
Archaic Prelude by Georgios Kazasoglou, Sirene (Marine) (1926) by Dimitrios Levidis,
Antigone (1942) by Pallandios, and Amphitryon (1955-60) by Georgios Sklavos.
Greek composers exerted considerable influence in shaping national identity
during several defining eras in their nation’s history. Several o f Kalomiris’ most
significant works date from the period of the Balkan Wars (1912-1913), World War I,
and the Greek campaign in Asia Minor (1919-1922), a time o f national euphoria. These
include the First Symphony “Leventia” (1920) recognized as “an acoustic colored
lithograph o f the period,”205 Magic Herbs (1912-14), his finest song cycle for voice and
orchestra, and O Protomastoras [The Master Builder] (1915), his first opera, which
functions as a manifesto of the ideology of the Greek National School.206 Magic Herbs
(1912) is closely identified with the epoch of the Balkan Wars, though the titles of the
poems are full of references to the ancient Greek and Byzantine past. The remarkable
orchestral prelude was considered to “elevate the National School... to the level of an
epic and a legend that is clearly modem Greek.” It demonstrates Kalomiris’ expert
205George Leotsakos, Greek Musical Life, 395.
206Maliaras, “Demotic Songs,” 151. Kalomiris based the opera on the tragedy
by Nikos Kazantzakis. At some point between 1913 and 1915, Kalomiris dedicated O
Protomastoras to one o f his idols, Eleftherios Venizelos, as Protomastoras [Master
Builder] o f the Greek race. Thus, the central object o f the bridge probably symbolized
the building o f “Great Greece” and the realization of the “Great Idea.” Haris
Politopoulos, “Manolis Kalomiris and P rotom astorasin the notes to the recording O
Protomastoras, The State Orchestra o f the USSR Cinematography, Emin Khachaturian,
GCO 030490 (Athens: Greek Cultural Office, 1990), 43.
207Leotsakos, Greek Musical Life, 394.
153
blending of the Greek modal system with chromaticism, use o f additive meters, and a
well-articulated sense o f the shape and direction of each phrase (Example 13).208
There were also innumerable marches and military songs that were written by
Greek composers of the period.209 After the Asia Minor Disaster in 1922, some
composers expressed feelings of loss and resignation through their works. Especially in
his Symphony No. 3, “Palamiki” (1955), Kalomiris made reference to “Great Greece”
and the defeat of the “Great Idea.” In his Asia Minor Rhapsody (1950-65),
Constantinidis quotes a well-known folk tune that serves as a musical representation of
the displaced people of his homeland.210
During the terrible decade of war in the 1940s, works of Greek composers
played an important role in promoting national pride and resistance and demonstrated a
close alliance to current events. These compositions served as tools o f defiance during
the German occupation, a period of deprivation and starvation for the Greeks. The most
celebrated example is Prayer to the Acropolis (1942) by Pallandios. By carrying the
208The first performance of the song cycle with orchestra occurred on March 12,
1915, at the Conservatory of Athens, under the direction of Kalomiris with Irene
Skepers as soloist. Fivos Anoyanakis, Katalogos ergon Manoli Kalomiri 1883-1962
[Catalog of the Works of Manolis Kalomiris 1883-1962] (Athens: By the Author,
1964), 16. The orchestration specifies: 2 flutes, 2 oboes, 2 clarinets, 4 homs, 4
trumpets, 3 trombones, 1 tuba, timpani, percussion, 2 harps, and strings. Even in this
early work, Kalomiris uses a large brass section and two harps, trademarks o f his style.
209Works written by composers not usually associated with the national school
during this period include three operettas and the lyric song cycle Epinikia [Victory
Celebration] by Spyros Samaras and several operettas of Theofrastos Sakellaridis,
including the well-known O Vaftistikos [The Godson]. Leotsakos, Greek Musical Life,
392-95.
2l0Constantinidis’ work will be discussed in detail in Chapter Four.
154
secret title Greece 1940, it simultaneously referred to the oppression, perseverance, and
triumph o f the Greek people in both past and present circumstances.211
In general, Greek national composers produced a large body o f works that
combined European stylistic elements with those drawn from native folk music.
Quotations of traditional song occurred infrequently, mainly in vocal, choral, or piano
works, though occasionally in operas or symphonic compositions. In addition,
composers also made programmatic references to national literature, folklore, or myth,
or directly linked their works to current historical events. Within this general
framework, specific musical and extramusical traits became the distinguishing
characteristics of “national” music.
Representative “National” Composers
For further analysis, I chose eighteen Greek composers, who were perhaps the
most representative of the “national” composers in the first half of the twentieth century
(Figure 1, names in bold typeface). The biographical details of their lives provide a
useful perspective on the Greek and European musical scene, while their works
consistently exhibit the characteristics of a “national” style. These composers can be
roughly divided into two generations. The older generation includes those bom
between 1875 and 1895; the younger generation, those bom between 1896 and 1915.
211Other examples of compositions written during this era include Kalomiris’ O

Thamtos tis Andriomenis (1943), Kazasoglou’s Four Preludes o f Return from the Front
(1941), and Koundouroff s Symphonic Picture on the Albanian Epic (1945). The
Cypriot composer Solon Michaelides also wrote several compositions bearing titles
related to the island’s conflicts: Hymn to Freedom (1962), The Free Besieged (1955),
and Kyrenia (1974).
155
These two groups share many commonalities in their overall musical training and
stylistic tendencies, but they are also distinguished from one another in several ways. In
addition, the older generation served as important mentors and teachers for their
younger countrymen, who then studied abroad for several years.
The composers came from various places where Greeks had settled over the
centuries. Not surprisingly, most came from the more populated cities or towns o f
Greece and Asia Minor. In addition to Athens, composers hailed from Thessaloniki,
Pireaus, the Peloponnese, the Ionian islands, Smyrna, Constantinople, and as far away
as Georgia, Romania, Brussels, and Cyprus. This wide variety o f geographic origin
accurately reflects the extent of the Greek diaspora and may have contributed to the
eclectic influences that are found in composers’ works.
Musical Training
A majority of composers received their initial musical training, either piano or
violin lessons, in their birthplace or in Athens, and continued their studies in Europe.
Whereas only three members of the older generation of composers studied at the
leading musical conservatories in Athens, six o f the younger generation completed part
of their musical education in these institutions established in the early twentieth century.
Most o f the composers pursued advanced musical studies outside Greece after their
initial training, staying abroad for a period of one to thirteen years. These composers
flocked to leading musical centers in France, Germany, Austria, Italy, Belgium,
Switzerland, England, and Russia. Paris attracted more than half o f them and also
became a home for six members of the older generation, most o f whom pursued a
professional career there for several years after their education. The older “national”
156
composers, more than the younger generation, worked and remained abroad for a longer
period of time, and more than half had extended careers abroad. For both generations,
however, the opportunity to study and work abroad brought the composers in contact
with the leading performers, composers, teachers, and conductors, and artists o f their
day. They studied with well-known figures including Ravel, Charpentier, D’lndy,
Roussel, Boulanger, Ipolitov-Ivanov, Gliere, Weill, and Mandyczewski.
Careers and Contributions
After their studies and, in some cases, careers abroad, most composers settled in
Greece and contributed greatly to the artistic life there. Lambelet returned to Athens in
1901 and laid the groundwork for national music with his important series of articles.
His direct attacks on George Nazos at the Athens Conservatory, and later, on Kalomiris,
resulted in his exclusion from many positions. In 1910 Kalomiris settled in Athens after
extended stays in Vienna and Russia. Other composers of the older generation,
including Riadis, Sklavos, Varvoglis, and Petridis began teaching and completed their
early works during the period from 1910 to 1930. Corresponding to the rise o f Nazism
in Europe, the decade of the 1930s marked the return or, in some cases, the initial
settling in Greece of both the remaining members of the older generation and their
younger countrymen, who were just completing their studies abroad. The active concert
life during this time doubtless provided opportunities for performances of new
compositions. And, as already indicated, works written during the 1940s served as tools
of resistance and stirred up feelings of patriotism and nationalism. The influence of
national music waned substantially after World War II, although compositions with its
stylistic characteristics continued to be written well into the 1960s and 70s.
157
After 1910, composers o f national music held many important positions in
Athens and elsewhere in Greece and Europe. The Athens Conservatory, founded in
1871, provided employment for five o f the composers; three of them, Sklavos,
Pallandios, and Constantinos Kydoniatis, spent a majority of their professional careers
there. The founding o f new institutions, such as the Hellenic and the National
Conservatories by Kalomiris, was one of the most substantial contributions of national
composers.212 Although a majority of these composers held one or more teaching or
administrative posts in a conservatory or school for many years, they also served as
music or general directors of such organizations as the Greek National Opera, the Radio
Orchestra, the Athens Chorus, and the State Orchestra of Thessaloniki. Several
composers filled important positions at the national radio stations, the Union of Greek
Composers, the League of Greek Composers, and the Ministry of Education. One of
the country’s highest honors, election to the Academy of Athens, was bestowed on
Kalomiris, Petridis, and Pallandios. Three o f the older generation of composers,
Kalomiris, Riadis, and Varvoglis, also received the National Award for Fine Arts and
Letters between 1919 and 1923 213 In addition, several men, including Koundouroff,
Constantinidis, and Levidis were awarded prizes for specific works. Greeks who
212Individual composers profoundly influenced conservatories in Greece,

including those in other Greek cultural centers, like the State Conservatory in
Thessaloniki.
213Lambelet was also honored with this award. Anoyanakis, “Music in Modem
Greece,” 33.
158
succeeded in making a career abroad include Leonidas Zoras,214 Petridis, Georgios
Poniridis, and Theodoros Spathis. Composers of “national” music served in many other
capacities as well, from advisors to various artistic and educational associations to
contributors to international journals and newspapers, and they exercised control and
influence over much of the artistic life of Greece for nearly half a century.
Stylistic Influencesfrom the European Tradition
As a result of their studies and careers abroad, Greek “national” composers
absorbed a wide range of musical styles and influences. Although dominant influences
may be seen, it is difficult to characterize individual composers as completely emulating
a certain aesthetic, since most possessed two or more sides to their musical personality.
One can make a few overall generalizations, however, such as the distinctly French
quality in the music of Constantinidis, or the finely-wrought Russian orchestration o f
Koundouroff. The grandiloquent, post-Romantic orchestral compositions o f Kalomiris
and Evanghelatos dramatically contrast with their songs, which often display a more
austere style with influences from Greek folk song, French chanson, or German lied.
Other composers also contrasted their treatment of large works and miniatures, which
are equally represented in the repertoire. The style of a specific composer could vary
substantially among different genres, and an individual work could be identified with
either a particular style or an amalgamation of several styles. Drawing from the more
prevalent trends of German post-romanticism, French impressionism, or Russian
214Zoras was music director at the Deutsche Oper and RIAS radio in Berlin from
1958-68.
159
neoclassicism, national composers added elements o f folk song and programmatic
elements to give their works a Greek identity and a personal voice. According to
Leotsakos, some composers inappropriately blended folk materials with other styles.
The wide stylistic range found in Greek composers’ works supports Leotsakos’
argument that, in actuality, there was no “aesthetic homogeneity” in the music of
“national” composers.215
Repertoire
“National” composers produced a large repertoire that includes nearly every
genre. Probably the most important musical contributions o f these composers are their
songs, operas, and orchestral works. To give a rough estimate of the extensive number
of works,216 the eighteen composers surveyed collectively wrote approximately 20
operas, more than 165 works for orchestra,217 hundreds of songs,218 at least 55 piano
compositions and more than 110 chamber works. In addition, they wrote choral
215George Leotsakos, “Mia apokryfi all’ ochi kryfi istoria tis neotatis ellinikis
moussikis. Dokimi syngrafis tou chronikou tis [dys]litourgias tis” [An Apocryphal
Though by No Means Secret History o f Recent Greek Music. An Attempt to Chronicle
Its (Mal)fiinction], in the Program for the Greek Music Cycle 1993-94 of the Athens
Concert Hall (Megaro Mousikis Athinon), 10.
216These estimates were made by consulting selective lists of extant works, in

the numerous articles by George Leotsakos found in the following sources: Papyros
Encyclopedia, Educational Greek Encyclopedia, The New Grove Dictionary o f Music
and Musicians, and The New Grove Dictionary o f Opera.
217This number includes concerti.
218These composers wrote over 20 works for solo voice and orchestra, including
5 song cycles, and at least 260 works for voice and piano including 28 cycles ranging
from three to twenty songs. Not included in the numerical total are the songs o f four
composers listed only as having written “dozens” o f songs.
160
< « |Q
works, incidental music, music for ancient theater productions and cinema, operettas,
musical revues, “light” artistic songs, and harmonizations of folk song and Byzantine
chant. Several composers, including Kalomiris, Lambelet, Michaelides, Petridis,
Sklavos, and Varvoglis, were also prolific prose writers, who contributed many
theoretical and pedagogical works, articles in leading journals and newspapers, and
music criticism. Others were skilled poets, especially Riadis and Pallandios, and also
Lambelet and Levidis, all of whom set their own verses to musical compositions.
Vocal Works
The tragoudi, or song, is the best-represented genre among the national
composers. Without exception, all eighteen composers contributed to the wealth of this
repertoire, and several became masters at the setting of poetry to music, among who
were Riadis, Kalomiris, Constantinidis, Evanghelatos, Lambelet, and Spathis. The
range o f emotions and styles expressed through the Greek art song covers a wide
spectrum.220
Influenced by folk music, as well as French impressionism, the songs of Riadis
display an extraordinary command o f text and music. In one of his best-known pieces,
“To tragoudi tou yero bei” [Song of the Old Bey], the lyrical and nostalgic vocal line is
2l9These include larger choral works with orchestra.
220In Greece, as in many other countries, the close connection between music
and poetry has existed since ancient times. In modem Greece, the special relationship
between specific composers and poets has been uninterrupted from the Ionian school to
the present day. Composers created an extensive repertoire o f songs set to Greek
demotic poetry that are noted for their sensitivity, spontaneity, and expression of
national identity.
161
supported by a sparse, yet expressive, piano accompaniment. While the melody is
clearly in the Phrygian mode, the accompaniment features a tonic pedal, modal
progressions, and brief ornamental passages of parallel thirds. Other songs by Riadis,
such as “I kori ke o kynigos” [The Girl and the Hunter], display a more folklike style,
with strophic form, additive meter (7/16 time), vocal melismas, and simple
accompaniment.
Opera provided Greek national composers a means to express the rich tradition
o f folklore and history on a grand scale. Greek opera had been cultivated first by Ionian
composers in the 1850s and 60s, and by the turn of the twentieth century, Spyridon
Samaras had already written a number of masterpieces. The cornerstone o f the
repertoire remains the five operas written by Kalomiris,221 particularly O Protomastoras
[The Master Builder] (1915) and To Dachtylidi tis Manas [The Mother's Ring] (1917).
Sklavos, who wrote six operas during his long career, and Andreas Nezeritis, noted for
his operas, King Aniliagos (1933) and Hero and Leander (before 1947-64), were also
outstanding among those who wrote in this genre.
Wagner’s considerable influence is particularly evident in Kalomiris’ operas, or
music dramas, as Kalomiris preferred to call them. Throughout his five music dramas,
Kalomiris consistently employed the leitmotif technique associated with Wagner and
believed this technique would enable him to create opera with “Greek character.” He
even compiled and published an index of the leitmotifs used in three o f his operas. Like
U t
Kalomiris was particularly attracted to Greek legend and historical events for
the plots o f his operas, setting two tragedies of Nikos Kazantzakis and two plays of
Yannis Kambysis.
162
Wagner, Kalomiris used thematic material as a means of forecasting, accompanying,
and recalling the main characters, situations, ideas, and objects. Thirteen different
leitmotifs appear in the first opera, representing many of the principal subjects.222 The
leitmotif for Protomastoras, which is first heard in the overture, is later reiterated
immediately preceding the character’s initial entrance on stage (Example 14). The
psychological association of this particular leitmotif with the protagonist is strengthened
because the chorus sings the name of Protomastoras on the pitches of the leitmotif itself.
O rchestral Works
The composition of orchestral works occupied a large percentage of the creative
energies of every national composer except for Spathis. Even though there were few
orchestras in Greece and even fewer opportunities to hear their works performed,223
Greek composers felt compelled, perhaps by their studies abroad, to emphasize the
European symphonic tradition. A large repertoire of works, written over a period of
approximately 60 years, includes symphonies, symphonic poems, suites, concerti,
preludes, and other works for orchestra or occasionally, string ensemble. The earliest
^G eorge J. Zack, “The Music Dramas of Manoiis Kalomiris,” Ph.D.

dissertation, Florida State University, 1971 (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms,
1978), 76-77.
223As noted earlier on pp. 81-82, above, the Athens Conservatory Symphony
Orchestra (founded in 1893) functioned as the only permanent orchestra in Athens until
the establishment of the orchestras o f the Greek Radio (1938) (later, E.R.T., Greek
Radio and Television) and the National Opera (1939). Some of the works by national
composers were especially challenging, so it is doubtful that the overall standard of
playing and amount of rehearsal time allowed a truly adequate performance. This did
not seem to bother Kalomiris, who reportedly preferred “a bad performance over no
performance.” George Leotsakos, “An Apocryphal Though by No Means Secret
History o f Recent Greek Music,” 14.
163
extant instrumental works of the twentieth century are by Lavrangas, Varvoglis,
Levidis, Lambelet, Kalomiris, and Mitropoulos. Some of the most significant orchestral
works of the national composers include the three symphonies by Kalomiris (1920,
1931, 1955), a Symphonietta (1934) by KoundourofT, the Asia Minor Rhapsody (1950-
65) and the two Dodecanesian Suites (1948,1949) by Constantinidis, an Overture to a
Drama (1937) and the Variations and Fugue on a Greek Folk Song (1949) by
Evanghelatos, the Prayer to the Acropolis (1942) by Pallandios, and Thrylos (1936) for
chamber orchestra by Zoras. Other composers who contributed a substantial number of
works to this repertoire include Kazasoglou, Kydoniatis, Michaelides, Nezeritis,
Petridis, and Poniridis. The Symphonietta by Koundouroff demonstrates the more
neoclassical side of the national style, with its expanded sense o f tonality, elegant
formal proportions, and subtle orchestration.
O ther Genres
Many national composers enriched the repertoire of chamber music.
Kazasoglou, Kydoniatis, and Poniridis were the most prolific in this genre, contributing
more than fifty sonatas, trios, quartets, and other works among themselves. The Trio
(1921) and Fantasy Quartet (1921) by Kalomiris, the Violin Sonata No. 1 (1940) by
Poniridis, and the recently restored String Quartet No. 1 in G (undated) and Piano
Quartet No. 1 (1928-35?) by Riadis represent some o f the finest writing o f the period.
Piano music includes sonatas, sonatinas, impromptus, ballades, preludes,
nocturnes, rhapsodies, and suites, as well as more programmatic titles such as 8 Dances
from the Greek Islands (1954) by Constantinidis, I Hares [The Joys\ (1923) by
Koundouroff, and Macedonian Shadows for two pianos (1925?) by Riadis. Concerti by
164
Kalomiris, Evangheiatos, Michaelides, Pallandios, and Petridis are also an important
part o f the repertoire. With works such as Bartok’s Children’s Pieces (1908-09) and
Mikrokosmos (1926, 1932-39) serving as models, several composers wrote collections
o f progressive pieces for younger pupils based on traditional music. The most notable
examples o f these are For the Greek Children (1910-12,1939,1947-49) by Kalomiris
and 44 Children's Pieces (1950-51) by Constantinidis.
Choral works include large works with orchestra and also arrangements of folk
tunes or Byzantine melodies. The genre encompasses the oratorios 5 Psalms o f David
(1945-46) by Nezeritis, St. Paul (1950) by Petridis, St. Andrew (1976) by Kydoniatis,
cantatas The Tomb (1936) by Michaelides and Kassiani (1939) by Poniridis, 8 Songs
from Asia Minor ( 1972) by Constantinidis, and In Memoriam (1945) by Evangheiatos.
Putting National Music in Perspective
The fortunes of national composers were closely tied to historical and
sociological currents. After World War II, general interest in national music declined
owing to several factors. The post-war wave of modernism associated with composers
like Nikolaos Skalkottas, Yannis Andreou Papaioannou, Jani Christou, and Georgios
Sicilianos swept aside national music, now considered old-fashioned. Some Greeks
also wanted to forget the painful association of this music with war and the earlier
defeat o f the “Great Idea” in the ashes of Asia Minor. In addition, the performance of
many works, particularly those of Kalomiris, often presented formidable difficulties
with their intricate vocal and orchestral writing. Finally, many works were lost over the
years, from neglect by the composers or their descendants, and from the lack of support
from the government to take care of these resources.
165
At the same time, there has been some private initiative to preserve this music.
During the 1950s, 60s, and 70s, many orchestral, piano, and vocal scores were
published by the Union of Greek Composers, the Greek ministries o f education or
culture, individual composers, or occasionally, foreign presses.224 More recent editions
have highlighted the works of Constantinidis. Since the 1980s there has been a revival
o f interest in music of national composers and a number of recordings have been
released for the first time, primarily by Lyra and Greek Cultural Office. Although
several programs at the Megaro Mousikis Athinon [Athens Concert Hall] have been
dedicated to individual composers within the last ten years, this music is not heard on a
regular basis. With the establishment of musicology departments in Greek universities,
the interest of young scholars in the music of the national composers has risen to some
extent.
The construction o f a Greek national music based on folk song reinforced the
cultural duality of Greek national identity. The perceived use of folk song in a
composer’s work became the most important criterion for determining its Greek
identity, enabling national composers to distinguish themselves from their predecessors.
National composers dominated Greek musical life and significantly influenced the
writing of Greek musical history in the 1900s. This chapter has surveyed the
development of national music in Greece and its relationship with folk song by
examining the writings and compositions of several of its representative composers and
Ûnfortunately, many of these scores are difficult to find. Most music archives
have been private collections and these materials have not yet been gathered into one
central location that is available to scholars.
166
by providing an overview of their careers, contributions and repertoire. The works of
national composers reflected the cultural dualism of Greek society, supported the tenets
o f Hellenic ideology, and helped shape national identity in the twentieth century.
In the next chapter, I discuss the life and works of Yannis Constantinidis, who
made significant contributions to the national music of Greece.
167
CHAPTER FOUR:
CONSTANTINIDIS, FOLK MUSIC, AND GREEK IDENTITY
I believe that Mr. Constantinidis is an important hope for the Greek musical domain.
Kurt Weill, 1926*
I thank you warmly for your dedication and, above all, for the optimism that you have
inspired in me for the future of Greek music....
Samuel Baud-Bovy, 19502
Yannis Constantinidis (1903-1984), who employed a new approach to Greek
traditional music, was one of the most accomplished composers o f national music.
Current scholarship reveals his prominence in Greek music, though he was often
marginalized during his lifetime. Constantinidis’ cultural identity as a Greek from Asia
Minor contributed to his status as an outsider, a position that shaped both his personality
and his music. Along with Kalomiris, Petridis, and Poniridis, Constantinidis was
viewed as “one of the four last composers o f Asian Hellenism,” reinforcing a perception
o f difference in his cultural background.3 His life and musical contributions, however,
were central to the development of national music. As the “last great survivor o f [the
*Cited on p. 174.
2Cited on p. 201.
3Byron Fidetzis, “The Orchestral Compositions o f Yannis Constantinidis,” notes

to the recording Yannis Constantinidis: The Works fo r Orchestra, Bulgarian Radio
Symphony Orchestra, Byron Fidetzis, Lyra CD0169,2.
168
National School] and one of the greatest of [Greek] musical literature,” his passing
represented the end o f “an entire epoch o f [Greek] musical history.”4
The music of Yannis Constantinidis offers a unique perspective on the
relationship between traditional Greek music, art music, and national identity. Unlike
any other composer o f the so-called “national school,” Constantinidis based nearly all
of his works on specific folk songs or dances. Musical quotation, however, was only
part of his approach. More than any other Greek composer, Constantinidis allowed
traditional melodies, rhythms, timbres, forms, and performance practices to create the
stylistic parameters o f his compositions. Contrasting with the epic style o f certain
“national school” compositions, Constantinidis’ music validated the equally prevalent,
more intimate style found in vocal, piano, and chamber works of Greek composers. His
unconventional approach to traditional music also served to reaffirm his personal
identity as a Greek composer with roots in Asia Minor. Critical reviews attest to
Constantinidis’ innovative treatment of demotic song, his craftsmanship, and the
popular appeal of his works to the concert-going public.
To foster proper understanding of the significant role that Constantinidis played
in Greek music of the twentieth century, I begin with a biographical sketch o f the
composer. I follow this with an overview of Constantinidis’ style and works, a
discussion and critical reviews of the orchestral works, and a detailed analysis o f two of
his most important compositions, Dodecanesian Suite No. I and Asia Minor Rhapsody.
4George Leotsakos, “Yannis Constantinidis, i to telos mias epochis...” [Yannis

Constantinidis or the End of An Age...], (Obituary), Eleftheri Gnomi [Free Opinion], 22
January 1984,11. Leotsakos ranks Constantinidis and Riadis as the greatest figures of
the National School.
169
Biography of Yannis Constantinidis (1903-1984)
Constantinidis absorbed and fused many diverse musical elements that derived
from the rich experiences of his life, beginning in his childhood and continuing with his
foreign education and career in Athens.5 He was bom in Smyrna, Asia Minor (now
Izmir, Turkey) on August 21,1903, the son of Evanghelia and Georgios
Constantinidis.6 His father was a wealthy merchant, an exporter o f Smyrna’s famous
currants.7 Smyrna, described as “the jewel o f the Orient,” and “the cradle of Greek
civilization for thousands of years,” was a large multicultural city with beautiful
neoclassical buildings along the busy seaport.8 The family lived in the Aghia
Aikaterinis neighborhood, an area where many well-to-do families had settled. Yannis
sThis biographical information about Constantinidis was compiled from:

Pankosmio biografiko lexiko tis ekpedeftikis ellinikis egkyklopedias [International
Biographical Dictionary of the Educational Greek Encyclopedia], (1986), s.v.
“Constantinidis, Yannis,” by Lambros Liavas; Lambros Liavas, “Yannis Constantinidis
(1903-1984),” in the notes to the recording Yannis Constantinidis: The Works for
Orchestra, Bulgarian Radio Symphony Orchestra, Byron Fidetzis, Lyra CD0169. More
specific information will be cited separately.
6Georgios’ family originated from the Mt. Pelion area of mainland Greece, but
they had immigrated to Smyrna in the nineteenth century. 1 am most grateful to
Lambros Liavas for providing information about the Constantinidis family.
7The merchant class made their fortune by shipping a variety of products from
Asia Minor, including carob, currents, figs, cotton, tobacco, wheat, salt, and carpets.
Smymi: H poli tis Smyrnis prin apo tin katastrofi [Smyrna: The City before the
Catastrophe] (Athens: Nea Synora, 1991), 23.
8There was a large community of Greeks in Smyrna, as in other coastal cities o f

Asia Minor. Many of these Ionian Greeks were prosperous, educated, and westernized.
They considered their cosmopolitan lifestyle far superior to the provincialism of
mainland Greece, including Athens. See Richard Clogg, A Concise History o f Greece,
103. According to M. Gustave Fougeres, in 1912, Smyrna had 240,000 inhabitants, of
whom more than 100,000 were Greeks. He also lists 60,000 Turks, 20,000 Jews,
15,000 Armenians, and 15-20,000 foreigners in his record. Smyrna: The City before the
Catastrophe, 27.
170
had a younger brother, Costas, and two younger sisters, Eleni and Yiola.9 The
Constantinidis children learned to speak French with the same facility as their mother
tongue, since a large number of Europeans resided in their neighborhood.10 Although
music was an important part of bourgeois life in Smyrna, Yannis was the only family
member to pursue a musical career.11
In the cosmopolitan environment o f the Asia Minor metropolis, Constantinidis
was exposed to a wide variety of European musics. Smyrna was a major center of
musical production, boasting forty theaters, where performances o f Italian opera,
operettas, orchestral works and other musical genres regularly occurred.12 In the first
two decades of the twentieth century, children of upper class families studied piano
from Italian teachers, parlor music flourished, and small ensembles o f local musicians
gradually proliferated. As a young boy, Yannis was deeply influenced by performances
of Papaioannou’s Greek Operetta troupe and the many vocal pieces by European
composers he learned from his music teachers at the private Diamandopoulou School.13
9Costas became a philologist and was responsible for the library o f Greek
studies of the Sorbonne. Yiola, the last surviving sibling, died 11 November 1997. She
had kept the Constantinidis Archive for several years until her death.
10George Leotsakos, “Anafora sti mousiki zoi tis Smymis,” [Account o f the
Musical Life o f Smyrna], Epilogos '93 [Epilogue ’93], (Athens: Galaios, 1993), 380.
1'Although music was not considered a suitable profession for a member o f the
middle or upper classes, there is no indication that Constantinidis’ family discouraged
him from pursuing a musical career, as was the case with Kalomiris.
^Performances of European and Greek musical works from this period are
mentioned in Leotsakos, “Account o f the Musical Life of Smyrna,” 373-76.
13Specific information about Constantinidis in this paragraph came from an

interview that the composer had with George Leotsakos in September 1982, and was
included in Leotsakos, “Account of the Musical Life o f Smyrna,” 378-82.
171
He took his first piano lessons from Io (or Eo) Fatsea and from his first cousin who
studied with Paskouarello, a leading teacher of Smyrna. Constantinidis studied
harmony for three years with Demosthenes Milanakis, one o f the foremost musical
figures of the city from 1903 to 1922, who had organized a Byzantine choir, a string
quartet, and the mixed chorus of the Philharmonic Society o f Smyrna. As a teenager,
Yannis broadened his musical knowledge by attending concerts of orchestral, piano,
and chamber music, as well as operetta and light music accompanying silent movies. In
1919 he subscribed to Revue musicale and pored over other foreign journals to satisfy
his increasing appetite for stage works, acquiring a keen aesthetic sense that would later
serve him well. In the summer of 1922, he graduated from high school, participated in
the orchestra of the Aroni Lyceum,14 and prepared for his musical studies abroad.
The traditional music of Asia Minor was also an important influence on the
young Constantinidis. Yannis became familiar with demotic music during his family’s
excursions to the countryside outside of Smyrna and to the seashores. During these
holiday periods, the Constantinidis family attended village festivals where they could
join in folk dances and hear both the island songs and slow amanes15 of Asia Minor.
The children enjoyed assisting the women tobacco workers, who sang to help pass the
hours. Constantinidis recalled a particularly vivid experience he had when he was five
or six years old. He woke to his sister’s singing o f a folk song that the children had
learned from a housemaid from Vourla. The composer recalled: “This was the spark for
14Yannis was photographed with other members of this small string ensemble,
although it is not clear in what capacity he participated.
,5See the explanation of amanes in Chapter Two.
172
my love of the demotic song...but I didn’t dare admit it because it was the lower-class
kind [of music].” Many years later, the composer remembered these demotic songs of
the working people and utilized them in his compositions.16 Constantinidis’ early
contact with Greek folk song undoubtedly instilled the deep respect and integrity that he
always showed toward his source material. His youthful exposure to both Greek folk
and European classical music certainly influenced his compositional approach, one that
skillfully blended the two traditions in a personal manner.
Despite his comfortable bourgeois status, Constantinidis grew up during an
unquestionably turbulent period of the Asia Minor Greeks. The impact from historical
events such as the New Turkish Revolution, the two Balkan Wars (1912-13), World
War I, the occupation of Smyrna by the Greek Army in 1919, and the subsequent
Greco-Turkish war (1919-22) profoundly affected the lives and fortunes of the local
population. In the spring of 1922, the Greek army’s incursion into Anatolia was halted
and the war turned in favor of the Turks. As the situation worsened during that
summer, Yannis completed high school and managed to leave Smyrna for Germany.
Although he narrowly escaped the Asia Minor Disaster, his family was among the more
than one million refugees uprooted from their homes.
From 1922 until 1931, Constantinidis lived in Germany where he continued his
musical studies and began his career. In 1922 he took harmony lessons with the
16Leotsakos, “Account of the Musical Life of Smyrna,” 381 -82. In his

interview, Constantinidis identifies two o f these folk songs that he later set in his 20
Songs o f the Greek People and Asia Minor Rhapsody. Constantinidis’ recollections
reinforce the correlation that was commonly made between folk music and the working
class, as well as the middle-class perception that this music lacked sophistication or
“seriousness.”
173
German-Czech composer J. G. Mraczek in Dresden. He moved to Berlin in 1923,
where he studied piano with Karl Rossler and orchestral conducting with Karl
Ehremberg. For several years (1923-26), Yannis worked with the teacher and composer
Paul Juon,17 to increase his knowledge of harmony, counterpoint, fugue, and
composition. His most famous teacher was Kurt Weill, with whom he studied
orchestration for three years (1923-26). In 1926, Yannis began composition lessons
with Weill, who was favorably impressed with the young musician’s talents, as
indicated in a recommendation letter he wrote the same year.
He has been studying composition here with me for six months. From
the beginning he showed a strong musical ability and I noticed especially
his musical talent in the use o f the orchestra. In addition he is very
hardworking, a fact that allows me to rank him as a student who is a real
pleasure to teach. I would especially be pleased if it were possible for
him to remain and complete his studies in Berlin, which according to my
opinion, he would be able to conclude in two years. I believe that Mr.
Constantinidis is an important hope for the Greek musical domain.18
The intense cultural activity of Berlin during the interwar period gave
Constantinidis ample opportunities to hear new works and participate in its musical life.
Since his family lost its fortune in the “Catastrophe,” he supported himself by working
as a pianist in cabarets, theaters, and cinemas, and at the radio station. Another
significant influence was his acquaintance with two compatriots: Nikos Skalkottas and
l7Paul [Pavel Fedorovich] Juon (1872-1940) was a German composer of Russian

birth (and Swiss and German descent), who taught in Berlin from 1897 to 1934.
Among his pupils were Philipp Jamach, Hans Chemin-Petit, Heinrich Kaminski and
Stefan Wolpe. Constantinidis always spoke most highly of his teacher.
l8The letter was written in Berlin and dated 3 June 1926. It has been preserved
in the Constantinidis Archive.
174
Dimitri Mitropoulos.19 Constantinidis and Skalkottas became close friends, often
playing music together and exchanging views about composition. Yannis’ first work,
written under the pseudonym Costa Dorres, was the operetta Der Liebesbazillus [The
Germ o f Love]. Presented by the Stadttheater of Stralsund in 1927, the work was quite
successful and received favorable reviews. Critics wrote “...the music rose above the
libretto. With his first work the young composer Costa Dorres (the pseudonym of the
Greek Yannis Constantinidis) is ranked among the top composers of operetta!..”20
Yannis wrote several other compositions during this Berlin period, but he later
destroyed them.
With the rise o f Nazism in Germany, Constantinidis decided to move to Athens
in the fall of 1931.21 There he settled permanently and began to play a significant role
in the musical life of the city. Under the pseudonym of Costas Yannidis,22 he achieved
considerable fame in the field of popular music and was able to financially support his
19Nikos Skalkottas (1904-1949) is generally considered one of the most

important Greek composers of the twentieth century. As a follower of Arnold
Schoenberg, he was among the first Greek composers to use the dodecaphonic system.
Recognition of his accomplishments came only after his untimely death in 1949.
Dimitri Mitropoulos (1896-1960), the famous Greek conductor, studied in Berlin with
Busoni and Kleiber (1921-24), then returned to Athens to teach at the Athens
Conservatory and conduct its orchestra for the next fifteen years.
20Lambros Liavas, forward to Ta tragoudia tou Kosta Yannidi [The Songs o f

Costas Yannidis] (Athens: G. Nakas, n.d.).
21The majority of Greek composers who were studying or living in Europe

returned to Greece in the 1930s.
22He chose this pseudonym, the reverse o f his name, so as not to be confused
with Grigoris Constantinidis, a well-known composer of operetta and revues. This
change occurred during the writing of his first operetta, I koumbara mas [Our Maid of
Honor] with Yannoukakis in 1931.
175
family. For more than three decades, Yannidis was active in the Athenian musical
theater during its golden age. He wrote over 50 operettas, revues, and musical
comedies, as well as dozens o f “light” songs not associated with the theater and
numerous compositions for the Greek cinema.23 More than 100 o f his songs became
commercial hits and were interpreted by many of the well-known vocalists o f the era.
In the early 1960s, Yannidis received three international awards for his popular songs,24
but after 1962, he withdrew from the field o f “light” music to devote himself entirely to
the writing and revision of his concert works. Although the majority of Greeks never
knew of his contributions to classical music, his popular songs have continued to be
sung and appreciated by several generations. Constantinidis’ artistry is seen in his
carefully crafted melodic lines, skillful setting of text, and well-proportioned structure
within the confines o f the preferred dance rhythms o f the era, including the tango,
waltz, foxtrot, and bolero. Certainly, his numerous contributions to the field o f popular
music merit further investigation by scholars.
Constantinidis was indeed a rare composer, one who achieved success in two
different musical realms, but who was able to integrate these two sides of his creative
^Yannidis was one o f Athens’ most popular revue composers. Leotsakos

clarifies that the category of “light” song does not imply superficiality, rather a less
heavy quality; it stands as a contrast to more “serious” types o f song.
24At the Festival of the Mediterranean Song in Barcelona, he received first prize
in 1960 for “Wake Up My Love,” and second prize in 1961 for “The Little Gray Eyes.”
He also won first prize in 1961 at the first Festival of Greek Song of Thessaloniki for
“The Chains.”
176
personality without difficulty.25 During his years as a highly visible popular composer,
he was constantly and discreetly working on his classical pieces. Like his teacher Kurt
Weill, he was thoroughly comfortable in both domains and applied the same degree of
craftsmanship for both his “light” and classical music, as analysis clearly shows.
Constantinidis’ facility in both kinds of music was even reflected in his conception of
his creative role. He consistently followed the example o f Debussy, preferring to call
himself “musician” rather than “composer” for his classical works. On the other hand,
he preferred the title “composer” and not simply “song writer” for his light songs.26 As
he once said, “there are plenty of song writers, but very few real composers and true
professionals.”27 He believed that perhaps it was more demanding to write a song than
a symphony. “Yannidis proved how difficult it is to write a simple, spontaneous,
flowing melody, and more importantly, to harmonize it properly and orchestrate it with
knowledge and inspiration.”28
In addition to his rare position as both a classical and popular composer,
Constantinidis also distinguished himself by his highly refined character and optimistic
perspective on life. Scholars have described him as a warm, sensitive man with a well-
cultivated sense o f humor, greatly esteemed and beloved by his colleagues and
25Reviews o f Constantinidis’ orchestral works included remarks about his

versatility and genius in both fields of composition.
26Lambros Liavas, “Yannis Constantinidis (1903-1984),” program notes for

“Anazitondas ton kyrio Konstantinidi-Yannidi” [Looking for Mr. Constantinidis-
Yannidis], Athens Concert Hall (Megaro Mousikis Athinon), 17-19 October 1994,2.
27Ibid, 5.
28Ibid.
177
friends.29 His modesty, dignity, honesty, kindness, gentility, and amiability stood in
sharp contrast to many other composers o f his time, who often promoted themselves at
the expense o f others.30 Although his works and contributions were frequently
overlooked in favor of others, he never complained or allowed jealousy to destroy his
creative spirit. A consistent state of “honorable poverty” forced him to work even
during his last years, yet he accepted his lot without bitterness.31 Above all,
Constantinidis recognized his own potential, understood his limitations, and accepted
his fate in life. Leotsakos masterfully stated the composer’s attitude: “Admirably
unconcerned about the development of history but also having complete awareness o f it,
he lived in its margin, with faith in his relationship towards art.”32 Whenever he was
asked to comment on the longevity and importance of his music, he would say, “My
dear, it is better to have a few works that performers love to play, than to have many
[compositions] which simply end up on some library shelf.”33 Even during the darkest
moments of modem Greek history, including the German occupation and ensuing civil
war, Constantinidis continued to work and to set himself apart by the extraordinary
29He was called by his nickname, “Yiango,” by those who knew him best.
30Liavas elaborates: “He tried to combine artistry with making a living and to
stand far from resentment and intolerance, elements so common in the Greek musical
society o f the time.” Liavas, “Yannis Constantinidis (1903-1984),” 3.
3‘George Leotsakos, “Yannis Constantinidis (1903-1984). Kapies prosopikes

anamnisis ke dokimi kritikis apotimisis” [Some Personal Memories and an Attempt of a
Critical Evaluation], paper read at the Symposium “Yannis Constantinidis,” Athens
Concert Hall (Megaro Mousikis Athinon), 19 October 1994,4.
32Liavas, “Yannis Constantinidis (1903-1984),” 3.
33Byron Fidetzis, “The Orchestral Compositions of Yannis Constantinidis,” 18.
178
quality of his character and his music. His work fully reflects his being, an individual
whose “creative and human aspects o f his personality were in total harmony.”34
Constantinidis’ occupation as a popular composer, along with his modest and
perfectionist character, certainly contributed to his largely invisible presence in the
established ranks of “serious” music. He was more remotely connected to this world, as
he did not teach at any of the conservatories,33 have senior positions in musical
institutions or government offices, or associate with the same societal circles as more
prominent composers like Kalomiris. On the other hand, his activities in Athens
revealed an active, multi-dimensional musician. He founded and conducted the
Orchestra of Light Music,36 served on adjudication committees that recognized young
performers and composers, and produced outstanding classical programming for the
national Armed Forces Radio station.37 His exposure to and understanding o f a wide
variety of musics, from popular song to the avant-garde, continued throughout his life
and gained him the respect of his colleagues.
3SHe served as a member of the jury during piano examinations at second-class

conservatories. Interview with Lambros Liavas, Athens, Greece, 13 January 1998.
36Constantinidis created this ensemble, associated with the government-run

Ethniko Idryma Radiofonias (E.I.R.) [National Radio Foundation], during the 1950s.
Ibid.
37For financial reasons, Constantinidis worked as a radio producer until the end
o f his life at Y.EN.E.D. [Information Network of the Greek Armed Forces], which
became the second program of the Greek Radio and Television (E.R.T.) in 1974. He
hosted the following radio programs: “The Classical Music Hour,” “Old Athens Lives
Again” and “Symphonic Concerts.” Fidetzis, “The Orchestral Compositions o f Yannis
Constantinidis,” 19; Liavas, “Yannis Constantinidis (1903-1984),” 2.
179
In spite o f his many contributions to Greek music, Constantinidis has been
largely unrecognized by the state or its institutions. Yet he has not been forgotten. His
death in 1984 attracted little interest by the press, who reported it in “small type.” Only
twelve persons gathered to pay their last respects at his funeral, which coincided with
that o f the famous popular musician Vassilis Tsitsanis.38 Relatively few individuals,
even musicians, realized the significance o f his life’s work. For the most part, the
general public ignored him after his retreat from light music, yet his popular songs have
remained in the collective memory. As his classical works gradually became known in
the 1950s and 60s, his artistry and inspiration were hailed by music critics, composers,
and the concert-going public. These works have retained their prominent position in
Greek musical circles and have occasionally been performed abroad.
Constantinidis’ Style and Approach to Folk Music
Greek traditional music provided the foundation for Constantinidis’
compositions. Nearly all of his works are based on carefully selected melodies from
oral tradition and from publications of Greek folk songs. His compositions reveal a
deep understanding and respect for demotic music, which was undoubtedly
strengthened by his acquaintance with the work of the Swiss musicologist and
conductor, Samuel Baud-Bovy. As Dounias has pointed out, Constantinidis did not
38Constantinidis died in an Athens hospital on January 17,1984, from intestinal

cancer. George Leotsakos was one o f twelve people who attended the funeral. The
state sent a funeral wreath to the Constantinidis family, whereas the newspapers and
state mourned the death of Tsitsanis with big headlines. Liavas, “Yannis Constantinidis
(1903-1984),” 6; Leotsakos, “Yannis Constantinidis (1903-1984),” 4; Leotsakos,
“Yannis Constantinidis or the End o f An Age...,” 11.
180
undertake thematic development in his compositions, which would involve “variation,
regeneration, and eventual transformation of the original melody,” rather, in his music,
the folk song “remains constant, steadfast, as a rule, the sacred law o f the ancients.”39
Throughout his career, Constantinidis closely adhered to the inherent melodic and
rhythmic patterns of each folk song. More than any other Greek composer,
Constantinidis attempted to fully incorporate other aspects of folk music within his
compositions, including form, timbre, texture, rhythm, and melodic embellishment.
As is the case in Greek traditional music, Constantinidis’ works maintain a
careful balance between repetition and variation of material. His compositions tend to
have simple forms with readily discemable sections. Movements based on songs
generally have short reiterated segments, such as aabb that may be repeated several
times in a strophic form, whereas dances tend to have two or more repeated sections
that are longer and usually contrast in mode. The composer’s use of concise forms led
to his adoption of the suite as a larger organizational structure. Repetition and the idea
of “perpetual variation” are important unifying factors in Constantinidis’ music. As
Fidetzis explains: [This is a] technique that is nothing less than a substitute of the
artistry of a folk musician or rather a transference of his ‘way o f thinking’ to another
musical domain.”40 Constantinidis himself spoke of the fundamental importance of
repetition in the tradition of Greek folk music and his attempt to replicate this in art
music:
39Minos Dounias, Mousikokritika. Eklogi apo to kritiko ergo tou [Music

Criticism. Selections from His Critical Work] (Athens: Estia, 1963), 153.
40Fidetzis, “The Orchestral Compositions of Yannis Constantinidis,” 9.
181
An exclusive characteristic of the songs which come out from the
[common] people, is that, contrary to the creation of artistic music, they
accept or rather impose repetition. Many of these melodies acquire their
complete character only after four or five repetitions. The folk singer
knows this well and so once he begins the selected tune [it is] very
difficult to separate him [from it] in order to give his place to another.
The intent o f the composer in this symphonic diptych was to take
precisely this characteristic of the demotic song to the level o f art.41
Constantinidis utilizes melodic embellishments and subtle variations of rhythm,
texture, register, timbre, and harmony to counter the repetition of melodic material. In
his solo piano works, he achieves a remarkable diversity through melodic
embellishment, register changes, and harmonic variation, while maintaining a clarity of
form. 8 Greek Island Dances (1954), among the most frequently performed works of
the composer, aptly demonstrates these stylistic characteristics (Example 15). Liavas
describes the composition as “another masterly juxtaposition o f the sparse with the
dense [texture], light with the dark, and simple with embellishments o f every kind
(grace notes, appoggiatura, three- and five-note ornamentation).”42 Constantinidis’
piano works also reveal his deep understanding of the instrument’s technical potential
and his skill at replicating the sound of folk instruments, such as violin or santouri.
Samuel Baud-Bovy provided further elaboration: “...Constantinidis did with the piano
that which the shepherd does with his flute, where all repeat the same tune with
41Yannis Constantinidis, notes from the first performance o f the Prelude-

Ostinato, Athens State Orchestra, 20 February 1949.
42Lambros Liavas, Preface to the score of 8 Greek Island Dances, (Athens: C.

Papagrigoriou—H. Nakas, 1993).
182
perpetually new melodic embellishments. And he did it with the artistry of the
accomplished performer varying the melody with marvelous harmonic imagination.”43
The experience of writing such idiomatic and finely crafted works for piano
prepared Constantinidis well for the challenges of orchestral and chamber music. His
instrumental compositions demonstrate his considerable expertise as an orchestrator and
manipulator of texture and timbre. In general, Constantinidis’ orchestral sound is based
on a strong foundation of strings, a distinct preference for woodwind solos, a discrete
use of brass and percussion, and additional color with harp and, in some cases, celesta.
Powerful tutti sections are relatively rare, for the composer maintains a careful control
o f texture and dynamics. In instrumental works, Constantinidis achieves variety with
regular changes in timbre. In the first presentation o f themes, usually one solo
instrument is chosen at a time. Constantinidis favors individual woodwind and string
colors for these solos, but first trumpet and horn also carry important melodic passages.
Sometimes the same solo instrument plays through the entire first part of the theme and
its repetition, but more often, the instruments change after the first phrase or initial part
o f the presentation (usually, 2 to 4 measures). After a phrase has been presented once,
the composer frequently places a mixed group of instruments on the melody, usually
one or two woodwinds combined with one or two string instruments. Typical
combinations include: flute and violin, clarinet and violin (and cello), and flute, oboe,
violin, and viola.
43Liavas, “Yannis Constantinidis (1903-1984),” 4. The santouri is a hammered

dulcimer.
183
Many passages in Constantinidis’ orchestral music may be associated with the
Greek “national” style with its recognizable “folk” character, which favors transparent
textures and certain instrumental combinations. Constantinidis often chooses timbres
that are reminiscent of folk instruments, especially, clarinet, oboe, flute, and violin, and
his orchestration further enhances the character and phrasing o f the folk melody. He
emulates the performance practice of folk musicians with his addition o f melodic
embellishments and heterophonic presentations o f the melody.44 In addition to melodic
embellishments and slight rhythmic variations, Constantinidis incorporates other
performance practices of folk music in his compositions in an attempt to approximate
the style of specific types of songs and dances. For example, in the Tsamikos
movement of Three Greek Dances, the clarinet is the principal solo instrument, as
would likely be the case in the compania ensemble of mainland Greece.4S Throughout
the movement, the melismatic melodic line is embellished with grace notes and contains
modal inflections, much in the manner o f a skilled klarino player. The third movement,
Syrtos, contains a particularly vivid example o f a “folk” setting, with woodwind and
string timbres, sparse texture, and additive meter, in this case, the Kalamatianos (7/8
meter), the “national” dance of Greece (Example 16). In this passage, the oboe and the
violin (in imitation) play embellished melodic solos in a mixed mode (A
44See Example 23 for Constantinidis’ use o f heterophony in his orchestral

works.
4SThe tsamikos, in 6/8 or 3/4 meter, was traditionally danced by men wearing the
tsamika (costume o f the klephts). The leader o f the dance characteristically performed
high leaps and other acrobatic feats to demonstrate his physical skill and courage as a
fighter. The compania, “the instrumental combination o f mainland Greece par
excellence,” includes klarino, violin, lute, and santouri (dulcimer), and is often joined
by a singer. Anoyanakis, Greek Folk Musical Instruments, 27.
184
chromatic/diatonic) that contains the characteristic interval o f an augmented second,
while clarinets and strings provide accompaniment patterns that emphasize intervals of
seconds and fifths.
Constantinidis’ principal means o f achieving variety and a sense of development
are through orchestration and harmony, rather than through thematic development, as in
Western art music. His harmonic elaboration o f folk melodies is grounded in the Greek
modal system, which is strongly confirmed at cadences. Constantinidis tends to use
expanded sonorities, borrowed from primary and related modes, and parallel harmonies,
often moving chromatically. He uses a wide variety o f techniques in the setting of his
folk melodies, including drones, imitation, and bitonality. Liavas argues that
Constantinidis’ harmonic elaboration, which “gives a new expressive dimension to
demotic melody,” may be considered “the most important secret of his art.”46 Dounias
elaborated further on Constantinidis’ method of harmonizing folk melodies:
He rid his palette of chromaticism, the well-known completely semitone

progression of harmonic relationships, which, as bitter experience has
taught us, absorbed the vitality o f the melody and literally overpowered
its backbone, since it detaches the attention of the listener from the top
voice and channels it to the shifting movement o f the chords. Here,
however, a healthy diatonicism prevails from the commonplace, a
diatonicism richly varied in means and colors. The discovery of the
hidden tonality of melodies is not always easy, when, as often happens, it
vacillates between two different harmonic poles. Frequently the
composer begins his song swaying in one such harmonic suspension, in
order to get to a definite tonal base by means of an interesting harmonic
procedure. Naturally this light harmonic ambiguity lends a special
elegance to the play of sounds that are so artistically woven around the
ever-present melody in a fresh and very colorful pianistic style47
46Liavas, “Yannis Constantinidis (1903-1984),” 3-4.
47Dounias, Music Criticism. Selections from His Critical Work, 152-53.
185
Though his works often have a transparent texture and simplicity o f style,
Constantinidis’ music presents its own particular interpretative difficulties. The
composer warned that his music would become superficial if performers did not observe
the traditional aspects o f folk music that had shaped his style. He advised: “The
melodies and harmonies o f the pieces must breathe freely, as they are found in the sea.
They are the charm and sensitivity of the old engraving, not the crude tourist promotion
poster.”48 Constantinidis also wanted his works to convey the Greek fatalistic attitude
toward life often expressed in demotic songs: “All o f us who tread this earth will enter
inside it.”49
Although Constantinidis developed his own distinctive style, his compositions
share some similarities with those of other “national” composers. According to
Leotsakos, Constantinidis’ “good taste, harmony, imagination and sensibility, [as well
as] the homogeny and consistency of his writing, brought him somewhat closer to
George Lambelet (1875-1945), less to Marios Varvoglis (1885-1967) and more perhaps
to Emilios Riadis (18867-1935) ”50 With the latter two composers, Constantinidis
shared an emphasis on a more lyrical melodic line, preference for miniature forms,
49Ibid. Anoyanakis quotes the same line o f poetry in his description o f the third
movement of Kalomiris’ Leventia Symphony. He interprets this movement as an image
of a feast of brave warriors and an expression of fatalism and longing, the joy o f life,
and the sorrow of death. Fivos Anoyanakis, “I symphonia tis leventias” [The Leventia
Symphony], preface to the edition o f the Symphony No. 1 by Manolis Kalomiris
(Athens: Union of Greek Composers, 1956). Similar themes, including that o f the earth
“eating” the body, are found in many texts o f mirologia (laments), typically sung by
Greek women at the grave.
S0Leotsakos, “Yannis Constantinidis or the End o f An Age...,” 11.
186
including songs, and an approach to harmony and texture that owes much to French
composers. By contrast, Constantinidis’ approach to folk music, musical aesthetics and
personal temperament differed sharply from that of Kalomiris, who had been strongly
influenced by Wagner and Strauss. Kalomiris and several other Greek composers took
a more Germanic approach to their music, which blended counterpoint and thematic
development with newly-composed melodies constructed from the modes and rhythms
of traditional music.
Like other Greek composers, Constantinidis created his music from a blending
of indigenous and foreign elements. Constantinidis firmly grounded his compositions
on demotic song, but also incorporated several stylistic influences from Western
European music.51 Because he tried to preserve the strophic structure and “perpetual
variation” technique of folk song, the composer favored European miniature forms,
such as songs, piano sonatinas, and suites for orchestra. His orchestration and harmonic
language verify his knowledge and incorporation of European techniques. Thus,
Constantinidis’ works can be considered as his attempt to convey the fundamental
principles and style of demotic music within the limitations of Western European
instrumental and vocal music.
S1According to Liavas, the composer “exudes a French impressionistic, but also

neoclassical, finesse and sensitivity,” and that the “clarity and perfectionism in his
musical writing refers to the work of Ravel, whom Constantinidis admired and loved
greatly.” Liavas, “Yannis Constantinidis (1903-1984),” 4.
187
Constantinidis' W orks
Among the most distinguished in Greek musical literature, Constantinidis’ compositions
include orchestral, chamber, piano, vocal, and chamber works (Figure 2). The
relatively small oeuvre resulted primarily from the composer’s career in the popular
music field, but also to his tendency to constantly revise works. In the late 1940s,
successful performances of Constantinidis’ orchestral works launched his career as a
“serious” composer. A greater degree of recognition, however, did not come until the
following decade, when his piano works were enthusiastically embraced by the Greek
conservatories.
Compared to the works of his compatriots, Constantinidis’ compositions are
highly unusual for their quotation of Greek folk music. All but three works, a Piano
Sonatina,52 5 Songs o f Expectation, and 6 Studies on Greek Folk Rhythms are based on
Greek folk song. 5 Songs o f Expectation seems, perhaps, the most remotely connected
to the composer’s heritage, for it sets neither Greek poetry nor folk music. Instead,
Constantinidis selected and translated verses from the Lyrical Offering by the renowned
52The Sonatina (1927) appears to be the only composition that survived from
Constantinidis’ years in Berlin. Liavas, who discovered the manuscript after the
composer’s death, has observed that many characteristics of Constantinidis’ style were
already shaped to a large degree by the late 1920s, although the composer was
searching for his harmonic language. The underlying atonality prevalent in the
Sonatina may reflect the influence o f Constantinidis’ colleagues in Berlin, especially
Skalkottas. During these years, Constantinidis was introduced to dodecaphonic
composition by the Austrian musicologist Josef Rufer (1893-1985), Schoenberg’s
assistant at the Berlin Academy (1925-33) and later, a leading Schoenberg scholar.
Liavas, “Yannis Constantinidis (1903-1984),” 3.
188
Bengali poet Rabindranath Tagore.53 The first song, “Konda mou irthe ke kathise” [He
Came and Sat by Me] demonstrates the interdependence o f piano and voice, a
somewhat declamatory style of vocal writing, effective use of register, and the depiction
of a “dreamlike” state, with the repetition of a pedal figure, descending chromatic lines,
and unresolved extended sonorities (Example 17).54 The song cycle shows a
remarkable consistency of style, given that the composer began writing the work in
Berlin in 1924 but did not complete it until 1980. Thus, this work spans the entire
duration of his creative career.
Though it does not quote any folk melodies, Constantinidis’ last solo piano
work, 6 Studies on Greek Folk Rhythms (1958), explores three of the most common
additive meters found in Greek music (5/8,7/8,9/8).55 Each movement reveals its own
character and technical challenge. The cycle is structurally united by its arch form, seen
in its arrangement of tempo, meter, and modality (Figure 3). The outer movements
share the fastest tempos, as well as the same meter and tonal center. Though key
53Tagore (1861-1941) was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1913.
Musical settings of Tagore’s work by Western composers in the early 1900s include
Alexander von Zemlinsky’s Lyrische Symphonie, op. 18 (1922-23) and songs by
Carpenter (1913), Milhaud (1914-15), Szymanowsky (1918) and Frank Bridge (1922-
25). Fascination with India and Tagore’s poetry was part o f the larger picture of
exoticism in Europe during the early twentieth century.
54The song is subtitled “Oneiro” [Dream]. The delicate mood is achieved

through limited means: spare texture, limited keyboard register (middle part), and
concise form. The evocative quality of the song has much in common with Riadis’ “To
tragoudi tou yero bei” [Song of the Old Bey].
55These asymmetrical rhythms are known as aksak, the Turkish word for lame or
limping (the Greek equivalent is koutsos). Anoyanakis and Liavas have noted that
aksak rhythms have been generally associated with the music “o f the East.” Liavas,
Preface to the score o f Constantinidis’ 6 Studies on Greek Folk Rhythms (Athens: C.
Papagrigoriou—H. Nakas, 1993).
189
signatures are absent and modality has a different function than in the composer’s other
works, there is usually an underlying key center established by a repetitive rhythmic
figure, melody, or pedal (Example 18). Though it is atypical o f the composer’s
approach, the 6 Studies on Greek Folk Rhythms investigates another important
component of Greek traditional music.
Constantinidis’ first turned to Greek traditional music in his 5 Songs o f Love
(1930-31), based on verses o f demotic songs from Nikolaos Politis’ Tragoudia tou
ellinikou laou [Songs of the Greek People] (1914). This set of miniatures, written in
Berlin and Athens, uses simple forms (strophic, ABA’) and a variety of meters (7/8,3/4,
6/8,4/4,4/8). The piano plays a brief introduction and an interlude when more than one
verse is presented. The accompaniment frequently utilizes the alternation of repeated
figures and adds subtle chromatic changes.
After he had established himself in Athens as Yannidis, the composer began a
more substantial setting of folk music in 20 Songs o f the Greek People (1937-47). This
cycle included songs from several regions of the Greek mainland, islands, and Asia
Minor. As in many of his works, Constantinidis set songs that had been collected by the
folk music scholars Samuel Baud-Bovy and Georgios Pachtikos, but, in this case, the
majority were melodies he remembered from his childhood or encountered later as an
adult. These songs display a wide range of meters, tempos, modes, accompaniments,
and texts.56
560ne of the songs from this cycle, “Ma ti to thel’ i manna sou,” was discussed
in Chapter Three.
190
Though several of his compositions drew melodies from different regions of
Greece, the majority o f Constantinidis' works were based on music from the Aegean,
the culture with which he was most identified. His birthplace, Smyrna, was the musical
and cultural center of the entire Eastern Aegean region, including the neighboring
Dodecanesian islands. It is not surprising, then, that several of Constantinidis' works
set folk melodies from Asia Minor and the Dodecanese. In the first o f these, 22 Songs
and Dances from the Dodecanese (1943-46), the composer selected written
transcriptions from Baud-Bovy’s two-volume collection of Dodecanesian folk songs57
and arranged them for piano, using a combination of modal and non-modal parallel
harmonies. This “piano suite” provided the foundation for most of his other
Dodecanesian compositions, which, for the most part, retained the same melodies and
harmonies. The following year, Constantinidis completed Suite on Dodecanesian Folk
Melodies for violin and piano (1947), which, with one exception, drew its melodies
from the first volume of the earlier piano work. The suite contains eight folk songs in
58
six movements, with a particularly effective setting of the two dances from Rhodes.
57Samuel Baud-Bovy, Songs o f the Dodecanese (Athens: Publication of the

Musical Folklore Archive, vol. 1, 1935 and vol. 2,1938). The composition has two
parts, each containing eleven folk songs, arranged into movements that form a type of
suite. The first book, dedicated to Samuel Baud-Bovy, contains seven movements; the
second, to Domna Evnouhidou, a Greek pianist, has five movements. Each folk song
has a different tempo marking, mode, and character.
S8Four of the movements are also heard in the orchestral composition

Dodecanesian Suite No. 1: “To Dyosmaraki” (entitled “Air of Karpathos,” first
movement of each work); “Fetos to kalokeraki” and Zervodexios Dance (entitled “Song
and Dance of Rhodes,” third movement o f the violin suite, fifth movement of orchestral
work); “As tragoudiso ki as charo” (entitled “Song of Archangelos,” fifth movement of
violin suite, fourth movement of orchestral work), and “Ksipna, nie ke niogambre” and
191
The two Dodecanesian Suites (1949), as well as 8 Dodecanesian Songs for mixed
chorus a cappella (1972)59 are also closely related to the 22 Songs and Dances from the
Dodecanese. In addition to these works, Baud-Bovy’s publication provided
Constantinidis with source material for several piano compositions, including 44
Children's Songs on Greek Melodies (1950-51), Sonatina No. 3, on Dodecanesian Folk
Themes (1952), and 8 Greek Island Dances (1954), as well as three o f the 20 Songs o f
the Greek People (1937-47). Constantinidis’ most substantial orchestral composition,
Asia Minor Rhapsody (1950-65) and 8 Asia Minor Songs for mixed chorus a cappella
(1972) pay tribute to the traditional music of his homeland.
Constantinidis considerably enriched Greek piano literature with his
contribution of seven published works, written over a fifteen-year period (1943-58). He
realized that Greek composers had largely ignored the medium, preferring to write
orchestral music instead. Recognizing the need for Greek pedagogical works,
Constantinidis wrote his 44 Children's Pieces on Greek Melodies (1950-51) to give
Greek children and conservatory students a composition that was based on traditional
music and gradually increased in technical difficulty, much like Bartok’s Children's
Pieces.60 The composer chose well-known songs from the oral tradition, as well as
“Sousta Dance” (entitled “Wedding Song and Dance o f Rhodes,” the sixth movement of
each work).
598 Dodecanesian Songs for mixed chorus use the following songs heard in the
Dodecanesian Suite No. I: Wedding Song from Kastellorizo (“Peter and Paul”), “Irini,”
“Thalassa dentra ke vouna” (alternate version o f “Dyosmaraki”), and “Saranda
chronous ekama.” The text of another folk song, “Ksipnima tou gambrou” is also
included, although a different melody is used.
192
written transcriptions of folk music by Baud-Bovy, Pachtikos, and Pemot.61 One of
Constantinidis’ most beloved works, 44 Children's Pieces was quickly adopted by the
Greek conservatories, which considered it an excellent teaching piece and model for
setting Greek folk song. Its pedagogical value was also recognized abroad, for it was
the first work by a Greek composer to be published in the United States.62
Minos Dounias, an esteemed music critic, recognized that pedagogical music,
especially for the piano, was one of the most important means for strengthening Greek
identity. Rather than relying on pedagogical literature by foreign composers, Dounias
encouraged Greek teachers to choose music written by native composers. He
considered Greek folk song the perfect teaching tool for the beginning student:"... the
musical guidance [given] to our younger students is much more beneficial and
entertaining, when the tempo of the rhythm, the emotion of the melody and the general
essence of the content is defined by the well-known Greek song.” Dounias also
acknowledged the artistic value of the work and applauded the composer for his
contribution to an underappreciated genre: “But the collection of Yannis Constantinidis,
regardless of its pedagogical importance, is surely neither a piano method nor is it
intended for beginners. It is a work of art that offers musical merit of our greatest
regard to both the advanced student and mature artist.”63 Dounias concluded his review
61Hubert Pemot, Melodies populaires grecques de I 'ile de Chio (Paris:

Imprimerie Nationale, Ernest Leroux, editeur, 1903).
62It was published with the title Greek Miniatures (New York: Broude Brothers,
1957).
63Minos Dounias, “Yannis Constantinidis: 44 Children’s Pieces for Piano,”

Music Criticism. Selections from His Critical Work (28 October 1952), 152.
193
o f 44 Children’s Pieces with a hope that this work, and others o f its caliber, would help
counter the negative perceptions that many Greeks held o f their traditional music.
I hope that this wonderful work of Yannis Constantinidis will establish

his career as he deserves [it]. 1 wish that the cultivated pianists and
teachers will encounter it along the way. Not only because they will get
acquainted with model music, written with refined taste, but also because
these enlightened ones will disseminate the rhythms, the poetry, the
artistry o f Greek music under this new prism in a world o f music-lovers,
who have not perhaps even learned to face the music o f the ancestors,
without wincing disapproval.64
Historical Overview and Critical Reviews of Constantinidis’ O rchestral Works
Although Constantinidis wrote few orchestral works, he considered them among
his most accomplished compositions. There are four complete works for orchestra:
Dodecanesian Suite No. I, Dodecanesian Suite No. 2, Three Greek Dances, and Asia
Minor Rhapsody. An additional movement, “Cycladic Dance,” remained after revisions
to an earlier work. Because of Constantinidis’ tendency to constantly improve or revise
his material, several of these orchestral works went through multiple stages. In
addition, the composer continued to revise works even after they had already been
published. These works were all written during a brief, but especially creative period of
time for the composer (1947-50), although the final form o f the Asia Minor Rhapsody
was not reached until fifteen years later. Many of the traditional melodies found in the
orchestral compositions are also heard in piano, vocal, or chamber works.
Critical reviews from these orchestral works hailed Constantinidis’
craftsmanship and maintained that his approach to folk song significantly differed from
64
Ibid., 153-54.
194
that o f other Greek composers.65 These comments helped reinforce the underlying
assumption that recognizable folk influences were still an important part o f national
style. Thus, Constantinidis’ orchestral works were strongly connected to the idea of
Greek national identity and were received as “authentic” expressions o f Greek character
by their audiences. Among the leading critics o f the era who wrote reviews of these
works were Minos Dounias, Fivos Anoyanakis, Sophia Spanoudi, Dimitrios A.
Hamoudopoulos, and Manolis Kalomiris.66
From the Dodecanesia
Constantinidis’ earliest orchestral works are the two Dodecanesian Suites,
named for the group of islands located near the coast of Asia Minor.67 Historically, the
preparation of these two works coincided with the long-awaited incorporation of the
Dodecanese Islands into Greece in 1947.68 Like several other works of the composer,
the two suites are based on Dodecanesian folk songs from Samuel Baud-Bovy’s
collection. Constantinidis first worked out some o f his ideas for the suites in a
65I am most grateful to Dr. Lambros Liavas for providing copies of reviews of
Constantinidis’ orchestral works.
66A contemporary of Constantinidis, Minos Dounias (1900-1962) also grew up

in Asia Minor (Constantinople) and studied in Berlin (1921-32). He had a distinguished
career as a music critic in Greece. Fivos Anoyanakis was a musicologist who became a
specialist in folk musical instruments. Sophia Spanoudi was a well-known piano
teacher and music critic, while Dimitrios A. Hamoudopoulos was a music critic and
writer about modem Greek music. Anoyanakis and Spanoudi (Kalomiris’ teacher) were
powerful advocates of Kalomiris.
67The traditional music of the Dodecanese and Asia Minor also shared many
common characteristics.
68Italy “temporarily” occupied these islands in 1912 during the Balkan Wars and
held them until 1947.
195
composition entitled From the Dodecanesia - Dances and Songs fo r Orchestra, which
drew from the melodies he had set in the 22 Songs and Dances from the Dodecanese for
piano.69 The Kratiki Orchistra Athinon (K.O.A.) [Athens State Orchestra] under the
direction ofTheodores Vavayannis premiered the work on February 23,1947. As was
common practice at the time, Constantinidis’ composition was the only Greek work on
the program, which also included the Symphony in D Minor by Franck, the overture to
Hansel und Gretel by Humperdinck, and songs by Berlioz, Mahler, and Saint-Saens.70
Though Constantinidis had achieved considerable fame as Mr. Yannidis in the
field of “light” music, this occasion marked his debut as an orchestral composer and his
first encounter with the Athenian “serious” music establishment. He took advantage o f
his position as a “new” composer by explaining his philosophy regarding Greek folk
music in the printed program: “Rather than using thematic elaboration o f demotic song,
the composer leaves the melodies [alone], in the way the people gave them. He tried to
achieve variety in the compositions by the harmonic coating and rhythmic emphasis of
the material which he had at hand.”71
69The folk songs in the orchestral composition were referred to by descriptive,

rather than specific titles. I have attempted to correlate these songs to their numerical
order in the piano work. They include: Love Song, Song of the Sea (probably #1), Song
o f the Dawn, Archangelitiko skopo (#8), Shepherd’s Song (#13), Kalanda (#14), Dance
o f Karpathos (#21 and/or #22), Dance of Nisyros, Wedding Song from Rhodes (#10),
Sousta from Rhodes (#11). I could not positively identify three of these folk songs from
their descriptions by critics.
70The mezzo-soprano soloist was Ms. Nounouka Fragkia-Spiliopoulou, to whom

Constantinidis had dedicated his 5 Songs o f Love in 1931. In his review, Anoyanakis
decried the absence of Greek vocal works on the program.
71D. A. X. [Dimitrios A. Hamoudopoulos], “I proxthesini synavlia tis Kratikis

Orchistras” [The Concert o f the State Orchestra on the Day before Yesterday], I
196
Critical reviews of the performance acknowledged Constantinidis' innovative
treatment of demotic song. A few days after the premiere, Marios Varvoglis, an
accomplished composer himself, lauded Constantinidis for his artistry and favorably
compared him to other Greek composers.
... The composer has taken a completely different approach in his work
from that which is followed by our various composers in demotic
songs... So we must especially congratulate him for the respect that he
shown for the popular songs of the Dodecanese, because we can no
longer accept our demotic songs dressed in Wagnerian harmonies and
distorted by various composers who want here to imitate Procrustes.72
The simple harmonization and orchestration with the beautiful
combinations o f orchestral instruments, is a work which we can say that
few (such as Skalkottas and now Mr. Constantinidis) are able to
produce...73
Like Varvoglis, Fivos Anoyanakis recognized Constantinidis' exceptional talent
and ranked him with Skalkottas. More significantly, Anoyanakis commended
Constantinidis for successfully and consistently approaching the harmonization of
demotic song, a central concern of “modem Greek musical creation.”
Constantinidis - known to the musical world as C. Yannidis - managed

to convince us that much potential exists in the known harmonic and
orchestral systems for the elaboration and harmonization o f Greek
melodies, as long as there is one condition. And this [condition] is the
talent of orchestration that each creator uses in order to succeed,
mousiki kinisis [Musical Activity], Eleftheria [Freedom], n.d. Unfortunately, the

complete names and dates of the sources of these reviews were not available.
72According to Greek legend, Procrustes was a giant robber of Eleusis who

preyed upon passing travelers and compelled them to lie on his iron bed. Then he
tortured and killed his victims by making them fit the bed, either by stretching their
bodies or cutting off their legs.
73Marios Varvoglis, “Kratiki Orchistra” [State Orchestra], Mousiki [Music], (no

newspaper identified), n.d. Also cited in Lambros Liavas, notes to the recording Yannis
Constantinidis: The Works for Orchestra, Bulgarian Radio Symphony Orchestra, Byron
Fidetzis, Lyra 0277 (LP), 1985.
197
choosing each time the appropriate color to distinguish the melodic and
rhythmic charisma o f a demotic song or dance, and always within the
limits of the aesthetic laws of a symphonic orchestra. Constantinidis has
such a talent and accompanies it with a strong sense of “balance” of
different timbres, so that his craftsmanship is worth observing and
studying by our composers.74
The other reviewers also applauded Constantinidis for his refined and consistent
approach to Greek traditional music and congratulated him for his accomplishment.
These comments reveal perceptions about the work’s effectiveness and its position in
Greek musical literature. Hamoudopoulos wrote: “This composition, as a whole,
reveals true refinement, nobility, and intellect. It deserves to be accepted on the
programs of our symphonic concerts.7S Psaroudas was more specific:
With special pleasure we heard the orchestra [play] ten musical sketches
of Mr. Yannis Constantinidis, who is none other than the famous
composer of light song Mr. Yannidis. Mr. Constantinidis-Yannidis took
ten songs and dance motives from the well-known collection “Songs of
the Dodecanese” of the Swissman and great philhellene Mr. Samuel
Baud-Bovy. He orchestrated them simply, pleasantly, elegantly, and
tastefully. For the most part, [he avoided] unnecessary and tedious
development of the themes. In this way these pure motives preserve all
their regional character and national color.
This engaging work was a big success as it deserved [to be].76
Although the work was received quite positively, the critics made some
recommendations for improvement. Varvoglis mentioned that the work needed more
74Fivos Anoyanakis, “I symphoniki synavlia. Y. Constantinidis - Th.

Vavayiannis” [Symphonic Concert. Y Constantinidis - Th. Vavayiannis], I mousiki
[Music], El[eftheria] Ell[ada] [Free Greece], n.d.
75Hamoudopoulos, “The Concert o f the State Orchestra on the Day before

Yesterday.”
76Ioannis Psaroudas, “Synavlia tis Kratikis Orchistras” [Concert of the State

Orchestra], Mousiki kinisis [Musical Activity], Ta Nea [The News], n.d.
198
structural integration and encouraged the composer to connect the various songs in
order to form a suite. Anoyanakis implied that Constantinidis needed to develop a
stronger sense of identity in his music, a “personal stamp.” Hamoudopoulos suggested
that the texts of the songs be included in the program, so that the audience would have a
better understanding o f its relationship to the music. He objected to Constantinidis’
choice of orchestration or harmony in four o f the songs, but approved the “excellent
stability” and “consistency” o f the other sections of the work. He pointed out that the
orchestration plays an important psychological role in the music.
The quality of the performance and selection of repertoire also played a large
role in the concert’s success. Anoyanakis praised the conductor, Vavayannis, for his
efforts in bringing out both “the character of the work” and its “details.” These written
reviews provide convincing evidence that From the Dodecanesia was received
enthusiastically and recognized for its innovative approach to Greek traditional music.
Dodecanesian Suite No. 1
Constantinidis’ reputation was further enhanced by the performance and reviews
of Dodecanesian Suite No. I in 1950. Perhaps Constantinidis took Varvoglis’
suggestions to heart; in any case, he made considerable revisions to his previous
composition and supplemented this material to create two suites based on Baud-Bovy’s
extensive collection of Dodecanesian folk songs.77 Completed in 1948.78 the
77Constantinidis used several folk melodies found in From the Dodecanesia in

his Dodecanesian Suite No. 1, including the Song of the Sea (1st movement),
Archangelidko skopo (4th movement), Wedding Song from Rhodes (6th movement),
Sousta from Rhodes (6th movement). Dodecanesian Suite No. 2 included Shepherd’s
Song (1st movement), Kalanda (1st movement), and two Dances of Karpathos (61*1
199
Dodecanesian Suite No. 1 was dedicated to Baud-Bovy, who conducted its premiere in
June 1949 at a concert of Greek works in Geneva. On January 15,1950, Baud-Bovy
directed the Athens State Orchestra in the work’s first performance in Greece, a concert
that was greatly praised by critics.79 Significantly, Baud-Bovy programmed
Dodecanesian Suite No. 1 as the last work on the program, indicating a shift away from
the usual “introductory” role of a Greek work to a more esteemed position in the
repertoire.
According to Greek scholars, Baud-Bovy was astonished to discover a
composition that demonstrated such expertise in orchestration and respect for the
indigenous musical tradition. He expressed his enthusiasm in a letter to the composer
alter receiving the score:
Geneva, 1 June 1949
Dear Sir,
...1 was expecting your work with great impatience. I was not
disappointed; rather, I had the most pleasant surprise. Never have I seen
the score o f a Greek composer written with such care, such knowledge of
movement). Dodecanesian Suite No. 1 contains ten of the eleven folk songs found in
the first volume o f 22 Songs and Dances from the Dodecanese (1943-46). The
orchestral version, however, changes the order o f some of the songs and dances and
uses repetitions o f sections in several movements to achieve a longer duration.
Specifically, the 3,d movement o f 22 Songs o f the Dodecanese becomes the 5lh
movement o f Dodecanesian Suite No. 1 and the 6th movement of the former is omitted.
Constantinidis used the same modes, key signatures, and harmonization o f the demotic
melodies in both works.
78The score is dated 1948, although Liavas lists its completion in 1949. The
work was copyrighted in 1970 by the composer and published by C. Papagrigoriou—H.
Nakas in the late 1990s. Dodecanesian Suite No. 2 was completed in 1949.
79According to Leotsakos, Dodecanesian Suite No. I has been performed several

times outside of Greece since its premiere.
200
instruments, such finesse... I don’t think I am influenced by our mutual
love for the demotic song. On the contrary, this love has until now made
me uncomfortable every time I saw what happens to the most beautiful
melodies in the hands of various composers. You followed the example
of Solomos, [our national poet, who said]: “Subject yourself first to the
language of the people, and if you have enough power in you, conquer
it.” And I think that this also applies to music and to language. I always
admired the architecture of the melodies of the Dodecanese. What joy
you justify me with your work, where everything is harmonized and fits
together in a living unity.
I thank you warmly for your dedication and, above all, for the optimism
that you have inspired in me for the future of Greek music....80
Dodecanesian Suite No. 1 was received favorably by both the critics and the
concert-going public. Generally, the critics followed Baud-Bovy’s lead, commenting
about the work’s careful construction and its affinity with Greek folk music.
All this series, which is composed of eight songs and two charming
dances of the Dodecanese, is stunning, with freshness, spontaneity, pure
and genuine origins. This Greek composer who lives in artistic isolation
and appears only as [the] very popular Yannidis every summer, labored
on the Dodecanesian themes in such an elaborate manner, that he makes
them shine like many-faceted diamonds. The Greek people thirst to hear
again the very freshness and liveliness of this work.
Constantinidis can be proud of his craftsmanship. Such orchestration,

with such rich sound colors, demonstrates how the modem harmonic
style is not a required test of this but an artistic freedom to express freely
with all the wealth of chromatic nuances. Mr. Constantinidis gave [the
music] all of the sunny atmosphere, charm, and joy o f our islands.
80Quoted in Liavas, notes to the recording Yannis Constantinidis: The Works fo r

Orchestra, 1985.
8'Sophia K. Spanoudi, “O K. Baud-Bovy - 1 symphoniki” [Mr. Baud-Bovy -

The Symphonic (Concert)], I mousiki evdomas [Musical Week], Ta Nea [The News],
n.d. [Date penciled in appears to be 18 January 1950.]
82“Sam. Baud-Bovy - Marika Papaioannou.” [Date penciled in appears to be 22

January 1950.]
201
Even more significantly, two o f the authors named the new work as one of the
most exceptional of Greek compositions.
We had heard again -last year, if I am not mistaken - a series from these
songs by Constantinidis. This time there were some new [songs], from
Kastellorizos, Rhodes, and Tilos, [demonstrating] the same admirable
[skill], written with true inspiration, intelligence, and excellent taste.
The talent o f Constantinidis leads him with assurance in the choice of his
orchestral colors, which always remain within the Greek framework and
Greek spirit.. ..I think that this work o f Constantinidis, along with the
Variations on a Demotic Theme by Evanghelatos, stands in the first rank
of the Greek Musical Creation of recent years.83
When last year I first heard the Suite “From the Dodecanese” o f Mr.
Yannis Constantinidis (Yannidis), I wrote about my very favorable
impressions, and characterized it as one of the most successful Greek
works inspired by our demotic Muse. I felt especially satisfied to
confirm my vivid impressions from last year and I am also happy that the
distinguished foreign maestro shares my views, if I judge from the
choice of Baud-Bovy to perform this Greek work in the concert two days
ago, but also to make it known to the Swiss public last year at one o f the
greatest and most successful symphonic concerts o f Geneva.84
Several of the reviews and one interview dedicated a considerable amount of
their discussion to Samuel Baud-Bovy’s career and his research on Greek traditional
music. The critics mentioned his residence in Athens from 1929 to 1931, when he was
a scholar at the Greek University, a student of Byzantine music at the Athens
Conservatory, and a pupil of Greek folk song under the direction o f Ms. Melpo
83Alexandra [Lalaouni], (incomplete copy), n.d.
84Ioannis Psaroudas, “Synavlia tis Kratikis. O K. Sam. Baud-Bovy” [Concert of

the State Orchestra. Mr. Baud-Bovy], Mousiki kinisis [Musical Activity], (no
newspaper given), [Date penciled in appears to be 17 January 1950]. In an interview
given a few days before the concert, Baud-Bovy mentioned that he had great fondness
for Constantinidis’ piece and had included it on a concert of Greek works in Geneva the
preceding June. See: Ax. Mamaki, “I kinisis ton synavlion. Omilei o afixtheis maestros
K. Baud-Bovy” [Concert Activity. The Newly-Arrived Maestro Baud-Bovy Speaks],
Ta teleftea mousika nea [Recent Musical News], (no newspaper given), n.d..
202
Meriier.85 Baud-Bovy was hailed as an "extraordinary Swiss philhellene scientist,
a/
musicologist, and most engaging individual.” Alexandra Lalaouni called him "a
brilliant musician o f European fame and a great friend of Greece whose work on our
demotic songs is well-known.”87 Likewise, Psaroudas referred to Baud-Bovy as “our
true friend, to whom Greece owes much,” and “one of the most important international
personalities” whose “fame as a wise folklorist extended far beyond the borders o f
Switzerland.”88
Baud-Bovy was warmly congratulated for his rendering of Constantinidis’
composition, as well as the other works on the program, which included Mozart’s
Symphony No. 39 in E-flat, Beethoven’s Piano Concerto No. 4 in G Major, Toccata for
Strings by the Swiss composer Willy Burghard, and the Intermezzo from Pelleas and
Melisande by Faure.89 One reviewer called Baud-Bovy’s appearance as a conductor a
85The foreign correspondent also mentions Baud-Bovy’s scholarly work on

demotic songs of Roumeli and Cyprus, his performance abilities on Greek traditional
instruments, and his studies on Greek dialects.
86“Sam. Baud-Bovy - Marika Papaioannou.”
87Alexandra [Lalaouni], (incomplete copy).
88Psaroudas, “Concert of the State Orchestra. Mr. Baud-Bovy.”
890ne of the reviewers provided a detailed description o f the concert. The

Symphony No. 39 in E-flat by Mozart was “an excellent, satisfying performance.” In
Beethoven’s Piano Concerto in G Major, the soloist Ms. Marika Papaioannou, Baud-
Bovy, and the orchestra reached “a spiritual collaboration and communication on a
higher level.” Toccata for Strings by Burghard was performed in the middle of the
“exceptionally beautiful program,” followed by a “lovely performance” o f the
Intermezzo from Pelleas et Melisande by Faure. See “Sam. Baud-Bovy - Marika
Papaioannou.” According to a foreign reviewer, Ms. Papaioannou’s performance o f the
Beethoven “confirmed her substantial talent that has been recognized abroad.” A. G.
[Correspondent], “M. Samuel Baud-Bovy a Athenes,” January 1950.
203
"revelation” and explained further: “He has his own light way o f conducting. He loves
what he interprets. And he sincerely believes and channels his faith and artistic spirit to
all the orchestra.”90 Baud-Bovy emphasized “every characteristic detail” of
Dodecanesian Suite No. 1 "with love, eloquent faith, and thorough knowledge.”91 A
foreign correspondent covering the concert quoted an Athenian review as saying that
"never had the performance [of the national orchestra] been so first-rate.”92
The critics noted that the excellent quality of the performance, directed by a
renowned scholar of Greek music and consummate musician, certainly contributed to
the enthusiastic reception given to Dodecanesian Suite No. 1 at its Athens premiere.
Lalaouni remarked: “It was a great joy for the Greek audience to hear these Greek
songs interpreted with such refinement and brilliant intellectualism by Mr. Baud-
Bovy.”93 Psaroudas notes that “the suite of Mr. Yannis Constantinidis was conveyed
wonderfully by Mr. Baud-Bovy and the orchestra” and “the public warmly applauded
the composer, the orchestra and its director.”94
Although completed in 1949, Dodecanesian Suite No. 2 remained unknown and
unperformed for many years. The first performance was given on November 27, 1986,
^ “Sam. Baud-Bovy - Marika Papaioannou.”
91Sophia K. Spanoudi, “Mr. Baud-Bovy - The Symphonic.”
92A. G. [Correspondent], “M. Samuel Baud-Bovy a Athenes.”
93Alexandra [Lalaouni], (incomplete copy).
^Psaroudas, “Concert of the State Orchestra. Mr. Baud-Bovy.”
204
at the Athens College Theater by the Greek Radio and Television (E.R.T.) Orchestra
under the direction of Byron Fidetzis.9S It was also included on the 1994 recording of
Constantinidis’ orchestral works.
Like the first Dodecanesian Suite, the second was composed for a small
orchestra, based primarily on Baud-Bovy’s transcriptions o f island folk songs, and
organized into six movements (Figure 4). The composer chose twelve folk songs96 and
used his technique of “perpetual variation” to modify harmony and orchestration. The
suite is strengthened by the predominant use of binary form and modal relationships.
Three Greek Dances: Asia Minor - Macedonian - Cycladic
In 1948, the same period that he was composing his other orchestral works,
Constantinidis wrote a suite of folk dances from Asia Minor, Macedonia, and the
Cycladic islands. Though the orchestration was revised the following year, Three
Greek Dances were not performed until April 6,1952, with Theodoras Vavayannis
conducting the Athens State Orchestra. Minos Dounias provided a succinct but
favorable description of the work:
The three Dances of Yannis Constantinidis certainly comprise a new

addition to the Greek creation. The delicate orchestration and distinctive
harmonic inspiration of the composer purely preserve the contour of the
95According to Leotsakos, the work was performed for the first time in 1952 by
the Symphonic Orchestra of the Ethniko Idryma Radiofonias (E.I.R.) [National Radio
Foundation] under the direction of Baud-Bovy. George Leotsakos, Transcription of the
radio program “Portraita ellinon syntheton” [Portrait of Greek Composers], broadcast
27 April 1956,4.
96Dodecanesian Suite No. 2 employs all eleven folk songs found in the second
volume o f 22 Songs and Dances from the Dodecanese, plus one additional song,
“Miroloi Astypaleas” [Lament of Astypalea] from Baud-Bovy’s collection.
205
folk melody. In this way the embellished style o f Asia Minor was
admirably rendered, as well as the characteristic base o f the popular
drone in the Macedonian [dance], while the Cycladic, which, as is well-
known, is inclined towards diatonicism, approached Western
chromaticism within acceptable limits.97
After Constantinidis incorporated the first two dances o f the suite into the Asia
Qfi
Minor Rhapsody, he decided to write a new orchestral suite that would include the
Cycladic Dance. Although this work was never completed, the Cycladic Dance was
edited and performed for the 1994 recording of Constantinidis’ orchestral works. This
dance also appears as Number 2 of 8 Greek Island Dances for piano, completed in
1954." In the piano version, the Cycladic Dance, written in 5/4 (3+2), has only one
theme. Each o f the four presentations follows an aab form (six measures in length)
except for the final one, which repeats the second part of the theme (b). Constantinidis
considerably expands the orchestral version of the dance by adding another section and
returning to the first theme, thus creating an overall form o f is ABA'. After the four
presentations o f the main theme, a short contrasting middle section features a theme
played by woodwinds and accompanied with open fifths on the harp. When the main
theme returns, it begins with the material heard previously in the third and fourth
97Minos Dounias, “Yannis Constantinidis: Three Dances,” Music Criticism.

Selections from His Critical W ork(\0 April 1952), 141.
98They are the Cappadocian dance (first theme) of the Intermezzo and the
karsilamas dance (first theme) of the Finale. Lambros Liavas, notes to the recording
Yannis Constantinidis: The Works fo r Orchestra, 1985.
"B oth versions have a similar tempo: the piano movement is marked Allegro
moderato ma energico (quarter note = 116), whereas the orchestral dance is simply
Allegretto moderato.
206
presentations. The string section plays a new variation o f the thematic material and
extends the phrase (repeat of b), thus providing a more satisfying ending to the dance.
Three Greek Dances: Tsamikos - Tsakonikos - Syrtos
During the years that he was working on the two Dodecanesian Suites and the
first movement o f Asia Minor Rhapsody, Constantinidis began to plan a new
composition that would incorporate some o f the most familiar Greek folk dances into
the symphonic repertoire. He was doubtlessly influenced by Nikos Skalkottas’ 36
Greek Dances fo r Orchestra (1934-36), some movements of which were played in
Athens during the 1930s and 1940s. Constantinidis mistakenly believed that Skalkottas
had chosen largely unfamiliar tunes, so he selected only well-known Greek folk
melodies for his new work. For this reason, he decided not to include the "Cycladic
Dance” left over from his suite of the previous year.100
Three Greek Dances, orchestrated in 1950, remained unperformed for many
years. Like the two Dodecanesian Suites, the work demonstrates the same clarity of
texture and refined orchestration, while emphasizing the characteristic dance rhythm of
each folk melody.101 But it is closer to the Asia Minor Rhapsody in the size of its
orchestra, which Constantinidis expanded to include a greater variety of woodwind and
100The third movement, Syrtos, presents one of the same melodies that
Skalkottas used in his 36 Greek Dances (eighth dance of the first series). Fidetzis, “The
Orchestral Compositions of Yannis Constantinidis,” 12-13.
101Liavas, notes to the recording Yannis Constantinidis: The Worksfo r

Orchestra, 1985; Fidetzis, “The Orchestral Compositions o f Yannis Constantinidis,” 11.
207
brass instruments. Figure 5 gives a summary o f each movement’s source and musical
characteristics.
The First Stage o f the Asia Minor Rhapsody:

Prelude-Ostinato, on Two Themes o f Asia Minor
As in the case of Dodecanesian Suite No. 1, Asia Minor Rhapsody went through
various stages and successive revisions. As mentioned previously, themes from the first
two dances of Three Greek Dances: Asia Minor - Macedonian - Cycladic were later
incorporated into the Intermezzo and Finale movements of Asia Minor Rhapsody.
Constantinidis’ “draft” version of the first movement, entitled Prelude-Ostinato, on Two
Themes o f Asia Minor, was performed by Theodoras Vavayannis and the Athens State
Orchestra (K.O.A.) on February 20,1949. Although the critics again praised
Constantinidis for his craftsmanship and approach to Greek folk music, they were
divided in their opinions about the structure and overall impression of the work.
Several reviews congratulated the conductor Vavayannis for choosing such an
excellent program and challenging the orchestra to rise to a high standard of playing.102
The program opened with the Symphony in D Major by J.C. Bach, followed by
Constantinidis’ work. After four arias with orchestral accompaniment sung by the
102Minos Dounias made several revealing comments about the state orchestra’s
performance level: “The careful study o f Beethoven’s Eighth Symphony by Th.
Vavayannis and our orchestra bore fruit. The listener does not often feel the classical
spirit rise above our orchestra. But this time it appeared. We felt something from the
spirit of Beethoven’s Vienna: its joy, humor, and culture, all shining in the Apollonian
light o f the genius. If this systematic education of our orchestra continued, we would
perhaps be able to boast sometime that in this unfortunate country at least music is not
so far removed from ‘Europe.’” Minos Dounias, “Yitsa Salvanou - Elli Farantatou -
Petros Botasis. Elizabeth W ysor-1 symphoniki,” I mousiki evdomas [Musical Week],
Kathimerini [Daily], n.d.
208
American contralto, Elizabeth Wysor103 and the Adagio from Mahler’s Fifth Symphony,
the program concluded with Beethoven’s Symphony No. 8.104
All o f the reviewers remarked positively about Constantinidis’ orchestration and
harmonization of the folk material that served as the basis for the composition.
Alexandra Lalaouni, for example, commented about Constantinidis’ treatment of Greek
traditional music: “The composer took two folk tunes and clothed them with the multi
colored dress of the orchestra, taking care, however, as much with the orchestration as
with the elaboration o f the orchestra to remain within the spirit and style o f the folk
song. And Constantinidis carries through this work with true inspiration.” 105
All o f the reviewers perceived a strong correlation between Constantinidis’
composition and the traditional music of Greece. In addition, they elaborated on his
skillful use of orchestration, rhythm, and harmony.
We listened with interest and pleasure to “Prelude-Ostinato” by Yannis

Constantinidis (Yannidis), built on two folk themes from Asia Minor,
rather insignificant, but developed in different variations, written with
artistry and a character of cheerfulness, and sometimes humorous. With
sound, Mr. Constantinidis-Yannidis paints different folk scenes outside
l03Ms. Wysor sang arias by Gluck, Mozart, Wagner, and Meyerbeer.
104Alexandra Lalaouni praises Vavayannis’ interpretation of Mahler, which

conveyed “the distinctive spirit of nostalgia and renunciation,” but bemoans the fact that
the movement was taken out of context: “Shall we never manage to hear the entire
Symphony?” She also lauds Vavayannis for his “complete, faithful, and brilliant
interpretation” o f the Beethoven symphony. Alexandra Lalaouni, “I Kratiki Orchestra
ypo ton K. Vavayiannin. I Amerikanis tragoudistria K. Ouayzor” [The State Orchestra
under Mr. Vavayiannis. The American Singer Ms. Wysor], Kallitechniki & mousiki zoi
[Cultural & Musical Life], (newspaper not identified), n.d.
,05Ibid.
209
o f each musical context and succeeds with rhythms and colorings quite
original and entertaining.106
The “Prelude-Ostinato” is based on a succession of folk thematic types,

without the tendency of exploitation for great thematic development and
extensive formal evolution. The different impressions are presented
mostly by an effective variety of instrumental timbres, along with the
humorous and cheerful atmosphere, which is created by a skillful
“parlamento” [parlando] of the woodwinds and strings.107
[Constantinidis’ composition] is full o f musical essence and content,

vibrating from intense rhythmic life and local color that finds direct
correspondence in the soul of the Greek world.108
This Greek musical work presents mainly beautiful orchestration and

some good harmonic findings that are a credit to the composer. It does
not have development, however, which is justified by the same nature of
the form that the composer chose.109
The basics of the art of Mr. Constantinidis here are his interesting
harmonies and the combinations of the instruments of the orchestra, his
timbres. The harmonies present some sophistication. But this
sophistication does not have [a] superficial character. It derives from an
internal source and its intention is not to provoke surprise, but to create a
beautiful psychological mood and atmosphere.110
106Ioannis Psaroudas, “Synavlia tis Kratikis Orchestras. - 1 Kyria Elisabeth

Wysor” [Concert of the State Orchestra - Ms. Elisabeth Wysor], Mousiki kinisis
[Musical Activity], To Vima [Tribune], n.d.
107Georg[ios] Vokou, “I proxthesini tis Kratikis” [The State Orchestra on the

Day Before Yesterday], Mousiki ke choreftiki techni [Music and Dance Art], Akropolis
[Acropolis], n.d.
108Sophia K. Spanoudi, “I symphoniki synavlia. Elisabet Ouayzor” [Symphonic

Concert. Elisabeth Wysor], I mousiki evdomas [Musical Week], Ta Nea, [The News],
n.d.
109Man. Kal. [Manolis Kalomiris], “Synavlie” [Concerts], Ethnos [Nation], n.d.
110D. A. Hamoudopoulos, “I synavlia tis Kratikis, ypo tin dievdinsin ton K.

Vavayianni. “Resital tis Kas. Ouayzor,” [The Concert of the State Orchestra, under the
Direction of Mr. Vavayannis. Recital o f Ms. Wysor], I mousiki [Music], Eleftheria,
[Freedom], n.d.
210
O f the two parts o f the composition, the Ostinato received both high praise and
stinging criticism. Ms. Lalaouni marveled at the composer’s successful application of
the folk principle of repetition and the corresponding technique o f constant variation.
From the diptych of Constantinidis, the second part especially, the

“Ostinato,” causes amazement. Fifteen or twenty times you hear the
same insistent theme, but with such a variety in the colors, tones, and
voices, that you not bored for a moment by the insistent tune that spins
uninterrupted. On the contrary, you wait for the next verse - as in the
folk song, you wait for the next verse in order to hear what the new
words will say - in order to see what new [things] the composer will give
you. And he continuously gives something new, while at the same time,
he paints you a multi-colored sound picture [with] the ensemble.111
Mr. Ropaitis had a contrasting opinion about the Ostinato:
The composer used two themes from Asia Minor, which were developed
with much artistry. Despite this, the result cannot be considered
satisfactory. The Prelude was heard as more pleasing because it has a
vaguely lyrical, perhaps elegiac character. The Ostinato, however, with
the continuous repetition (12 times) on the same motif, is not at all
attractive and becomes boisterous.112
Mr. Hamoudopoulos objected to the psychological mood of the Ostinato, feeling
that it was inappropriate for the setting of a religious folk carol. He also noted Ravel’s
influence on Constantinidis’ choice o f structure for this section.113
The “Ostinato,” which comes after the melancholic “Prelude,” is

reminiscent in its form to the Bolero of Ravel. Like the latter, the
“Ostinato” repeats one melody (23 times) with different instruments (or
11'Lalaouni, “The State Orchestra under Mr. Vavayiannis.” The number of

repetitions of the Ostinato theme is varied among the reviewers. In Asia Minor
Rhapsody, there are nine presentations of the theme.
112G. Ropaitis, “I synavlia tis Kratikis” [The Concert o f the State Orchestra],
Mousiki kinisis [Musical Activity], Embros [Forward], n.d.
113Psaroudas also commented about Ravel’s influence on Constantinidis,

especially apparent in the simplicity and mastery of his setting o f folk song. Psaroudas,
“Concert of the State Orchestra.”
211
R epro du ced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
groups o f instruments) of the orchestra. This melody is the carol o f the
Epiphany, an excellent example of purely Greek folk music.
This melody has always moved me with its purity and beauty and I was
saddened and surprised I did not hear it in the artistic music o f our
composers.
Mr. Constantinidis in his “Ostinato” uses exclusively the context of

humor and of the joke. And, although he gives it great psychological
breadth, I think the composer would be able to enclose it with more love
and endow it with his inspiration, the poetry, which it deserves. Thus
this work would create both greater psychological and aesthetic interest.
The children, who were singing this tune on the night o f the eve of
Epiphany, gave something from their innocent soul.
But we did not find this “something,” this religious, social and national
substance, in the composition o f Mr. Constantinidis. [Despite] this, the
orchestral “effect” here is beautiful. I especially refer to the section
where the trumpets take the melody (with the accompaniment of the
trombones) and the final diminuendo.114
Though he praised Constantinidis’ compositional skill, Minos Dounias
questioned one o f his fundamental premises: that of applying the structural principles of
folk song to “serious” music, particularly symphonic genres.
The “Prelude and Ostinato” of Yannis Constantinidis, a work written

with love and refinement, comes up against a basic contradiction.
The popular muse [that uses] endless repetitions, improvisation around

the same harmonic axis, [and] adherence to tradition, is a particularly
static art. It owes this static [nature] to its universal, almost religious
character.
Symphonic music, on the contrary, represents a progression. Expansion,

development, elaborating, transformation, [and] generally the
regeneration o f thematic ideas constitute [its] basic principle.
The work of Yannis Constantinidis aspires to the combination of the two

principles. Their basic facts, however, result in the contradiction that I
referred to previously. The persistent repetition o f the same,
114Hamoudopoulos, “The Concert of the State Orchestra.”
212
unchangeable melody, as occurs in the work o f Constantinidis, certainly
gives a faithful picture of folk practice. Its transference, however, in the
symphonic context, where the composer doubtlessly is seeking to write
artistic music, is the rejection o f this substance and of the spirit o f
creation. Despite the most skillful harmonic and rhythmic variations of
the elaboration, the repetition of one idea - as a basso ostinato - does not
make formal sense here.115
As in the case of From the Dodecanesia, two reviewers offered their suggestions
for strengthening the composition. Ms. Lalaouni advised the expansion of the piece
with two more parts to comprise an architecturally complete “suite.” Mr. Vokou also
urged an “extensive development of musical form,” but warned that “musical contrasts”
[such as in the two parts] should not “conceal the unity and the logical sequence o f the
musical idea under expression.” 116
Though there were serious misgivings about its structure, the composition was
received well. Hamoudopoulos reported that “Mr. Vavayannis and the orchestra gave a
most satisfactory [performance] of the work,” while Psaroudas noted that “the work of
Mr. Constantinidis [was] played excellently and was especially liked and warmly
applauded.”117
In their articles and concert reviews, Greek scholars and critics have discussed
the novel approach of Constantinidis to the Greek folk song tradition. Those who
reviewed performances of Constantinidis’ works perceived the close connections o f his
compositions with Greek traditional music. They commented about the composer’s
ll5Dounias, “Yitsa Salvanou.”
ll6Vokou, “The State Orchestra.”
117Hamoudopoulos, “The Concert o f the State Orchestra”; Psaroudas, “Concert

o f the State Orchestra.”
213
choice of folk song as source material, the presence o f recognizable folk influences that
helped structure the music, and his exceptional skill at harmonizing and orchestrating
folk melodies. The most serious criticism was leveled by Dounias, who argued that the
composer’s extensive use o f the variation principle from folk music was incompatible
with the development process of Western European music. While paying tribute to
Constantinidis’ individual approach, the reviews support the perception that his
compositions express a “Greek spirit” within a “Greek framework” and exhibit many of
the general characteristics o f national music.
Analysis of Constantinidis’ Orchestral Works
An examination o f Constantinidis’ works illuminates these perceptions o f Greek
music scholars and critics. The composer’s style and his specific approach to Greek
traditional music can be most clearly observed in two of his orchestral works,
Dodecanesian Suite No. I and Asia Minor Rhapsody.
Constantinidis’ earliest orchestral composition, Dodecanesian Suite No. 1,
clearly demonstrates his approach to folk song and its harmonization. The work is
based entirely on scholarly transcriptions of folk music made by Samuel Baud-Bovy
and published in his collection, Songs o f the Dodecanese. Constantinidis closely
follows the written transcription of each folk song, making small rhythmic changes or
elaborating the melody slightly, as a folk musician might do in performance. He also
adjusts tempos and transposes melodies to suit his formal needs, but he often maintains
the same modal center as the original transcription. Though Constantinidis carefully
214
reproduces the phrase structure of each folk song, he occasionally extends phrases,
borrows from more than one version o f a song, or chooses selectively from various
sections of a larger-scale folk dance.
Formally, Dodecanesian Suite No. 1 has six movements, four o f which have a
binary form, with a slower A section followed by a faster B section (Figure 6). The
suite can be further divided into two parts, each consisting of three movements. Each
group contains five folk songs, beginning with a slow mantinada and ending with a fast
dance in 2/4 time. The recurring regularity o f the dances contrasts sharply with the
changing or additive meters found in most of the folk songs. The melodies are drawn
from a varied and rich Dodecanese folk tradition and include mantinades (rhymed
improvised couplets), wedding songs, multiverse songs, and dances. Seven of the ten
folk songs originate from the island of Rhodes; the remainder hails from Karpathos,
Castellorizo, and Tilos. Though these folk songs are representative of this region, they
are not well-known on the Greek mainland.
Constantinidis maintains a clarity of form in each folk song and transfers this to
a larger scale. Most of these melodies have a simple binary structure (aabb, or some
variation) and are presented three times. Since the dances are longer sections o f the
movements, they introduce contrasting elements and more complex forms, such as
ABA or ABABA. The individual folk songs are easily organized into a suite that is
further unified by tempo and mode. The Aeolian mode occurs the most frequently, but
Dorian, Phrygian, mixed (chromatic), and Ionian are also heard. The first and sixth
movements have a modal center on A, while each of the other movements explores
different modal centers: F (vi), G (vii), C (iii) and D (iv). In the final Sousta dance, the
215
modal center on A returns, but in the context of Phrygian and mixed modes, rather than
Aeolian.
Constantinidis scored Dodecanesian Suite No. 1 for a relatively small orchestra:
woodwinds in pairs (2nd flutist doubles on piccolo), two horns, two trumpets, trombone,
timpani, percussion,118 celesta,119 harp, and strings. The texture remains transparent,
while the timbres are constantly changing. Woodwind and string instruments generally
carry the melody, typically oboe, flute, clarinet, violin, or cello, but horn, trumpet,
bassoon, and trombone are also featured frequently. The phrase structure is skillfully
articulated by careful control of orchestration and dynamics. Elements of traditional
music are seen in the use of “perpetual variation,” melodic embellishment, heterophony,
and imitation of instrumental timbres and playing techniques.
Constantinidis uses a variety of sonorities to harmonize his modal melodies.
The three dances stay closest to their modal basis by using vertical sonorities derived
from the Ionian, Aeolian, Phrygian, and chromatic modes. In other melodies, there is
an alternation between modally-based sonorities and others that are more remotely
related. In some cases, these sonorities can be interpreted as an alteration o f a scale
degree, such as the lowered second. Despite the use of parallel harmonies (often
moving chromatically), and expanded sonorities (seventh and ninth chords), and short
ll8Constantinidis indicates in the score that two percussionists are needed: one
playing triangle, cymbals, and gong, and another playing the snare drum and tamburo
basso (tom-tom). It is assumed that the tamburo basso refers to a low-pitched
cylindrical drum without snares.
1I9Generally, the celesta doubles either a melodic or accompanying line and adds
a “silvery edge” to the sound. Occasionally, it provides a “shimmering” effect, as in the
first movement, mm. 10-11.
216
passages o f bi-modality, the cadences o f each movement are clearly linked to the
underlying mode. Cadences found in folk music, such as iv - i, vii - i, v - i, and bII - 1
strengthen the sense o f mode and help to articulate phrases and sections. The “tonic”
triad is often presented without a third, thus giving it a greater freedom and providing a
more realistic picture o f the sound of accompanying folk instruments, especially strings.
Specific examples demonstrate the work’s connections to the folk tradition,
especially its formal clarity and many applications o f variation technique. The overall
form of the first movement is binary, with a nearly even distribution between the two
themes. Each theme is presented three times, though the second and third sections are
identical. In addition to harmonic vocabulary, Constantinidis contrasts the two
melodies by means of tempo, dynamics and texture (Figure 7).
The first theme, “To Dyosmaraki” [Little Mint], observes the slow tempo and
expressive character of the mantinada, a popular form of folk poetry in the Greek
islands. A mantinada is a rhymed couplet, often improvised, sung or recited at many
important social events (baptisms, betrothals, weddings, birthdays, and festivals), as
well as at informal gatherings. Several mantinades can be combined to make a long
text o f poetry.120 Constantinidis closely replicates the improvisatory nature and
,20Baud-Bovy demonstrated connections between the content and structure of

some mantinades and ancient Greek music. Lambros Liavas, notes to the recording
Chansons et danses populaires. Collection Samuel Baud-Bovy, Archives
internationales de musique populaire (AIMP XII) VDE-552,25. For a description of
the performance practice of mantinades on the island o f Karpathos, see Anna Caraveli,
“The Symbolic Village: Community Bom in Performance,” Journal o f American
Folklore 98 (1985), 259-86.
217
antiphonal performing style of the mantinada.121 The theme begins with a solo voice,
that of the bassoon, and is imitated by the second voice before the first phrase has ended
(Example 19). As the initial phrase of the theme is reaching its melodic cadence by a
characteristic stepwise movement (on scale degrees 3 - 2 - 2 -1), the first clarinet enters
with the same material, followed by the second violins two beats later. Thus, three
presentations o f phrase a are compressed into sixteen beats. The first violins enter with
phrase b (m. S) two beats before the last presentation of the first phrase is completed.
Strict imitation is continued by the second violins, two beats later and one octave lower.
The overlapping of the beginnings and endings of phrases continues throughout the
entire section. The slow tempo and flexible meter also suggest an improvisatory
quality.
Constantinidis harmonizes this section by using triads and seventh chords of the
Aeolian mode that produce a harmonic instability and cadential delay. The majority of
sonorities in this section are based on D or F. Additional resources are provided by
using the raised sixth degree (F-sharp), borrowed from the Dorian mode. Imitation of
the melody and the overlapping of phrases produce an avoidance of the expected
cadence. A repeated modal pattern is heard with each presentation of the second
phrase: a9 - D9 - FMaj7 - d - FMaj7 (i9 - IV9 - VlMaJ7 - iv - VlMaj7). The beginning o f the
second presentation of the theme (phrase a) with its combination of oboe, harp, celesta,
and strings evokes a more “folklike” or even “Oriental” quality (mm. 11-12). The
second presentation demonstrates the essence o f the variation technique, with melodic
,21Baud-Bovy indicates solo and chorus parts in one version of the mantinada.
218
embellishments and changes in timbre, texture, and harmony. Unexpectedly, the end of
this phrase cadences on an A minor triad, briefly reestablishing the Aeolian mode
before the phrase’s repetition with flute solo. At the end o f this section, the repeated
modal pattern is extended with the addition o f two sonorities, e7 - FMa*7, which provides
a root movement of v-VI. This creates a kind of “deceptive” cadence, where the
seventh chord built on the sixth degree substitutes for the expected “tonic” triad of the
A Aeolian mode.
In the second part of the movement, the composer quotes a folk song from
Rhodes, “Anamesa Plimmyri,” [“In Plimmyri”] maintaining the mode, form, basic
rhythm, and ornamentation of Baud-Bovy’s transcription (Example 20). Along with the
scoring of oboe solo, woodwind, strings, and triangle, melodic embellishments and
changing meters give the theme an identifiable folk setting. The accompaniment
emphasizes the movement o f parallel intervals and expands the Aeolian modality of the
folk song as it is incorporated into the larger formal structure of the work. Parallel
thirds with chromatic motion produce a rich variety of sonorities outside of the mode.
The first three-measure phrase (A) ends on a G major triad (VII), supporting the
prominent role that D plays in the melody. The harmony used in the B phrase,
however, follows the modal melody more closely, although descending chromatic
intervals continue in the middle parts. The last measure o f the phrase begins with the
FM7 sonority, so prominent in the preceding section, and cadences on an A-minor triad,
which occurs on a weak beat. The approach is made through the sonorities created by
chromaticism, G augmented, D7 (IV7 in Dorian mode) and F augmented. The Phrygian
mode is temporarily invoked during the second presentation o f A, with cadences on a
219
B-flat ninth chord Cowered second degree). The second presentation o f B reiterates the
previous material (B), bringing the movement to a close with an A-minor triad, thus
momentarily reinforcing the mode o f A Aeolian.
The sixth movement of Dodecanesian Suite No. 1, also in binary form, provides
two scenes of village life from Rhodes. The first theme, “Ksipna, nie ke niogambre”
[Wake Up, Young Newlywed] was traditionally sung to awaken the bride and groom
two days after the wedding.122 The sousta, whose literal meaning is “spring,” is the
most popular circle dance in the Dodecanese. Since the sousta has a rapid tempo and a
characteristic up-and-down movement, the dancers do not sing during its performance.
Thus, it is strictly an instrumental piece.123 Baud-Bovy transcribed a lengthy sousta
dance that had been performed by a well-known lyra player and learned by one of his
students. Departing from his usual procedure, Constantinidis borrows only small
recognizable fragments from the transcription, but takes several of the melodic and
rhythmic patterns and fashions his own piece from these.
The two parts are also contrasted in tempo, length, mode, orchestration, and
harmony (Figure 8). The gentle, “wake up” song provides a moment o f serenity
between the two lively dances on either side o f it. After a four-measure introduction,
l22Baud-Bovy, Songs o f the Dodecanese, vol. 1,36. The wedding, the most
important life cycle event in Greek villages, delineated the couple’s full entry into the
adult world. The celebration often lasted several days and included the religious
ceremony (always held on a Sunday) and a reception and dance that could last two or
three days. Music was an central component o f each part of the celebration.
I23When the dancers become tired by the quick pace of the sousta, they revert to
the kato choros [low dance], characterized by sliding steps and a relatively slow tempo
and accompanied by singing. Liavas, notes to the recording Chansons et danses
populaires. Collection Samuel Baud-Bovy, 22.
220
the theme is presented twice and concludes with an extension o f the first phrase.
Constantinidis retains the same mode (G Aeolian or Dorian) as Baud-Bovy for his
theme, but he simultaneously suggests the A Phrygian mode in the accompaniment,
with its pedal (on A) and repeated figure in the second violas (Example 21). The theme
gradually becomes louder and more insistent, effectively leading into the dance. The
relationship between modes on G and A is strengthened at the cadence bridging the two
sections, where the G-minor chord (with the continuing A pedal) moves to an open fifth
sonority on the new tonic (A and E). This gives the effect of vii - i, also a common
cadence in Greek folk music (Example 22).
Like the other two dances of the suite, the Sousta demonstrates a close affinity
to the folk tradition. It utilizes a robust tempo, regular duple meter, unambiguous
modal center (A), rhythmic ostinatos, perfect intervals, and string and woodwind solos.
The dance has three large sections, contrasted by melodic figures and mode. In the first
part, written in the A Phrygian mode, the predominant string timbre, the consistent
sixteenth notes, and the open fifth rhythmic figure at the ends of phrases call to mind
the lyra and its performance practice. The harmony is static, using open fifths on A,
alternating with the diminished seventh sonority based on E (v°) and G-minor seventh
chords (vii). In the second part of the dance (Example 23), the melody shifts to a mixed
mode with a chromatic tetrachord in its lower half. The harmony alternates largely
between A-major and B-flat-major triads (I and II). An expanded chord (G-minor
ninth) based on the seventh degree of the scale is emphasized through the use of
crescendos and accents in a transitional passage (mm. 72,74) and leads to a strong
cadence on A major (mm. 76). Constantinidis creates a heterophonic texture by
221
including different versions of the melody in the flute, piccolo, celesta, and first violin.
Throughout the work, he approximates folk practice with his choices o f timbre, phrase
ending patterns, melodic embellishments, and simple harmonization of the melody. The
dance is rounded out by a modified version of the first section and a short codetta.
The other movements of Dodecanesian Suite No. 1 also show the composer’s
keen awareness o f the folk tradition. Figures 9-12 show the structural organization of
each movement. The wedding song from Castellorizo (second movement) is noted for
its clear structure, modal harmonization, use of heterophony (mm. 25-28), and delicate
texture. Like the sixth movement, the dance from Tilos, “Irene” (third movement)
features a fast tempo, strong modality, open fifths in the string accompaniment and a
tutti climax. The hom solo at the beginning of the fourth movement elicits the vocal
recitation style o f the mantinada. The parlando style of “Fetos to kalokeraki” leads into
the Zervodexios dance,124 with its violin solo and characteristic figuration, string
accompaniment with open fifths, melodic variation technique (mm. 17-22), and
extended sectional form, with the composer’s indication to repeat ad libitum (see first
ending). Although he simulates aspects of the folk tradition, Constantinidis also
explores bitonality (third movement), expanded harmonies (fourth movement), and
parallel chromaticism (fifth movement).
I24The zervos, danced on several o f the Dodecanese islands, moves to the left,
the opposite direction o f most line dances in Greece. Yvonne Hunt, Traditional Dance
in Greek Culture (Athens: Center for Asia Minor Studies, 1996), 70. The zervodexios
alternated directions within the dance; Baud-Bovy indicated where this occurred in his
transcription.
222
Asia Minor Rhapsody
The suggestions and comments made by critics helped Constantinidis to
reformulate the Prelude-Ostinato, on Two Themes o f Asia Minor (1949) into what
would become his most substantial orchestral composition, Asia Minor Rhapsody. Over
a period of fifteen years (1950-65), Constantinidis gradually reworked his composition,
adding new material and changing titles,125 until reaching the final form. Even after the
manuscript was published in 1975,126 Constantinidis continued to make revisions to this
version until his death. The elderly composer witnessed the premiere o f his Asia Minor
Rhapsody on February 16,1981, played by the Athens State Orchestra under the baton
o f Byron Kolasis.127 The 1985 recording, made with the Bulgarian Radio Symphony
Orchestra conducted by Byron Fidetzis, used the published edition o f the score with
some of the composer’s more recent “improvements.”
In Asia Minor Rhapsody, Constantinidis significantly expands his orchestration,
harmonic vocabulary, and structural organization beyond his earlier works. The
expanded ensemble calls for piccolo, two flutes, two oboes, English hom, two clarinets,
125The intermediate titles were From Asia Minor and Asia Minor Suite.
l26Yannis Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody (Athens: Ministry of Culture

and Sciences, 1975).
127The first performance, using the 1975 published score, actually occurred in
January and February of 1981. The Greek Radio and Television (E.R.T.) Orchestra,
conducted by Byron Kolasis, played the work in sessions closed to the public. Fidetzis,
“The Orchestral Compositions of Yannis Constantinidis,” 17. Lambros Liavas spoke
about attending the first public performance o f the Asia Minor Rhapsody, given at the
Olympia Theater on Academias Street. He was a student then, so he purchased a ticket
in the second tier. He was surprised to find that he was sitting next to Constantinidis,
who was “hiding” there amongst the students and reluctant to be recognized at the end
of the work! This behavior typifies the composer’s modesty. Interview with Lambros
Liavas, 13 January 1998.
223
k
bass clarinet, two bassoons, contrabassoon, four homs, three trumpets, three trombones,
tuba, timpani, percussion,128 two harps, and strings. Although tutti passages are more
powerful, partially owing to a more prominent brass section, the composer, for the most
part, maintains a transparent texture that favors wind and string timbres.
Constantinidis’ work illuminates several different meanings associated with the
term rhapsody: it is “a highly emotional utterance,”129 it is an instrumental composition
that implies an indefinite form, and it uses folk materials.130 The Asia Minor Rhapsody
holds a central and symbolic place among all o f Constantinidis’ works. Dedicated to
his mother and to the mother earth of Asia Minor, the work incorporates themes rich in
emotional and historical meanings to the composer. His childhood memories o f the folk
music o f his homeland provided the inspiration for what he considered his most
important symphonic work.131 The composition may also be viewed as the composer’s
musical attempt to heal his wounds as an Asia Minor refugee. References in the work,
particularly the cyclic theme, clearly lament the lost homeland and way of life from that
vanished world. As Fidetzis has noted, “the bitterness and doubt over time was
l28The score calls for triangle, snare drum, tamburo basso (tom-tom),
tambourine, cymbals, bass drum, and gong. Constantinidis indicates that one
percussionist should play the tamburo basso (tom-tom) and tambourine.
l29Webster’s New Collegiate Dictionary, 1973.
I30A number of “nationalistic” rhapsodies, many of which used folk or folklike

materials, were written in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, beginning with Liszt’s
Hungarian Rhapsodies (1846-86). Ravel’s Rapsodie espagnole may have also
influenced Constantinidis’ choice of title and form o f his composition.
m 20 Songs o f the Greek People for mezzo-soprano and piano (1937-47) and 8
Asia Minor Songs for mixed chorus a cappella (1972) also used source material from
the region.
224
transformed into a pure Ionic attitude of philosophical resignation along with love for
the Turk, the neighbor and simple fellow being, who was also molded from the earth
and light of Ionia.” 132 Perhaps Constantinidis’ psychological transformation may be
seen in his inclusion of a popular Turkish song from Alatsata as one of the source
melodies of his work. His acceptance o f the “other,” both individually and culturally,
allowed him to say, “what brings us together is incredibly more than what divides
us.”133
Despite the implication of a loose, episodic form, Asia Minor Rhapsody is
carefully organized as a symphonic suite o f three movements played without
interruption with the titles: 1) Prelude and Ostinato, 2) Intermezzo, and 3) Finale. The
work’s large-scale structure is further unified by the use of a cyclic theme, motivic
relationships between themes, and a carefully controlled modal design. The composer
utilized several structural devices from Western music, but he was careful not to “distort
the character of the melodies and rhythms of his homeland.” 134 For his source material,
the composer selected six folk melodies from oral tradition, as well as two songs from
the collection of Georgios Pachtikos.135 Constantinidis provided a listing of his source
material and a basic structural plan of Asia Minor Rhapsody (Figure 13).136 Figure 14
132Fidetzis, “The Orchestral Compositions o f Yannis Constantinidis,” 3.
I33Ibid.
134Lambros Liavas, notes from the first performance o f Asia Minor Rhapsody,
Athens State Orchestra (K.O.A.), 16 February 1981.
l3SGeorgios D. Pachtikos, 260 Demodi Ellenika Asmata [260 Greek Folk

Songs], Athens, 1905.
l36Fidetzis, “The Orchestral Compositions o f Yannis Constantinidis,” 14-15.
225
gives a more detailed overview o f the work with the tempo, mode, and structure o f each
o f the movements.
Prelude
The opening melody of the Prelude, “Mia mavra petra yialou” [Black Stone of
the Shore], is a well-known folk tune,137 one of the many demotic songs that
Constantinidis remembered from the women tobacco workers.138 The folk song
formally unifies the whole composition because it is utilized as a cyclic theme and
appears in each movement. According to the composer, it also served as a musical
representation o f Asia Minor and its displaced people:
The Prelude is based on one of the most beloved folk melodies that was
sung from Marmara to Cyprus with different words in different regions.
Its harmony and orchestral elaboration with its various sound
combinations have given a rather austere, often tragic character to this
simple song. Perhaps the composer wanted to write a musical memorial
of a life and world that are forever lost.139
Constantinidis’ rendition of “Mia mavra petra yialou” [Black Stone o f the
Shore] is strikingly similar to two different recordings made over sixty years apart.
Some of the distinguishing differences of the composer’s version include the initiation
o f the theme on a weak beat, no use of ornamentation or modal inflections, repetition of
l37This melody was widespread from the Asia Minor coasts to Cyprus and the
Aegean islands. Though the song could have been of Turkish origin, it was most
closely associated with the Asia Minor Greeks from Vourla. Liavas notes that the song
was quite popular at the beginning of the twentieth century and does not seem to have
been very old. Liavas, notes from the first performance o f Asia Minor Rhapsody, 16
February 1981.
l38Leotsakos, “Account o f the Musical Life of Smyrna,” 382.
l39Yannis Constantinidis, notes from the first performance o f Prelude-Ostinato,

Athens State Orchestra, 20 February 1949.
226
the second phrase, and the tendency toward uniformity o f the rhythmic patterns of the
theme. Constantinidis notates the folk song in 4/4 time, but extends the second phrase
by adding an extra measure of 2/4. The phrase pattern is abb, divided into two, three,
and three measures, respectively, although there are slight overlaps o f the phrases. The
beginning o f the second phrase is an exact transposition of the first phrase (a perfect
fifth higher), but then it uses a sequential pattern and approaches the tonal center by
means of a 3 - 2 -1 cadential pattern. After a brief introduction (mm. 1-2), the theme,
in the C Aeolian mode, is heard three times.
Throughout the work, Constantinidis harmonizes the cyclic theme with a series
o f parallel sonorities. The first presentation of the theme is accompanied by parallel
major triads in second inversion, and the first phrase repeats a pattern of major triads on
D, E-flat, G-flat, and F (Example 24). These sonorities are largely foreign to the C
Aeolian mode and help create a sense of bimodality, especially with the dissonant
intervals created between them and the individual notes of the melody. The second
presentation of the theme begins with parallel major-major seventh chords outside the
mode, and then incorporates a large variety of sonorities (still outside the mode) until it
reaches a cadence, G7 (with a flatted ninth) to C “minor” (implied, but without a third).
The third presentation duplicates the harmonization of the first presentation, except for
some changes in the second phrase. This section comes to an end with the same
cadence as before, G7 (with a flatted ninth) to C “minor” (without a third). Though the
modal center is reconfirmed at the end o f each repetition, the parallelism, bimodality,
and cadential avoidance expand the cyclic theme’s harmonic possibilities. In addition
227
to these traits, the cyclic theme has the same mode, tempo, and somber character each
time it appears throughout the work.
The cyclic theme leads effortlessly into Section 2 o f the Prelude (see Figure IS),
which utilizes a wedding song from the Black Sea area (Pontos).140 The text o f “Ora
kali stin prymnin sas” [May Time Be Good to Your Stem]141 is a blessing for the
married couple, sung at the end of the wedding banquet when the relatives and friends
were departing. Pachtikos included the folk song in his collection published in 1905.142
Its phrase structure of aa'b and shifting modal center (perfect fourth apart) give a
distinctive identity to the melody. Constantinidis makes slight modifications to
Pachtikos’ transcription by extending the ends of phrases and adjusting the time
signature to provide a better melodic flow. The theme is played in octaves, introduced
by a choir of low woodwinds and strings and echoed by bassoon and flute (two octaves
apart) against sustained open fifths (Example 25). During the second half o f the melody
(phrase b), the tonal center becomes more ambiguous. In contrast to the open fifths of
the first half, descending parallel movement between the oboe and the accompanying
strings creates a series of unstable sonorities including augmented, dominant seventh,
l40The word, Pontos, translates as “open sea” and refers specifically to the
southeastern shore of the Black Sea, an area that was populated by Greeks from ancient
times. These large Greek communities maintained a distinct dialect and style of
traditional music.
14lThis tune is also found in 44 Children’s Pieces (#29), 10 Popular Greek Airs
for woodwind quintet (first movement), and 8 Asia Minor Songs (for mixed chorus)
(#1). The tempo is marked Moderato poco solenne in the first two cases (quarter note =
96 or 92, respectively) and Andante ma poco solenne (quarter note = 80). Its tempo in
the Asia Minor Rhapsody is even slower and emphasizes its solemn character. The
harmonic structure and overall presentation is remarkably similar in all four cases.
142Pachtikos, 260 Greek Folk Songs, 54-55.
228
minor, and major triads. At first (mm. 35-36), these sonorities are heard against a G
pedal, the same note as the resting point o f the second half o f the melody. There is no
clear cadence, however, and phrase b begins again, but transposed up a fourth. Parallel
sonorities, mostly major triads, continue over a pedal on G. An “authentic” cadence, G7
(with a flatted ninth) to C minor, this time with the third, articulates the seamless
transition back into the first theme, heard in the same mode as the beginning (C
Aeolian).
The cyclic theme’s return (A') is accompanied by the same harmonization as that
used previously in the third presentation of the A section. A codetta, the repetition of
phrase a, closes the Prelude with a progression o f B-flat minor seventh to C “open.”
This cadence can be heard as a vii - i, commonly found in Greek folk music. The
lowered second scale degree (D-flat) links this cadence to the modal inflections towards
the Phrygian mode, which were likewise observed in the two recorded examples. The
Prelude provides a good example o f Constantinidis’ creativity in using expanded
harmonies with themes that are firmly anchored in the modal system and his means of
organizing a movement with two complimentary themes.
Ostinato
The second half of the first movement, Ostinato, is based on the familiar
Epiphany kalanda (carol) “Epiphany Has Come.”143 Traditionally, carols were sung
from house to house on Christmas, New Year’s, Epiphany, the Day o f Lazarus, and
143The title may also be translated, “The Light and the Illumination Have
Come.” Baud-Bovy transcribed an Epiphany carol “Kalimera pandes, o adelfi” from
the island of Patmos, which appears to be closely related to the melody o f the Ostinato.
229
Palm Sunday. The singers were often small boys who accompanied themselves with
triangles and drums and were rewarded with koulouria (ring-shaped cookies), fruit and
nuts, or small coins.144 With its concise melody and repetitive verse structure, the
kalanda challenged Constantinidis to fully utilize his musical resources.143 Using a
similar variation technique as Ravel’s Bolero, the Ostinato presents the same melody
ten times, altering its harmonization, rhythmic accompaniment and orchestration with
each repetition, while gradually intensifying the orchestral sound.146 In the program to
the first performance of the Prelude-Ostinato, on Two Themes o f Asia Minor, in 1949,
Constantinidis gave an explanation and programmatic description of this section:
The Ostinato, which follows without interruption, has a more cheerful,

almost humorous character. Here a theme of Carols is used, which is
repeated 23 times unchanged. Naturally with different harmonizations
and rhythmic accompaniment. All the instruments o f the orchestra, from
the bassoon that begins the piece to the piccolo, wait for their turn to sing
the persistent melody (Ostinato). In many places the voices increase,
singing on different levels, on different pitches forming thirds, fourths,
fifths, etc. or in chords moving in unison giving an impression of
polytonality. Everywhere, however, like Isocrates147 there is the theme
144The pottery drum (toumbeleki) and triangle were the two instruments that
customarily accompanied carols in Smyrna. Anoyanakis, Greek Folk Musical
Instruments, 90.
l45The long text and repetitive melody of the kalanda placed considerable
demands on the inventiveness and memory o f the singer.
146Byron Fidetzis notes that this intensification occurs in a similar way as

Ravel’s Bolero and the first movement of Shostakovich’s Seventh Symphony. Fidetzis,
“The Orchestral Compositions of Yannis Constantinidis,” 16. The relentless repetition
of the kalanda melody of the Ostinato parallels that of the melody and rhythm in Bolero
and necessitates the effective use of orchestration. Unlike Ravel, Constantinidis does
not shift to a new modal center during the presentation of the theme. Each composer
also used programmatic images to describe his work.
147Ancient Athenian orator, rhetorician, and teacher (436-338 B.C.E.) who had
many eminent pupils from all over the Greek world.
230
in its original tonality. The listener who likes extramusical
representations can imagine: It was many years ago, on the eve o f the
feast of Epiphany, in the streets o f some city of Asia Minor. Groups of
children, young and old, [carry] colorful lanterns or homemade boats,
triangles and little pottery drums. They go house to house and sing this
traditional melody. Each child [sings] with his own voice and each
group in its own way. So we reach the point where all these simple
instruments and different voices play, sing, and shout out the same
melody. And then, little by little, the voices diminish. The lanterns
become distant. One voice sings the last verse in a melancholic way and
then everything is lost in the winter night...”148
Georgios Sakallieros has attempted to correlate the orchestration o f the Ostinato
to this “program” by the composer. He interprets Constantinidis’ reference to “groups
o f children” as meaning different orchestral groups (strings, woodwinds, brass), the “big
children” as the low-voiced instruments (cello, contrabass, bassoon, clarinet, hom,
trombone), and the “small children” as the high-voiced expressions of the theme (upper
woodwinds and trumpet). The percussion instruments normally accompanying carol
singing are played by the triangle and drum (tom-tom). Sakallieros has suggested that
the various individuals and groups of children singing “in their own way” is a reference
to the thematic presentation by different instrumental groups, for example, the strings
(presentations 1-2), brass (presentation 3), and woodwinds (presentation 4). The
convergence of the voices and instruments as they “play, sing and shout out the same
melody” corresponds to the tutti sections (presentations 5-7), whose dynamics remain at
the highest level. The gradual reduction of the orchestra and the decreasing dynamic
level occurs during the last two presentations of the theme, where “the voices diminish”
I48Constantinidis, notes from the first performance of Prelude-Ostinato, Athens

State Orchestra, 20 February 1949. Constantinidis may have significantly reduced the
number of repetitions of the Ostinato theme in Asia Minor Rhapsody, or he could be
counting subdivisions of each strophe.
231
and “the lanterns become distant.” In the final presentation, the flute in its low register
represents the “one voice [who] sings the last verse in a melancholic way.” The theme
is “lost in the winter night” during the last four measures, since only the rhythmic figure
of the drum remains (mm. 156-59), accompanied by strings, horns, and harp, scored in
low registers, and decreasing in volume.149
The internal structure of the carol lends itself well to Constantinidis’ treatment
of variation through orchestration and harmony (Figure 16). Melodically, the mode is
somewhat ambiguous owing to the source’s narrow range and missing scale degrees. In
the context o f the work, however, it is heard as C Aeolian, with its strong modal center
on C, a lowered third degree, and a key signature with three flats. The theme can be
broken down into three four-measure phrases (abb), whose lengths are irregular, owing
to the changing meters (Example 26). The theme is unified by the repetition of
rhythmic and melodic patterns. The second half of the first phrase (mm. 54-55) has the
same rhythm as the first two measures (mm. 52-53) and convincingly completes the
phrase. The beginning of the second phrase is closely related to the third measure o f the
previous phrase (m. 54) and the phrases end identically (mm. 54-55 and 58-59). Since
the third phrase is a repetition of the second, all three phrases have the same ending,
notated as one 2/2 and one 2/4 measure.
Constantinidis provides relief to the melodic and rhythmic repetition by altering
timbre, texture, harmony, and dynamics. The first presentation (mm. 52-63) features
149Georgios Sakallieros, “I Mikrasiatiki Rapsodia tou Yanni Konstantinidi” [The

Asia Minor Rhapsody of Yannis Constantinidis], Student thesis, Aristotle University of
Thessaloniki, School of Fine Arts, Department of Music Studies, 1996,106-10.
232
the low woodwinds and low strings, initially without accompaniment. Simple
sonorities on F (with a dissonant F-sharp), E-flat, and G (octaves) are added during the
second and third phrases, which allow a “filling in” of missing scale degrees and result
in a modal flexibility. The harmonization o f the Ostinato can be divided into two parts:
presentations 1-5 (mm. 52-111), in which every presentation has a different
harmonization; and presentations 6-9 (mm. 112-59), which use basically the same
harmonization for each presentation. Parallelism remains an important means of
harmonizing the melody and often produces a bimodal effect, as heard previously in the
cyclic theme. Constantinidis uses different approaches to parallelism, including major
triads in root position (D-flat, E-flat, F-flat, G-flat; mm. 64-75), and broken seventh
chords in inversion (mm. 76-87). He also uses a mixture of parallelism of the inner
parts and the melody with more independent movement in the bass (mm. 88-99,100-
11). The last four presentations have almost identical harmonic patterns, with parallel
triads in first inversion and a somewhat independent bass alternating between tonic and
dominant. The final cadence of each presentation emphasizes the tonic (C), except for
the fourth one, which ends on an F-major triad (IV) and effectively leads into the next
phrase. Cadences include: g7 (with or without the third) - c, (v7 - i); or, D - Bb+ - c,
making an approach to tonic through the second and seventh scale degrees and utilizing
chromatic alterations (in the sixth through the eighth presentations).
The composer’s skillful use o f repetition and variation through several means,
coupled with a steady tempo and colorful orchestration produces the “cheerful, almost
humorous character” that he intended for the section. The Ostinato, then, serves as a
233
model o f Constantinidis’ artistry in the technique of “perpetual variation,” the
foundation o f Greek folk music.
Intermezzo
The second movement, Intermezzo, begins with a slow introduction made up of
the cyclic theme (transposed up one step) and punctuated by the opening motive of the
first theme. This motive begins on C, the modal center of the previous movement, and
swiftly moves upward from C (as the seventh degree) to D to establish the D Aeolian
mode. The same pattern o f parallel sonorities accompanies the cyclic theme here as in
the Prelude (third presentation). The three phrases of the theme (abb) each conclude
with a D “open” sonority through different approaches. For example, the first phrase
reaches its goal by means of an E-flat major ( bII) triad, adding a Phrygian inflection to
the mode. The use of open fifths at phrase endings further recalls those occurring in the
two themes of the Prelude.
The first theme of the Intermezzo, “Eidante na pame ston Ai-Vasili” [Let’s Go
to St. Vasilis], is based on a New Year’s religious dance found in Pachtikos’
collection.150 The melody originates from the Farassa region o f Caesarea in
Cappadocia, in the interior part of Turkey.151 In the five villages of the Farassa region,
150Pachtikos, 260 Greek Folk Songs, 17. New Year’s Day is dedicated to St.
Basil, the fourth-century bishop from Caesarea (now called Kayseri) in the province of
Cappadocia. Bom in 330 A.D., St. Basil was Bishop o f Caesarea from 370 until his
death in 379. One of the founders o f the Greek Orthodox Church, he is also noted for
creating the Liturgy of St. Basil, still in use today. Like Christmas, Epiphany, and other
religious holidays, kalanda (carols) are sung for St. Basil’s feast day.
151Communities of Greeks had settled here in antiquity. After 1922, a large

percentage o f Cappadocians were resettled in Thessaly, Macedonia, and Thrace.
234
dancing occurred during two main celebrations: Ai'-Vasilis (St. Basil’s Day, January 1)
and Easter.152 The most popular dance in these villages was the karsilamas,m
performed by couples who sang and accompanied themselves on wooden spoons.
Unlike the usual 9/4 or 9/8 meter, the karsilamas from this region was in 2/4 time, with
a quick-quick-slow pattern. The dance was usually performed by couples o f the same
sex, since males did not dance with females in public. According to one description, the
dances of Cappadocia were “distinguished by modesty, seriousness and sanctity, in
other words they are [in a manner] befitting a sacred place or person.”154 The majority
of Cappadocian dances were unaccompanied, except for wooden spoons or
tambourines, usually played by women. For weddings and other special events,
,52Dora Stratou, The Greek Dances: Our Living Link with Antiquity, trans. by
Amy Mims-Argyrakis (Athens: Angelos Klissiounis, 1966), 25. Stratou also relates a
legend about St. Basil, this dance and the people of Farassa: “Julian the Apostate had
threatened to bum Caesarea. Basil the Great, Bishop of Caesarea, went up to pray in a
grotto on the mountain where there was an icon to the Holy Virgin. When he came
down, the news arrived that Julian had been killed in battle. According to the legend,
the entire populace climbed up the mountain, as in a liturgical procession, to thank the
Holy Virgin for saving them. It is said that all along their way, they danced. All this is
legend. But the fact remains that the dance, which is actually chanted by the dancers, is
ritual in mood. At certain points, the steps are lively and springing, as though the
dancers are rejoicing. At other points, they move at a dragging pace, as though trying to
catch their breath in the course of the long journey. The lead-man holds a staff in his
hand, giving the impression that he is guiding the dancers on their way ” Ibid.
153Karsilamas, from the Turkish word kar$i (opposite), translates as “face-to-

face,” since it was danced in pairs. The Greek equivalent, antikristi (from antikrizo, to
face) is sometimes used instead. In Turkish, kar§ilama is defined as “folk music played
or sung when meeting a bridal procession,” since it derives from the verb, kar?tlamak,
“to go to meet or welcome.”
l54Sofia Soumbasi, “O makroulos horos,” unpublished monograph (Athens,

1991), 5; quoted in Hunt, Traditional Dance in Greek Culture, 136.
235
however, it was customary to hire musicians from the same village or neighboring
villages.155
Constantinidis closely replicates Pachtikos’ transcription, using the same modes,
key signature (one flat), and time signature (2/4), but his tempo is considerably slower.
He makes only a few small changes in the melody, most notably, an initial ascending
movement to the modal center (D), which strengthens the first phrase’s relationship to
the cyclic theme. He also duplicates the eight-phrase structure: aa bb cd cd. Though
the modal center is firmly established on D, the mode varies according to the phrase.
The first phrase (a) and its repetition are in the D Dorian (or Aeolian) mode, with a
raised sixth degree initially which is then lowered; the third and fourth phrases are in a
mixed mode, using a diatonic tetrachord on the bottom and a chromatic tetrachord on
top. The refrain (phrases 5-8) has a different phrase structure. The fifth phrase is
subdivided into two phrases of two measures and gravitates toward the third note of the
mode, F, giving a similar effect as a “relative major.” The sixth phrase rhythmically
carries over from the second measure into the third and comes to a closure on D, the
tonal center. Since the range of the refrain is only a perfect fifth and excludes the sixth
degree, the mode is somewhat ambiguous.
The harmonization of this dance song carefully observes its phrase structure and
modal changes. Constantinidis supports the theme with parallel harmonies, mostly
from within the mode, as in the initial progression, d - E - F - G (Example 27).
Cadences form a complimentary pattern to the alternating phrase structure: G, D minor
lssIbid. Wooden spoons (koutalia) were used as rhythmic accompaniment to the

dances and songs of the Greeks of Asia Minor and the Eastern Aegean islands.
236
(with B-flat bass), G, D (unison), F (open fifths), D (open fifths), F (open fifths), and D
(open fifths). Thus, every eight measures, the phrase cadences on D, the modal center.
The simple D-minor triad is avoided with the use o f unisons, open fifths, or an added
sixth degree, and is usually approached from a C major triad (VII). In these ways,
Constantinidis replicates the harmonic cadential patterns and sonorities found in
traditional Greek music.
After the first four phrases of “Eidante na pame ston Ai-Vasili” [Let’s Go to St.
Vasilis] are heard again, a second theme enters, almost imperceptibly (Example 28).
Written in the same meter, but with a slightly faster tempo, the dance song from
Vithynia has two phrases of six measures each that are repeated once, forming an abab
structure. Like the first theme, the mode changes according to its phrases and is
somewhat ambiguous. The second phrase is actually a transposition (down a minor
third) o f the first phrase, so the mode changes correspondingly from F (Aeolian or
Dorian) to D (Aeolian or Dorian). The last phrase of this dance song skillfully leads
back into the first theme.
The two dance themes give the Intermezzo a distinctive identity, while the
appearance of the cyclic theme establishes its place in the composition as a whole
(Figure 17). The brief introduction with the cyclic theme and the opening motif of the
first theme looks backward and forward at the same time. The first theme dominates
the movement, particularly the first four phrases. During its first appearance, it has one
and one-half presentations, but upon its return it is abridged (first four phrases only).
Thus the overall form of the movement can be stated as introduction, first theme (A),
second theme (B), first theme (A'), and a codetta. This short section (mm. 100-05)
237
refers back to the opening measure and uses the motive from the first theme (first seven
or five notes), thus providing an appropriate ending. It also serves as a transition to the
Finale with its final sonority on D (open fifth), which may also be viewed as a
“subdominanf ’ for the A Dorian mode to follow.
Finale
The thematic material o f the Finale comes from three dances originating from
different locations in Asia Minor. The lively Karsilamas and two slower Zeibekikos
dances have a characteristic nine-beat pattern, divided as 2+2+2+3. According to
Liavas, Constantinidis heard these tunes sung by old Greek and Turkish musicians of
Smyrna and Aivali in Asia Minor, since the two populations co-existed and frequently
exchanged songs and melodies.156 The karsilamas is a couple dance that is usually
lighter in feeling and faster than the zeibekikos, customarily danced by men.157
156Liavas, notes to the recording Yannis Constantinidis: The fVorks for

Orchestra, 1985.
>57Petrides provides some insight into the karsilamas dance and its shaping o f
the Greek language. The dance’s energetic and exhilarating nature “has given rise to
the Greek expression Tha se kano na chorepsis karsilamas, meaning ‘I’ll make you
dance karsilamasV The expression is used in two situations with appropriate
differences of implication: ‘Before you get anything out of me you’ll have to dance to
my time first!’ or, ‘I’ll beat you so hard you’ll dance!’ And in slang the word
karsilamas is used to designate the pickpocket’s method o f knocking against someone
and stealing his wallet.” Ted Petrides, Greek Dances (Athens: Lycabettus Press, 1975),
40.
238
The Karsilamas158 forms the opening section o f the Finale (Figure 18). The
theme, in A Dorian, has two complimentary parts, a and b, each two measures in length
(Example 29). Multiple repetitions o f these two parts create a phrase structure of
aabbbb. The first and second phrases (a, mm. 2-6) begin on the modal center (A) and
end on the dominant (E), while the third phrase and its repetitions return to tonic at the
end of the phrase (mm. 6-14). A folklike setting is provided by the strings with open
fifth accompanimental patterns and the embellished melody played by solo clarinet,
then oboe. During the last two repetitions of b (mm. 10-14), the clarinet plays a
countermelody that harmonically creates fourths and fifths at phrase endings against the
flute melody. The theme is presented four times, each with the same phrase structure.
Though Constantinidis uses parallel harmonies mostly derived from the mode during
the second repetition, he is careful to lead the expanded sonorities into a modal cadence
(v7 - i) at the end o f the section. Transposition of the theme (down a perfect fifth, in D
Dorian) and overlapping imitative entries are two of the ways the composer achieves
variety in the successive presentations o f the Karsilamas melody.
After the Karsilamas, the second theme from the Prelude enters in the A Dorian
mode. Except for their transposition (at a minor third lower), the first two phrases (a a')
are the same as in the original presentation. A short transitional passage, using the first
four notes o f phrase b, is heard three times, with successive entries up a perfect fourth.
The last entry prepares the change in mode to C Aeolian and a full presentation of
I ^8
The precise origin cannot be cited, though Fidetzis states that it is a Turkish
melody from Alatsata. Fidetzis, “The Orchestral Compositions o f Yannis
Constantinidis,” 16.
239
phrase b. The emotional climax of the movement occurs with the reappearance o f the
cyclic theme, now in its original mode (Example 30). Constantinidis closely associated
this presentation o f the cyclic theme with his lost homeland, writing that “a trumpet solo
springs forth from the orchestra, like a tragic outcry for a disappearing world.”159
There is only one presentation of the cyclic theme (abb), which is accompanied
by the same parallel harmonies as previously. A short codetta follows (mm. 69-75),
consisting o f the first phrase (a) of the theme and the opening motive o f the Intermezzo.
A progression of D7 - g - B7 - G7 (with flatted ninth) rests briefly on a C-minor triad,
continues with the four opening parallel chords ( D - E b - G b - F ) , then concludes with
a cadence from B-flat minor seventh to a C “open” sonority (vii-i). During the last
three measures, the motive from the first theme o f the Intermezzo is played in parallel
fifths by the woodwinds. The raised third degree (E natural) hints at the chromatic
inflections present in the subsequent theme. The codetta, then, makes reference to the
previous two movements, while also functioning as a transition into the next section.
The second part of the Finale uses two contrasting Zeibekikos dances, the first,
from Aivali, in a C mixed mode, the second, from Smyrna, in E-flat major (Figure 19).
The nine-beat pattern of both dances is written out as 2/4,2/4,2/4,3/4, and emphasized
by the rhythmic accompaniment (eighth, quarter, eighth, quarter, quarter, etc.) in the
lower string instruments. The zeibekikos, in a moderately slow tempo, was one o f the
most popular dance forms of Asia Minor, performed either by individual males or
IS9Liavas, notes to the recording Yannis Constantinidis: The Works for

Orchestra, 1985. Fidetzis notes that the first half o f the Finale makes a symbolic
transition geographically from the Asia Minor peninsula, to the Black Sea (Pontos), and
to Ionia. Fidetzis, “The Orchestral Compositions o f Yannis Constantinidis,” 16-17.
240
groups o f men. For the most part, the dance was improvised, giving the dancer much
opportunity to display his skill and express himself personally.160
In the first Zeibekikos dance, the alteration of the third, fourth, sixth, and seventh
scale degrees creates a flexible sense o f mode, although initially the lower tetrachord is
chromatic.161 The theme is unified with the repetition of phrase beginnings and
endings, which alternate between dominant and tonic (Example 31). The six four-
measure phrases are constructed out o f five components: three different phrase
beginnings and two phrase endings. Thus the phrases can be further subdivided into
two-measure elements. This creates the following structure for the first presentation
(mm. 76-99): ab ac db dc eb' ec'. A repetition of the first two phrases (ab, ac) closes
this section. The harmony follows chromatic inflections of the mode and emphasizes C
(either C major, minor, or open) at phrase endings.
The second Zeibekikos Dance (Example 32) establishes a different tonal center
and mode. Though there are many chromatic alterations used as embellishments, for
the first time in Asia Minor Rhapsody, the melody is in the major mode. E-flat serves
as the “relative major” of all the C “minor”-related modes heard before (Aeolian,
160The name zeibekikos comes from the Zeybeks, a non-Turkic tribe living in the
mountainous areas near the coast of the Aegean Sea near Smyrna. It is said that the best
dancers of the zeibekikos came from Smyrna. The zeibekikos is most closely associated
with rebetiko and a specific subculture of Asia Minor refugees. By the 1960s, the
zeibekikos was described as “a solo dance in which the dancer expresses deep emotion
through highly individualistic and extemporaneous steps and figures. The steps are
slow and deliberate, and the performer appears to be concentrating intensely on every
movement o f the dance. This dance more than any other epitomizes Greek dance.”
Petrides, Greek Dances, 57.
>61In this chromatic tetrachord, the augmented second falls between the third and
fourth scale degrees.
241
Dorian, mixed). Its phrase structure of aa'bbaa’ (three-part form) also distinguishes it
from previous themes. Harmony based on the major-minor system predominates and
authentic cadences are heard at the ends of the a phrases.
Constantinidis’ careful control of structure through modal relationships,
thematic alternation, and variation techniques continues throughout the rest o f the
movement. The first Zeibekikos dance returns (m. 132) in the C mixed mode as before,
but an alteration in the key signature (from 3 flats to no flats) eight measures later
signals an important change. The theme’s various phrases undergo a series of
transpositions at different pitch levels and the last phrase ends on G, acting as the
dominant o f C major. This prepares the return of the first two phrases of the second
Zeibekikos dance (mm. 172-79), now transposed to C major. The coda (mm. 179-202),
based on a fragment o f the first Zeibekikos, manipulates this material in F and C mixed
modes, before building up to the final C-major chord. Perhaps it is symbolic that the
major mode, identified with Europe and with the second Zeibekikos dance from
Constantinidis’ birthplace, prevails at the conclusion o f his most ambitious orchestral
work.
This analysis of Asia Minor Rhapsody and Dodecanesian Suite No. I has
demonstrated the composer’s incorporation of folk-song materials into his own works.
In addition to the careful quotation of folk melody, Constantinidis maintains the modes,
rhythms, phrase structures, and strophic forms of demotic music. His choices o f texture
and timbre, as well as his emphasis on melodic embellishment and “perpetual variation”
also clearly link his style to Greek traditional music. Though Constantinidis uses
expanded and parallel harmonies often remotely related to the melody, he reestablishes
242
the modal center at cadences, helping to articulate phrases and sections. From the
elements of folk song, the composer created works that were heard as national music
and recognized for their fresh approach.
243
CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION
In this dissertation I have explored the relationship between the construction o f a
national identity in Greece and the corresponding construction o f a national music. I
have focused on folk song’s contribution to the development o f Greek national identity
and explained its importance as the defining element in national music and as the
structural basis for the compositions of Yannis Constantinidis.
In this chapter I will review the main points of the preceding chapters, provide a
summary of the principal findings, and offer concluding remarks that help place this
study in the context of research on Greek music, nationalism, and identity.
Review of Main Points
In Chapter One, I briefly reviewed the concepts of national identity, nation,
state, and nationalism in order to set the stage for discussing the development of a
national identity in Greece. “Nation” is defined as a human community that shares a
common territory, culture, and economy, whereas “state” is a legal and political entity.
As an ideological movement, the goal of nationalism is to create a state out of a nation.
I discussed several of the assumptions and paradoxes of nationalist ideology and
contrasted them with approaches that emphasize the fluidity and malleability of national
identity. I also provided an overview of music nationalism in Germany, France, and
Russia, helping to situate Greek national composers who have been considered part of
the musical “periphery” of Europe.
In Chapter Two, I demonstrated how the construction o f a national identity in
Greece and the corresponding construction of a national music were part of a larger
244
complex o f historical, political, sociological, and artistic developments in Europe. I
discussed how the rise of nationalism during the nineteenth century in both Europe in
general and Greece in particular helped construct Greek national identity, dominated by
the “Hellenic” image. This image, emphasizing the classical past and Western
aesthetics, provided an acceptable external image for the new state, largely controlled
by foreigners. I examined how the study o f folk song, dissemination of “national”
dances, and establishment o f scholarly disciplines supported the claim o f cultural
continuity with the past and legitimized the political goals of irredentism. I also showed
how the development of a strong literary tradition in Greece was critical for the
formation o f Greek identity and national music.
In Chapter Three, I discussed the essays of two Greek composers, Georgios
Lambelet and Manolis Kalomiris, who began formulating the philosophical foundations
of national music during the first decade o f the twentieth century. I pointed out that
composers had already been influenced by the ideas of Herder and German
romanticism, the expression of Greek nationalism in literature, art, and philosophy, and
national schools in other countries. I examined the two composers’ articulation of
national music as a radical departure from earlier music written by Ionian composers,
which they labeled as “Italianate” or “foreign.” I argued that national music was
constructed in opposition to the music o f Ionian composers and that the perceived use o f
folk song in a composer’s work became the most important criterion for determining its
Greek identity. I also discussed the importance of national composers in Greek
intellectual and political life. For example, Kalomiris, patriarch o f the “national
school,” was identified with demoticism, progressive movements, and the liberal
245
government of Venizelos. His ambitious plans for Greek music included the
establishment of a “serious music culture” that would match the achievements o f
modem Greek poetry, help define Greek identity, and provide an example to countries
o f the East.
In my examination of essays and music by Greek composers, I emphasized that
Greek composers, from the early 1900s, recognized the cultural duality and ideological
potential o f national music. I discussed Kalomiris’ “Manifesto,” which conceptualized
national music as a necessary combination of Greek folk song and foreign “artistic”
music. I explored the cultural duality of national music, in which composers confirmed
their cultural status as Europeans by utilizing the predominant stylistic tendencies of
European art music, especially those of Germany and France. At the same time, they
validated their Hellenic identity by incorporating elements from traditional Greek
music, which served as the vital link between antiquity and the present. I demonstrated
how each composer individualized his works with an identifiable regional or national
character by incorporating features associated with traditional music, including
quotations and folk elements, or with programmatic references to national literature,
folklore, or myth. I showed that quotations of folk song are rare, though composers
freely drew upon elements of demotic music. I provided examples o f folk-song
quotation in Kalomiris’ operas and examined his stylistic approach based on folk music.
1 discussed the harmonization of Greek folk song, one o f the most contested issues,
which pitted those who tried to accommodate the modal system o f folk song against
those who worked primarily in the major-minor system. I also provided an overview o f
the careers, contributions and repertoire of several national composers and showed how
246
they exercised control and influence over much of the artistic life o f Greece for nearly
half a century. Finally, I discussed how certain stylistic elements became associated
with national music, particularly the use o f augmented seconds in melodies and the
kalamatianos rhythm, as well as the way national music was used as a political tool to
support the goals of the “Great Idea” during the Balkan Wars and as a means of
resistance during World War II.
In Chapter Four, I discussed the life and works of Yannis Constantinidis, widely
considered as one of the most accomplished composers of Greek national music. I
examined his status as an “outsider,” as a native of Asia Minor and as one who was
always on the margins of the “serious” musical world, since he earned his living as a
popular music composer. I provided analyses of two o f Constantinidis’ orchestral
works and argued that his approach to folk song has afforded a unique perspective on
the relationship between traditional Greek music and art music. I demonstrated that
Constantinidis based nearly all his works on specific folk songs or dances, and that he
allowed traditional melodies, rhythms, forms, and performance practices to create the
stylistic parameters of his compositions. I provided translations o f critical reviews of
performances of his first orchestral works, which subsequently validated his particular
approach to folk music.
Summary and Integration of Findings
The works of Constantinidis and other national composers reflect the cultural
dualism of Greek society and national identity and help foster an understanding o f the
aesthetic, social, and political interrelationships in Greece and in Europe. These
musical works demonstrate that Greek national music was essential for creating a
247
national identity, presenting an acceptable image abroad, and supporting the tenets of
Hellenic ideology.
As Loring Danforth has pointed out, the construction o f “an imagined
community” occurs simultaneously in national movements with the construction o f a
viable state. The process o f nation formation requires “a collective remembering, the
construction of a shared past, a shared history, that will unite people in a national
community.” But it also requires a “collective forgetting” and the writing of an
“unambiguous national history” from the “many complex and contradictory regional or
ethnic histories that had previously been told.” The oppositional nature of nationalist
movements is seen in the definition and rejection of a “national other,” followed by the
definition and creation of a “national self.”1 In Greece, a complex and multilayered
national identity reflected the constructed cultural representations of “Self’ and
“Other,” Greece and Europe, East and West.
The construction of national identity was a fundamental component o f the
emergence and development of the Greek nation-state in the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries. Before independence, the idea of a Greek nation with its own “national”
identity existed only in the minds o f intellectuals, not for the majority o f the inhabitants
o f the territory claimed as Hellas. From the beginning, the Greek nation-state was
obliged to create a sense of national loyalty that would transcend traditional loyalties to
family, clan, village, and region. A national identity rooted in the classical past helped
create a unity critical for the survival o f the political entity and provided an acceptable
external image for the country. State-controlled institutions, based on Western models
'Danforth, The Macedonian Conflict, 16-20.
24S
o f government, education, and culture, helped cultivate national identity and unify
diverse peoples within the country’s borders. Thus, European patterns and lifestyles
were given a higher cultural status than indigenous traditions, reinforcing tensions
between social and economic classes in Greece.
In addition to creating a basic infrastructure, the new nation-state urgently
needed to create a shared sense of Greek identity. This national identity was carefully
shaped by the Greek state to secure its goals both at home and abroad. The recognition
o f a unique national identity justified the drive to “redeem” and unify all “Greeks” who
were still outside the borders of the Greek kingdom. Folklore, especially folk song, had
an important role in shaping national identity and was deftly used by the state to
accomplish its political goals: education of its children, unification o f its diverse
geographical regions, and establishment of a historical continuity that confirmed the
Greeks’ status as Europeans.
The modem Greek state created a homogeneous national culture from the
specific regional or ethnic cultures that preceded it and replaced diverse oral and local
traditions with a more standardized literate and national tradition. Rather than
preserving traditional folk cultures, the state integrated and consolidated them into a
new national culture. Thus, selective folk songs or dances, such as the kalamatianos,
served as common national unifiers. As members of an elite class, Greek composers of
art music followed similar patterns o f integration. They studied regional folk musics
and absorbed characteristic elements from them, including modes, rhythms, timbres,
and performance practices. Composers created a new music from the synthesis of these
regional folk elements with European and Eastern musics and then reintroduced this
249
new music as “national music.” Promoted by the powerful elite through conservatory,
educational system, and media, the privileged forms o f national music became
disseminated as “Panhellenic” and helped to create a sense of nation. This musical
idiom transcended all other levels of local and regional identity and defined
“Greekness” both within and outside the borders o f modem Greece.
Concluding Thoughts
A century after Lambelet’s writings about national music, much fertile ground
remains for further research on this topic. In my dissertation, I have attempted to show
how music significantly influenced the expression and creation of a Greek national
identity. As a field of symbolic activity, music provided an important mechanism by
which intellectuals within the nation-state constructed and imposed an integrated
national identity from the country’s regional and ethnic diversity. Selective use o f folk
elements in national music allowed it to be perceived as “Greek” by its listeners,
although composers communicated in a European musical language. This analysis of
Greek national music contributes in several important ways to contemporary
musicology.
First, this dissertation is presently one o f the few accounts of Greek musical
history available to an English-speaking audience. There are a small number of studies
devoted to the music of Greek national composers in the twentieth century, and nearly
all o f these have been written in Greek for an internal audience. Greek music is not
well-known outside its native land, yet it has much to offer the Western scholar.
Insights gained from these studies should enrich our understanding o f Greece and other
countries on the “periphery” of the European musical tradition and their struggles to
250
construct a national musical identity. I hope that this study will inspire others to explore
the complex musical heritage that emanates from the cradle o f Western civilization.
Second, this examination o f Greek national music contributes to the small but
growing body of literature that explores music, identity, and ethnicity. By examining
how music is used as a vehicle for nation-building, I have attempted to show how
nationalism is situated in a cultural context that includes music, dance, and art. Much
can be learned by considering how national composers used music to help create a sense
o f national identity. It is through music and dance performance that fundamental
aspects o f social organization may be recognized, social time may be articulated, and an
entire cosmological system may be revealed. This study emphasizes the role of music
in constructing a Greek national identity, and it is hoped that others who study this
subject might find my approach useful in their own explorations o f nationalism and
culture.
Finally, I believe that the study o f nationalism and nation-building is of
particular importance in light of today’s political turmoil in the Balkans and other
regions, where ethnic groups are in conflict or where national governments are seeking
to unify or subjugate diverse peoples under allegiance to a single national identity.
Such conflicts are extremely complex, and it is difficult for the Western mind to
comprehend the forces that drive them. Although this study has focused on Greek
music, perhaps it contributes, in a small way, to our understanding o f conflict dynamics
in other troubled areas.
251
APPENDIX A: FIGURES
Figure 1. National Composers in Greece
O lder Generation: (born 1875-1895) Younger Generation: (born 1896-1915)
Georgios Lambelet (1875-1945) Aristotelis Koundouroff (1897-1969)

Georgios Axiotis (1875/76-1924) Andreas Nezeritis (1897-1980)
Emilios Riadis (1880-1935) Alecos Contis (1899-1965)
Eleni Lambiri (c. 1882-88—1960) Yannis Constantinidis (1903-1984)
Manolis Kalomiris (1883-1962) Antiochos Evanghelatos (1903-1981)
Theodoras Spathis (1883/84-1943) Solon Michaelidis (1905-1979)
M arios Varvoglis (1885-1967) Vassilis Papadimitriou (1905-1975)
Dimitrios Levidis (1886-1951) Leonidas Zoras (1905-1987)
Georgios Poniridis (1887-1982) Michalis Vourtsis (1906-1983)
Georgios Sklavos (1888-1976) Harilaos Perpessas (1907-1995)
Kostas Sfakianakis (1890-1946) Constantinos Kydoniatis (1908-1996)
Alexandros Albertis (1891-1964) Georgios Kazasoglou (1910-1984)
Petros Petridis (1892-1978) Georgios Platon (1910-1993)
Loris Margaritis (1895-1953) Georgios Georgiadis (1912-1986)
Alecos Xenos (1912-1996)
Menelaos Pallandios (b. 1914)
Rena Kyriakou (b. 1918)
Lila L alauni(6.1918)
Figure 2. Works of Yannis Constantinidis (Compiled by Lambros Liavas)
O rchestra:1
Dodecanesian Suite No. 1 (1949)
Dodecanesian Suite No. 2 (1949)
Three Greek Dances: Asia Minor - Macedonian - Cycladic (1950)
Three Greek Dances: Tsamikos - Tsakonikos - Syrtos (1950)
Asia Minor Rhapsody (1950-65)__________________________________________
Cham ber Ensemble:
Suite on Dodecanesian Folk Melodies, for violin and piano (1947)
Ten Greek Melodies for woodwind quintet (1972)
Piano:
Sonatina (1927)
22 Songs and Dances from the Dodecanese (1943-46)
44 Children’s Pieces on Greek Melodies (1950-51)
Sonatina No. 1, on Cretan Folk Themes (1952)
Sonatina No. 2, on Epirot Folk Themes (1952)
Sonatina No. 3, on Dodecanesian Folk Themes (1952)
8 Greek Island Dances (1954); arrangement for two pianos (1971)
6 Studies on Greek Folk Rhythms (1956-58)________________________________
Voice and Piano:
5 Songs of Love, on verses o f demotic songs from the collection ofNikolaos Politis,
for mezzo-soprano (1930-31)
20 Songs of the Greek People, for mezzo-soprano (1937-47)
Miroloi [Lament], on verses of a Cephalionian lament from the collection of
Nikolaos Politis, for mezzo-soprano (1950)
5 Songs of Expectation, on verses of Rabindranath Tagore (Greek translation by the
composer), for mezzo-soprano (1924-80)
1 kalogria ki o tragoudistis [The Nun and the Singer], no date___________________
Chorus:
8 Dodecanesian Songs (1972), for mixed chorus a cappella
8 Asia Minor Songs (1972), for mixed chorus a cappella_______________________
’Liavas includes another orchestral work, Little Suite in Old Style (1937), which
was never performed or published.
253
Figure 3. Constantinidis, 6 Studies on Greek Folk Rhythms, Structure
MOVEMENT TEMPO METER TONAL

CENTER
Prelude Allegro veloce 7/8 (3/8+ 2/4) E
(quarter note =
135)
Basso ostinato Allegro piacevole 9/8 (3/8 + 3/4) B
(quarter = 84)
Capriccio Allegro non troppo 5/8 (2/8 + 3/8) D
ma con umore
(eighth = 176)
Intermezzo Andante cantabile Changing meters: B-flat (pedal)
(eighth = 164) 5/8,7/8,6/8
Ballabile Allegretto 9/8 (2/4 + 2/8 + G (ambiguous)
capriccioso 3/8)
(eighth = 120)
Toccata Allegro vivo ma 7/8 (3/8 + 2/8 B at beginning;
non troppo +2/8) E at end
(quarter = 200)
254
Figure 4. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. 2, Structure2
MOVE FOLK SONG TITLE ORIGIN TEMPO

MENT
I. “Tragoudi tou gamou” Archangelos, Lento e solenne
[Wedding Song] Rhodes;
BB: I, pp. 5-6
“Vostsikata” Kalymnos; Allegretto
[Shepherd’s Song] BB: II, pp. 91-92 scherzando
Tema con “Kalanda tou Lazarou” Rhodes; Con moto
variazioni [Carols for (the BB: I, pp. 74-79
feastday of) Lazarus]
II. “To Pathos” [Passion] Kasos; Vivo e leggiero
Scherzino Dodecanesian Lyre,
No. 23
III. “Ela na ta mirastoume” Rhodes; Andante con moto
[Come and Share with BB: I, p. 166
Me]
“Sta Marmara tou Karpathos; Andantino mosso
Galata” [On the BB: II, pp. 256-59
Marbles of Galata
Serai]
IV. “Then emboro na kam Rhodes; Lento e mesto
allios” [I Can’t Help It] BB: I, pp. 152-53
'
“0 Kato” [Kato (Low) Rhodes; Allegro moderato
Dance] BB: I, pp. 177-80
V. “Miroloi Astypaleas” Astypalea; Lento fimebre
Lamento [Lament of Astypalea] BB: II, 102-3
VI. “To mikro Rhodes; Moderato quasi
Finale Constantaki” [Little BB: I, pp. 83-84 narrativo
Constantine]
Dances of Karpathos: Karpathos; Allegretto
“Stekome ke paratiro” BB: II, pp. 278-83; scherzando;
[I Stand and Watch]; 371-75 Allegro feroce ma
“Gonatistos Choros” non tanto
[Kneeling Dance]
2BB is the abbreviation for Samuel Baud-Bovy’s Songs o f the Dodecanese.
255
Figure 5. Constantinidis, Three Greek Dances, Structure
MOVEMENT FOLK METER & MODE COMMENTS

SONG TEMPO
TITLE
I. Tsamikos “Pano stin 3/4; A modal Gradual
Itia” [“On the Moderato center: mixed increase in
Willow”] poco maestoso mode volume and
(chromatic/dia texture to final
tonic musical
tetrachords) climax
with chromatic
alterations
II. Tsakonikos “Ambeli mou 5/8 (3+2); D Major; ABA structure
platyfyllo” Allegretto con D Aeolian with coda
[My Broad- grazia (uses B)
leafed Vine];
“Sou pa mana
m’ pantrepse
me” [I Told
You Mother,
Let Me
Marry]
III. Syrtos Several 7/8 (3/8 + G Major ABA form
variations of a 2/4); (Lydian with coda;
Kalamatianos Allegretto inflection); gradual
dance vivo A Aeolian increase in
(with volume and
chromatic texture to
alterations); A climax
mixed
256
Figure 6. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. 1, Structure
MVT. FOLK ORIGIN TEMPO MODE STRUCTURE

SONG
TITLE
I. “Little Mint” Mantinada Andante A Aeolian three
from sostenuto presentations
Karpathos (aabb')
“In Multiverse Allegretto A Aeolian three
Plimmyri” song from presentations
Rhodes (aabb)
II. “Peter and Wedding Con moto F Aeolian three
Paul” song from presentations
Kastellorizo (aabb)
III. “For Forty Multiverse Allegro G Aeolian two
Years I song from piacevole presentations
Was” Rhodes (abc); (c)
“Irene” Dance from Vivo e G Ionian intro; five
Tilos giocoso presentations;
coda
IV. “I Should Mantinada Andante C Aeolian three sections,
Sing and from mesto ab-cb-cb, with
Rejoice” Rhodes codetta (a)
V. “This Multiverse Andantino D Dorian one
Summer” song from quasi presentation
Rhodes parlando (aabb’)
Zervodexios Dance from Allegretto D Aeolian five large
Rhodes semplice sections:
ABABA and
codetta
VI. “Wake Up, Wedding Andante G intro; two
Young song from lento Aeolian/A presentations
Newlywed” Rhodes Phrygian (aabb); (aa)
Sousta Dance from Allegro A three large
Rhodes vivo ma non Phrygian, sections: ABA
troppo A Mixed and codetta
257
Figure 7. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. 1, First Movement
THEME 1 THEME 2
TITLE “To Dyosmaraki” [Little Mint] Anamesa Plimmyri [In
Plimmyri]
ORIGIN mantinada (folk couplet) from multiverse song from Rhodes;
Karpathos; Baud-Bovy: Vol. 1,100-2
Baud-Bovy: Vol. 2, pp. 295-
98
DURATION (mm. 1-30) (mm. 31-66)
TEMPO Andante sostenuto Allegretto (quarter note = 96)
(quarter note = 52)
M ETER changing meters (mostly changing meters (regular
duple, 2/4 or 4/4) alternation, produces 2+2+3 (a)
and 2+3+3 (b)
MODE A Aeolian (no sharps or flats A Aeolian (no sharps or flats in
in key signature) key signature)
STRUCTURE three presentations; first three presentations (aabb); third
presentation (aaabb'); others is repeat of second
(aabb'); third is repeat of
second
258
Figure 8. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. 7, Sixth Movement
THEM E 1 THEME 2
TITLE To Paraksipnima Sousta Dance
“Ksipna, nie ke niogambre”
[Wake Up, Young Newlywed]
ORIGIN Wedding Song from Rhodes; Dance from Rhodes
Baud-Bovy: Vol. 1, p. 36 Baud-Bovy: Vol. 1, pp. 224-35
DURATION (mm. 1-24) (mm. 25-124)
TEMPO Andante lento Allegro vivo ma non troppo
(dotted quarter = 42) (quarter note = 120)
METER 6/8 2/4
MODE G Aeolian/A Phrygian (one A Phrygian (A section) and A
flat) Mixed (B section)
STRUCTURE intro (4 meas.); two complete ABA form: A section (two
presentations (aabb, each has 8 presentations); B section (two
meas.); codetta (aa) presentations); A section (two
presentations, modified); codetta
(extension of rhythmic figure
found at end o f first theme)
259
Figure 9. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. 1, Second Movement
THEME 1
TITLE “Petros ke Pavlos” [Peter and Paul]
ORIGIN Wedding Song from Kastellorizo; Baud-Bovy: Vol. 1,338-39
DURATION (mm. 1-64)
TEMPO Con moto (88; eighth note = 176)
M ETER changing meters (regular pattern is 3/8,2/8,3/8,2/4, repeat; 3/8,
2/8,3/8,2/8,3/8,2/4, repeat)
MODE F Aeolian (four flats)
STRUCTURE three presentations (aabb); third is repeat of second; codetta (a;
mm. 61-64)
260
Figure 10. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. 7, Third Movement
THEM E 1 THEME 2
TITLE “Saranda Chronia Ekama” (I “1 Irini” [Irene]
Vourgara)
[For Forty Years I Was]
ORIGIN Multiverse song from Rhodes; Dance from Tilos;
Baud-Bovy: Vol. 1, pp. 88-89 Baud-Bovy: Vol. 1, p. 308
DURATION (mm. 1-21) (mm. 22-118)
TEMPO Allegro piacevole Vivo e giocoso
(half note = 84) (quarter note = 120)
M ETER mostly 2/2 (one 3/2 measure in 2/4
each presentation)
MODE G Aeolian (2 flats) G Ionian/Major (1 sharp)
STRUCTURE 2 presentations (abc); introduction (mm. 22-24); 5
transition (c) presentations (aa'bb'); fourth is
transposed to B-flat
Ionian/major; fifth is repeat of
fourth; coda (mm. 103-18)
261
Figure 11. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. 1, Fourth Movement
THEME 1
TITLE “As tragoudiso ki as charo” (0 Archangelitikos)
[I Should Sing and Rejoice]
ORIGIN Mantinada (folk couplet) from Rhodes; Baud-Bovy: Vol. 1, pp.
124-26
DURATION (mm. 1-32)
TEM PO Andante mesto (quarter note = 44)
M ETER 4/4 (one 2/4 meas.)
MODE C Aeolian (three flats)
STRUCTURE three sections with a codetta (a); third section is repeat of second;
sections do not have the same material, rather are: aa-bb'; ccbb';
ccbb'; aa'; this forms an overall ABCBCBA pattern
262
Figure 12. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. /, Fifth Movement
THEM E 1 THEME 2
TITLE “Fetos to kalokeraki” Zervodexios Dance [a type of
[This Summer] dance; literal meaning is “left -
right”]
ORIGIN Multiverse song from Rhodes; Dance from Rhodes;
Baud-Bovy; Vol. I, pp. 116-17 Baud-Bovy: Vol. 1, pp. 240-41
DURATION (mm. 1-8) (mm. 9-105)
TEMPO Andantino quasi parlando Allegretto semplice
(quarter note = 84) (quarter note = 96)
M ETER 4/4; very free 2/4
MODE D Dorian (no sharps or flats) D Aeolian (no sharps or flats)
STRUCTURE one presentation (aabb') five large sections make an
ABABA form with an
extension/codetta at the end
(mm. 104-5); 4Ih and 5lh sections
are repeats of 2nd and 3rd. A
section (mm. 9-29; 8 + 7 + 6; 21
meas.); B section (mm. 30-45; 8
+ 8; 16 meas.)
263
Figure 12. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. 1, Fifth Movement
THEM E 1 THEM E 2
TITLE “Fetos to kalokeraki” Zervodexios Dance [a type of
[This Summer] dance; literal meaning is “left -
right”]
ORIGIN Multiverse song from Rhodes; Dance from Rhodes;
Baud-Bovy: Vol. I, pp. 116-17 Baud-Bovy: Vol. 1, pp. 240-41
DURATION (mm. 1-8) (mm. 9-105)
TEMPO Andantino quasi parlando Allegretto semplice
M ETER 4/4; very free 2/4
MODE D Dorian (no sharps or flats) D Aeolian (no sharps or flats)
STRUCTURE one presentation (aabb1) five large sections make an
ABABA form with an
extension/codetta at the end
(mm. 104-5); 4lh and 5th sections
are repeats of 2nd and 3rd. A
section (mm. 9-29; 8 + 7 + 6; 21
meas.); B section (mm. 30-45; 8
+ 8; 16 meas.)
264
Figure 14. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Structure
MOVEMENT FOLK TEMPO MODE STRUCTURE

SONG
TITLES
I. PRELUDE “Black Lento; C Aeolian; ABA'
(nun. 1-51) Stone of the Poco piu C Dorian
Shore”; mosso
“May Time
Be Good to
Your Stem”
OSTINATO “Epiphany Allegro C Aeolian Nine variations
(mm. 52-159) Has Come” moderato e on theme
poco pesante
II. “Let’s Go to Andantino D Dorian/ Introduction
INTERMEZZO St. Vasilis”; quasi Aeolian/ (cyclic theme);
Dance song Allegretto; mixed; ABA’
from Poco piu F Aeolian/
Vithynia mosso Dorian
III. Karsilamas Allegretto con A Dorian; A (Karsilamas);
FINALE Dance; grazia; C mixed; Two themes
Zeibekikos Moderato assai E-flat major; from Prelude;
Dance #1 ma ben C major BCBC'B'; Coda
(Aivali); ritmato;
Zeibekikos L’istesso
Dance #2 tempo
(Smyrna)
265
Figure 15. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Prelude
THEME 1 THEME 2 THEM E 1

TITLE “Mia mavri petra “Ora kali stin “Mia mavri petra tou
tou yialou” [Black prymnin sas” [May yialou” [Black Stone
Stone of the Shore] Time Be Good to o f the Shore] [Cyclic
[Cyclic theme] Your Stem] theme]
ORIGIN Song from Vourla Wedding song from Song from Asia
region of Asia Pontos; Minor and the
Minor, but heard Pachtikos: pp. 54-55 Aegean
throughout the
Aegean; oral
tradition
DURATION (mm. 1-26) (mm. 27-41) (mm. 42-51)
TEMPO Lento Poco piu mosso Tempo I (Lento)
METER mostly 4/4, but 2/4 changing meter mostly 4/4 (with 2/4)
bar added at end of
phrases
MODE C Aeolian (3 flats C Dorian (same key C Aeolian
in key signature) signature)
STRUCTURE introduction (mm. one presentation one presentation
1-2); three with a structure of (abb), with an
presentations, each aa'b (12 measures) additional a added as
with 8 measures, and a repeat of b, a codetta
forming abb transposed up a
pattern; slight fourth
overlap of phrases
266
Figure 16. Constantinidis, As/a Minor Rhapsody, Ostinato
THEM E!
TITLE Kalanda ton Foton: “Irthane ta Fota ki i Fotismi” [Epiphany carol:
“Epiphany Has Come.”]
ORIGIN Oral tradition; sung in Asia Minor
DURATION (mm. 52-159)
TEMPO Allegro moderato e poco pesante (half note = 54)
M ETER meter shifts between 2/2 and 2/4
MODE C Aeolian (gapped); (3 flats in key signature)
STRUCTURE nine variations on the same theme
267
Figure 17. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Intermezzo
CYCLIC THEME 1 THEM E 2 THEM E 1 &

THEME CODETTA
TITLE “Mia mavri “Eidante na Dance song “Eidante na
petra tou pame ston Ai- from Vithynia pame ston Ai-
yialou” Vasili” [Let’s Vasili” [Let’s
[Black Stone Go to St. Go to St.
of the Shore] Vasilis (Basil)] Vasilis (Basil)]
ORIGIN Song from New Year’s Oral tradition New Year’s
Vourla region religious dance religious dance
of Asia from from
Minor, but Cappadocia Cappadocia
heard (Farasis of
throughout Caesarea);
the Aegean; Pachtikos, pp.
oral tradition 17-19
DURATION (mm. 1-12) (mm. 12-60) (mm. 61-83) (mm. 84-105)
TEM PO Tempo 1 Andantino Poco piu Tempo I
(Lento) quasi mosso (quarter (quarter note =
Allegretto note = 76) 72)
(quarter note =
72);
M ETER changing consistent 2/4 consistent 2/4 consistent 2/4
meters meter (dance meter meter
between 4/4, meter)
3/4,2/4
MODE D Aeolian D Dorian/ F Aeolian/ D Dorian/
(one flat in Aeolian/mixed Dorian, Aeolian,
key ; F Dorian and D Aeolian/ D mixed
signature) modulatory Dorian
STRUCTURE one one and one- two first half of
presentation half presentations Theme 1 (A);
o f theme presentations of theme (ab) Codetta:
(abb) forms an ABA motive from
alternates structural unit; the first theme
with motive phrase
from first structure is: a a
theme bbcdcd
268
Figure 18. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody; Finale, First Part
THEME 1 THEME 2 FROM CYCLIC THEME

PRELUDE
TITLE Karsilamas Dance “Ora kali stin “Mia mavri petra tou
prymnin sas” [May yialou” [Black Stone
Time Be Good to o f the Shore]
Your Stem] [Cyclic]
ORIGIN Dance from Wedding song from Song from Asia
Cappadocia; oral Pontos; Minor and the
tradition Pachtikos: pp. 54-55 Aegean
DURATION (mm. 1-49) (mm. 50-62) (mm. 63-75)
TEMPO Allegretto con Tempo gets cut in Tempo I (Lento,
grazia (quarter note half (quarter note = quarter note = 50)
= 108) eighth note)
METER consistent use of Changing meter (4/4 mostly 4/4 (with 2/4)
additive meter: 9/8 withl/4 and 2/4
(3/4 + 3/8) interspersed)
MODE A Dorian, short A Dorian C Aeolian (original
section in D Dorian (transposed down a mode)
(transposition of minor third from
theme); (no sharps first movement); key
or flats in key change to C Aeolian
signature) (3 flats) in m. 60
STRUCTURE one measure of one presentation one presentation of
introduction; four (aa'b); phrase b is theme (abb), codetta:
presentations transposed to C repeat o f (a) phrase,
(sections) of theme Aeolian opening motive of
the Intermezzo
269
Figure 19. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Finale, Second P art
THEME 2 THEME 3 THEME 2 THEME 3 THEME 2

& CODA
TITLE Zeibekikos Zeibekikos Zeibekikos Zeibekikos Zeibekikos
Dance #1 Dance #2 Dance #1 Dance #2 Dance #1
ORIGIN Dance Dance Dance Dance Dance
from from from from from
Aivali; Smyrna; Aivali; oral Smyrna; Aivali; oral
oral oral tradition oral tradition
tradition tradition tradition
DURATION (mm. 76- (mm. 1OS- (mm. 132- (mm. 172- (mm. 179-
107) 31) 71) 79) 202)
TEMPO Moderato L’istesso m .140, Same Same
assai ma tempo marked tempo tempo
ben Sempre
ritmato l’istesso
(quarter tempo
note = 69);
METER 9/4, 9/4, written 9/4 9/4 9/4
written out out as 2/4,
as 2/4,2/4, 2/4,2/4,
2/4,3/4 3/4
MODE C mixed E-flat C mixed C major F and C
mode, major mode; mixed
chromatic modulates; modes, C
alterations (no sharps major
(3 flats) or flats, in
m. 140)
STRUCTURE One structure is One Partial Variation
presenta aa'bbaa' presenta presenta and
tion (6 (three-part tion with tion: aa’ transposi
four- form) transposi tion o f
measure tion; theme
phrases); repetition fragment
repetition o f phrases (first
of first two 3-4,5 (2 phrase)
phrases times)
270
APPENDIX B: MUSICAL EXAMPLES
Example 1. Bourgault-Ducoudray, “Ma ti to thel* i manna sou,” mm. 1-28.
All" ■•Jural* J —18
VMflM.
Ma n t o
)h nTrU
n n
f ■
A >
J h r — r it
« . . Vn |td« ’ . va sou, - fid ti t o 8i . .
rati * (lit iui . dre a.ver, m per . did nisi tM
A 1 - i id »----
P H
* . 1
1 f i 1 [
|M» . f* ao« rJ|»vO^.Ta ifc Xu^ »d. ^ '"'X-Ta

n . draa.fcr b a o t.ts il b . M- tiio. k , Hi’! h n a(.b il
271
Bourgault-Ducoudray, MMa ti to thel’ i m anna souM(continued)
84 P art m r
BUm. ^Safftirkraah.
vau . le,
Form rir«a
|M| pc tu . p a x .^ xal • xW .yul]

nk! me -tor. la . rar mm mm . it Trap* I*
i rilrm.^1 Brffltofr
I n t comfit.
£ = — i
t » A
r A f n , j
>
A
ra n : i ki la o I f
Out trim.
aif u .jn |Ut (to

ipMdr *1. In ca . . *•
272
Example 2. Kalomiris, “Mi me tyragnis ke kleo,” mm. 1-18.
A lllfiolb
; Mopiiia d tW -a ao o v pupit to' t o d

ho pintamai' tin ma-chta-ver, map* chi raai hot
J = ! — — t = ± = * N
niA«o{ p
M«V - tctifDu invu-xia to >u «vo_f*(g«:) w *uw • 10

ma - itea-vrt l*wt- toil iu _ mt vuo-h dll U noLlc it lu
mono moMO
* t-> o i _ k » ooVooo X i-* > h« l«* uXai-ju

Altleiudtl H . u r non nuo_ i Ahl i t # t « - t n - t a t tou vuo-i
Trmjvi la
A _ |0U Jttl pui’ « to

Quanta la ca
P dole* poco T it
273
Example 3. Constantinidis, MMa ti to thel’ i manna sou,” mm. 1-24.
5. Ma ti to 0€X’f| pavva oou...
JL
Mi « to 3«A' A----- l* a v -» v a " > d Q w ; f * a — to —
/ i»h.i, . =,
p
1 J~ 1 d i
„L m 1
i* i r r ' f1 f r f i i r r r r r—
. I. *
3iA
c
n .— —
*
(i o » - v o - sou— w
• *
— vo - j(ta — TO 4 l)
n rt-
- r *f rrf ^ n T ii
jv o - pL (tjg 1-) tw v o - ^ r a — to A v ---- - Xv<*—p*
rar.1. f r ^ ^ i , i y ^ t S fr
r <irr^.
1
•K
274
Constantinidis, “Ma ti to thel’ i manna sou” (continued)
y a - p i- (& x0 T o v - n - jt i o to
275
Example 4. Kalomiris, O Protomastoras, Act I, “The Bridge of Aria.”
Komoz rvATixxo»4 « M A iT oraM c'omo o iz iN tm H m m m u *a roa'i.

CH dU X Da riM M M T IIO A N M *T • • M A Ô N *.— O fty ., O a* U. M 4 t / * M
pot
SOM ANI
S ^ .p av .-ta pa .
Cut' yrtj. i t 1 * ^
T IN O K I
E a . p o v .ta pa . • to . po . now
Qua- ran. tc (onl If j ap . . pren
•A S «
k ’i r .u a .r tn v te r . . *ijp Lehr . Itn
m m
Ctr.U: -2 J
C M 0 4 ' - b
Hi'a . t n v . t« . duo m<* - ato . . p o i _y io .. ifu . . p iv

di p er, ne t '• d i not !e ' per c o . . t/ru .
iJrr^ fc - * h. T
mi'c . Hr. n . 4uo pa . o to . yio . . (fo. pi*
Its com . pa . ijnwKi mi ■ n a . qui ont bi
-A ---■t-0 » A
f £frg= p
ttmd ’ n n ' an/ m i. n f Mfis . . /rr />»/■ « .
4m 3JT n frn iT n
276
Kalomiris, O Protomastoras, Act I, “The Bridge of Arta” (continued)
T,o- f 0 ■ piv c . o repiu . v a . ve

Ttxlpon. lir i n . crol./a - b i - f t
qvi out tba . It le tor . qe pont.
ci» *1 . ne B rii. cMt b tft!. tig. f t it.
c.
e yio.ifii. piv c . st«pmS " . v a . v e *0 npwTO.
«’ . r t i t f o n . 1 t in - ero iJa . .bi . It ■A t ctx.pe.
ti qui ont b5 . ti l< tor . 9 c •pont. Le Pro.to.
Brii . tb t t i - nc B rii.cit bt.frI •tig . ftn O tm h o ih n
T.
y ia tp u . piv c . oTtpiu) . v a . vc Na Zj|.coc Ppui - to m S T " o t o .
r t i l p t n . i t i n . erot.fa . U ■ ft. A t ca .p o m o t . f r i t . gm 'o.
b i. ti le tor Au-Proto. mas . tr« tout

n t Brii -ckt b t.ftt ■ Cinbttkdtm Fro . to .m a
'0flpwTapa . o to . pac va 6 i . aotrv x ’01

At ca.po m o t. . tro rd a . g ti o
le Rro.lo.mes . - tre! Hon. n cur i tout
tm hro.to.m at. to - ra t w it auch. d m bra
pa . OTopac v a ty \. oouv x'oi p a .o to

■mat . tro td a . g ti o . f t . ra
mas.. . tre! hon. neur a tous ses ai
m at . to .r a t wit auck dtnira. vtn Mtu
£1 1 . oouv w'0 1 p a . o to -
a * g fi e .- p t . r a .
h o n . neur a tous ses ai •

unr * u e £ ^ * * f r a - v tn b tfis
277
Example 5. Bourgault-Ducoudray, MAide kimisou kori mou.”
Aadaafe Ja>4S
CHART.
aLmxot
wvori.fiu)
riARO.
* /Vi* rfff
/V tf • |ff»0 , • 4*t
-o f ■ r o i n i > m ii i
. M - - «ow,xi. pn fiow, x’t . . yw, xe.yu vfc ooO
.ctal . . la mia gra . til. pvr le cangiarfa.r&
X«.|X . . . tTjvA.Xc.5iv . - S f.a ^ i.y n .

■ li da . ru lull' .(.Iti . imi . . dria in cue . clip.
278
Bourgault-Ducoudray, “Aide kimisou kori mou” (continued)
J |%»r» r r r • *• •*». „ ft**.
W j, " M i m m m
sai ' to xal to Muotj .
-f1 f fi - * •
- ro , fa « - nV rangnrin mel (ill . In ll
Ifll 1 1 [F jt f f j '- J t j u J i l f - ■ ■ a 1
TJ---- 0-----------------+ • 9 ■'--- -ww-v-W ' V .------- --- * ”
. ri, xatTTpKwv. otov . . . Tivoa . *o. TU. Tf«kxfo-vo-j;
VI, e mi Cu . uliin . . . lijMi . |>n . li li nu'.nr.
jC.^-Tr y v w - r a. - r ^ t r f f r f f r f F f rf i f
1n y tr y j
^ W d W U f f ~ #W» ^ ^
J . J --------------------
I ■■-=.- -------------- -fc---- ------------ 1J
P a r * rlf r n .
K .g iw r .
279
Example 6. Lambelet, “Aide kimisou kori mou,” mm. 1-11.
Andante -J
I at • vr* net
Jo-do ma
I OOUMO • ptf fieu arc po Ht-pivaoco—

It fats do • do rf tnoi ft maifete —
H p g f i i r o a I . L - . r ;» M
----- jp p j---------------- <«■'---------- d/afti per-
---- pro — — tncts* A • t+'Xn * . t,.-.'------- ,■ fn ck' h t ■
■ to la ir o M -o if -
puis— rf puisMissi
280
Example 7. Kalomiris, “Aide kimisou kori mou,” mm. 1*10.
"Aiv .
Bor .
t - r . f T l ,
P 7 1 ' t ----------
niANO
PP /w >
'ftU m u a _ pn _ sou u o .p n
m lr 5« 'ngjjfan, ciul _ la mia <jtr>_
py------- ^
B'> i ' i
pp -« J J L
W t - r jtf f f f : . ^ < jJ r f =
^ -------------1
u i-iu va «ow
c a n d o r ( a .r o
Vn’tLhi.iflv _ tpa Ca - w
lu tfA .le t.y in
J ■' ~ J- §
JV
281
Example 8. Kalomiris, Mother's Ring, Act I, Lullaby.
mm I m o t w x opeo t « te p w r r a c tiu c e w i ucoe to 4a»TuAuSi.

yghuo itnt, endrndr (Mr t)i i drain I'amflr.
Ipoitrine eroyant pifil confront I'annciv.
M m am a Z m i Z r t mAc to rw m in i w i w. N a MOU to - P?c

la Ctfrtirm Yam.mtafn It a i m . J’rtn. d i . loo
la mo b i [E lio couvro Vomotii o t k tore*. 0 doux tom
gEH
t o r j p f Ijr^f Ijn |n l^jjj

. TTVt |(0U T p e lc #i - y V e c 9av to u t* -
d i. Jo farl rd tre guar . die a e. can . toa
le m oi je lu i m e t . tra i trois gar .
Po ftmtfnc InUymc w'avric *np«OTiic,o*»nj(wTiic Ncrvoctw tv£i«f«iTov tov raipa i osvoc.

IMW tdniaf* ttukint riemt tlfrtrltm , emmtun ‘ret Mia Main, mfmt naJdrrmentt tfl' Yrrr.
I Sot in'j ttc*4a o u n i proa to I 'ilr r , cooimo n o'rW it la m ire, tandr^ pu t It iMimcil I’unparr a u u l it lui.
x btm p. TpeTc Bi - y X tc Bov to u (Set - Xw m a n a .TocTc Bi . yXec

OOTIK. For. ro tre guar. dieae. can.tea te AtAQ/rm. Tre guar.diee
)e lu i m e t. tra i tro ia gar . dea M i n i . Troia gar. dea
tegue tem ue
282
Kalomiris, Mother's Ring, Act I, Lullaby (continued)
Bl. tXi.TO.'pec Kaioi -rpeicav.Tpei w . ue . yoi

fwar. dim. . *0 ■ ta t. h trior, di tie ' fo r . ti
n r . diena vail, lants, togs troi* pleiiwd*as mi . r a n ce
PP
*•
t o T H r . Kaio't T p t l c a r » - T p c i - w . j i e . * 01. m a m a . 0 « . Cm t o v H
SOT
m Tut. t i bear, d i . tie far. t i * apea.~e nut. I t . tv
~ ~ T o u t t r o i a p f e i n s d ’a s . m i. r a n . c « x i a e . Je m et* s o . lei I
sepue
ot« . Sow . via xai tov a*i . to

men. Hit tel ' e I'm . put . la
sur lea monts el I'ai. t 1* dans
ttfu e
BE
tern*. -’Kai tov an - to otouc scai|*. nquc

aoriR E Vac. o u t. la n il pia. . tip
Et 111. ale dans Isl plai . ne
283
Example 9. Kalomiris, Symphony No. 2, Second Movement, m. 71.
& d o lc e
Example 10. Kalomiris, Symphony No. 1, Third Movement, mm. 238-49.
nodtrato
J P poco • poco string, s crssc,
P P P P . P . M £ E I
284
Example 11. Kalomiris, Symphony No. 1, Second Movement, mm. 1-11.
T O KOIMHTHPI Z T H BOYNOF 1 AATI A

LC CIMITICRC t u n L A PC N TC DC L A M ONTAGNC
( L C C lM C T IC N C . DC S C C A ) £-
L en to i<(*
nun
• Retain
i r ~ • i
Otoi
g u =
■A -4------------------------- Mo
--5 A n b w m n p M /• « * M 4'omen.
C. tH ■„ ■ -= r ■— - i—
»=■
g l u = t
p * lr« .
A 4 i ------ -- ----------------
CW f r y - 1 •
Cl. b w l .
* m » ~ > "
rno">
= £ .," ^ = = 5
I A
3S tl-4
T ro m b * ■
In c .
y ~ - - ■—
1-2
F * — ■
1-4
Tub*
Tlm p.nl
M ltrU
Ctltife
1 Arp*
VIoLI
VM .B
n ft =
7 T 7 X ~ JJL -. J J " " f t : f t " w j j ; ..... : S f = S =
Vial*
n * ■a A * f t ■■■
Cell. 13= ■ f t - fci » ? :■ » - S — H -
.f c P -
i t ; S t fir - f t f f 0 ~ H ‘.
C. t u i i
285
Kalomiris, Symphony No. 1, Second Movement, mm. 1-11 (continued)
10
A bo.
flown
C.bwltM
2 CUnni
ClfaHWl.
C h fo lto
C .I ..U
C .B o tti
1t*n- ftm prt p it- tp tm p
286
Example 12. Kalomiris, Symphony No. 1, Third Movement, mm. 16-25.
timJtirr/t*
frvroupr
Cthtf•*
srft a
287
Kalomiris, Symphony No. 1, Third Movement, mm. 16-25 (continued)
/# rjv e j*
Ctfitla.
YM.1
K. Btt.
288
Example 13. Kalomiris, Magic Herbs, Prelude.
[Whs Murat
K. flAAAMA VI. KAAOMOIPH
IIPEAOYAIO
289
Kalomiris, Magic Herbs, Prelude (continued)
290
Example 14. Kalomiris, O Protomastoras, leitmotif for Protomastoras
A. Overture, mm. 1*4.
B. Preceding Protomastoras* Entrance in Act I.
n A o jr o jo ma con m voco.
. Ill inltrm iptnt kuifiUMnt In ti daub (I In n dm ia mVtyanl It ftoU-

. M ilrt m 4in'jif «m Imsiifrfs. Hi l‘*pp«H«nl mccont«*ti.
- "HUt/iei V » h r i r t .s ~ > . .tin t tie in Uofeo i W d i a w w , u .tc it.
h f t s f l n 6° l a * n r i r w A m fe r t/e itu . nw fcwj ya t
to . p a
/#. ma
lillc e t .
10 I M S
K»\ ile iit
t o .-p a
/#. ma
to .m a s
to. mo
I I
291
Example 15. Constantinidis, 8 Greek Island Dances, Allegretto con grazia,
mm. 1-20.
8 Danses des Ties grecques

i Yannis Gonstonfinidji
[1IS4]
A ll e g r e tt o c c m g r a x i a [ J . «o ] ^_____ — — ___
T $ = F * f c S y B 3 =|
T ^ -------- %------- - t --------- 1- --------
^9
a te m p o
W r r
o u s t It* p rtitts n o ttt touiours m d t m o a t u n t l u m o u v tm tn t indlq u t
292
Example 16. Constantinidis, Three Greek Dances, Syrtos, mm. 40-47.
a
i i p
a*.
(tMu)
293
Example 17. Constantinidis, 5 Songs o f Expectation, “Konda mou irthe ke
kathise” [He Came and Sat by M e|, mm. 18-26.
u» •
y ia • t i
« «
v a x*vovr
t • » 0
vu*xriq
» *
K jp t« ) ia y t o - n va
\
11 *4 .n if lf tE l. / I . .
N p fM E ’
----- = P ---- a ij ---------- = -
J r * 'uF T T % 7 ^ Ifrv 7 H P T 7'
‘t e u l ]io u ^ H v a -t| tr^c yo£ &ivutoy\i-rn/opc*J,noyf] jrv o -rj tr jq tjoXStuu to y
. hi Jy
r - v r v v r w
294
Example 18. Constantinidis, 6 Studies on Greek Folk Rhythms, Prelude, mm. 1*15.
6 Etudes
s u rd c s rytfimes popufoirat g rtc s
PREIUDIO
I Ybnnii Consfanfinidis
Alleg ro vblo cb [uss-sij
d a c e.
A d.
295
Example 19. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. 1, First Movement, mm. 1-15.
Aiidoni* soOwwfo J- n
Jftart
(OltMt)
I Cww
Andonft s o ito m jfo J - it
Vioffni
296
Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. 7, First Movement, mm. 1-15 (continued)
5
a
a1 D1 f* * d .
i" HE* K iv
297
Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. / , First Movement, mm. 1-15 (continued)
m
298
rr riTTj"
FAQ.
It7- i
299
Example 20. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. / , First Movement, mm. 31-
41.
Piu l*nto Allagralfo J . m
«»»=»■
^ _ _ = y — -— '
~T
4 4 ^ i ------ ---------------------------- ■XIm f " T- -----_ .. Z
W » r s r - . — =
P
Piu lanlo Aflag ratio J .m
300
35
301
Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. / , First Movement, mm. 31-41 (continued)
302
Example 21. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. I, Sixth Movement, mm. 1-
13.
Andanti Unto J* - *»
iM o o n i
Andonto /tnfo • 4*
« e iu i
___
303
Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. 1, Sixth Movement, mm. 1*13 (continued)
10
ra ra
t i n *
*-r
S---------------- - ;W l‘ ~ r
t ± — k— . =i:
uii. ii■=
-------------
rs r&
omU
mm
304
Example 22. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. i , Sixth Movement, mm. 23-
27.
as
__ Aiitgro vivo ii>onon rroppo * • tso
7 T ® 53:
[V frf f _ T _ ]r l r f - r - n
1-----------------
i r f —
r
n i
[ * *■ ' ii * r , [ _ |
' i — — L----------- --------------- — -— —i i-------- --------- 1
----- 1i-------- -—
. x : . : ::i: ----------
1v t- ■ i — 1 J-
i J a z - K T 7 :.iT— - - - ■
y r
1 ___L -— d ...... j — - .......| - . »
— a — ^ ---------------
' S' F J . = ^ j
1 ft* " !■' 1 =
yforif. jnoito ^ ' Allegro vivo mo non Iroppo J • ISO

“4 t p
t o r n
i i>
■1 f - -
i t s
— isp
JL c sk 3 a , (opttx)
VII
305
Example 23. Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. i , Sixth Movement, mm. 52-
64.
306
Constantinidis, Dodecanesian Suite No. 1, Sixth Movement, mm. 52-64 (continued)
„ ^ ISI
P — ——
*•
■V
r
Li L*r
F ~ ' T I
307
Example 24. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Prelude, mm. 1-14.
VANNIS O M T M a w m
Unto [ J - m ] &»»]
Cans latlM*
-" 7 In Sk
t N|aM
Itontoml.
r f ' ~ ----------- 3
* = = * = = m ‘
1 1
1j
Unto [ J - m 1
1 * 1 - -1
T O .* * !-— —i . . = = d
VMM " o tlW . . , .
m ______^
mi
fp
h & i^ = ■ "*• — l
Ca*k*gMIf* t , VMMCanMMrHl
308
Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Prelude, mm. 1-14 (continued)
om-
309
II
t.*i tiiNf
CH Dl 3* f O '*’ f » P ’ n ’
310
Example 25. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Prelude, mm. 27-43.
IS J f o c o p w in 6 M o [ J - « o ]
Q fe c o pium ouo[J-eo] •■itupfc., ^

use
311
Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Prelude, nun. 27-43 (continued)
iT IT C jflrir
r9 *•
Mfttft
a t C A7
312
313
c. MO>
314
Example 26. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Ostinato, mm. 52-66.
S£
OSTINATO
|—I AWtgw-mod* « poco p w o n f [ J - m ] Q3
p s
Allegro mod1** poco posonfo [ J - m]
P f-ffffrtf
315
Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody* Ostinato, mm. 52-66 (continued)
pi
^ .<» 4- 1 î i p 5i^pp
( l i 1 i il f r * - 4- , j i j
316
Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Ostinato, mm. 52-66 (continued)
OS
■ ■■ — r E
-N r =
y r*
FV-F-
^ r
> » i >> » » i» r J> ‘. 1

i-i—
^ Ti ^
*=S=t= ■ 4 T>Ji F
t-t *p f
* * i ' »
— -
^ (rk
317
Example 27. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Intermezzo, mm. 9-18.
AncfanKno quasi Alln° [ i - i t ]

D
Andantino quasi A//"9 [J •
<U F Cr
i W I
318
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission
Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Intermezzo, mm. 9-18 (continued)
1$
1%
~T 'i ■t . I " L ~ j £ j r l JkJ i * ■- = =
» ---- 1------------------ "7 ^ fj A - - - -*
- r -------- k= r -'at i — «: =
t — — -M i— ■r4 -t- -uw - -■b — --------
4 4 ^ 2 ------------- ■-i ■■ J * - r if c e .- ,.q = '—

jb==Anm±==A=== t - - f .- — - J -y t-
T »
n ft' 1- ' ~ = l £ = i ■f , - j L- f 1 1 -
J fi f T n
* * i ■ »
_______ eu e e in rs
1“ '
p«-k arvso^
1J-k — -■» "* ■ i-l ■■£ , . -Id
L if f ___ ■■ ^ ~~' "
.» y ■ ,Ci
i ^
— -------- :-------- _*— >— ------------------- f t - A
I - -f= = z± -.-■■= -g=tfe=
' T U X J •
319
Example 28. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody* Intermezzo, mm. 59-70.
Poco piu mouo [ J • n ]
(i
reco ptu mono
320
Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Intermezzo, mm. S9-70 (continued)
*5 70 "
vmi
Vt6»
321
Example 29. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Finale, mm. 1-16.
. FINALE m
Affagrptfocsn g r a m [J - i n ]
tom
Com# I
^ tOMM
iASIt
tfMOtti
)Ttanb#
1*0#
Triongol#
Tombwoete*
Tbmbomo |
IM an b iia
n<m
Gtuicmm
I Arp,
lffg .il — 1 = = H
A/l#grtHo con grozita [. J • »■]
VMM
- 1 ------------- *52J=Ca. rr-, r r p |
b - I U ’U - - r .h p -A -t
4 j 1 1 :~ u
VM *
VlotoncHII
C o n tra b a a l d f i i i l h
322
323
Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Finale, mm. 1-16 (continued)
— \ if f
324
TtwpRlT* J«»]‘
O iW tftH
325
Modtrafo ouoi mo ban ribnoto[ J - m] to
B51 Modtrato aisai mo ban ritmato [J -m ]
326
Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody* Finale, mm. 76-90 (continued)
2S
14 ^ = - -
fr* — ---------- *F~Cf * 1f jJ

. r fJSX
fff —
e = k ^ r= F = — i—i—
y — ----------
l* t T I f T j —
-W -i- *■:— -
r*
m & i
327
328
Example 32. Constantinidis, Asia Minor Rhapsody, Finale, mm. 106*19.
G a I'ittesio tempo
t t i - t T -
329
III
330
US
iA|
331
APPENDIX C:
TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS OF FOLK SONG SOURCES
CHAPTER THREE
1. “Ma xi to 0eX’ p a w a aou”

“Ma ti to thel’ i manna sou” [But Why Does Your Mother Want?]
Ma t i t o 0eA.’ii p a w a oov t tiv vuxta t o Xuxvapi, [pax!]

TXa, 'eXa oav ae Xeyto, pi] pe Tupawrn; tcai KXaiyco!
A<p’ cbxei p e a ’ ‘qxo m a n tti<; t o v rjXio, t o (peyyapi, [Pax!]

EXa, ‘sXa o a v oe Xeyto, p ii p e T u p aw rjq Kai idaiyco!
Why does your mother need the lamp at night?

Come, come as I say, stop tormenting me, for I cry!
Since she has the sun, the moon, in her home.

Come, come as I say, stop tormenting me, for I cry!1
1A similar translation of this love song appears in Susan and Ted Alevizos, Folk
Songs o f Greece (New York: Oak Publications, 1968), 79.
But why does your mother want

a lamp in the evening
Refrain:
Come, come as I tell you,
And do not torment me to tears!
Since she has in her house

The sun and the moon?
332
2. “Try; Apxaq to y&pupi” (Kalomiris’ title: “Tqq Apxaq xo yioqropi”)
(“Tis Artas to yefyri”) [The Bridge of Arta]
Manolis Kalomiris, “Tis Artas to yiofyri” [The Bridge of Arta]

(Tragoudi tis mastorantzas) (Song o f the Artisans) in 20 Folk Songs for voice and piano
(Athens: Zacharias Makris, 1922).
la p a v x a jt e v x e p a a x o p o i2 k ’ e ^ rjv x a p a O q x a S e q
x p s i q x p o v o u q e S o u X e u a v e x r |q A p x a q x o y i o i p u p i ,
o X q p E p iq E x x i^ a v E k i a n o p p a S u q K p E p ic x a i
p o ip io X o y o u v o i p a a x o p o i ic a i t d a i v o i paO qxaS eq
A X ip o v o a x o u q K o rc o u q p a q K p ip a a x e q S o u X e u s q p a q
O X q p e p iq v a x x ti^ o p e t o P p a S u v a y u p s p iE x a i
K a i x o o x o i x e i o o u c o K p i0 i]K £ v a n ’ x i] 8 e J ;id K a p a p a
a v 8 e o x o ix e x w o e x ’ o p < p a v o p i] £ e v o p i] S ia p d x i]
x i] n a p d x o u n p c o x o p a o x o p a x r |v o p o p ip i ] y u v a i x a
n ’o p x e t a i d p y d x ’a n o x a x i a ic a i rc a p c o p a o x o y io p a .
T ’a K o u a o n p c o x o p d o x o p a q K a i x o u B a v a x o u n a p x E i
K a v E i y p a < j> r| K a i oxe Xv e i.
Forty-five craftsmen and sixty apprentices

worked on the Arta Bridge for three years.
They built it all day long, and during the night it fell down.
The craftsmen lamented and the apprentices cried.
Such a pity for our trouble and such a waste of our hard work,
to build it all day long and to have it fall down at night.
And the demon-protector replied from the right archway:
“You must haunt the bridge, not with the ghost of an orphan, a stranger, or a passerby,
but with the chief craftsman’s beautiful wife
who comes late and quickly at noon.”
The chief craftsman heard it and fell down as if he were dead.
He writes a note and sends it.
2Mastoras (singular) is translated as artisan, craftsman, workman, mason, or

master.
333
A more complete translation of the well-known folk song is provided by Nikos
Dionysopoulos in the notes to the recording Tragoudia ke Skopi tis Thrakis [Tunes and
Songs o f Thrace], Chronis Aidonidis, Crete University Press, C.U.P. 7-8, pp. 87-88.
Forty-five masons and sixty apprentices had been working on the bridge at Arta
for three years; they built all day, and at night it all collapsed. The masons bewailed
their fate, and the apprentices were in tears: “What a waste of effort, all this work for
nothing - we build the bridge all day and at night it falls down."
The evil spirit replied from the middle arch: “Masons, don’t waste your time and
work; unless you sacrifice a human being, the bridge will never stand. And the sacrifice
must not be some sick person or passer-by; only the master mason’s lovely wife will
do.”
The master mason heard those words and felt like he would die. He sent a
message to his wife with the nightingale, telling her to come: “Go slowly, tell her
slowly, tell her to come slowly at dusk.”
But the bird misheard, and took a different message: “Dress quickly, change
quickly, go quickly at dusk, go quickly and cross the bridge of Arta.”
From far away she greeted them, and when she drew nigh she said: “Health and
joy to you masons all, and to the apprentices, but what ails the master mason and why
does he look so grim?”
“He’s dropped his ring in the river by the bridge.”
“Master mason, do not fret, and I will go down and fetch it.”
She’d hardly gone halfway to the bottom of the bridge when they were after her
with their trowels and mortar; and the master mason himself picked up a big stone and
bedded it. And down in the water, the girl laid her heavy curse: “As my body trembles
now, so may the bridge tremble, and as my hair falls so may the passers-by topple from
the bridge.”
“Think again, girl, and change your curse; you have a brother who lives in
foreign parts, and he may chance to cross.” And the girl repented o f her words and
spoke again: “My body is hard as iron, and may the bridge be hard as iron, too. We
were three sisters, and we shared an evil fate: one o f us holds up the Danube, the second
the Euphrates, and I, the youngest, will support the bridge at Arta.”3
3In the popular imagination, the Danube and Euphrates rivers served as the
boundaries o f the areas where Greeks had settled historically. Nikos Dionysopoulos,
Tunes and Songs o f Thrace, 88. For an analysis of this story in terms of Greek culture
and gender roles, see Ruth Mandel, “Sacrifice at the Bridge of Arta: Sex Roles and the
Manipulation of Power” Journal o f Modern Greek Studies 1,1983:173-83.
334
Manolis Kalomiris, “The Bridge of Arta” used in Act I o f the opera, O Protomastoras
[The Master Builder] (piano/vocal score) (Athens: Gaitanos, 1940), 9-16.
lapavxa paaxoponouXa ki s ^ v ta Suo paaxopoi yuxpupiv eaxEpubvave.

Na Choeu; ripcoxopdaxopa, va ^fjoouv ia oi paaxopoi,
yioipupiv eaxEpirbaapc, yioipupiv EaxEpicbaapE axt|q Apxaq xo xoxapi.
OXnpEpiq xo xriâpE, oXtipspiq xo X ^ a p e k i and (3pa8uq yKpepiovxav
pa xwpa xo axEpicbaape.
Ma xcbpa xo axEpubaape jtEpfppavo axov fjXio.
Na ^noEiq, npoxopaoxopa.
Na CfjaEiq, npcoxopdoxopa, va £fjaovv k i o i paaxopoi.
Tuxpupiv eaxEpiwaape.
Forty apprentices and sixty-two builders were constructing a bridge.

Long live Protomastoras.
Long live he and his builders, a bridge we have built over the river of Arta.
All day long we were building it and by night it would collapse.
But this time we raised it strong and proud up to the sun.
Long live Protomastoras. Long live Protomastoras.
Long live the Builders. We have built a bridge.4
4An English translation of the opera’s text appeared in the notes to the recording
o f O Protomastoras, The State Orchestra o f the USSR Cinematography, Emin
Khachaturian, GCO 030490 (Athens: Greek Cultural Office, 1990).
335
3. “Aivte Koi|if|ooD xopq not)”
(“Aide kimisou kori mou”) [Go to Sleep, My Daughter]
Lullaby from Smyrna
A'ivxe KOipf|oou, Kopq pot).

K ’eytb va oou xapfoa tqv AXe^dv8pa £axapi,
Kat to Mtofjpi5 pi£i, Kai tt|v KrovoxavTivowroXi,
tprii; xpovotx; va Tqv pi^q.
Go to sleep, my daughter.
And I will give you Alexandria as sugar,
and Egypt as rice, and Constantinople
to rule for three years.
sMisiri is closely related to the Arabic name for Egypt (Misr), as well as the
Turkish equivalent (Misir). In his French translation o f the song, Bourgault-Ducoudray
substitutes le Caire [Cairo] for Misiri, while the Italian version uses il Nil [the Nile] for
this geographical name.
336
Manolis Kalomiris, Lullaby used in Act I o f the opera, To Dachtilidi tis Manas [The
Mother’s Ring] (piano/vocal score) (Athens: Gaitanos, 1937), 99-103.6
N a p o u t o n a p q q wive p o u
Tpriq PiyXeq 0av t o o PaXa>
Tpriq PiyXaxopeq
Kai oi xpeiq avtpetopevoi.
Ba£(o t o v TiXio ora Poova
Kai t o v arjTO o to ik ; tcapotx;
t o v icup Bopia t o Spooepo
avapeoa jieXdyoi)
O IqXioq epaoiXeye k io yuioq p o u a 7ioK oipf|9r|.
Sleep, take him from me.

I will post three sentries for him,
three watch guards,
all three o f them brave.
I put the sun on the mountains
and the eagle in the valleys,
and the cool North wind
in the middle of the sea.
The sun set and my son is asleep.
6A lullaby that shares similar types o f imagery is quoted in Hilary Pym, comp,
and trans., Songs o f Greece: A Companion fo r Travelers, illus. Rosemary Grimble
(London: Sunday Times, 1968), 67.
Come sleep, and take my little one,

And I’ll set up three sentinels for him,
Three guards, three lookouts, all three brave.
The sun I’ll put up in the mountains,
The eagle in the plains,
And on the sea, fresh-blowing Boreas.
Then the sun set, the eagle went to sleep,
and Boreas went home to see his mother.
“Where have you been, my son?
Yesterday and the day before, the other night?
Maybe you quarreled with the stars or with the moon,
Or with the morning star, the one we love?”
“No quarrel with the stars, the moon, the morning star,
I watched a golden boy, asleep inside his silver cradle.”
337
CHAPTER FOUR
A. Songs of YannisConstantinidis
“Kovtd not) rjp0E ran KdOioE” (“Konda mou irthe ke kathise”) [He Came and Sat By
Me] from IJevre TpayovSia rijg Ilpoopovrjs [Five Songs of Expectation]
Kovtd poo fjp0e Kai Ka0ioE,

opax; Eycb 8ev ^drcvqaa.
(Ti Kaxapapevoq wivo<; aXkripovo fjxave...)
E k e i v t ] x i j v opopipi^ vdxta
Kpaxwvxaq xn Xdpa oxa xepia too

Kai oxa ovsipd poo avxrixodoav
o h i xa xpayooSia too.
Kpipa yiaxi va xavovx’ oi opopcpeq voxxe<;

Kpipa yiaxi va xdvEtai navxa t\ poptpf) too,
Tioo t| Ttvofj xr|<; xa'iSedEi xov otivo poo.
He came and sat by me,

yet I did not wake up.
(What a cursed sleep that was...)
On that beautiful night

holding the lyre in his hands
and in my dreams echoed
all of his songs.
It’s a pity the beautiful nights are lost

It’s a pity his figure will always be lost
Whose breath always caresses my sleep.
338
B. Folk Songs Quoted by Yannis Constantinidis in Dodecanesian Suite No. 1
Folk Songs from Samuel Baud-Bovy, Tragoudia ton Dodekanison [Songs o f the
Dodecanese], 2 vols. (Athens: Musical Folklore Archive, 1935,1938).
1. “To Suoopapata”
(“To Dyosmaraki”) [Little Mint]7
Mantinada [Folk couplet] from Karpathos
Baud-Bovy: Vol. 2, pp. 295-98.
First transcription:
E|i£v’ o voix; pou pWTTê yux oxA&q nq am£<;,

T la a £ v a 8e v eprimê* x o u o o u Kai jiou v a TnV/sq.
My mind asked about all these reasons;

For you, it did not ask where you were and where you have gone.
1Dyosmos translates as “mint,” and refers to the mint plant. The addition of the
ending aki to a word makes it diminutive; words with diminutive endings are often used
as terms of endearment.
8In performance, either the short phrase dyo mou matia dyo (“my two eyes”) or
dyosmaraki mou (“my little mint”) is inteijected after the word “erotikse.” These short
exclamations or phrases that interrupt the poetic text are known as tsakismata and are
frequently encountered in Greek folk song. Tsakisma (singular) literally means
“breaking,” “shattering,” or “pleating.” The same two extraneous phrases (tsakismata)
are also found in the song entitled “Dyosmaraki” transcribed by Ellen Frye, although
the melody used there is completely different. Instead, the tune she transcribed is a
variant of the well-known “Tzivaeri,” a slow dance song found in the Dodecanese and
Asia Minor. The two songs share the words of the final tsakisma (sigana, sigana,
sigana Ik tapina.or sigana, sigana, sigana pato sti yi). In both o f these songs, it appears
that their titles are derived from the words of the first tsakisma: dyosmaraki mou and
tzivaeri mou, respectively. Recorded examples of “Tzivaeri” include those by Domna
Samiou (Songs o f My Country) and Fanari tis Anatolis (Ellinika & Asikika). See Ellen
Frye, The Marble Threshing Floor (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1973), 211-12.
339
Second transcription:
OtiXaaca, Sevxpa K ai fkrovrit, idaiiE Kai oeu; yxa peva,

Ttoi) 'xaoa x t|v aytiTni pot) Kai nspTiaxd) oxa £eva.
Sea, trees and mountains, weep for me, too,

because I have lost my love and I wander in foreign lands.
An example of how the tsakismata (enclosed in brackets) are inserted into the
poetic line occurs in Constantinidis’s setting o f “Dyosmaraki” in the fourth of his 8
Dodecanesian Songs:
0dXaooa, 8evxpa [Auoopapaia pou] Kai (kmvti, [A'ivxeq]9 idaixe K’eaeu ; yia peva,
jio u 'xaoa xtjv a- [Auoopapaia pou] ydTiit poo, [A'ivxei;] Kai TiepTiaxcb oxa ^ e v a .
Sea, trees [my little mint] and mountains [come on!], weep for me, too,
because I have lost [my little mint] my love [come on!], and I wander in foreign lands.
9Aide is an exhortation or admonishment that means “come on!” or “get going
340
2. “Avapsoa nXuppupi”
(“Anamesa Plimmyri”) [In Plinunyri]10
Multiverse song from Rhodes
Baud-Bovy: Vol. 1 ,100-2.
AvapEoa nXippupi Kai peoa Aaxavia,

KapaPi kivtuveuei Ilavayia fiov ps pid KaKOKaipia.
Asv eiv’ ‘to o to Kapdpi, 8ev eiv’ 'to d to trawia,
povov to KuvrfydvE Ilavayia ftoo xa dnova ovuXXia.
OXoi oi KovTparorrCfjSEq EKapa auvxpotpia,
va navE va (poprwoou Ilavayia fiov ra p o v n a Kai Kaicva.
OvTav to E(popT(baav Kai PaXamv n a w ia ,
va Kai to Kobianopi Ilavayia fiov Kai xouq eKuvrryd.
-Exaoou, ppE AOavdaii, va oe p o rfjao u p E ,

SiaTayri paq exouv Adavaarj fiov va a ’ anatf|ooi)p£.
- Ixaaou, Pps KoXjiaitopi va oe piXfjooups,

£iq xiq Siaxayeq oou Kokmnopi fiov va o ’ a7iavTTjaoup£.
EkeIvo 8ev EOTaOri, povov xouq tcuvryyd.

©upcbvEi o AGavdoqq xpaPd pia papxivid,
anavto oro nanopi Ilavayia fiov 8ev exape SouXeux.
'Evaq ToupKapPaviTtiq xpaPa pia papxma,
Papasi to ©avaoT) Ilavayia fiov arcavo) ottiv xapSux.
- TpeÊ, pava pou, TpeÊ, K ai ps OKOTeboavE,

Ta paupa pou Totepia Ilavayia fiov ps Ta paxtbaavE.
Tpe^s, pava pou, xpeê, va Jtaprjq to xoppi,
va 7xdT)q va to 6ai|rqq fiavovka fiov ps Soâ Kai xipf).
>0Baud-Bovy informs us that the words of the first line o f this song are more
recent; for this melody, the words, “In the sea, near Galatas,” would be sung before the
song. Pelagos implies the open sea, such as the Aegean.
341
Between Plimmyri and Lachania11
a ship is in danger [oh Holy Mary] from a storm.
It’s not from the ship, it’s not from the sails,
but it’s because [oh Holy Mary] the ruthless dogs are after it.
All the great thieves got together
to go and load up [oh Holy Mary] gun powder and tobacco.
When they loaded up and set sail,
there was also the kolpapori12 [oh Holy Mary] after them.
“Stop Athanasi, so that we may ask you,

our orders are [dear Athanasi] to board you.”
“Stop kolpapori, so we can talk to you,

and reply [kolpapori] to your orders.”
The kolpapori did not stop but kept chasing the smugglers.
Athanasis becomes angry and shoots a rifle,
it did no damage [oh Holy Mary] to the ship.
A Turk-Albanian shoots a rifle,
it hits Thanasi [oh Holy Mary] in the heart.
“Run, mother, run, for I have been killed.

They made my black guts [oh Holy Mary] bleed.
Run, mother, run, to take the body,
to go and bury it [oh mother], in honor and in glory.”
1‘Plimmyri and Lachania are located on the southeast coast of Rhodes.
12The kolpapori was a ship that pursued smugglers.
342
3. “netpoq Kai IlaoXoq” (tod yapou)13
(“Petros ke Pavlos”) [Peter and Paul]
Wedding Song from Kastellorizo
Baud-Bovy: Vol. I, pp. 338-39.
rterpoq K a i riavXoq t o 'Xee k i o dyioq AGavtiofiq:

“T av T poyuvo t o d y iv rp c E v a K a i v a y e p d a ij.”
A d i u i s i q K a i 'a r p d t p T E i q K a i P p o v r d q K a i o D w e t p a q K a i p p s y e i q ,
k i o t e q T iq x d p e q to d 0 eo d a jia v c o o o d tk; E x e iq .
Peter and Paul said it, and also St. Athanasis:

“The man and wife were joined to live and grow old.”
You shine, lightning, thunder, become cloudy and rain,

and you have all of God’s graces upon you.
l3Baud-Bovy writes about two functions of this wedding song: “One woman
sings this song on the eve o f the wedding, when the clothes of the couple are being
‘smoked.’ (This may indicate that they are blessed with incense.) She dances and hits
wooden spoons together rhythmically while she sings. The men also sing this song and
clap their hands when the bride treats” (i.e., she offers food and beverages to the
guests). Baud-Bovy includes the hand clapping pattern in his transcription.
343
4. “lapavxa xpovta EKapa” (“H Boupyapa”)14
(“Saranda chronia ekama”) [For Forty Years I Was]
(“I Vourgara”) [The Bulgarian Girl]
Multiverse song from Rhodes.
Baud-Bovy: Vol. 1, pp. 88-89
l a p a v x a x p o v ta E K a p a o x o u q id e q rre q K a n E x a v o q :
X iX ia ( p X o u p ia E K E p S i a a . . .
For forty years I was a captain of the klephts,

I earned a thousand florins...
A more complete text is included in Constantinidis’s 8 Dodecanesian Songs fo r Mixed

Chorus:
lapavxa xpovouq sicava crrovq KX&pxeq xanexavioq:

XiXia (pXoupia [Ma xt^v riavayid] xa^dvxrioa [xpa Xa Xa Xa...]
xai nevxaKoaa ypooia, oe pia Boupya- [Ma xi^v riavayid] pa xa‘8cooa, [xpa Xa Xa Xa]
oe pia BoopyapoTOuXa va KoipriOou- [Ma xnv riavayid] pe pia ppaSua [xpa Xa Xa Xa]
oe nepi|36Xi peoa va Jteq>xoi>v x’av- [Ma xr^v riavayid] 0ia ndvto paq,
xa pf|Xa oxr|v TtoSid paq.

I earned a thousand florins
and five hundred grosia.15
I gave them to a Bulgarian girl so we could sleep together one night
in a yard and have the flowers falling down on us,
the apples in our laps.
,4This song is also known as “I Vourgara.” Baud-Bovy states that he did not
write out the words, since the song is well-known in Greece.
15A grosi is a piaster, a coin used in Greece during Ottoman times.
344
Baud-Bovy refers to a variation o f this song in Georgios Pachtikos’s collection, 260
Dimodi ellinika asmata [260 Greek Folk Songs], 339-40. This song is identified as
being from the region o f Epirus and Albania, more specifically from the vicinity of
Argyrokastron.
AwSetca xpovouq EKapa [aiv-te] ‘q xouq KXapxeq Kajrexavioq

XiXia (pXtopid [xa pa pa pa pa] Kaâvxrpia Kai JtEvxaKoma ypocia:
puzvfjq BouXyapaq xaScooa piavfjq BouXyapoxouXaq
va Koipr|0oupe pia flpaSud oe icEpi|36Xi p£oa,
va JiEcpxouv xavOia E7iavco paq xa pf|Xa 'q xqv noSia paq.
Kai o vrôq anoKoipf|0TpcE Kai xo upon ‘oiycd>0iiKE.
rispvsi vepo Kai vipexai nexosxa Kai mcoumexai:
- BouXyapa p’, 8oq pou xa cpXoupid, xa xiXia nevxaKoaa.
- Eyd> xwpacpi aouScooa va 07iEipT]q va Ospioi^q
oav sivai xa PcbSia oou appaoxa, xo aXexpi oou onaapevo!
lupfi, £eve, 'q xt|v Êvr|XEid va KaâvxfjoTiq k i aXXa
k i r| BouXyapa vavai KaXa.

I earned a thousand florins
and five hundred grosia.
I gave them to a Bulgarian girl so we could sleep together one night
in a yard and have the flowers falling down on us,
the apples in our laps.
And the young man fell asleep and got up in the morning.
He washed his face and dried it with a towel:
“Bulgarian girl, give me the fifteen hundred florins.”
“I gave you a field to sow and to reap
since your oxen are sick and your plow is broken!
Go, stranger, to foreign lands to earn some more,
and may the Bulgarian girl be well.”
345
Another version of this text was transcribed from Sivrissari, in Eastern
Erythraea, Asia Minor. According to a refugee from this area, “The Bulgar Maid” was
sung without instrumental accompaniment during carnival and danced as a syrtos
Kalamatianos, with arms linked. 6
For forty years I lived and toiled [aide, de, de, vre, de]
in Bulgarian lands exiled [kale, aide, de, de, vre, de]
sweet Bulgar maid o f mine, I say.
I saved a thousand florins and five hundred piasters.
I promised the piasters to a fair Bulgarian maiden,
if she would leave her dear mother and come and share my pillow.
- Oh stranger, if you’d have my kiss, then come into my garden,
where sweet blossoms will fall on us and apples in our laps,
and roses settle on your hair and on my golden tresses.
But if you should betray me, love, three leaden shots I’ll pledge you;
three flaxen shirts to make a wick, a burning wick to fire them.
But I betrayed the Bulgar maid, and now 1 ache with longing,
and naught can quench the burning fire that smoulders inside of me.
16Theodoris Kondaros, Notes to Songs and Dances o f Smyrna and Erythraea,

Asia Minor, trans. Pothoula Kapsambelis (Athens: Lyceum Club of Greek Women,
LCGW 113-114,1994), 47-49. I have made several changes to this translation.
346
5. “HEpf|VTi”
“I Irini” [Irene]
Dance from Tilos
Baud-Bovy: Vol. 1, p. 308
Epfivq, non ‘c o w to jrpari, non ‘ooov to pEorjpepi,

Jtou ‘ooov to ‘XioPaoiXepa, vepavTôtpiXimevri;. . .
Irini, where were you in the morning, where were you at noon,
where were you at sunset, my bitter sweet one?17
Constantinidis included an additional verse in the third song of his 8 Dodecanesian

Songs:
Epf|(vri), y iv o u o r o v Kdpno X ep o v ia, K’eycb o r a opr| jp o v i

va Xi)d)V(D v a 7ioriôvTai Spooepol oou kXcovoi.
Irini, turn into a lemon tree in the field, and I will turn into snow on the mountains,
to melt and water your cool branches.
17The compound Greek word literally means “kissed by a bittersweet orange.”
347
18
6. “Aq TpayouSfjoo) k i a q xa P®” (O ApxaYyekvnKoq)
(“As tragoudiso ki as charo”) [I Should Sing and Rejoice]
(“O Archangelitikos”) [From Archangelos]
Mantinada [Folk couplet] from Rhodes
Baud-Bovy: Vol. 1, pp. 124-26.
Aq TpayouSfioa) k i aq xap©, xou xpovou mnoq eêpei,

yia v’ajioBava), yia va £i(b, yia va 'pai o’ aXXa pepti.
I should sing, I should rejoice, for next year who knows,

I might be dead, I might be alive, I might be in other places.
Toaiaopa:
Stov tiotapo, orov Ttorapo,

jrXuvEiq tov aonpo oou Xaipo.
Tsakisma:
In the river, in the river,

you wash your white neck.
!8Baud-Bovy explains: “O Archangelitikos” is the pre-eminent melody o f

Rhodes. As its name indicates, it comes from [the village of] Archangelos. There,
however, it is called “The River,” because this word is often in the tsakisma. In Malona
it is also called “Rouhalio.”
348
7. “Oertx; to KaXoKOipaia”
“Fetos to kalokeraki” [This Summer]
Multiverse song from Rhodes
Baud-Bovy: Vol. I, pp. 116-17
O eto <; to KoXoKatpdia

KOVTT/ouoa ‘va nouXata:19
tcowyouoa, Xayrapouca,
va to maoti) 8ev pnopouoa.
Eontoa to ôPepya2 pou,
tc’ f|pTE to JiouXi KOVTa poo.
This summer
I was hunting a little bird:
I was hunting it, I was longing for it,
and I could not catch it.
I set my trap,
and the bird came to me.
l9In Greek folk songs, human beings are often metaphorically referred to as
poulakia [birds]. Young women are often alluded to as partridges, whereas young men
are represented as eagles. Birds mediate the opposition between life and death and
between nature and culture. Loring M. Danforth, The Death Rituals o f Rural Greece
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), 112-15.
20A ksoverga is a kind of bird trap, made of long sticks that are covered with a
sticky tar. Since the sticks are placed between the branches o f trees, birds cannot
distinguish between the trap and the branches. When birds sit on the sticks, they adhere
to them and cannot fly away.
349
8 . “To riapa^w m ina” : “Eiwiva, v ie Kai viayapjcpE”21
“To Paraksipnima”: “Ksipna, nie ke niogambre” [Wake Up, Young Newlywed]
Wedding Song from Rhodes
Baud-Bovy: Vol. 1, p. 36
Etmva, v ie Kai viayapjips,

îmva Kai ^pepoxje,
^ iijiv a K ai xijv 7iEp8iKa22 o o u ,
7iou x u p i^ e x a i23 K ovxa o o u .
Wake up young newlywed,

wake up, the day is breaking,
wake up your partridge, too,
that is cuddling next to you.
2,This song was traditionally sung on Tuesday morning, after the wedding on
Sunday, when the young people would play games and sing the paraksipnima to wake
up the bride and groom.
22Perdika literally means partridge. Here, it refers to the bride and symbolizes
youth, beauty, pride, and virtue.
23The verb chimizete is generally used in reference to hens and partridges and
means to roll over in dust or fine sand.
350
C. Folk Songs Quoted by Yannis Constantinidis in Asia Minor Rhapsody
Folk songs from oral tradition and Georgios Pachtikos, 260 Dimodi ellinika asmata
[260 Greek Folk Songs] (Athens: P.D. Sakellariou, 1905).
1. “Mia paupii netpa too yiaXou”

“Mia mavri petra tou yialou” [Black Stone of the Shore]
Oral tradition from the coast of Asia Minor24
Mia paupii jiEtpa too yiaXou [AouXa pou, ijavGouXa pou]

0a PaXio rtpoaKE(paX.i [Xe, Xe, Xe, Xe, Xe, Kouppram25 p’, Xe]
k i o , t i T p a p d s i to Koppi [AouXa pou, ijavGouXa pou]
ta (pxaiEi t o KEipaXi [Xe, Xe, Xe, Xe, Xe, Koupprom p’, Xe].
TpEiq Jtfixeq <pi5i 0a yivcb [AouXa pou, âvGouXa pou]

Tt| p£OT| oou va îbaco [Xe, Xe, Xe, Xe, Xe, Kouppmm p’, Xe]
k i auTO t o popTT) Tt’ayancu; [AouXa pou, âvGouXa pou]
va o t o v e (pappaKtboo) [Xe, Xe, Xe, Xe, Xe, Kouppmxvi p’, Xe].
A black stone from the shore [my Loula, my little blond one]
I will place as a pillow [le, le, le, le, le, my sacrifice, le],
and for all that the body suffers [my Loula, my little blond one],
the head is to be blamed [le, le, le, le, le, my sacrifice, le].
I will become a snake three piches26 long [my Loula, my little blond one]
and curl around your waist [le, le, le, le, le, my sacrifice, le],
and that hoodlum whom you love [my Loula, my little blond one],
24The text was transcribed in Theodoris Kondaros, Notes to Songs and Dances
o f Smyrna and Erythraea, Asia Minor, trans. Pothoula Kapsambelis (Athens: Lyceum
Club of Greek Women, LCGW 113-114,1994), 40-42. Tlie author also provides the
following information: “A song in a slow 2/8 meter, telling of the woes o f love and of
the jealous lover’s desire for revenge. The refrain, in a lively 2/8 meter, is usually sung
by the entire company and is danced on the movement pattern of the syrtos. Known all
along the coast of Asia Minor, from the Troad (Troy) to Cyprus, it is considered by the
natives of Vourla, as their most representative song. It was sung at table, in the pauses
between dances, and it is still heard in the tavemas o f Nea Erythraea when elderly
refugees get together.”
lsKourbani is an adaptation of the Turkish word kurban, meaning sacrifice,

victim, or martyr.
26A pichi is a length of measurement of 64 cm., or a little more than two feet.
351
I will poison him [le, le, le, le, le, my sacrifice, le].
Refrain:27
- A'ivxe, aivxe, pnappna nawatctiicT|,

non V to - 7toi) ‘v’ to - nou V xo Mapiyaia;
- Tapaiaa xrjyaviÊi pe<; axo paycpio.
- A c’ xa va tcaouve k i ao Epyei va xo 8©.
- T apaiaa xt|yavi^£i pcq oxo payepio.
- Ey© 0a aou xo nap©, yiaxi xo ayan©.
“Go, go Barba28 Yiannakaki,

where is - where is - where is little Marigaki?”
“She is frying fish in the kitchen.”
“Let them bum and let her come out so that I can see her.”
“She is frying fish in the kitchen.”
“I’ll take her from you, for 1 love her.”
27Constantinidis does not include the refrain section in his orchestral work.
28Barba is a title of respect used for men, usually middle-aged or older. It also
means uncle.
352
2. “Dpa KaXrj 'q ttjv npupviiv aaq”
“Ora kali stin primnin sas” [May Time Be Good to Your Stem]
Wedding song from Pontos
Pachtikos: 54-55.29
Gpa KdXri *qtt^v Trpupv^v oat;

ki’ aepa ‘q xa juma aaq
ki’ o voiKOKupnq TOI) a7triTiou
Xpovouq JioXXouq va Cfjcnv
Na ^r(or| xpovouq eKaxov
qpepaiq
‘q t o v A y i o v x d w p o v x o u X p t o x o u
v a 7 c d r| v a J i p o o K U v f |o i i
'q x o v lo p S a v rjv n o x a p o v
v a n a i l v a n p o a K u v f |O T ) .
May time be good to your stem

and wind fill your sails,
and may the master of the house
live many years.
May he live a hundred years,
thousands of days.
May he go and worship
at the holy grave of Christ.
May he go and pay homage
at the Jordan River.
29This wedding song is sung in different villages o f Pontos. It is sung at the end
of the wedding banquet when the relatives and friends are departing. The text is a
blessing for the married couple. The first line contains two wishes: “May time bless
your stem, but also give you Godspeed.” I am indebted to Haris and Dora Anastasiou
for this interpretation.
353
3. E'ivTdvte vo «dp£ ‘q tov Ai - PaoiXr|
“Eidade na pame ston Ai-Vasili” [Let’s Go to St. Vasilis]30
New Year’s religious dance from Cappadocia (Farasis o f Caesarea)
Pachtikos, pp. 17-19
Eividvre v a imapc ‘q t o v At- BamXti

v a y K p e p d o i o g e x a K p i j d x a 'q t o < ri8 t.
EiuoSoq:
BaiC, Ilavayid pou ©eotokov
Kupia 'Xefjpov, Kupia ‘Xeijoov.
Kupia ‘Xsfipov, Kupia 'Xetioov,
riavayid pou ©eotokov.
TsaupEV tê Sotêv a yEoiXri t£e

tê xtei; tvt| ePitîo ‘q tov Ai- BaoiXi]
(Ento86q)
Maaaipi toe Ppf|KavE ‘q to mpaô

Eoipaâv to t£e p£ to ko8eutt|p i .
(EnoaSoq)
Let’s go to St. Vasilis

to hang the meat on the tree.
Refrain:
Vai31, my Virgin Mary Theotokos;32
Merciful Lady, Lady, have mercy.
Merciful Lady, Lady, have mercy,
my Virgin Mary Theotokos.
He shot a bird
yesterday morning at St. Vasilis.
(Refrain)
30This song is sung and danced during the religious feast of St. Vasilis (Basil) on
January 1. The dance has unusual hand and body movements. The text refers to the
preparations for the feast, which includes roasted meat. I have given a translation of the
first three o f Pachtikos’s ten verses.
31Vai is an exclamation.
Theotokos refers to the Virgin Mary.
354
They could not find a knife to kill the animal,
so they killed it with a pair o f pruning scissors.
(Refrain)
355
4. KaXavxa xcov d>d>xwv: “ 'HpGave xa Ocbxa k i o i <D(oxiapoi”33
Kalanda ton Foton: “Irthane ta Fota ki i Fotismi”
[Epiphany carol: “Epiphany Has Come”]
Oral tradition34
'HpOave xa <pcbxa Kai oi <pa>xEivEq

pe xapa peytiXii oxooq tipxovxeq.
nspnaxei q tcupa paq ott] yri, ayri yr|
cnrdpYava paêoei, Kepi Kpaxei.
Tov a t p e v x q Aq Tiaw q K E p i K a X e i :
- A<pEvxr|, atpcvxq At] Tiaw q K a i Banxioxq,
Suvoaai va Bacpxtoqq Beou JiaiSi;
• Advopcv Kai 8eXa> Kai JiEpucaXa)
v’ avEpdi) axouq ayiodq Kai axouq oopavouq,
Na paÊ\|/(o pooxo Kai XiPavo.
N’ a y ia a x o u v E o i ppuoeq K a i x a v ep a,
v ’ a y ia o x ri ki a < p e v x iiq p e x t^v K upa.
'Exri RoXXa.
Epiphany has come

with great joy for the nobles.
Our Lady walks on earth,
gathering up swaddling clothes, holding a candle.
She begs afertdi35 Saint John:
“Afendi Saint John the Baptist,
are you able to baptize God’s Child?”
“I am able and willing, and I pray
that I may go up to the saints and the heavens
33Liavas indicates that the carol begins with the words: “Irthane to Fota ki oi
Fotismoi ki oi megales chares ki o agiagsmof' [The Light and the Illumination came
and the great joys and holy water (rites)].
34There are several different carols for Epiphany. In addition, more than one
melody is used for the same text, including “Irthane ta Fota ki o Fotismi.” The kalanda
were fairly long recitations with at least five parts: a short greeting to the “nobles” of
the house (usually a standard formula), a narrative related to the religious feast day,
praises for the various members of the family, a request for a reward (for the singers),
and a concluding formula (spoken or chanted) containing wishes for good luck.
35Afendi means Lord, master, and sir. It is derived from the Turkish word
efendi, which was a title given to literate people, members o f the clergy, Ottoman
princes, and army officers up to the rank of major.
356
and gather up musk and incense.”36
May the springs and the waters become holy,

may our afendi and his lady become holy.
Many years.
A recorded example of the Epiphany carol, “Kalimera pantes, o adelfi,” from

Patmos demonstrated a close melodic similarity to the main theme o f the Ostinato.
Samuel Baud-Bovy transcribed a version o f this carol in Songs o f the Dodecanese, vol.
2 ,3-4.37
To xpcbTO naiSi:
KaXfj pepa navreq, ca aSefapoi,
oucouoete npr oijpEpov eoprrj.
To Ssoxspo rcaiSi:
KaXr| pepa, KaXf| pspa,
KoXf) OOUp£p’, a(p£VXT|, PE XT|VKUpd.
First child:
Good morning everyone,
pay attention to today’s feast.
Second child:
Good morning, good morning,
good morning to you, afendi, and to your lady.
36This version of the carol is from Kalamata in the Peloponnese. Ellen Frye, The
Marble Threshing Floor, 27-28.
37This carol was sung antiphonally. Baud-Bovy includes two other versions of
this Epiphany carol in the first volume o f Songs o f the Dodecanese.
357
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Books and Articles
Alevizos, Susan and Ted. Folk Songs o f Greece. New York: Oak Publications, 1968.
Alexiou, Margaret. “Modem Greek Studies in the West: Between the Classics and the
Orient.” Journal o f Modern Greek Studies 4 (1986): 3-15.
Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread o f

Nationalism. New York: Verso, 1983. Revised ed., 1991.
Anoyanakis, Fivos. Greek Folk Musical Instruments. Translated by Christopher N. W.

Klint. Athens: National Bank of Greece, 1979.
________ . Katalogos ergon Manoli Kalomiri 1883-1962 [Catalog o f the Works of

Manolis Kalomiris 1883-1962]. Athens: By the Author, 1964.
________ . “I mousiki sti neoteri Ellada” [Music in Modem Greece]. First published as
an appendix to the Greek translation of Karl Nef, Einjuhrung in die
Musikgeschichte. Athens: By the Author, 1960.
________ . “I symphonia tis leventias” [The Leventia Symphony]. Preface to the

edition of the Symphony No. 1 by Manolis Kalomiris. Athens: Union of Greek
Composers, 1956.
Augustinos, Olga. French Odysseys. Greece in French Travel Literature from the
Renaissance to the Romantic Era. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press,
1994.
Balakirev, Mily Alekseyevich. Sbomik russkikh narodnykh piesen [Collection of

Russian Folksongs]. St. Petersburg: A. Iogansen, [1866?].
Balakrishnan, Gopal, ed. Mapping the Nation. New York: Verso, 1996.
Barth, Fredrik. Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. Boston: Little, Brown, 1969.
Baud-Bovy, Samuel. Songs o f the Dodecanese. Athens: Publication of the Musical

Folklore Archive, Vol. 1,1935 and Vol. 2,1938.
Beaton, Roderick. “Greek Literature since National Independence.” In Background to

Contemporary Greece, Vol. 1, ed. Marion Sarafis and Martin Eve, 1-24.
London: Merlin Press, 1990.
Bellman, Jonathan, ed. The Exotic in Western Music. Boston: Northeastern University
Press, 1998.
358
Bhabha, Homi K. The Location o f Culture. New York: Routledge, 1994. Reprint,
1995.
Blume, Friedrich. Classic and Romantic Music: A Comprehensive Survey. Trans. M.

D. Herter Norton. New York: W. W. Norton, 1970.
Bourgault-Ducoudray, L. A. Trente melodiespopulaires de Grece et d ’Orient. Paris:

Henry Lemoine, 1876.
Campbell, John and Philip Sherrard. Modern Greece. London: Ernest Benn, 1968.
Caraveli, Anna. “The Symbolic Village: Community Bom in Performance.” Journal o f

American Folklore 98 (1985): 259-86.
Chatteijee, Partha. The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories.
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993.
Chouliaras, Yiorgos. “Greek Culture in the New Europe.” In Greece, the New Europe,
and the Changing International Order, ed. Harry J. Psomiades and Stavros B.
Thomadakis. New York: Pella, 1993.
Clogg, Richard Clogg. A Concise History o f Greece. New York: Cambridge

University Press, 1992.
Constantinidis, Aristidis E. I ellinikes lexis stin angliki glossa [Greek Words in the
English Language]. 2nd edition. Thessaloniki: By the Author, 1991.
Constantinidis, Yannis. Notes from the first performance of Prelude-Ostinato, Athens

State Orchestra, 20 February 1949.
Cowan, Jane K. Dance and the Body Politic in Northern Greece. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1990.
Danforth, Loring M. The Death Rituals o f Rural Greece. Princeton: Princeton

________ . “The Ideological Context o f the Search for Continuities in Greek Culture.”
Journal o f Modem Greek Studies 2, no. 1 (May 1984): 53-85.
________ . The Macedonian Conflict: Ethnic Nationalism in a Transnational World.

Diamandouros, Nikiforos. “Cultural Dualism and Political Change in Postauthoritarian

Greece.” Paper presented at the Center for Advanced Study in the Social
Sciences o f the Juan March Institute on 26 April 1993.
Dounias, Minos. Mousikokritika. Eklogi apo to kritiko ergo tou [Music Criticism.
Selections from His Critical Work]. Athens: Estia, 1963.
359
Dragoumis, Markos. “The Survival o f Byzantine Chant in the Monophonic Music o f
the Modem Greek Church.” In Studies in Eastern Chant, ed. Egon Wellesz and
Milo§ Velimirovic, 1:9-36. London: Oxford University Press, 1966.
Eisner, Robert. Travels to an Antique Land: The History and Literature o f Travel to
Greece. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1991.
Faubion, James D. Modern Greek Lessons: A Primer in Historical Constructivism.

Ferriman, Duckett. Greece and the Greeks. New York: James Pott, 1911.
Fidetzis, Byron. “The Orchestral Compositions of Yannis Constantinidis.” Notes to the

recording Yannis Constantinidis: The Works fo r Orchestra, Bulgarian Radio
Symphony Orchestra, Byron Fidetzis, Lyra CD0169.
Finkelstein, Sidney. Composer and Nation: The Folk Heritage in Music. New York:
International Publishers, 1960. 2nd ed., 1989.
Fragou-Psychopaidi, Olympia. / ethniki scholi mousikis. Provlimata ideologias [The

National School o f Music. Problems o f Ideology]. Athens: Foundation for
Mediterranean Studies, 1990.
Frye, Ellen. The Marble Threshing Floor. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1973.
Fulcher, Jane. The Nation's Image: French Grand Opera as Politics and Politicized
Art. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987.
Gage, Nicholas Gage. Hellas: A Portrait o f Greece. Athens: P. Efstathidadlis, 1987.
Gellner, Ernest. Nations and Nationalism. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983.
Glenny, Misha. The Balkans 1804-1999: Nationalism, War and the Great Powers.
London: Granta Books, 1999.
Gounelas, C. D. “Neither Katharevousa nor Demotic: The Language o f Greek Poetry in

the Nineteenth Century.” Byzantine and Modem Greek Studies 6 (1980): 81-
107.
Greenfield, Liah. Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity. Cambridge, MA: Harvard

Hart, Laurie Kain. Time, Religion, and Social Experience in Rural Greece. Lanham,
MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1992.
Herzfeld, Michael. Anthropology through the Looking-Glass: Critical Ethnography in

the Margins o f Europe. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987.
360
________ . Ours Once More. Folklore, Ideology, and the Making o f Modern Greece.
Austin, University o f Texas Press, 1982.
Hobsbawm, E. J. (Eric J.). Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth,
Reality. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990. 2nd ed., 1992.
Holden, David. Greece without Columns: The Making o f the Modern Greeks.
Philadelphia: J. P. Lippincott, 1972.
Hunt, Yvonne. Traditional Dance in Greek Culture. Athens: Center for Asia Minor
Studies, 1996.
Hutchinson, John and Anthony D. Smith, eds., Ethnicity. New York: Oxford
Kalomiris, Manolis. “Dyo logia” [Two Words]. Preface to Magiovotana [Magic

Herbs], piano/vocal score. Athens: By the Author, Mousiki edition, 1914.
________ . “To elliniko dimotiko tragoudi” [Greek Folk Song]. Offprint from the book
Pente dialexis yenomenai is Rodon is to palation tou megalou magistrou [Five
Lectures Given in Rhodes in the Palace o f the Great Magistrate]. Rhodes: State
Printers, 1949.
________ . “Liga logia” [A Few Words], notes in the first program of Kalomiris’
works, June 11,1908. Reprinted in the foreword to Apo ti zoi ke tous kaimous
tou Kapetan Lyra [From the Life and Longings o f Captain Lyras] for narrator,
vocal soloists, and orchestra (piano/vocal score). Athens: Manolis Kalomiris
Society, 1958.
________ . “Pagosmios i ethniki mousiki” [National Music World-Wide]. Offprint

from the book Five Lectures Given in Rhodes in the Palace o f the Great
Magistrate. Rhodes: State Printers, 1949.
________ . “O Palamas k’i mousiki” [Palamas and Music]. Reprint from the
seventeenth volume of the Cypriot Letters. Cyprus, 1952.
________ . “Skepsis yia tin elliniki mousiki” [Thoughts about Greek Music. The
Palamas Symphony], in Musical Morphology, Chap. 12. Athens: Michael
Gaitanos, 1957.
________ . I zoi mou ke i techni mou. Apomnimoneumata 1883-1908 [My Life and My
Art. Memoirs 1883-1908]. Athens: Nefelis, 1988.
Karakasidou, Anastasia N. Fields o f Wheat, Hills o f Blood: Passages to Nationhood in

Greek Macedonia 1870-1990. Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1997.
361
Kitromilides, Paschalis M. ‘T he Dialectic o f Intolerance: Ideological Dimensions of
Ethnic Conflict” Journal o f the Hellenic Diaspora 6, no. 4 (Winter 1979): 5-
30.
________ . “The Enlightenment East and West: A Comparative Perspective on the

Ideological Origins of the Balkan Political Traditions.” Canadian Review o f
Studies in Nationalism 10, no. 1 (1983): 51-70.
________ . “‘Imagined Communities’ and the Origins of the National Question in the
Balkans.” European History Quarterly 19, no. 2 (April 1989): 149-92.
Kondaros, Theodoris. Notes to Songs and Dances o f Smyrna and Erythraea, Asia
Minor. Trans. Pothoula Kapsambelis. Athens: Lyceum Club of Greek Women,
LCGW 113-114,1994.
Kuss, Malena. “Identity and Change: Nativism in Operas from Argentina, Brazil, and
Mexico.” In Musical Repercussions o f 1492, ed. Carol E. Robertson, 299-335.
Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Press, 1992.
________ . “The Structural Role of Folk Elements in Twentieth-Century Art Music.”

In Proceedings of the XlVth Congress, International Musicological Society:
Transmission and Reception of Musical Culture, Vol. Ill, 99-120. Turin:
EDT/Musica, 1990.
Lambelet, Georgios. “I ethniki mousiki” [National Music]. Panathinea 3 (1901): 82-

90,126-31.
________ . La musique populaire grecque. Athens: 1934.
Leotsakos, George. “Anafora sti mousiki zoi tis Smymis” [Account of the Musical Life
of Smyrna]. In Epilogos '93 [Epilogue ’93]. Athens: Galaios, 1993.
________ . ‘T o Dachtylidi tis Manas: I istoria, i epochi, i simasia tou” [77te Mother’s
Ring: Its History, Era, and Importance]. In the program of the National Opera,
1982-1983 Season.
________ . Elliniki mousiki zoi ke dimiourgia 1910-1914. I Ellada ton Valkanikon

Polemon 1910-1914 [Greek Musical Life and Creation 1910-1914. Greece
during the Balkan Wars 1910-1914]. Offprint. Athens: Society o f the Greek
Literary and Historical Archive, 1993.
________ . “Lychnos ypo ton modion. Erga ellinon syntheton yia piano 1847-1908”
[Light under a Bushel. Piano Works by Greek Composers 1847-1908]. Notes
to the recording. Crete University Press, CUP 11.
________ . “Mia apokryfi all’ ochi kryfi istoria tis neotatis ellinikis moussikis. Dokimi
syngrafis tou chronikou tis [dys]litourgias tis” [An Apocryphal Though by No
Means Secret History of Recent Greek Music. An Attempt to Chronicle Its
362
(Malfunction]. In the program for the Greek Music Cycle 1993-94 o f the
Athens Concert Hall (Megaro Mousikis Athinon).
________ . Transcription o f the radio program “Portraita ellinon syntheton” [Portrait o f

Greek Composers]. Broadcast 27 April 1956.
________ . “Yannis Constantinidis, i to telos mias epochis...” [Yannis Constantinidis or

the End o f An Age...]. (Obituary). Eleftheri Gnomi [Free Opinion], 22 January
1984.
________ . “Yannis Constantinidis (1903-1984). Kapies prosopikes anamnisis ke

dokimi kritikis apotimisis” [Some Personal Memories and an Attempt o f a
Critical Evaluation]. Paper read at the Symposium “Yannis Constantinidis,”
Athens Concert Hall (Megaro Mousikis Athinon), 19 October 1994.
Liavas, Lambros. Forward to Ta tragoudia tou Kosta Yannidi [The Songs of Costas
Yannidis]. Athens: G. Nakas, n.d.
________ . “Music in the Aegean,” in Music in the Aegean. Athens: Ministry of

Culture-Ministry of the Aegean, 1987.
________ . Notes from the first performance of Asia Minor Rhapsody. Kratiki
Orchistra Athinon (K.O.A.) [Athens State Orchestra ], 16 February 1981.
________ . Notes to the recording Chansons et danses populaires. Collection Samuel

Baud-Bovy, Archives intemationales de musique populaire (AIMP XII) VDE-
552.
________ . Notes to the recording Yannis Constantinidis: The Works fo r Orchestra,

Bulgarian Radio Symphony Orchestra, Byron Fidetzis, Lyra 0277 (LP), 1985.
________ . Preface to the score of Constantinidis’ 8 Greek Island Dances. Athens: C.

Papagrigoriou-H. Nakas, 1993.
________ . Preface to the score of Constantinidis’ 6 Studies on Greek Folk Rhythms

Athens: C. Papagrigoriou-H. Nakas, 1993.
________ . “Yannis Constantinidis (1903-1984).” In the notes to the recording Yannis

Constantinidis: The Worksfo r Orchestra. Bulgarian Radio Symphony
Orchestra, Byron Fidetzis, Lyra CD0169.
________ . “Yannis Constantinidis (1903-1984).” Program notes for “Anazitondas ton

kyrio Konstantinidi-Yannidi” [Looking for Mr. Constantinidis-Yannidis].
Athens Concert Hall (Megaro Mousikis Athinon), 17-19 October 1994.
Little, Bliss. “The Symphonies of Manolis Kalomiris.” M.M. thesis, University of

Kansas, 1985.
363
Locke, Ralph P. “Cutthroats and Casbah Dancers, Muezzins and Timeless Sands:
Musical Images of the Middle East.” l $ h-Century Music 22, no. 1 (1998): 20-
53.
Loutzaki, Irene. “Mia kritiki matia apo anthropoloyiki apopsi sti meleti tis istorias tou
chorou stin Ellada” [Greek Dances. A Critical Review o f Books Relating to the
Traditional Dances in Greece]. Unpublished manuscript, 1992.
Mackridge, Peter. “Katharevousa (c. 1800-1974): An Obituary for an Official

Language.” In Background to Contemporary Greece, Vol. 1, ed. Marion Sarafis
and Martin Eve, 25-51. London: Merlin Press, 1990.
Maliaras, Nikos. “Dimotika tragoudia tou aigaiou ke tis Kritis sti mousiki tou Manoli
Kalomiri” [Demotic Songs of the Aegean and Crete in the Music of Manolis
Kalomiris]. Mantatoforos 39-40 (1995): 143-70.
Mandel, Ruth. “Sacrifice at the Bridge of Arta: Sex Roles and the Manipulation of
Power.” Journal o f Modern Greek Studies 1 (1983): 173-83.
Michaelides, Solon. The Neohellenic Folk-Music. Cyprus: Limassol Conservatory,

1948.
Miller, William. Travels and Politics in the Near East. London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1898.
Motsenigos, Spyros G. Neoelleniki mousiki. Symvoli is tin istorian tis [Modem Greek
Music. Contributions to Its History]. Athens, 1958.
Nagel, Joane. “Constructing Ethnicity: Creating and Recreating Ethnic Identity and
Culture.” Social Problems 41 (1994): 152-76.
Pachtikos, Georgios D. 260 Dimodi ellinika asmata [260 Greek Folk Songs]. Athens:
P. D. Sakellariou, 1905.
Pemot, Hubert. Melodiespopulairesgrecques de I ’lle de Chio. Paris: Imprimerie

Nationale, Ernest Leroux, editeur, 1903.
Petrides, Ted. Greek Dances. Athens: Lycabettus Press, 1975.
________ . “Greek Folk Dances and Change.” In The Dance Event: A Complex
Cultural Phenomenon, ed. Lisbet Torp. Copenhagen: ICTM Study Group on
Ethnochoreology, 1989.
Petridis, Petros. Greek Folklore and Greek Music. From a lecture delivered at King’s
College, London, 21 March 1919. Foreword by M. D. Caclamanos.
Plantinga, Leon. Romantic Music: A History o f Musical Style in Nineteenth-Century

Europe. New York: W. W. Norton, 1984.
364
Politis, Linos. A History o f Modem Greek Literature. New York: Oxford University
Press, 1973. Reprint, Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1975.
Politopoulos, Haris. “Manolis Kalomiris and Protomastoras.” In the notes to the

recording O Protomastoras, The State Orchestra of the USSR Cinematography,
Emin Khachaturian, GCO 030490. Athens: Greek Cultural Office, 1990.
Prodromou, Elizabeth H. “Paradigms, Power, and Identity: Rediscovering Orthodoxy

and Regionalizing Europe.” In Culture and Reconciliation in Southeastern
Europe, 129-69. Thessaloniki, Greece: Association for Democracy in the
Balkans, n.d. Papers read at International Conference, Thessaloniki, Greece, 26-
29 June 1997.
Pym, Hilary, comp, and trans. Songs o f Greece: A Companion fo r Travelers.

Illustrated by Rosemary Grimble. London: Sunday Times, 1968.
Raftis, Alkis. The World o f Greek Dance. Translated by Alexandra Doumas. Athens:
Finedawn Publishers, 1987.
Sakellieros, Georgios. “1 Mikrasiatiki Rapsodia tou Yanni Konstantinidi” [The Asia

Minor Rhapsody of Yannis Constantinidis]. Student thesis, Aristotle University
of Thessaloniki, School of Fine Arts, Department of Music Studies, 1996.
Scott, Derek B. “Orientalism and Musical Style.” Musical Quarterly 82, no. 2 (1998):
309-35.
Seton-Watson, Hugh. Nations and States. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1977.
Silverman, Carol. “Reconstructing Folklore: Media and Cultural Policy in Eastern

Europe.” Communication 11 (1989): 141-60.
Smith, Anthony D. National Identity. New York: Penguin Books, 1991. Reprint,
Reno, NV: University of Nevada Press, 1993.
Smith, Michael Llewellyn. Ionian Vision: Greece in Asia Minor 1919-1922. New
York: St. Martin’s Press, 1973.
Smymi: H poli tis Smyrnis prin apo tin katastrofi [Smyrna: The City before the
Catastrophe]. Athens: Nea Synora, 1991.
Soumbasi, Sofia. “O makroulos horos.” Unpublished monograph. Athens, 1991.
Stokes, Martin, ed. Ethnicity, Identity and Music: The Musical Construction o f Place.
Providence, RI: Berg Publishers, 1994.
Stratou, Dora. The Greek Dances: Our Living Link with Antiquity. Translated by Amy
Mims-Argyrakis. Athens, Angelos Klissiounis, 1966.
365
Synandinos, Theodoras N. Istoria tis neoellinikis mousikis 1824-1919 [History of
Modem Greek Music 1824-1919], Athens: 1919.
Taruskin, Richard. Defining Russia Musically. Princeton: Princeton University Press,

1997.
________ . “Some Thoughts on the History and Historiography o f Russian Music.”

Journal o f Musicology 3, no. 4 (1984): 321-39.
I tis tritis Septemvriou en Athinais Ethniki Synelefsis. Pratika [Proceedings o f the

National Assembly of Third September in Athens]. Athens, 1844.
Tsalahouris, Philippos and Nikos Maliaras. “The Magic Herbs and Their Time.”
Foreword to the piano/vocal score. Athens: Manolis Kalomiris Society, 1991.
Todorova, Maria. Imagining the Balkans. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997.
Torp, Lisbet. “It’s All Greek to Me: The Invention of Pan-Hellenic Dances and Other
National Stories.” Paper presented at the Nordic and International Folklore
Symposium in Memory of Dr. Bengt Holbek, University o f Copenhagen, Dept,
of Folklore, 11-12 December 1992.
Tsoucalas, Constantine. The Greek Tragedy. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1969.
Wade, Peter. Music, Race, and Nation: Mtisica tropical in Colombia. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 2000.
Watkins, Glenn. Soundings: Music in the Twentieth Century. New York: Schirmer
Books, 1988.
Woodhouse, C. M. A Short History o f Modem Greece. New York: Praeger, 1968.
Zack, George J. “The Music Dramas of Manolis Kalomiris,” Ph.D. dissertation, Florida
State University, 1971. Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1978.
Music Dictionaries
The Garland Encyclopedia o f World Music. Vol. 8, Europe, ed. Timothy Rice, James
Porter, and Chris Goertzen. S.v. “Greece,” by Jane K. Cowan.
The New Grove Dictionary o f Music and Musicians. S.v. “Greece III: After 1830,” by
George S. Leotsakos.
The New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and Musicians. S.v. “Gabrilovich

[Gabrilowitsch], Ossip (Salomonovich),” by Richard Aldrich and James
Methuen-Campbell.
366
The New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and Musicians. S.v. “Greece III: Art Music
since 1770,” by George S. Leotsakos.
The New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and Musicians. S.v. “Greece IV: Traditional
Music,” by Sotirios Chianis and Rudolph M. Brandi.
The New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and Musicians. S.v. “Nationalism,” by Richard
Taruskin.
The New Grove II Dictionary o f Music and Musicians. S.v. “Samaras, Spyridon,” by
George S. Leotsakos.
The New Grove Dictionary o f Opera.S.v. “Athens,” by George S. Leotsakos.
The New Grove Dictionary o f Opera.S.v. “Corfu,” by George S. Leotsakos.
The New Grove Dictionary o f Opera.S.v. “Greece,” by George S. Leotsakos.
Pankosmio biografiko lexiko tis ekpedeftikis ellinikis egkyklopedias [International

Biographical Dictionary of the Educational Greek Encyclopedia], (1986). S.v.
“Constantinidis, Yannis,” by Lambros Liavas.
Scores
Constantinidis, Yannis. Asia Minor Rhapsody. Athens: Ministry of Culture and

Sciences, 1975.
________ . Dodecanesian Suite No. I. Athens: C. Papagrigoriou-H. Nakas, 1996.
________ . Dodecanesian Suite No. 2. Athens: C. Papagrigoriou-H. Nakas, 1993.
________ . 8 Greek Island Dances. Athens: C. Papagrigoriou-H. Nakas, 1993.
________ . Five Songs o f Expectation. Athens: C. Papagrigoriou-H. Nakas, 1993.
________ . 6 Studies on Greek Folk Rhythms. Athens: C. Papagrigoriou-H. Nakas,

1993.
________ . Three Greek Dances. Athens: C. Papagrigoriou-H. Nakas, 1950.
________ . Twenty Songs o f the Greek People for voice and piano. Athens: C.
Papagrigoriou-H. Nakas, 1970.
Kalomiris, Manolis. To Dachtylidi tis manas [The Mother’s Ring] (piano/vocal score).
Athens: Gaitanos, 1937.
________ . Eikosi dimotika tragoudia [Twenty Folk Songs]. Athens: Zacharias Makris,
1922.
367
________ . Magiovotana [Magic Herbs] (piano/vocal score). Athens: Manolis
Kalomiris Society, 1991.
________ . O Protomastoras [The Master Builder] (piano/vocal score). Athens:

Gaitanos, 1940.
________ . Symphony No. l , “Leventia” for mixed chorus and orchestra. Athens:
Union of Greek Composers, 1956.
________ . Symphony No. 2, “O f the Simple and Kind-Hearted People.” Unpublished,

1931.
Reviews
From the Dodecanesia
Anoyanakis, Fivos. “I symphoniki synavlia. Y. Constantinidis - Th. Vavayiannis”

[Symphonic Concert. Y Constantinidis-Th. Vavayiannis]. I mousiki [Music].
El[eftheria] Ell[ada] [Free Greece], n.d.
Hamoudopoulos, D. A. (Dimitrios). “I proxthesini synavlia tis Kratikis Orchistras”

[The Concert of the State Orchestra on the Day before Yesterday]. I mousiki
kinisis [Musical Activity]. Eleftheria [Freedom], n.d.
Psaroudas, loannis. “Synavlia tis Kratikis Orchistras” [Concert o f the State Orchestra].
Mousiki kinisis [Musical Activity]. Ta Nea [The News], n.d.
Varvoglis, Marios. “Kratiki Orchistra” [State Orchestra], Mousiki [Music]. (No

newspaper identified), n.d.
A. G. [Correspondent]. “M. Samuel Baud-Bovy a Athenes.” January 1950.
[Lalaouni], Alexandra, (incomplete copy), n.d.
Mamaki, Ax. “I kinisis ton synavlion. Omilei o afixtheis maestros K. Baud-Bovy”

[Concert Activity. The Newly-Arrived Maestro Baud-Bovy Speaks]. Ta
teleftea mousika nea [Recent Musical News]. (No newspaper given), n.d..
Psaroudas, loannis. “Synavlia tis Kratikis. O K. Sam. Baud-Bovy” [Concert o f the

State Orchestra. Mr. Baud-Bovy]. Mousiki kinisis (Musical Activity]. (No
newspaper given). [Date penciled in appears to be 17 January 1950].
“Sam. Baud-Bovy - Marika Papaioannou.” [Date penciled in appears to be 22 January

1950.]
368
Spanoudi, Sophia K. “O K. Baud-Bovy - 1 symphoniki” [Mr. Baud-Bovy - The
Symphonic (Concert)]. I mousiki evdomas [Musical Week]. Ta Nea [The
News]. n.d. [Date penciled in appears to be 18 January 19S0.]
Prelude-Ostinato, on Two Themes o f Asia Minor
Dounias, Minos. “Yitsa Salvanou - Elli Farantatou - Petros Botasis. Elizabeth Wysor
- 1 symphoniki.” I mousiki evdomas [Musical Week]. Kathimerini [Daily],
n.d.
Hamoudopoulos, D. A. “I synavlia tis Kratikis, ypo tin dievdinsin ton K. Vavayianni.

“Resital tis Kas. Ouayzor” [The Concert of the State Orchestra, under the
Direction of Mr. Vavayannis. Recital o f Ms. Wysor]. I mousiki [Music].
Eleftheria, [Freedom], n.d.
Kal[omiris], Man[olis], “Synavlie” [Concerts]. Ethnos [Nation], n.d.
Lalaouni, Alexandra. “I Kratiki Orchestra ypo ton K. Vavayiannin. 1 Amerikanis

tragoudistria K. Ouayzor” [The State Orchestra under Mr. Vavayiannis. The
American Singer Ms. Wysor]. Kallitechniki & mousiki zoi [Cultural & Musical
Life]. (Newspaper not identified), n.d.
Psaroudas, loannis. “Synavlia tis Kratikis Orchestras. - 1 Kyria Elisabeth Wysor”

[Concert of the State Orchestra - Ms. Elisabeth Wysor]. Mousiki kinisis
[Musical Activity]. To Vima [Tribune], n.d.
Ropaitis, G. “I synavlia tis Kratikis” [The Concert of the State Orchestra]. Mousiki
kinisis [Musical Activity]. Embros [Forward], n.d.
Spanoudi, Sophia K. “I symphoniki synavlia. Elisabet Ouayzor” [Symphonic Concert.

Elisabeth Wysor]. I mousiki evdomas [Musical Week]. Ta Nea, [The News],
n.d.
Vokou, Georg[ios]. “1 proxthesini tis Kratikis” [The State Orchestra on the Day Before
Yesterday]. Mousiki ke choreftiki techni [Music and Dance Art]. Akropolis
[Acropolis], n.d.
369

Folk Song and The Construction

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Folk Song and The Construction

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

INFORMATION TO USERS

The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the

Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by

Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced

ProQuest Information and Learning

Tide of Dissertation: FOLK SONG AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF GREEK

NATIONAL MUSIC: WRITINGS AND

COMPOSITIONS OF GEORGIOS LAMBELET,

MANOLIS KALOMIRIS, AND

Bliss Sheryl Little, Doctor of Philosophy, 2001

Dissertation directed by: Professor Shelley G. Davis

My dissertation examines the relationship between the construction o f a national

identity in Greece and the corresponding construction of a “national” music. It focuses

twentieth centuries. Specifically, I discuss folk song’s contribution to the development of

and 3) as the structural basis for the compositions of Yannis Constantinidis.

Drawing on the work of anthropologists, sociologists, and musicologists, I

support political goals of irredentism, and serve as representations of national character.

o f Greek “national” music. After exploring representations o f Greek musical history in

picture o f the contributions and repertoire of national composers. 1 discuss the

As a reflection of the cultural dualism of Greek national identity, the works of

Constantinidis employed a new approach to the composition o f national music, based

almost entirely on the parameters of Greek traditional music. Critical reviews of

performances and analyses of Constantinidis’ orchestral works foster an understanding of

WRITINGS AND COMPOSITIONS OF GEORGIOS LAMBELET,

MANOLIS KALOMIRIS, AND YANNIS CONSTANTINIDIS

Bliss Sheryl Little

Dissertation submitted to the Faculty o f the Graduate School o f the

Professor Shelley G. Davis, Chair

All rights reserved.

Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company

Bliss Sheryl Little

on the symphonies o f Manolis Kalomiris, I came to realize the significant influence of

Kalomiris and other “national school” composers on twentieth-century Greek musical

Greek folk song.

The generous funding of a Fulbright-Hays Fellowship for Doctoral Dissertation

needed for this project. My thanks go to William R. Ammerman, Executive Director of

providing materials from the Constantinidis Archive, to Myrto Economidou and

University of Thessaloniki. I am grateful to C. Papagrigoriou-H. Nakas music

I should like to extend my heartfelt and sincere appreciation to Professor Shelley

o f my committee, Professors Robert L. Gibson, Regina Harrison, Carolina Robertson,

Notes on Translations, Transliterations, and Musical Symbols

have chosen a form of transliteration that is a modified phonetic system. Modem

common, latinized forms of Greek proper (personal or place) names.

Appendix C, to which I made further editorial changes. In these translations, we have

a movement of a musical work.

capitalized. Although the harmony used by composers is largely “nonfunctional,” I

uppercase for major or augmented in analytical descriptions and musical examples. I

or movement. Not to be confused with Western chromaticism, chromatic modes of

tetrachords, separated by a whole tone, with an identical pattern: minor second,

augmented second, minor second.

separated by a half step.

Dorian or Aeolian mode.

List o f Figures vii

List o f Musical Examples viii

Chapter One: Introduction 1

Chapter Four: Constantinidis, Folk Music, and Greek Identity 168

Chapter Five: Conclusion 244

Appendix A: Figures 252

Appendix B: Musical Examples 271

Appendix C: Texts and Translations 332

Figure 1. National Composers in Greece 252

Figure 2. Works of Yannis Constantinidis (Compiled by Lambros Liavas) 253

Figure 3. Constantinidis, 6 Studies on Greek Folk Rhythms, Structure 254