Nonnative-English-Speaking

Professionals in TESOL
JUN LIU
The University of Arizona

This study explores the labels native speaker (NS) and nonnative speaker
(NNS) from the perspective of seven nonnative-English-speaking pro-
fessionals in TESOL. Using data from e-mail and face-to-face interviews
gathered over a 16-month period, the author delineates a number of
dimensions surrounding the terms, such as precedence in learning
languages, competence in the learned languages, cultural affiliation,
social identities, and language environment. Participants also discussed
related professional issues, such as the power relations imposed by the
labels, the impact of the labels on the hiring process, and the pedagogi-
cal implications of the labels. The study calls for more case studies to
thoroughly examine other common professional labels.

R ecent TESOL conventions have witnessed an increase in the number

of nonnative speakers (NNSs) of English voicing their concerns and
expressing their visions as TESOL professionals (Braine, 1996, 1997; Liu,
1998). Their unique perspectives have increased an awareness of the
impact nonnative-English-speaking professionals have on their students
(e.g., Braine, 1995; Kresovich, 1988; McNeill, 1994; Medgyes, 1994;
Palfreyman, 1993; Rampton, 1990). Although the majority of profession-
als in TESOL in the U.S. speak English as their L1, the important role
nonnative-English-speaking professionals play in TESOL should not be
ignored. Their interests, concerns, perspectives, and impact on ESL
students have led to an examination of the label nonnative-English-speaking
professional in TESOL (Liu, 1996, 1998; Medgyes, 1992). With the global-
ization of English and the recognition of world Englishes (Bautista, 1997;
Crystal, 1997; Kachru, 1992b), the stereotype of nonnative-English-
speaking professionals who were born in foreign countries and who
learned English in EFL contexts and thus lack native proficiency in
English needs to be challenged.
Admittedly, the labels native speaker (NS) and NNS have been a cause
for concern for years (Kachru, 1992a; Medgyes, 1994; Paikeday, 1985;
Rampton, 1990). As Kachru and Nelson (1996) point out, the casual

TESOL QUARTERLY Vol. 33, No. 1, Spring 1999 85

labeling of “the native speaker,” which “used to be so comfortably
available as a demarcation line between this and that type or group of
users of English, must now be called into serious question” (p. 81). Being
labeled as an NS is “of no particular a priori significance, in terms of
measuring facility with the language” (p. 79). Kachru and Nelson
maintain that deciding who will be labeled an English user is not as
straightforward as might be imagined. Hidden beneath the label of NNS
or ESL speaker are, in fact, attitudinal problems, “for it is almost
unavoidable that anyone would take ‘second’ as less worthy” (p. 79), not
to mention nonnativeness. Based on their recognition of the great
variety of users and uses of English today, Kachru and Nelson caution
that TESOL professionals would err if they held too tightly the di-
chotomy of native versus nonnative, that is, “us versus them” (p. 79).
Davies (1991) posits that the dichotomy of NNSs of English versus NSs
of English, like majority-minority relations, is power driven, identity
laden, and confidence affecting. However, he believes that NNSs of
English can penetrate the boundary between the two. On the other
hand, Medgyes (1992) maintains a noninterface position between NSs
and NNSs of English. Although he acknowledges the problems in
labeling NSs and NNSs of English in TESOL, he clearly sees the
difference between native and near-native proficiency. According to
Medgyes, recognizing such a difference should be an asset in that those
who see themselves as nonnative-speaking English teachers can work
toward becoming nativelike speakers. Note that the position Medgyes
holds is both linguistic and pedagogical, as he places linguistic compe-
tence as a priori in the distinction.
As the number of English users around the world surges towards a
probable 2 billion (Crystal, 1985), NSs and NNSs use English in ever
more numerous ways that are unrelated to the nationality of the speaker
(Strevens, 1992). One of the consequences, as Strevens posits, is related
to “profound perceptions of identity and to major differences in such
perceptions between native speakers of English and non-native speakers”
(p. 27).
Needless to say, NSs and NNSs of English differ. However, from
sociolinguistic, sociopolitical, linguistic, and pedagogical perspectives,
what difference do those differences make in teaching English? What
does the term nonnative-speaking professional in TESOL mean? That is,

1. What is the rationale for classifying a certain group of people into

this category?
2. In what way, under what conditions, and to what extent do TESOL
professionals consider themselves either NNSs or NSs?
3. Who defines exactly what an NNS of English is?

86 TESOL QUARTERLY
4. Is acknowledging oneself as a nonnative-speaking professional in
TESOL a disadvantage in finding a job?
5. What conflicts do NNSs who teach English usually have in the
language classroom?
These issues, which are of great importance for both language teachers
and students, are the guiding research questions of this study. In the
remainder of this article, I explore the complexities of the labels NS and
NNS and several relevant professional issues (e.g., the power relationship
the labels entail, the conflicts between nonnative-English-speaking pro-
fessionals in TESOL and ESL/EFL students, and the difficulties NNSs
face in the hiring process).

THE STUDY

The study was conducted over a period of 16 months (December

1996–March 1998) at a major midwestern university in the U.S. Eight
TESOL professionals—two full-time instructors and six graduate teach-
ing associates in the ESL programs of the university (a postadmission
composition program, an international teaching assistant education
program, and a preadmission intensive language program)—were in-
vited to participate in the study. These eight professionals were the only
ones in the ESL program whose L1s were not English. One instructor,
whose L1 was Polish, opted not to participate in this study as she was
engaged in a similar study. The remaining seven professionals repre-
sented a wide variety of cultural and linguistic experiences—Cantonese,
Danish, Dutch (an official language in Surinam), French (an official
language in the former Zaire), Italian, Korean, and Tagalog (a native
language in the Philippines).
This study relied on e-mail as the main means of communication. The
participants agreed e-mail not only was convenient but also allowed them
sufficient time to reflect on the issues raised. The interactions between
me as researcher and each participant involved initiating topics, re-
sponding, probing, and reflecting. To clarify the uncertainties and
confirm the key points discussed with the participants via e-mail, I
periodically conducted individual, half-hour face-to-face interviews. Be-
cause of the complicated nature of some of the issues that emerged in
the study, the participants’ responses raised new questions that war-
ranted discussion.
I started the initial interviews with general questions about each
participant’s educational background and professional experiences. I
then asked the participants what the label nonnative-English-speaking
TESOL professional meant to them and how they defined it based on their

NONNATIVE-ENGLISH-SPEAKING PROFESSIONALS IN TESOL 87

own experience. Depending on the responses I received from each
participant, I engaged each individual in further discussion over an
extended period of time. At times, I posted prompts to all the partici-
pants for open discussion, and the different perspectives I received from
this discussion led to further interaction. Not all the questions used in
e-mail interviews and face-to-face interviews were predetermined. Rather,
they emerged in the process of data collection and communication.
To facilitate the data analysis, I assigned the seven participants
pseudonyms based on the initial letter of their L1. The seven pseudo-
nyms are as follows: Mr. C (Cantonese), Ms. DK (Danish), Mr. D (Dutch),
Mr. F (French), Ms. I (Italian), Mr. K (Korean), and Ms. T (Tagalog).
The Danish participant was identified as Ms. DK to avoid confusion with
Mr. D, who speaks primarily Dutch. As these participants come from
diverse educational backgrounds characterized by rich experiences of
language learning and teaching, their perspectives on the issues ad-
dressed were multidimensional. They defined the term nonnative-speaking
professional in TESOL and explored its pedagogical implications largely
dependent on their own experiences.
The fact that I, the researcher of the study and a colleague of the
participants, speak English as an L2 facilitated and strengthened the data
collection and data analysis. Having gone through experiences similar to
the participants’ in learning English and teaching ESL, I was able to
meet them on common ground and discuss the relevant issues with them
by sharing my background and experiences.1 My subjectivity unavoidably
affected my analysis of the data, but it also allowed me to elicit more
insights from the participants on the issues discussed.

The Participants

The demographics of the participants in the study are summarized in

Table 1.
Mr. C was raised in Hong Kong. He started learning English from
native English speakers in kindergarten, and English was the medium of
instruction in his secondary education. He taught freshman English
composition while working toward an MA in TESOL at a U.S. university.
After receiving an MA and teaching certificate, he taught English for 4
years to university students in Hong Kong, came to the U.S. for his

1
I was born in China and started learning English at the age of 14. I received a BA in English
language and literature from Suzhou University and an MEd in curriculum and instruction
from East China Normal University. I taught EFL for 10 years before coming to the U.S. to work
toward a PhD in foreign and second language education at a major research university. On
graduation, I was hired as a full-time academic program specialist at a major research university
in the U.S. I taught ESL composition at this university while conducting this study.

88 TESOL QUARTERLY
 TABLE 1
Background of the Participants

First exposure
to English Other languages Age on
Partici- learned or arrival
pant Birthplace L1 Time Context spoken in U.S.
Mr. C Hong Kong Chinese Kindergarten Bilingual Japanese, Greek 23
(Cantonese)
Ms. DK Denmark Danish Fifth grade ESL German, Japanese 10
Mr. D Surinam Dutch Junior EFL Sranan, Spanish 30
high school
Mr. F Zaire (now French High school EFL Kimbala, Kikongo, 35
Dem. Repub. Lingala
of the Congo)
Ms. I Italy Italian First grade ESL Spanish, French 6
Mr. K Korea Korean Fourth grade ESL Spanish 9
Ms. T Philippines Tagalog Birth Bilingual Spanish 21

doctoral training, and a few years later became an academic program

specialist, teaching ESL composition to graduate and undergraduate
students at a major U.S. university.
Ms. DK, born and raised in Denmark, moved to the U.S. with her
family at the age of 10. While in Denmark, she spoke Danish and learned
German mostly through television. It took her approximately 2 years
(from the fifth grade to seventh grade) to become fluent in speaking and
writing English. Meanwhile, she spoke and read Danish at home. After
earning an MA in English, Ms. DK taught English in Japan for a year and
a half. She then enrolled in the second language acquisition program at
a major U.S. institution as a doctoral student and at the time of the study
had taught ESL to prospective international teaching assistants for more
than 3 years.
Mr. D received his initial teacher training in a 4-year program in
Paramaribo, the capital of Surinam. Upon graduation from the Institute
of Advanced Teacher Training with a degree in English language and
literature, Mr. D came to the U.S. and obtained an MA in applied
linguistics from a major U.S. university. He then enrolled in a foreign
and second language education program at another major U.S. univer-
sity and served as a teaching assistant in ESL composition classes. Mr. D
had learned four languages: Dutch and Sranan in his home and
neighborhood, and English and Spanish in school.
Mr. F’s educational background includes (a) attending elementary
and high school in French, the official language of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, the former Zaire; (b) earning a BA in TESOL (in
the former Zaire); (c) earning a diploma in TESOL and linguistics (in
Scotland); (d) receiving an MA in linguistics and TESOL (in the U.S.);

NONNATIVE-ENGLISH-SPEAKING PROFESSIONALS IN TESOL 89

and (e) being a doctoral candidate in a foreign and second language
program at a major U.S. university. Mr. F speaks five languages. He
learned Kimbala from his parents; grew up speaking Kikongo, the lingua
franca of the former Zaire; learned French when he went to school;
studied English as a high school subject; and learned Lingala when he
moved to Kinshasa, the capital city of the former Zaire, after graduating
from high school.
Ms. I came to the U.S. from Italy as a first grader, so she received all
her education in English. She received an MA in Spanish literature and
completed a minor in Italian literature as a doctoral candidate in a
foreign and second language education program at a major U.S.
university. She served as a teaching assistant in both Italian and spoken
English classes.
Mr. K immigrated to the U.S. from Korea with his parents when he was
9. He received a BS in business administration and an MA in TESL from
the same university in the U.S. He taught in a preadmission ESL
program while taking doctoral courses in a foreign and second language
education program at a major U.S. university. Mr. K’s language learning
experiences included Korean, English, and Spanish.
Ms. T grew up in the Philippines, where English is an L2 (i.e., the
medium of instruction in school and the language of media, religion,
business, and government but not of the home or of personal communi-
cation). Her parents encouraged her to learn English by speaking to her
in English at home and commanding everyone who came in contact with
her to do the same. Her parents were confident that she would pick up
Tagalog from playmates, which she did, when she was 6 or 7 years old.
She received an MA in English from a U.S. university and a PhD in
languages and literature from a major university in the Philippines. She
taught ESL/EFL in the Philippines, Jamaica, and the U.S. before she was
hired as a full-time academic program specialist at a major U.S. university.
Two of the seven participants started learning English as a foreign
language in their own countries (Mr. D in junior high school in Surinam
and Mr. F in high school in the former Zaire). Three learned English
after they came to the U.S. with their parents at an early age (Ms. DK at
the age of 10 as a fifth grader, Mr. K at the age of 9 as a fourth grader, and
Ms. I at the age of 6 as a first grader). The other two participants learned
English in a bilingual environment in which English was treated as a
second official language. (Mr. C received a formal English education
from kindergarten while living with his Cantonese-speaking family in
Hong Kong, and Ms. T spoke English before she spoke Tagalog even
though she was surrounded by Tagalog-speaking family members.)
All the participants had received professional training in ESL/EFL
contexts. Except for Ms. T, who had obtained a PhD in languages and
literature in the late 1980s, they were working toward PhDs in foreign

90 TESOL QUARTERLY
and second language education during this study. Their ESL/EFL
teaching experiences ranged from 5 to 10 years, and all of them had
taught English in both ESL and EFL settings. The participants had been
hired to teach ESL at a major research university in the U.S. because of
their solid professional training, both linguistic and pedagogical, coupled
with their extensive ESL/EFL teaching experiences.

THE LABELING CONTROVERSY

Identifying an individual as an NS or an NNS of English is a difficult if

not impossible task. A fundamental question is, Who is doing the
labeling and for what purposes? Undoubtedly, at times being labeled an
NS is advantageous, and at other times being labeled an NNS is. In this
section I explore the attributes that cause individuals to be identified as
NSs or NNSs of English.
The seven participants defined the term nonnative-English-speaking
professional in TESOL in various ways. Ms. DK, Mr. K, and Ms. T found
it hard to accept the simplistic reduction of a complicated phenomenon
to the dichotomy NS-NNS, and thus they expressed concerns about
affiliating themselves with either category. Mr. C, Mr. D, Mr. F, and Ms. I,
however, seemed to have no difficulties in defining the term and felt
relatively comfortable associating themselves with a chosen category. The
diverse backgrounds and experiences of the participants, as expressed in
the interview data, reveal various dimensions of the label nonnative-
English-speaking professional in TESOL.

Precedence or Competence

Is it the order in which languages are learned (e.g., learning English

as a second, third, or foreign language) or competence in a language
that differentiates NSs from NNSs? Three participants expressed their
opinions as follows:2

1. NNSs refer to those who are professionally trained (through graduate

level language education courses and/or by research) but not raised in
families where English is used as the mother tongue, the major, if not
only, form of communication. Therefore I do consider someone like
myself a NNS professional. (Mr. C, E: January 7, 1997)

2
Each data sample is identified by the name of the participant, the type of data (E = e-mail
message, I = interview), and the date of collection.

NONNATIVE-ENGLISH-SPEAKING PROFESSIONALS IN TESOL 91

 2. Typically I would say that a NNS is someone who learned the target
language as a second/third, etc., language, not as the initial language or
mother tongue. However, in terms of being a professional in TESOL, I
rarely consider myself to be a NNS; I have been speaking English for 20
years, since the age of 10, and so I consider myself to be a NS of English
and therefore a NS professional in TESOL. (Ms. DK, E: January 12, 1997)

3. A Non-Native Speaker Professional in TESOL is a person whose English

is not a mother tongue (or L1) and who teaches English. I am an
example of NNS professional in TESOL because my L1 is not English,
and I’ve been teaching English for 15 years! (Mr. F, E: January 14, 1997)

A theme echoed in the above definitions is that an NNS of English is

someone for whom English was not the L1. Even though Mr. C started
learning English in kindergarten, the major means of communication in
his family was Cantonese. Therefore, he considers himself an NNS.
Similarly, Mr. F’s L1 was not English even though he had taught English
for the past 15 years. Nevertheless, how the participants defined the term
does not necessarily reflect their affiliation with it. Ms. DK stated that an
NNS was someone who did not learn English as a mother tongue, but she
did not see herself as fitting into this category even though her mother
tongue is Danish and she did not start learning English until the age of
10. To her, the term nonnative-English-speaking professional in TESOL
is political and difficult to define:

4. I am not sure whether I agree with the above definition because it

categorizes speakers into neatly-defined NS and NNS categories. I think
of NS and NNS as more of a continuum, with a person who learned the
language as the L1 on one end, and a person who learned it as an adult,
and thus may not master the language as well as a child, on the other
end. However, that gets into issues of competence—do we define people
as NS or NNS depending on their competence in the language? I guess to
a certain extent we/I do. I would clearly identify myself as being close to
the NS on the continuum, but not exactly there because I also want to
identify my status as a NNS. (E: January 12, 1997)

Ms. DK raises the issue of competence. She criticizes the narrow-

mindedness of the dichotomy NS-NNS. Using as an example the over-
shadowing of her 10 years of Danish in Denmark by her 20 years of
English in the U.S., she challenges the order of the languages learned as
a determining factor of nonnative-English-speaking professionals. In-
stead, she raises the issue of competence in the target language as the
criterion for being an NS, a position advocated by Medgyes (1992).
Ms. DK’s idea of competence as a determining factor was confirmed
by Ms. I, who considered English her native language even though she
had spoken Italian exclusively until she was 6 years old. She considered

92 TESOL QUARTERLY
herself a native-English-speaking professional because English became
her native language after she had started school in the U.S. and because
it was the language in which she was the most competent, even though
she could also speak Spanish and Italian.
According to Ms. I, even if an individual learns other languages before
learning English, it is ultimately competence in a language that deter-
mines native or nonnative status as a speaker of that language. However,
she also reveals that the nativeness of a language is related to its culture
and one’s identification with it.

Cultural Affiliation or Dual Identities

Ms. T had learned English first and relied heavily on English for both
oral and written communication yet did not consider herself an NS of
English. Instead, she saw herself as an NS of Tagalog, a language she had
picked up from childhood playmates. Hence, she challenged the notion
of language precedence. Likewise, the fact that Ms. T was more compe-
tent in English than in Spanish or Tagalog but did not consider herself
an NS of English challenges the concept that competence differentiates
NSs from NNSs.
For Ms. T, even being asked to classify herself as either a native- or a
nonnative-English-speaking professional was problematic. Although she
was born in the Philippines, where English is the official language, and
although she spoke English before she learned Tagalog, she was reluc-
tant to place herself into the category of nonnative-English-speaking
professional—not because she wanted to identify herself as an NS of
English but because the dichotomy of NS versus NNS constrained her
from finding a suitable term to define herself. Ms. T’s sense of being an
NS of a language was deeply connected with cultural affiliation and
identity. She viewed herself as an NS of Tagalog rather than English
because she considered Tagalog a reflection of her native culture. She
felt strongly that Tagalog was the language that made her an in-group
member, as she had learned it from the children in her neighborhood.
Cultural affiliation is an important dimension of how an NS of a certain
language is defined.
However, if, like Ms. T, speakers of a language are affiliated with and
thus consider themselves natives of one culture, can those individuals be
NSs of another language or natives of another culture? Is it possible for
someone to prefer to be identified as an NS on one occasion and as an
NNS on another? Why should one prefer to do so? The following
introspection by Ms. DK brings forth another dimension of the discus-
sion, namely, dual identities:

NONNATIVE-ENGLISH-SPEAKING PROFESSIONALS IN TESOL 93

 5. I tread a fine line in terms of being an NS and an NNS because if
someone categorizes me as a NS, I might correct them and state that I am
actually an NNS. I guess if someone is questioning my abilities or
knowledge of the language, then I would undoubtedly call myself an NS
of the language. But if I want to show my achievement or show empathy
with my students or identify myself as a non-American, which I am, then
I might call myself an NNS. (I: March 3, 1997)

Although Ms. DK considered Danish her native language, she made a

distinction between speaking a native language and being an NS of a
language. To her, a native language was naturally acquired as the L1, but
an NS of a language is someone who binds the language with social
identity, cultural affiliation, language competence, and confidence.
Although having a particular native language is not a matter of choice,
being an NS of a language is. Ms. DK viewed herself as an NS of both
Danish and English and thus had a dual identity, which allowed her to
define herself differently on different occasions.
Mr. K arrived in the U.S. from Korea at the age of 9. He regarded
himself as raised bilingually and biculturally and as a Korean American
who is an NS of English. Therefore, he felt uncomfortable defining the
term nonnative-English-speaking professional, as such a definition is
always arbitrary. He admitted that he did not have a definition that he
himself was comfortable with.
6. In simplistic terms, I would say that the phrase referred to teachers of
English for whom English is not their L1, as judged personally or by
others. I consider myself a Korean-American who is an NS of English. I
consider myself bilingual (English & Korean) and bi-cultural (American
& Korean). So, although I learned English as an L2 from the age of nine,
I don’t consider myself a nonnative speaking professional in TESOL. (E:
May 26, 1997)

Although social identity can help individuals identify themselves as

NSs, sometimes it also complicates the NS-NNS distinction. As Ms. I
revealed,
7. As for my cultural identity. I would consider myself as American and
Italian primarily, but more recently because of my contact with the
international culture in the spoken English courses, I like to think of
myself as broadening my persona to include more international under-
standing. Sometimes I think about my name and what it reflects about
me. The name is both an Italian and Spanish name, so I could say that I
have become my name. What I mean by this is my studies in Spanish and,
of course, my familial culture is Italian. My name also has an English
pronunciation, and that explains my American cultural identity. I would
really like to be identified with these many dimensions because it is who
I am and who I am becoming. (I: May 24, 1997)

94 TESOL QUARTERLY
Thus, people can have multiple social identities. These identities can
change with new experiences and new social interactions, according to
people’s needs and their readiness to accept how they are perceived by
others.

Environmental Matters

Although social identity and cultural affiliation are important psycho-

logical factors on the NS-NNS continuum, the environment in which an
individual is exposed to languages is a crucial social factor. Among the
seven participants, the three (Ms. DK, Ms. I, and Mr. K) who had learned
English in the U.S. at an early age seemed to have the most problems,
though different ones, in categorizing themselves as NSs or NNSs. All
three spoke English without any trace of a nonnative accent, and all
valued and acknowledged their native languages and cultures. However,
Ms. I identified herself as an NS of English, Mr. K identified himself as
Korean American and bilingual in Korean and English, and Ms. DK
identified herself as an NS of both English and Danish.
Ms. T and Mr. C had learned English in bilingual situations in the
Philippines and Hong Kong, respectively. Although Ms. T viewed herself
as a bilingual speaker of English and Tagalog, Mr. C viewed himself as an
NNS of English, as he continually used Cantonese with his family and in
his social surroundings. However, both Mr. D and Mr. F had learned
English in EFL settings, and both of them considered themselves NNSs
of English although they spoke nativelike English.
Language competence is central to the NS-NNS distinction. However,
competence is relative to that of the people with whom one interacts.
Mr.␣ C asked,

8. Do we not also consider the competence of the people whom the learner
interacts with? For instance, few would disagree when in a
one-parent-one-language setting, the child is considered bilingual (say,
Chinese and English) if both parents are NSs of the respective language.
But what if the parents themselves are non-natives? A non-native speaking
father may insist on speaking to his child in English for educational
reasons, or political reasons, maybe. (E: April 6, 1997)

Competence is difficult to define. Mr. C was considered by many to be

an NS, but he considered himself incompetent with regard to the
language used in a kitchen. Even though he had started learning English
in kindergarten, Mr. C was, after all, living in a Cantonese environment
outside his school. In contrast, Ms. I, who started first grade in the U.S.,
learned English in an English-speaking environment even though she
continued speaking Italian with her family. Her exposure to English was

NONNATIVE-ENGLISH-SPEAKING PROFESSIONALS IN TESOL 95

greater than her exposure to Italian. The same was true for Ms. DK with
regard to English and Danish and Mr. K with regard to English and
Korean. This environmental difference may thus have contributed to Ms.
I’s perception of herself as an NS of English and Mr. C’s perception of
himself as an NNS of English.

Accepting the Label as a Given

The fact that three participants (Mr. C, Mr. D, and Mr. F) did not seem
to have trouble defining either the term nonnative-English-speaking
professionals in TESOL or themselves is problematic. They appeared to
be comfortable perceiving themselves the way others did.
Mr. D, who started learning English in junior high school in an EFL
context, accepted the term nonnative-English-speaking professional in
TESOL as a given. To him, the term referred to instructors who make
their living by teaching English. What instructors and learners have in
common is that both have English as their second or foreign language.
Under his own definition of the terms, he considered himself a non-
native-English-speaking professional.

9. First, the language I was brought up in was other than English (namely
Dutch). Secondly, English is not spoken in my country but taught in
school as a foreign language. Third, I make my living by teaching
English, and, finally, throughout my career my students have been
individuals who, like myself, have studied English in school and (particu-
larly in the light of my current position) come from countries where
English is not one of the languages spoken in the communities they
come from. (I: May 15, 1997)

Mr. D had no difficulty classifying himself into the nonnative-English-

speaking professional category as he himself defined it. But such a
classification reinforces a stereotype of so-called nonnative-English-
speaking professionals like Mr. D and Mr. F, who learned English in an
EFL context.
Individuals who learn English as adults in a non-English-speaking
environment might better fit the category of nonnative English speakers.
But what about individuals who start learning English in an EFL context
and move into an ESL environment to develop their English? Will such
individuals be forever categorized as NNSs of English regardless of their
English proficiency? Is it fair to discriminate against individuals whose
pronunciation might be slightly different from that of NSs of English by
labeling them NNSs of English? What does being an NNS of English
entail politically? Is there a power differential between native- and

96 TESOL QUARTERLY
nonnative-English-speaking professionals? Does the term NNS solely
apply to those professionals in ESL who learned English in EFL context?

RELEVANT PROFESSIONAL ISSUES

These questions raise several professional issues: the power relations

imposed by the label NNS of English, the impact of the label on the
hiring process, and the pedagogical implications of such a label in ESL/
EFL classrooms.

Power Relations

Who defines TESOL professionals as NNSs versus NSs, and why? What
is the rationale for developing such a dichotomy?
Ms. DK perceived the label as politically incorrect. She thought that
labeling a person as an NNS must have a purpose, political or otherwise.
She saw the dichotomy as a result of the U.S. and British linguistic
imperialism. Mr. C, even though he had begun to learn English in
kindergarten, was labeled an NNS of the language despite his nativelike
English competence. The reason is simple: Mr. C does not come from an
Inner Circle country (see Kachru, 1992b, 1996). The impact of linguistic
imperialism can also be seen in the case of Ms. T, who considered herself
an NNS of English even though she had learned English before her
native language, Tagalog. She came from a country where English is an
official L2, but her case is not standard for most Filipinos, who are
typically considered NNSs. Hence Ms. T preferred to be recognized as
bilingual because she grew up surrounded by two languages.
Ethnicity can also affect how one is judged. For instance, Ms. DK’s
students saw her as an NS of English because she is Caucasian, whereas
Mr. K, an Asian, was not viewed as an NS even though he had come to the
U.S. at an earlier age than Ms. DK had. This fact demonstrates the
invisible power relations in the labels NS and NNS. Furthermore, the
labels reinforce the idea that NSs are better at using and teaching the
language than NNSs are.
The experiences of the participants in this study demonstrate that a
child can grow up bilingually (e.g., Ms. T) or trilingually (e.g., Mr. F) and
have dual or multiple native languages, a term mentioned by Ms. DK. If
people can be NSs of many languages, then the NS-NNS dichotomy is
limited in scope and perhaps “politically incorrect” (Ms. T, E: November
11, 1997).

NONNATIVE-ENGLISH-SPEAKING PROFESSIONALS IN TESOL 97

The Impact of the Label on the Hiring Process
A delicate issue that emerged in the interview data is the problems the
NNS label may entail in the hiring process. Although the scope of the
problems varied, the participants in the study expressed their concern
about who is hired for ESL/EFL teaching jobs if an NS-NNS dichotomy
is maintained. In the ESL/EFL job market, being a nonnative-English-
speaking TESOL professional seems to be less desirable than being a
native-English-speaking TESOL professional. For instance, many ads
request that NSs only apply. A potential danger, according to Mr. K, is
that labeling teachers as NSs or NNSs may further the common percep-
tion that more proficient native speakers of a language necessarily make
better teachers of that language. Such a perception disadvantages
nonnative-speaking ESOL teachers, vis-à-vis native-English-speaking teach-
ers, in the job market.
Ms. DK was very proud of being an NNS, but she also wanted to be
recognized as an NS because of her superior command of English,
especially in employment situations. At such times she might have
needed to identify herself as an NS initially; after prospective employers
interviewed her, she could clarify her background if necessary. Ms. DK
chose not to reveal her NNS status to prospective employers in Japan
until after her interview. What Ms. DK’s case suggests is the significance
of NNS status in the initial screening of job applicants. Identifying
oneself (e.g., in a letter of application) or being identified (e.g., because
of a foreign name or a particular educational background) as an NNS of
English in the TESOL job market can be a distinct disadvantage.
Mr. D was struck by the fact that some countries in Asia and the Middle
East were specifically recruiting NSs of English as EFL professionals,
thereby effectively discouraging NNSs of English from applying. Mr. D
felt genuinely discriminated against, not by the recruiting of native-
English-speaking TESOL professionals, as he well understood such a
policy coming from an English-speaking nation. What Mr. D could not
understand was how educational officials in nations where English is
spoken as a foreign language could maintain a policy that effectively
rejected English language professionals originating from similar nations.
Because of the increasingly large pool of applicants for the limited
openings in the current TESOL job market, those classified as NNSs of
English are cautious when they submit their curriculum vitae to prospec-
tive employers. Many try to minimize their identity as NNSs (e.g., taking
an English name or Anglicizing their name) so they will not be
overlooked before their qualifications for the job are considered. As
Mr.␣ C noted, his English name could serve as a disguise in the initial
screening process. Another participant recalled how, in a job search, a
member of the committee raised the question of whether NNSs should

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be considered for an ESL teaching position. Although an increasing
number of NNSs are being hired as English language teachers in both
ESL and EFL contexts, the above examples indicate that NNSs are still
disadvantaged in the hiring process and that NSs are still assumed to be
the best teachers of the language.

Pedagogical Implications

How do the NS and NNS labels affect teaching and learning in the
language classroom? Does being an NS of English or an NNS of English
matter in language teaching? What impact does the label have on
language learners who are taught by these professionals?
There is some support in the literature for the effectiveness of NNSs as
TESOL professionals. D’Annunzio (1991), for example, attributes the
success of his program to the hiring of bilingual tutors “who shared the
students’ experiences” (p. 52). Phillipson (1992), in discussing the
advantages of teachers being NNSs, posits that they have gone through
“the laborious process of acquiring English as a second language and .␣ .␣ .
have insight into the linguistic and cultural needs of their learners” (p.
195). Auerbach (1993) argues that “it is not just the experience as a
language learner, but the experience of sharing the struggles as a
newcomer that is critical” (p. 26) and that ESL programs therefore
benefit greatly from hiring nonnative-English-speaking professionals.
Medgyes (1994) maintains that nonnative-English-speaking teachers
have an advantage in “providing a good model” (p. 51), “teaching
language learning strategies” (p. 55), “supplying information about the
English language” (p. 57), “anticipating and preventing language diffi-
culties” (p. 61), “showing empathy” (p. 63), and “benefiting from the
mother tongue” (p. 65).
The seven participants in this study did not necessarily agree that
being an NNS or revealing NNS status is beneficial; rather, it depends on
the teaching environment and the specific learners. For Ms. DK and
Ms.␣ I, whether they were NSs or NNSs was rarely an issue in class. Even
though they sometimes told their ESL students that they were NNSs of
English for the purpose of encouragement, they saw their NNS status as
more of a story than a crucial concern in teaching. This was because the
ESL students in their classes (as well as most Americans) perceived them
as NSs of English. To them, revealing or concealing their NNS status was
merely a matter of appropriateness and relevance.
However, students’ reactions were mixed when Ms. DK and Ms. I
revealed their language backgrounds. Ms. DK, for instance, was always
complimented by her students: “But your English is so good” (I: January
10, 1998). Mr. C, who is Asian, believed that his nativelike English

NONNATIVE-ENGLISH-SPEAKING PROFESSIONALS IN TESOL 99

“intimidated rather than encouraged” some of his ESL students (E: May
1997). These students believed that, because he had “made it to the top”
(E: May 1997), he would demand the same degree of excellence from
them. Had Mr. C not spoken so well, would his Asian students have
ironically felt closer to him?
Like Mr. C, Mr. K is Asian and speaks nativelike English, but his
students viewed him differently. Although Mr. C identified himself as an
NNS of English, Mr. K emphasized the fact that he was a Korean
American. Mr. K’s emphasis on his Korean background created a rapport
with his Asian students, and his emphasis on being an American helped
his students associate him with NSs of English.
If sharing the students’ culture can generate mixed reactions, how do
students react to ESL teachers from cultures totally different from those
of their students? Mr. D, from Surinam, and Mr. K, from the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, both experienced some classroom conflicts with
their ESL students, the majority of whom were Asian. However, neither
Mr. D nor Mr. F associated the conflicts with their being NNSs of English.
For instance, some students expressed concerns about Mr. F’s handling
of the class, which Mr. F attributed to poor preparation and exhaustion.
Mr. D also encountered conflicts with some of his Asian students and
attributed the misunderstanding to cross-cultural differences. Mr. F’s and
Mr. D’s cases indicate that being an NNS of English may not be the cause
of classroom problems. Rather, professional handling of a class is crucial,
and professional education may play a greater role in an ESOL teacher’s
success than NS or NNS status does. As one of Mr. D’s students said, it
really does not matter whether the teacher is an NS or an NNS of
English, as having either as a teacher carries advantages as well as
disadvantages. What matters is the teacher’s professionalism.

CONCLUSION

What difference does being an NNS or an NS of English make in

language learning and teaching? The examples noted above suggest that
the answer to this question is complex and involves the sequence in
which languages are learned, competence in English, cultural affiliation,
self-identification, social environment, and political labeling.
In her discussion of the definitions of literacy, McKay (1996) posits
that “the terms literate and illiterate are clearly the most highly charged
labels in terms of providing one with a social identity.” McKay continues,
“whereas use of these terms suggests that one is either literate or not,
such a view of literacy is a tremendous oversimplification” (p. 433).
McKay’s viewpoint confirms Crandall’s (1992) assertion that “the com-
plex notion of literacy cannot be captured by any one definition of skills,

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functions, or practices” (p. 88). In a similar vein, the dichotomy of NNS
versus NS is as complex as that of literacy versus illiteracy. The labels are
simplistic and reductionist.
Rather than reducing the rich complexity involved in being a speaker
of a language to an NS-NNS dichotomy and letting this dichotomy
override qualifications to teach ESL/EFL, we as TESOL professionals
should shift our focus to the importance of being a TESOL professional
and consider whether an individual has received adequate professional
training to teach ESOL. In addition, we should explore further the
complexities of the label nonnative-English-speaking TESOL profes-
sional, emphasizing professional matters. To do so, more case studies in
different language settings are needed. Such studies will be essential in
helping us understand the effect that the labels NS and NNS have on our
classroom teaching, on our self-perceptions as English teachers, and
ultimately on our students.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I thank all those participants who gave their time and enthusiasm to be interviewed
for this study. I am grateful to Jette Hansen for her comments and suggestions on the
various drafts of this paper, to Diane Belcher for her encouragement of the study,
and to George Braine and Peter Medgyes for their inspirations on the project. Many
thanks also go to Sandra McKay and two anonymous readers of this manuscript for
their valuable insights and suggestions.

THE AUTHOR
Jun Liu is Assistant Professor in the Department of English at the University of
Arizona, Tucson. He has published in TESOL Quarterly, TESOL Journal, Modern
Language Journal, and Educational Research Quarterly. His interests include second
language acquisition, research methodology, and L2 pedagogy.

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