Chapter 1 - The African Legacy (Pp. 3-22) - 1

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ae a The African Legacy twenty Negars.” This statement, dated 1619, in the Generall Hist- orie of Virginia by Captain John Smith, refers to the first arrival of black men in the English colonies on the mainland (i of the present United States).' They were to continue to come for more than ‘wo hundred years, brought at first in small groups (called “parcels”), then later by the shiploads, clamped in irons and wedged into foul vessels so closely together that there was hardly enough room for movement. The Africans came for the most part from the west coast of Africa—from the area now occupied by the lands of Senegal, Guinea, Gambia, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Ivory Coast, Ghana, Togo, Benin, Nigeria, Cameroon, Gabon, and parts of the Congo and Zaire. Before the arrival of whites on Africa's west coast, the area was dominated by such empires as Ghana, Mali, Songhay, Kanem-Bornu, and the Mossi, Hausa, and other states. With the collapse of some of the older empires, new ones came into existence. During the period of the transatlantic slave trade, the powerful kingdoms, states, and city- states included Ashanti, Benin, Dahomey, the Delta states, Gambia, Oyo, and Senegal. Olaudah Equiano, one of the first Africans to write a book in the English language, described the area from which slaves were taken in his autobiog- “ Bour the last of August came a Dutch man-of-warre that sold us "A. G. Bradley, ed. Travels and Works of Captain Jobn Smith (1624: Edinburgh, 1910), p. sa. aN MiaN0, OF Gas, AND IN A STRANGE L 4 s0NG Narrative of the Life of Olaudab E, raphy, The Int rtam, Writen by limself (1789): aus Vassa the African. m by the name of Guinea, to which the trade f art of Africa, known ‘ so ~ seated on extends alon8 its coast about 3400 miles, from Senegal ro he and includes a variety of kingdoms. to the region such names as the Gold Coast, the Shine a ev coaseThe'fica white travelem nthe sie ae | cate arty of political organizations: some were highly organized, = Tints governors and noblemen (for example, the palace chiefs andy airs BF Benin); others were loosely formed into clans, tribes, or Kinship groups Regardless of the political makeup of West Africa, how the most important divisions were the ancient ones that separated pe into groups acording t0 their clans, or ther villages of origin, descent fom common ancestors. Thus the various peoples included ilar ever, ‘Oples | their such nations as the Akan, Fon, Yoruba, Ibo, Fanti, Fulani, Ashanti, Jolof, Mar dingo, Bakongo, and Baoulé. MUSIC IN WEST AFRICA ‘We know a considerable amount about the music of West Africa during the slave-trade period (1619-ca. 1860 in the United States), despite the pauciy of written indigenous records. In the first place, the oral traditions of mod- ern Africa offer reliable clues to the past, for many musical practices of today are remarkably similar to those of two centuries ago. Perhaps even ‘more important is the information to be found in writings of the early Euro: Pean travelers and traders in Africa. Some of these chronicles provide sur- prisingly rich details about one or more aspects of African music and occasionally include musical examples and illustrations of musical instru- 3 ments, The Role of Music in Society One of the most striking features of African life was the important sare music and the dance, and travelers seldom failed to comment upon this. The earliest report in the English language comes from Richard Jobson, | an English sea captain sent to Africa by the Company of Adventurers of jandon in 1620 to explore the Gambia River area with a view to ase "Ss potential for trade. After returning to England he published The Golden ‘Fauiano, The Interesting Narrative cussion of musical m ‘ropean traders rather than including significant discussion of Of the Life of Olaudabh Equiano (London, 1789). ater scattered throughout the books published teentrated in one place. In the following notes ll “ssion of music will be cited with the first mention ofthe fie THE AFRICAN LEGACY Trade or a Discovery of the River Gambra and the Golden Trade of the ‘Aathiopians, in which he observed: ‘There is without doubt, no people on the earth more naturally affected to the sound of musicke than these people; which the principall persons do hold as an ‘ornament of their state, so as when wee come to see them their musicke will seldome be wanting, ... Also, if at any time the Kings or principall persons come unto us trading in the River, they will have their musicke playing before them, and will follow in order after their manner, presenting a shew of state.‘ Acentury later trader James Houstoun wrote, “I visited King Conny in his Castle, who received me with the usual ceremonies of their Country, Musicke, Drums, and Horns." Equiano the African states, “We are almost a nation of dancers, musicians, and poets.”* Other accounts of the period offer similar testimony to the primacy of music in the lives of the African peoples. Occasions for Music Making For almost every activity in the life of the individual or the community there was an appropriate music; it was an integral part of life from the hour of birth to beyond the grave. Equiano points out: ‘Thus every great event, such as a triumphant return from battle or other cause of public rejoicing, is celebrated in public dances, which are accompanied with songs and music suited to the occasion. The assembly is separated into four divisions, which dance either apart or in succession, and each with a character peculiar to itself. The frst division contains the married men, who in their dances frequently exhibit feats of arms and the representation of a battle. To these suc- ceed the married women, who dance in the second division. The young men occupy the third, and the maidens the fourth. Each represents some interesting, scene of real life, such as a great achievement, domestic employment, a pathetic story, or some rural sport; and as the subject is generally founded on some recent vent, it is therefore ever new. This gives our dances a spirit and variety which I have scarcely seen elsewhere. There was ceremonial music for the festivals commemorating agricul- tural rites, celebrating the installation of kings or bringing together important chiefs of the nation, and reenacting historical events of signi cance. Thomas Edward Bowdich gives a full description of one such festival, called the Yam Customs, in his book, Misston from Cape Coast to Ashantee. A scientific writer, Bowdich was sent to Africa in 1817 by the African Com- mittee of London to establish commercial relations with the Ashanti. He was also an amateur musician and painter; he recorded African melodies in ‘Richard Jobson, The Golden Trade (London, 1623), pp. 105: “James Houstoun quoted in Elizabeth Doonan, Documents Illustrative of the History of the _Slave Trade (Washington, D.C. 1930-35), v. 2, p. 288, "Equiano, Narrative, pp. 7-8. aE_-6—( —hfhehFheF—O/ — Sg 6 SONG IN A STRANGE LAND ration, described instruments and performance practice with preci Sd included several watercolor scenes of African life in his book Ayo things make his report extremely valuable fr the music historian, Whe Bowdich's mission arrived at Kumasi, the capital of Ashanti (now in Ghana), he tells us that: Upwards of 5000 people, the greater part warriors, met us with awful martial music, discordant only in its mixture; for horns, drums, rattles gong-gongs were all exerted with a zeal bordering on phrenzy. We wed halted whist the captains performed their Pyerhic dance in the centre of a cre formed by their warriors.” bursts of The dance lasted for about a half hour, after which the Englishmen were escorted by the warriors through the strets of the town to an open square near the palace. They were totally unprepared for the “magnificence and novelty” of the scene that lay before them. ‘The king, his tributaries, and captains, were resplendent in the distance, sure rounded by attendants of every description. ... The sun was reflected, with « slare scarcely more supportable than the heat, from the massy gold ornaments, ‘which glistened in every direction. More than a hundred bands burst at once on our arrival, fall playing] the peculiar airs of their several chiefs; the horns flour. ished their defiances [i.c., fanfare melodies}, with the beating of innumerable drums and metal instruments, and then yielded for a while to the soft breathings of their long flutes, which were truly harmonious; and a pleasing instrumenr, like a bagpipe without the drone, was happily blended. At least a hundred large umbrellas, or canopies, which could shelter thirty persons, were sprung up and down by the bearers with briliant effect, being made of scarlet, yellow, and the most shewy [i showy] cloths and silks. Special kinds of music were called for during preparations for war or for embarking upon a major hunting expedition; similarly, there were musi- cal rituals associated with victory celebrations, whether in observation of the defeat of an enemy or of a successful hunt. Among all the nations, one of the most important festivals occurred when local rulers and chiefs paid homage to the king in the nation’s capital. The crowds who filled the town at such times included not only chiefs and their followers but also envoys and merchants from other states, raders from within and without the coun- try, and villagers from miles around. Typically, these festivals lasted for ‘many days—the Annual Customs of Dahomey, for example, took several weeks ‘Then there was the music involved in religious rites—veneration of the deities, of the lesser divinities and spirits, and of the ancestors. Bowdich ‘observes that the Ashanti thought it “absurd” to worship God in any Wa¥ “Edward Bowdich, Mission 358-69, 449-52, "Robert Noris, Memoirs o 6, 104-5, 109, ‘rom Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee (London, 1819), pp. 4% the Reign of Bassa Ahadee, King of Dahomey (London, 1789). Pr ee THE AFRICAN LeGacy 7 other than through singing and chanting, Closely related to religious rites were those associated with funerals, particularly of important persons of the community and royalty. Among some peoples of Angola (now the Congo and Zaire) there was a tradition for litigation music. In presenting cases to the judge-chief, the litigants chanted their arguments to the accom- paniment of drums and song, All this music was ceremonial and ritualized, and frequently performed in conjunction with dance and/or drama by pro- fessional musicians. But a large part of the music making in Africa took place on a less for- mal, highly socialized level that brought together members of the commu- in either selective groups or as a whole to share in common experiences. ‘There was music appropriate for celebrating the birth of a child, the appear- ance of the first tooth, the onset of puberty, initiation rites, betrothal cere- monies, and similar events of an individual's life. Usually, singing groups wwere sex-differentiated; slave trader Theophilus Conneau describes a wom- en’s-children’s group he saw in 1826: ‘The usual dance was proposed. A huge bonfire was made in the yard, and a circle formed by women and children. A female drummer soon made her appear- ance, and a tam-tam struck their national dance, accompanied with song,” Occasions associated with children, adolescent girls, and funerals, in partic- ular, generally called for musical performance by women. On the other hand, warrior songs, hunting songs, fishermen and boating songs, and other kinds of cooperative-work songs were the province of the men. Bowdich’s reference to the songs of the Canoe men identifies an important work activity in a land where waterways provided the chief ‘means of transportation. As agricultural peoples, West Africans had a wide variety of songs associated with planting, harvesting, cattle raising, prepara- tion of food, selling in the market and on the street, and similar activities. There were many times, of course, when men and women sang together; traveler Hugh Clapperton witnessed such an occasion in 1829: The walls of Boussa . .. appeared very extensive, and are at present under repair. Bands of male and female slaves, accompanied by drums and flutes, and singing in chorus, were passing to and from the river with water, to mix the clay they were building with." Finally, there was recreational music, both formal and informal. Con- eau reports on the kind of entertainment offered a chief at the end of the day: “After dinner several female singers were introduced and amused us with a concert, I cannot say much in favor of their voices or melodies, but still, some of their instruments were certainly ingenious enough. . . .” Group “Conneau in Mable Smythe, ed., A Slaver’s Logbook (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1976), pp. 54, 63, 96, 130-32, 136, 171. also Hugh Clapperton, Journal of a Second Expedition into the Interior of Africa (Lon- don, 1829), pp. 14, 24, 71, 86-87, 98. B sonc tl NA STRANGE LAND ; inthe community for recreational purposes was inva a ag a point to which we shall return. z accor Professional Musicians illage had its master musicians, singers, and instrumental el ve ded mus for formal activities of the community. Often they wer, attached tothe courts of kings or chiefs as royal horn blowers, royal drum. mers, and praise singers; frequently their positions were inherited from the fathers to be passed on in turn to their sons. Whether royal or independent musicians, they were expected to be virtuoso performers and to know the traditional history and literacure of the people. Jobson compares the African minstrels, called grits, to Trish bards: ‘They have a perfect resemblance to the Irish Rimer, sitting in the same manner as they doe upon the ground, somewhat remote from the company; and as they use [the] singing of Songs unto their musicke, the ground and effect whereof i the rehearsall of the ancient stock of the King, exhalting his antientry, and ‘recounting over all the worthy and famous acts by him or them {that] hath been achieved: singing likewise extempore upon any occasion is offered, whereby the Principall may be pleased; wherein diverse times they will not forget in our pres- ‘ence to sing in the praise of us white ‘men, for which he will expect from us some ‘manner of gratification. ‘Trader Mungo Park cites some of the duties of those he called Jillkea or ee a ‘o sing “extempore songs” (that is, improvise both tunes and snd honor oftheir patrons, to recite the historical events of thet king rate ee to accompany the warriors in the fields, stimulating them the Mah devour hymns, and er ming the faith, who travel about the country, Stee the Almighty ther i averting cala A co us ceremonies, to conciliate the favo" mity, or in insuring success to @0Y Master musi thatthe gold horn bis PBhly esteemed by the people. Bowdich obser Res of the king’ ha jhe Master of the bands sat with the fr | bespoke the dignity etl “surrounded by a retinue and spl, 'ndimportance of their offices." Others ™ "Meng Pay 33.31" nthe roy %, a nage! te 00-2," Se 50 Wiliam Smith, Ditricts of africa (New York, 1800), pP-2 wal Voyage toGs "nea (London, 1744), pp. 20-22, 219 ba THE AFRICAN LeGacy that musicians generally sat near the king or chief, an indication of their high rank. Mungo Park was particularly impressed by the exalted status of poet-musicians in Africa, who “are much employed and respected by the Feople, and very liberal contributions are made for them,” while in Europe “neglect and indigence . . .commonly attend the votaries of the Muses.” It should be remarked that singing women as well as singing men shared in this adulation. Musical Instruments and Performance Practice Early travelers in Africa most often encountered percussive instru- ments—that is, instruments belonging to the classes of membranophones and idiophones. The membranophones, or drums, came in all sizes and shapes, ranging in length from ten or twelve inches to ten or twelve feet, and in diameter from two or three inches to several feet. Bowdich says thar most often drums were made of hollow’d trunks of trees, frequently carved with much nicety, mostly open at one end, and of many sizes: those with heads of common skin (that is of any other than Leopard skin) are beaten with sticks in the form of a crotchet rest [i-. the largest are borne on the head of a man, and struck by one or more followers: the smaller are slung round the neck, oF stand on the ground; in the latter case they are mostly played with the inside of the fingers, at which the natives are very expert: amongst these drums are some with heads of leopard skin, (looking like vellum,) only sounded by two fingers, which are scraped along, as the mid- dle finger is on the tamborine, but producing a much louder noise. His testimony is corroborated by many others. A traveler among the Ibo peoples found two drum-types, the one made from a hollow log, and the other made by cutting a gourd or calabash in half and drawing a skin tightly, over the opening.'? Major Dixon Denham describes a drum “made of a hollow block of wood abour three feet high, with a skin drawn tensely over the top by means of braces.”" Conneau refers to a drum made from the “trunk of a tree four feet in diameter and hollowed or bored out to the consistency of two inches thick; its length was ten feet and only onc end was covered with a bullock hide.” Mungo Park names the “tangtang, a drum open at the lower end” and the tabulu, a talking drum. In 1705 a traveler saw a drum in the shape of an hourglass." The drum, of all instruments, was most frequently chosen as a royal or sacred instrument, as is true in modern-day Africa. Performance groups for James Hawkins, A History of 4 Voyage to the Coast of Afric (Troy, NY, 1797), pp. 100-1 “Dixon Denham et al., Narrative of Travels and Discovertes it Northern and Central Africa (London, 1428), «1, pp. 241-42 825. 2 pp. $8, 211, 236, 256, 365, 4024 "William Bosman, al New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea (London, 1721), pp. 115-18, 220, 422-23, _ a] Ge LAND N STRA GIN AS 10 son Soclima in the “Jelleman of Soolima {and] Jelleman of Kooranko"” From Travels of Timonnee (1825) by Alexander G. Laing 0, ingle player or 4 ight be a single player ied as much as drum sizes; there migl ap seers small and large ensembles. Faropent fe cof the hands that Africans played drums with the fingers or the pal ‘ “crooked sticks.” ials capable of produ’ diophones (instruments made of any a ae ee si sound) were represented by an endless variety of bells, ed xylophones gongs made of iron, sticks, and rattles, as well as the tun is be i , it mi rials. Generally referred to as balafou or balaloor rou! large with twenty or more keys or small enough to hang by the neck, Conneau describes one of the latter: This was something like an light open frame. atthe ines with? iret harmonica: a board the size of a tea Wait! "ie strings S2rteme ends. On this frame were tied two Li of cane, and on itr ese . ym thee 1 12 sonc INA STRANGE LAND rellow wood, with « brass mouthpiecs, the sounds of which y, re unpleasing. te ing i included lute or fidal Chordophones (string instruments) inc oe and pre pes, zther types and a simple musical bow that appar ty ar eco Aca, Bowdichdesries the musical bow, or bentug, was «atc bent in the form ofa bow, and across iti fastened avery hin “jdt tanes which eld berween the lps a one end, and trick w a a eat the othe its occasionally stopped, oF rather bufed, by aa, se is thy play oly ively ars and it west various sounds the,” Lute types were typically made of gourds or calabashes, the tops coved with deer skins or skins of other animals, with two large holes cut forte wound to escape.” Fiddle types might be “made of a narrow box, is op top covered with alligator or antelope skin, with a long stick used as ane and a bridge to support the strings.” The strings, made from horse or con fair, varied in number from one to as many as seven or eight, and the ns ment was bowed of plucked, depending upon the customs of the people Clapperton gives a detailed description of a violin made of a gourd that ke saw in Dahomey. It had «thee strings of horsehair, not in single hairs but a number for each sing ‘untwisted, the bow the same; the body of the violin was formed of half log gourd; the bridge, two cross sticks; the top, the skin of a guana stretched thy lover the edges; the neck was about two feet long, ornamented with plas o brass, having a hollow brass knob at the end. In regard to harps, the sources distinguish between large harps 3 example the korro with eighteen strings, and small harps, as the simbit with seven strings. Conneau compares the sound of the harp he heard (0 that of an American banjo, Bowdich comments upon its suitability * accompaniment for long, narrative songs, its strings being made of fibrous roots of the palm wi “full, armonio®s ae ee ab ice toe roc full, ha = one Hees ba of instruments might include a variety of ype ‘enbesibles a by Bowdich at the Yam Customs in Kumasi hones Jokes consisted of drums, small utes, and one of 0. a litle drummers Om a string instrument played “in cconsortshiP Yi, attached small yogi, accompanying the dance. Performer gtr ankles small r8!88 idiophones to their wrists, elbows, kn s to the musica soe ot tom and rattles—which added percussive ot lucked oe ind as performer jophe 1a rs struck their drums and xyl0F, ings of the chordophones or the thin strips of thumb "See also James E. Ale ander, Transatlantic Sketches (Philadelphia, 1833) P- 21” THE AFRICAN LeGAcy U3 ‘These subsidiary sounds were an essential element of performance style. The Ballards player heard by Jobson, for example, had large iron rings on his arms, to which were attached horizontally extending iron bars that had “upon them smaller rings and juggling toyes.” For performers who could not produce the subsidiary buzzing sounds themselves, there were always others to assist. Clapperton encountered a traveling violinist attended by two boys, who added percussive effects to his singing and playing by beating hollow gourds filled with pebbles and beans against their palms. His voice [was] clear and melodious. . .. He accompanied his instrument with his voice, the boys joining in [the) chorus. His songs were extempore. I should have taken one down, but found they were all about myself. When there was nothing else at hand, a performer might simply beat a stick against an instrument or on the ground, or could resort to hand clapping and foot stomping. The singing style was distinctive for its high intensity and use of such special effects as falsetto, shouts, groans, and guttural tones. A strong, clear voice was favored, but Europeans generally described the sounds of the African voice as “a rude noyse,” “a strong nasal sound,” or “very loud and shrill.” During the musical-dance performance spectators participated by joining in the song refrains, clapping hands, tapping feet, or even entering the dance ring on occasion. According to tradition, they shouted words of encouragement (or disapproval) to the performers, just as during the pala- ver, they were accustomed “to give a groan or sigh at any remarkable or affecting description.” Although the only pointed discussion of rhythm comes from Bowdich, it is obvious that this element of African music was as important in the past asit is today.!® Whether playing fast or slowly, performers maintained strict time, that is, handled their complex rhythms so as to intensify the basic pulse, which may have been produced by drums, idiophones, or even hand clapping. Scholars of African music refer to this metronomic element in the music as the time line. Bowdich points out that “it is always perfect, and the children will move their heads and limbs, whilst on their mother’s backs, in exact unison with the tune which is playing.” In regard to melody, Bowdich again is the only informant who writes with authority; the others generally avoid technical language. To be sure, Park notes that a song improvised in his honor had a “sweet and plaintive air,” but he does not, or cannot, explain why this was so. Bowdich includes the music for twenty-three songs in his book and attempts to identify the scales as major or minor, Careful examination of the music suggests, how- ever, that the scales were predominantly pentatonic and modal, as in the following example: Bowdich’ discussion of musical elements appears on pp. 449-52. 14 SONG IN A STRANGE LAND Empodngwa song (Gabon) ‘Andantino pe pee We are indebted to Bowdich for recording the melodies in notation. It was a difficule task because of the African propensity for embellishing melodies, but he was aware of the problem and made a special effort 0 solve it. rare instance of a native able to play the radcl notes of each tune [that is, the melodic skeleton without ornamentation} eit the best player in the country fon the sanko, a string instrument)... To hie tempted anything like arrangement, beyond what the annexed sis atwal possess, would have altered them, and destroyed the intention of matt them known in their original character. I have not even dared to insert a fat or sharp. was fortunate enough to find a a feature of the music 35 The first affected the Melodic improvisation was as characteristi was singing “extempore,” that is, text improvisation. Second to some extent: a singer would invent a song on the spot, then mi changing text Bt rally change the repetitions in the melody to ft the ever- instrumental musie also was affected by improvisation. Bowdich obser that the embellishing figures of melodies fell into two classes: those imp” vised on the spot and those belonging to a traditional repertory: us, some extempore, Om distingsish ‘Theie graces [i.c., embellishing figures] are so numero transmitted from father to son, that the constant repetition only can di the commencement of the air [ie melody]: sometimes between each beginning par, sometimes #7 they introduce a few chords, sometimes they leave out a only return to the middle, so entirely is it left to the fancy of the performer In essence the musical performance consisted of repeating 4 short musical unit again and again, with variation in its repetition, short cune of the Gabon song, above fills only three measures in a tion. By comparing one repetition (mm. 4-6) with the basic tune (mm. 3), we can perceive how performers might have varied their tunes- Some instruments were given diatonic tunings but others were tuned produce chromatics within the octave. To the Earopean ear, these Sty seemed quite random, according to no definite plan. Bowdich observes example, that the eight-string sanko was tuned from middle C10 th «tat a THE AFRICAN LEGAcy 15 above according to the sound of the C-major scale, but he could not discern 4 pattern in the tunings of other instruments he heard. == xy noo-Blow ado -me-val __Ken-neo-vay noo -blow ado ~me-vat co When performance involved more than one person, harmonic elements might be introduced into the niusic: singers might sing parts of the song at the interval of a third, a fourth, or a fifth below the basic melody; or they might perform the song in parallel intervals throughout. ys sl Se cake enn fon Go wala la wr mew . pomeean pemrcr meena Be ca aa aie AFantee dirge IF gore ee = ‘A favorite performance practice involved a lead singer supported by one or two others, or by a group, functioning as a chorus to sing refrains. This resulted in musical structures in antiphonal style—that is, alternating solo ¥s. solo, of solo and small ensemble, or solo and group—for which modern scholars generally use the term call-and-response. n | 16 SONG IN A STRANGE LAND ‘an Acera fetish hymn rorwoorra a-fl=nale ~ pwa de MOF WOOr-F4 Mor be fot-roeen forwoorta gnor-woor-ramor-bee grot-woor-n Music and Poetry Equiano the African reminds us that music, poetry, and the dance wet inextricably interlinked and, as we have seen, poet and musician typi Were one and the same person, Poetic language was distinctive for its ued imagery and figures of speech, which—to quote Bowdich were "hype ical and picturesque.” The Accras, for example, instead of saying “Gio! wight,” said, “Sleep tll the lighting of the world.” A New Yeats st Observed that “the year’s ends have met,” Song texts generally reflected fe sonal or community concerns. The texts might speak of everyday affais* of historical events; texts might inform listeners of current happenings” Praise or ridicule persons, including even those listening to the song: fhan one informant reports how the People would sit “all around ins anes And with uncouth Notes, blame or praise somebody inte * Most important texts belonged to the historical tv il Bones heroic deeds of tie baie and reminded the people of pores tion the Esropcan vlc wee alse ea Songs enes 20d Quite a few found themselves serving as the S114 with the song inmpr enc €XCeme discomfture, Mungo Park 38 e thus giving ue the corse4 about him and wre de ante words it on eam language Wye Example of an Afri song translated it 8 had been compelled or 828 SOmposed under uneceal circumstanerl in finding someone whack setter in a small village, but WS sheet ‘hy siting unde a tee wipes 2 him in, and so had to SPE yet a F tree without fe dev od. nga iene tdercluds checane el end Park began on night, a woman passing by took hove of finding a place th s THE AFRICAN LEGACY and int d him into her home. She gave him supper and directed him to a amt where he could sleep. The woman and her companions spent the veater part of the night spinning cotton; as they worked, they lightened art labors with songs, one of which was extemporized on the subject of Park himself. Park listened carefully, observing that the song “was sung by aac of the young women, the rest joining in a sort of chorus.” The following & Park's literal translation of the spinners’ song: ‘The winds roared, and the rains fell; The poor white man, faint and weary, Came and sat under our tree. He has no mother to bring him milk, No wife to grind his corn. CHonus Let us pity the white man No mother has he to bring him milk, No wife to grind his corn. ‘The song of the spinners represents a typical African poetic form—the alter- nation of stanza and chorus, with the quite common feature of the reappear- ance of the stanza refrain as part of the chorus. The African predilection for call-and-response performance was reflected in poetic form as well as in musical form, as is illustrated in the following example recorded by Major Denham: Give flesh to the hyenas at daybreak, ‘Oh, the broad spears? ‘The spear of the Sultan is the broadest, ‘Oh, the broad spearst I behold thee now—I desire to see none other, Oh, the broad spears! ‘My horse is as tall as a high wall, ‘Oh, the broad spears! He will fight against ten—he fears nothing, ‘Oh, the broad spearst He has slain ten; the guns are yet behind, Oh, the broad spearst ‘The elephant of the forest brings me what I want, ‘Oh, the broad spears! Like unto thee, so is the Sultan, ‘Oh, the broad spears! ..- In performance, speech and music frequently were integrated, with vary- ing degrees of gradation among the four kinds of expression—speech, reci- tative, chant, and song. To some travelers the singing seemed to be “almost all recitative.” A song might move into speech and back to singing during its performance; a story might employ songs during the course of the narra- tive. Call-and-response structure made ample allowance for the interjection of speech into song; for example, the group might speak or chant refrains instead of singing them. 17 po as D GIN A STRANGE LAN on Music and the Dance red more exotic to the early European tray Ht ae it was the dance. They observed that dancing “neon ofthe evenings” forthe people, that “all the igh continue dancing, untl he that playes be quite tyred out.” Ang whe musicians were forced to rest, others took their place, and the danci tinued until dawn, Again and again the travelers describe the Various king of dances they witnessed—some flavoring their accounts with dics others, wih admiration. Like music, dance was a form of communien, aswell as creative expression and recreations; there were dances force, ing the important events ofthe individual or community life—fertliy i, ation into adulthood, war, worship, death, and similar kinds of kann concerns. Diferent nations cultivated different dance forms, of course, buen formations and body attitudes seem to have been prevalent among alltk roples- In 1620 Jobson noticed the “bended bodies” and “creaky kes! thet hand ances and how the men dance “with their swords nals Fe thepileall the time “the standers-by seme to grace the danes, 1 cent ne tht hands together after the mange ci keeping time.” Ove ty later, a traveler in Sierra Leone noticed that ‘Men and Wome shew his Skill in annie ees pen part of the Town, and one ata it ind Gesticulations, yet with a great del! “Funeral Ceremo femony at Annabon* ‘Te Espn Set ae Pier J. W. Cook from William Allen’ Nort THE AFRICAN LEGACY 19 Agility, he company making the Musick by clapping their hands together durin the time, helped by the louder nose of wo or three Drums. sssogene deci Other observers have commented on the circle formation of the dancers and the predilection for “principally confining [movement] to the head and upper parts of the body” and for “scarcely moving their feet” or using a shufflelike step. Also distinctive were the exhibitions of individual skill and the placement of the musicians in the center of the ring. The sword or stick dances of the males are mentioned frequently, and every description refers to the bystanders clapping their hands, “evincing by acclamation and ges- ture their unqualified approbation.” A dance observed by Major Denham in 1826 might be regarded as typical: “The dance was performed by men armed with sticks, who springing alternately from one foot to another, while dancing round in a ring, frequently flourished their sticks in the air, or clashed them together with a loud noise. Sometimes a dancer jumped out of the circle, and springing around on his heel for several minutes, made his stick whirl above his head at the same time with equal rapid- ity; he would then rejoin the dance. In the center of the ring there were two drummers, the drums standing on the ground.”” In modern Africa, music and dance may be integrated with drama, par- ticularly on occasions associated with worship or festivals. Undoubtedly Such music-dance-drama combinations occurred in the past, and the specta- cle witnessed in 1825 by Major ‘Alexander Gordon Laing at Talaba, Soolima {now Senegal) clearly fits the description (although the term drama is not used), Thirty warriors on horseback and 2,000 on foot staged mock battles on the parade grounds in front of the king and his guests for more than half an hour, accompanied by a band of over one hundred musicians. This was followed by a performance involving a Jelle, or singing man, in elaborate costume, ten women “fancifully dressed out in fine cloths,” the War-Master {principal military chief), and a number of warriors engaging in dialogue, song, pantomime, and dance! Summary Although the musical cultures of West Africa during the slave-trade period varied from nation to nation, the cultures shared enough features fo Constitute an identifiable heritage for Africans in the New World. From the secounts of explorers and traders, to which can be added evidence deduced from modern oral traditions, we learn of the primacy of music asan integral 1737), pp. $3, 64, John Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and the West Indies (London. ‘I is, A Voyage to Guinea, Br ! Bate See also Francis Moore, Travels Into the Inland Parts of Africa (London, 1737) Pr 10; Laing, Travels, pp. 311-13. “Denham, Narrative, p. 402. Laing, Travels, pp. 228-38, 2 SONG IW A STRANGE LAND | THE ApMICAN LeGacy 20 art of everyday life, of diinctve performance practices, an of the press. per elsoeal inetruments. Moreover, itis possible to imagine how the vereic might have sounded since many instruments of the past are still sed sa numberof songs were presersed in notation, and much music hex Teen cransmitted orally through the generations, Music making was peer aly communal activity involving the interaction of soloists oF leaders wath the group asthe chorus. Music served not only in the conventional role of enhancing worship rituals and providing recreational outlets, but alo ‘offered a means of communication and a way of sharing in collective expen, fences, whether of the past of present. Finally, the integration of music wir dance andor dramatic elements was a characteristic feature ofthe cultures ‘The precise number of Africans transported ro the New World via slave ships onthe so-called Middle Passage is unknowns it has been estimated by some ro be ten milion, by others, fifteen million or more. Although black ‘men entered the New World as early as 1501 with the frst explorers, and slavery became eaablished in the West Indies during the second decade of the century, it was not unell the seventeenth century that Africans were imported into the mainland colonies. - From indentured Servitude to Slavery According to elle eximates thy and fwd 0 lable eimates here were 1,980 colonists on the mie finde Ame in 1625180 inthe Prmouth Colony seo Ub ne Tpontacn to inatthe number of black peor’ uded at tme; eis not lkely that Plymouth rg peuston had inset #28 he Dace ii Cone wage America were common, rival in the colonies had thy The earliest African a id many whites and Na servants, a di by 1644 1 status of indentured wemor tive Americans fem tenga Ki of New anne of the period. Already andl ere al even "ce"; and the recon rm ay rma Nketia, The a, Mees tee jae er Itc of Mca New York 1974), sn Virginia hegan to secure their freedom in the 1650s, having served os the importa tion of Africans into the colonies increased. More and more black captives ‘vere given contracts thar made them “servants for life” instead of for a rime.” Eventually they received no indentures at all: Ir was during this period thar black slavery became established, at first by custom, then by law. From Norch to South the colonists began to enact [tnws ensuring that the incoming Africans would be held in lifetime serv tude. Although a Massachusetts law of L641 prohibited enslavement, it was ccasy to evade the laws slave traders had only co see to it that the Africans they imported were captured in wars or sold to them by others theie rime. During the second half of the seventeenth cen ‘There shall never be any bond slavery, illenage, oF captiiey among us unless it he lawl caprives taken in just wars, and such strangers as walling sll them ‘elves or are sald tous, Ani these shal have lhe liberties and Chestiam wages Which the law of God, established in Israel conceming sch persons, does mor ily require. This exemprs sone from serenade who shall e judged thereto by authors During the 1660s the codes of the colonies bhlack slavery came swiftly: Virginia in 1661, Maryland in 1663, New York and New Jersey in 1664, Later the colonies of Pennsylvania, Delaware, New England, and the Carolinas followed suit. By 1700 the “peculiar institu tion” of slavery was a realty throughout the thirteen colonies. Ing statutory recognition 10 African Retentions in the New World Africans were taken to the New World in chains, stripped co the bare ‘kin, and those thar came ro the mainland colomies generally were separated from their families and communities. But though they could bring no mate rial objects with them, they retained memories of the rich cultural traditions they had left behind in the motherland and passed these traditions down to their children. The importance given to music and dance in Africa was reflected among the slaves in the colonies, as will be seen—in the songs they sang, in their dancing and folk festivals. In addition, there were specific ‘customs thar persisted throughout their long years of acculturation into the lifeseyle oF the dominant society in the United States. (To be sure. the African experience was reflected as well in other areas, particularly folk literanure and religion.) The function of muste as a communal activity, ior example, led to the development of slave-song repertores that provided some mea- sue of release from the physical and spiritual brutality of slavery. Despite "se therm Rohert Reverey. The Histor of Virgen nour Pat London. 1722. “The Mawachines ay of Liters, Hosen mane places for example, The las of Amora, ed. Mier (Adler Chicas Ferns Haan, L976), «1 Dnsconernes Now Wald. FH9S- 17849 16 Pr 22 soNG IN A STR ANGE LAND the interaction of rican and European cultural patterns in blag nities, with the resultant emergence of new, African-Americas there persisted among black folk musicians a predilection for cer mance practice, certain habits, certain musical instruments, ant ways of shaping music to meet their needs in the new environne roots in the African experience. ne, Prt, cera, nt that hy

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