ARAM, 15 (2003), 159-171 159

SEVERUS OF ANTIOCH:
AN INHERITOR OF PALESTINIAN MONASTICISM

KATHLEEN M. HAY

In the years that followed the Council of Chalcedon, it became clear that
its short term legacy was neither unity, nor peace for the Church or Byzan-
tium. Successive emperors, patriarchs and bishops discovered, often pain-
fully, the pitfalls associated with theological developments. For travellers of
these pathways of religious thought, Severus of Antioch is a relatively well-
known figure. He became a leading church identity and theologian who,
depending on one’s Christological stance, was widely revered or denounced
at that time, and in the following centuries. It is not surprising, therefore, to
find that studies of Severus have usually concentrated on an examination of
his works for their theological, exegetical, or homiletic value. The circum-
stances and influences that contributed to Severus’ development, however,
are too often overlooked or treated minimally.1 This impressive theologian is
an important figure when viewed from a different perspective. Despite the
fact that we are principally reliant on anti-Chalcedonian sources, a study of
his background and early career provides us with insights into some of the
influences and forces present in society of the period, which contributed not
only to religious controversy, but also to the further development of Pales-
tinian monasticism.

PATHWAYS

The much travelled sea and land coast routes that linked the important com-
mercial cities of Alexandria, Gaza, Berytus and the far-distant court at Con-
stantinople also contributed to the fame and growth of these cities as educa-
tional centres. It was from this tradition that there developed in the fifth
century the school of Gaza, which became renowned as an important Christian
rhetoric and literary centre and produced many eminent writers, orators and

1
One exception to this oversight is W. H. C Frend’s The Rise of the Monophysite Movement,
(Cambridge, 1972), pp. 201-8. This masterly analysis of the theological controversy and the
expansion of a separate ecclesiastical hierarchy provides an excellent, but brief, study of these
formative elements for Severus. Another introductory treatment of Severus’ early life is
contained in R. A. Darling’s study of his role as a religious leader in the sixth century; see
R. A. Darling, The Patriarchate of Severus of Antioch, 512-518, (PhD. Dissertation, University
of Chicago, 1982), pp. 16-25.
160 SEVERUS OF ANTIOCH: AN INHERITOR OF PALESTINIAN MONIASTICISM

theologians.2 Berytus could boast a celebrated law school,3 and Alexandria

maintained its famous and flourishing schools of medicine, philosophy and
rhetoric, as well as its acclaimed Christian catechetical school.4 It was not
unusual to find that, just as today, many scholars in these early centuries sys-
tematically moved from one centre to the next, furthering not only their edu-
cation, but also their reputations and ultimately their careers.5 As a result, a
constant exchange of cultures, ideologies and intellectual thought between
these areas was to be expected. Valuable alliances and, more importantly, dif-
fusion of beliefs and a distinctive religious disposition became a subtle, but
relentless, outcome of these encounters.
An example of such influences and their aftermath can be clearly seen in the
life of Severus. Despite the reliance on anti-Chalcedonian authors, with the
predictable accompanying suggestion of bias and advantageous portrayal,
much can still be gleaned from the various Lives which comprise our major
source of information.6 They each provide not only a different emphasis, but

2
Many of the writers and orators from the School of Gaza can be found to have also studied
in Alexandria. These included the famous Neoplatonic author Aeneas of Gaza, and Procopius of
Gaza, the eminent theologian and rhetorician, who was later to head the prestigious school: see
A. H. M. Jones, History of the Late Roman Empire III (Oxford, 1964), p. 998. The school’s
future importance as an important Christian centre of learning for the humanities is well illus-
trated by G. Downey: Gaza in the Early Sixth Century, (Oklahoma, 1963), pp. 106-116.
3
The law school at Berytus had attracted a number of outstanding scholars from all over the
empire through the early centuries. Sozomen records that an intended scholar had been Gregory
Thaumaturgos, whose original plan for Berytus was supplanted by studies under Origen at Cae-
sarea: Sozomen Historia ecclesiastica VII, 19. See also P. Collinet, L’école de droit de Beyrouth
(Paris, 1925); a brief mention of the school is also given by H.-I. Marrou, Histoire de l’Êduca-
tion dans l’Antiquité (Paris, 1950), p. 295, pp. 349-50.
4
The famous Catechetical School of Alexandria was founded by Pantaeneus in the second
century AD, and achieved widespread fame under the later leadership of Clement and Origen.
One of the main sources for information on the institution and its leading exponents is the Eccle-
siastical History of Eusebius: see J. Quasten, Patrology, vol. 2 (Westminster, 1964), pp. 2-39.
5
Amongst the many famous ascetics that were educated at Alexandria was Hilarion, whose
wealthy pagan parents provided for his early training under a Grammaticus: see Vita S. Hilario-
nis 2; PL, 23, col. 30. Illustrating the common movement between these schools was Pamphilus,
who had been educated in Berytus, and then moved on to further studies in Alexandria before
returning to Caesarea. There he was eventually to head the famous catechetical school and be
responsible for the formation of its valuable library: Eusebius, De martyribus Palestinae XI, 2;
Eusèbe Pamphile Les Martyrs en Palestine, (ed. G. Bardy), Sources Chrétiennes 55, (Paris,
1967), p. 156. See also T. D. Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, (Cambridge, Mass., 1981),
pp. 93-4.
6
Zacharias Rhetor, Vita Severi, (ed. and trans. M. -A. Kugener), Vie de Sévère, Patriarche
d’Antioche 512-518, par Zacharie le scholastique, (PO, 2.1, Paris, 1904; repr. Turnhout, 1971),
pp. 7-115. References given in this study to this work are to the Syriac text (= VSeveri ); John of
Beith-Aphthonia, Vita Severi, (ed. and trans. M. -A. Kugener), Vie de Sévère par Jean, supérieur
du monastère de Beith- Aphthonia, (PO, 2.3, Paris, 1907), pp. 207-64; Athanasius of Antioch,
The Conflict of Severus Patriarch of Antioch, (ed. and trans. E. J. Goodspeed), (PO, 4.6, Paris,
1908; repr. Turnhout, 1971): pp. 575-726; George, bishop of the Arabs, A Homily on Blessed
Mar Severus, (ed. and trans. K. E. McVey), (CSCO SS, 530/216; CSCO SS, 531/217, Louvain,
1993).
 K.M. HAY 161

also distinctive and often conflicting details of Severus’ career and pastoral
activities. They are substantially in agreement, however, on his family back-
ground, education and conversion, and are reinforced by Severus’ references
to certain experiences and events in his own writings.
Born about 465 to a wealthy, well-placed family of Sozopolis, in Pisidia,
Christian antecedents have been claimed for Severus,7 as well as a puzzling
late baptism. Undisputed, however, is the fact that he received, as did a num-
ber of other famous Churchmen,8 an early classical education, travelling to
Alexandria in 485 as a young man to be versed in Greek and Latin rhetoric
and grammar, and then further studies in law at Berytus. From the sources it is
clear that this seemingly predictable pathway exposed Severus to strong Chris-
tian pressures in these cities. Some of his fellow students and friends belonged
to an active group known as the Philoponoi,9 Christians intent on proselytis-
ing, observing, and maintaining the letter of their faith. They were in effect a
zealous lay movement of austere and dedicated individuals who, while
involved in charitable works and church duties in their areas, also went so far
as to monitor the actions of pagan academics and officials.
It is to one of their number, Zacharias Rhetor, his friend and fellow gradu-
ate from the prestigious schools of Alexandria and Berytus, that we owe an
important Life of Severus.10 Reflecting this background, the work demon-
strates a unique knowledge of the intellectual and social milieu of the period
and, unlike others of the genre, is not characterized by a catalogue of miracles.
In fact, a refreshingly cynical account of ‘miracles’, especially those per-
formed by pagans, is a feature of its early section. This important document
exists in a Syriac edition from a lost Greek original and, as a contemporary
account, presents valuable information, as well as prompting a number of
questions concerning Severus. The account opens with the author’s stated pur-
pose of defending Severus against allegations that had surfaced in Constan-
7
Not only is his father recorded as a member of the city council: VSeveri, p. 11. 8, but
Severus could boast of a grandfather who, as bishop of Sozopolis, had attended the Council of
Ephesus in 431 which, under the leadership of Cyril of Alexandria had condemned Nestorius:
VSeveri, p. 11. 4-6. Although the elder Severus’ involvement in this denunciation, and hence his
orthodoxy, has been questioned, (see Darling, Patriarchate of Severus, p. 16 and f.n. 2), careful
examination of the records of the Council substantiates his involvement and participation in the
proceedings: see Contestatio, ACO I, 4: 29,12 (Latin); ACO I, 1, 4: 8, 19-9, 8 (Greek).
8
Many prominent religious leaders, such as Tertullian, Basil of Caesarea, Ambrose of Milan,
Augustine and John Chrysostom, are recorded as undergoing similar diverse educational back-
grounds.
9
VSeveri p. 12. They were particularly active in Alexandria and Berytus. For an account of
their activities, see F. R. Trombley, Hellenic Religion and Christianization c.370-529, II (Leiden,
1994), Chpt. 5.
10
VSeveri: pp. 7-115. Kugener has enumerated the difficulties encountered with this source
from the manuscript Sachau 321, fol. 109r-135r, despite the existence of an earlier edition by
M. Spanuth: see pp. 5-6. The inclusion of a number of Greek words in the manuscript by the Syr-
iac translator substantiates a Greek original text, and hence its value: see p. 6, f.n. 2; p. 8, f.n. 5.
11
VSeveri p. 9. 9-12; p. 10. 6-9.
162 SEVERUS OF ANTIOCH: AN INHERITOR OF PALESTINIAN MONIASTICISM

tinople of his pagan activities in Berytus and latent sympathy for ‘Hel-
lenism’.11 In effect, this declared agenda immediately alerts the reader to a
possible questionable emphasis in the account: a portrait of Severus domi-
nated by his aloofness from pagan activities and a justification for his late
adult baptism.
Indeed, the Life makes clear that despite a family background of Chris-
tianity, Severus had remained unbaptized and presumably disinterested or,
one might say, even resistant. Regardless of Zacharias’ explanation that bap-
tism at a mature age was a custom in Severus’ homeland,12 and that he and
his brothers were “hearers” or catechumens, the young Severus seems to
have taken an inordinately long time to make his eventual commitment to
Christianity.
The account, not unexpectantly, also indicates the sway the Philoponoi
exerted amongst the young intellectuals of these Schools, and their recourse,
where necessary, to figures of authority for support in their fight against
paganism.13 Despite the claim that could be made for the author’s biased pre-
sentation of their importance, the succession of events described were often
both dramatic and public, and would certainly have been a matter of common
knowledge. According to Zacharias, Severus was repeatedly exposed to its
dominating and crusading presence and the often violent activities of its mem-
bers.14 The fact that many of the Philoponoi were eventually to enter the
Church and often held high office, testifies to their importance and power.15 It
can be claimed that the authoritative imperative of such groups acted to evan-
gelize, encourage and reinforce the dedication and determination and beliefs
of their members and those with whom they came into contact. It is reasonable
to propose, therefore, that the influence of the Philoponoi was of prime impor-
tance for Severus’ development and eventual convictions.

ASCETICISM

His contact with the Philoponoi in Berytus was also his introduction to the
world and ethos of the ascetic. Under the spiritual leadership of Evagrius of

12
VSeveri, p. 11. 10-13.
13
VSeveri, pp. 25-30. The mistreatment of the converted Paralius by the pagans in Alexan-
dria, and the effective retaliation by the Philoponoi amply demonstrates their powerful activities
and influence.
14
VSeveri, pp.66. 6-69. 6.
15
The possible influential role of the Philoponoi in the Alexandrian Church is indicated by
their mention in The Encomium of Flavianus, bishop of Ephesus, on Demetrius, bishop of
Alexandria. In this tenth century text, the reprimand given by an angel to bishop Demetrius (189-
231) ordered him to repent of a misdemeanour before the clergy and Philoponoi of the city: see
Coptic Martyrdoms in the Dialect of Upper Egypt, (ed. E. A. Wallis Budge), (London, 1914),
p. 143.
 K.M. HAY 163

Samosata and like-minded associates,16 Severus was continually exposed to

their compelling mores. He was warned to: “keep your body pure, and after
law studies each day offer evening prayers to God.”17 Given the rigorous envi-
ronment and presumably faultless example rendered, it may come as no sur-
prise to find that Severus’ five year stay in Berytus culminated in his conver-
sion and acceptance of Christianity. But was this result so predictable or
assured? Were there other factors that contributed to this event?
Despite Severus’ close association with the Philoponoi, examination of
Zacharias’ Life reveals a surprising reluctance before his final commitment.
Over a period of time, many of their number had been drawn into the monas-
tic life in Palestine, and this appeared to alarm Severus. His acceptance of the
proffered ascetic regime was tempered by one interesting proviso, which indi-
cates both his priorities and an admirable equanimity:
“You will not make a monk of me. Because I am studying law, and I love it very
much. If there is anything else you want, tell me.”18

We are informed, however, that this early wariness did not prevent Severus’
initiation of a rigorous schooling of the body as well as the mind, and a
detailed study of the Church Fathers.19 His emulation of Evagrius, with severe
fasting and abstinence from baths, received an accolade from Zacharias, who
conceded him an equal standing in this area with their leader.20 Given
Severus’ lack of formal commitment to Christianity at this stage, it is interest-
ing to speculate whether this ascetic lifestyle may have been perceived by him
not only as a pathway to theoria21 and a better understanding of divine philos-
ophy, but as a preparation for success in the secular world. This would explain
his study and enthusiasm for the Church Fathers, his attention to a practical
philosophia, and an obvious reluctance regarding a Christian dedication.22

16
Zacharias not only specifically names members of the Philoponoi, including Severus, but
acknowledges Evagrius, younger brother of John Rufus, as their leader in Berytus: VSeveri pp.
55. 12–56. 8 It is of interest, given the excessive activities of the group, that we are given valu-
able insights into Evagrius’ character and motivation. His education in Antioch, and an exposure
and ultimate rejection of its pleasures, produced a monastic vocation that was frustrated by his
father’s insistence on his pursuit of law studies at Berytus: VSeveri, pp. 54. 7–55. 5. Such a back-
ground may explain the zealous enthusiasm for reform he exhibited, his actions indicating the
underlying pressures for change existing in certain levels of society at the time.
17
VSeveri, p. 51. 12-13.
18
VSeveri, p. 52. 3-5.
19
VSeveri, pp. 13. 1-8.
20
VSeveri, p. 57. 5-9.
21
Indicating its importance to Severus, theoria is a term that is found frequently in his writ-
ings. It was used by him to denote an intensive study in search of the real meaning or significance
of a subject, an example of which can be seen in his use of theoria for the exposition of Scrip-
ture: see Severus, Homily LXXXI, PO, 20.2, pp. 346-7.
22
It is important to distinguish here between the original meaning of philosophia, as accepted
by the pagan world, and the new practical Christian use of the word at this period to denote a
pursuit of divine knowledge. As a result of such a revaluation, the term philosophos became syn-
164 SEVERUS OF ANTIOCH: AN INHERITOR OF PALESTINIAN MONIASTICISM

The Philoponoi who had been in some measure responsible for his enlight-
enment, were also to influence his future direction. Their religious beliefs and
sympathies were in keeping with their origins and education. Anti-Chalcedon-
ian to a man, they lent their talents to a strong and vocal opposition, acknowl-
edging only known anti-Chalcedonian clergy of Palestine and Egypt.23 This
could explain an important contact made by Severus at this point: his intro-
duction to Peter the Iberian, bishop of Maiuma near Gaza. John Rufus relates
in his Life that on arrival in Berytus c.490, this famous Palestinian monastic
figure made contact with young scholars who were studying at its famous law
school, and became involved in their instruction.24 Given Peter’s previous
known activities in Egypt, and his constant journeys and mission work in
Palestine,25 there is little doubt that he would have used this opportunity to
proselytize and reinforce anti-Chalcedonian beliefs amongst his young au-
dience.
Proof of the powerful impression Peter made in this academic arena was
soon forthcoming as several of these students became his disciples and
embraced the monastic lifestyle, eventually entering his monastery near
Gaza.26 Zacharias, present himself at this crucial period, also recorded the
lasting impression Peter made on the scholars. The philosopher Evagrius, the
younger brother of John Rufus, Anastasius of Edessa and Elisa are said to
have experienced visions of Peter and, as a result, dedicated their lives to
monasticism in imitation of the master.27 Severus also later acknowledged
the debt he felt to Peter’s opposition to Chalcedon and his unmatched exam-
ple:
“This communion I so hold, I so draw near, as I drew near in it with the highest
assurance and a fixed mind, when our holy father Peter of Iberia was offering and
performing the rational sacrifice.”28

onymous with a worthwhile Christian life exemplified by the ascetic ethos. The ‘monk’ was rec-
ognized as the inheritor of the term, indicating that the discipline and privations of this calling
was a means to the attainment of true knowledge. See H. Hunger, “The Importance of Rhetoric
in Byzantium”, in M. Mullett and R. Scott, (eds.), Byzantium and the Classical Tradition, (Birm-
ingham, 1981), pp. 40-41.
23
VSeveri, p. 78.
24
John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi, p. 114. 6-11: Petrus der Iberer (ed. R. Raabe), (Leipzig,
1895), p. 107.
25
John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi, p. 71. 8-13: Raabe, p.70; ibid., p.77. 13-19: Raabe, p. 75.
26
John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi, p. 114, 12-20: Raabe, p. 107. Specifically mentioned is the
impact made on an outstanding Lycian student called Elisa, who as a result of contact with Peter
became noted for his virtues and regarded as ‘the sheep of the Lord’. This is confirmed by
Zacharias with his account of Elisa’s dedication and admission into monastic life following an
apparition and injunction from Peter: VSeveri, pp. 85. 10–86. 2.
27
VSeveri, pp. 83-86.
28
Severus, Letter to John and John, the presbyters, V. 11, in The Sixth Book of the Select Let-
ters of Severus, Patriarch of Antioch, in the Syriac Version of Athanasius of Nisibis, I, p. 370, 9-
17; (ed. E. W. Brooks) II, (London, 1904), p. 328.
 K.M. HAY 165

MONASTIC DEDICATION

An appreciation of the next stage in Severus’ life is of vital importance in

any assessment of his development, and also reveals the extent of Peter’s
influence. Having successfully completed his studies, Severus decided to
visit the holy sites in Jerusalem, as did many others at this period, and on the
journey back to Berytus, called into Peter’s monastery between Gaza and its
port of Maiuma.29 The Gaza region, with its important trade links with both
Egypt and the interior, was a prosperous commercial centre with a wide
variety of social groups and religious beliefs. In late Antiquity it could boast
of Caanite, Greek, Egyptian, Jewish and Samaritan groups.30 It also pos-
sessed a fascinating history of religious conflict stemming from this cultural
diversity. The city of Gaza, despite its strategic position on major land
routes and its proximity to Jerusalem, had remained immune to Christianity
until the early years of the fifth century, following the strenuous efforts of
Porphyry, bishop of Gaza.31 As a result, there existed a longstanding oppo-
sition to Gaza and its pagan elites by the port of Maiuma with its active
Christian population. As I have argued elsewhere,32 this heritage of religious
resistance was an underlying potent force that saw expression in the later
powerful opposition of the monks of this region to the decrees of Chalcedon.
The ancient rivalry between Maiuma and Gaza was to be reflected in the
future struggle for orthodoxy in the region. This later theological conflict
was sustained by the region’s on-going social, commercial and religious
association with Alexandria and the monastic centres of Egypt. Peter’s
acceptance of voluntary exile in Egypt after Chalcedon is understandable,
given this historical background, as is his activity there and in Phoenicia, in
bolstering resistance to the Council’s dogma.33 Foreseeable also was
Severus’ visit to Peter’s monastery on his last journey in the region before
returning home to Pisidia to practise law, given that the monastery had
already attracted many educated members of the Philoponoi from Berytus,34
including his spiritual mentor Evagrius.

29
VSeveri, p. 92. 7-10; John of Beith Aphthonia, Vita Severi, p.223. 5-6, p. 224. 1-3.
30
C. Glucker, The City of Gaza in the Roman and Byzantine Period, (BAR, Oxford, 1987),
pp. 98-101.
31
Mark the Deacon, Life of Porphyry Bishop of Gaza, (ed. H. Grégoire and M.-A. Kugener),
Marc le Diacre, Vie de Porphyre, évêque de Gaza.(Paris, 1930). For the spread of Christianity in
Gaza in the fourth and fifth centuries, see R. Van Dam, “From Paganism to Christianity at Late
Antique Gaza”, Viator 16 (1985), pp. 1-20; F. R. Trombley, Hellenic Religion and Christianiza-
tion c. 370-529, I (Leiden, 1993), pp. 187-245.
32
K. M. Hay, “Evolution of Resistance: Peter the Iberian, Itinerant Bishop”, P. Allen and
L. Cross (eds.), Prayer and Spirituality vol. I (Brisbane, 1997), pp. 159-164.
33
John Rufus, Vita Petri Iberi, p.58, 1-2: Raabe, p. 58; ibid., p.60, 11-20: Raabe, p. 61; ibid.,
p.106, 1-21: Raabe, p.100.
34
VSeveri, pp. 83-6; p. 95.
166 SEVERUS OF ANTIOCH: AN INHERITOR OF PALESTINIAN MONIASTICISM

The events that followed his arrival at the famous monastery were, however,
far from predictable, and were to have far-reaching consequences for both
Severus and ultimately his society. Our sources indicate that the exacting prac-
tices and the ideology of Peter’s monastery left an indelible impression on the
young professional, and resulted in his adoption and espousement of their rule
and their philosophy. Surprisingly, his previous determination to establish
himself as an orator and lawyer was replaced by a new resolve to endure the
rigours of the monastic vocation. In the memorable words of his biographer,
Severus:
“clothed himself in the monastic habit instead of the toga; he served divine books
instead of legal ones; instead of labours at the law court he chose the labours of
monastic life and philosophy.”35

It is very tempting to read these words and skim over the true import of
Severus’ acceptance and implementation of this new lifestyle. Here was a man
primed and destined for great secular success who, having purchased his legal
robes,36 had departed from Berytus with every intention of returning. To what
can we attribute the striking and unexpected change inherent in his new call-
ing to a life of restricted speech and human contact? Severus’ sudden decision
to become a monk was not an unusual occurrence at this period,37 but the cir-
cumstances and the influences that surrounded it were distinctive. I suggest
these were peculiar to Severus’ background, education and to the area of
Gaza; they were also indicative of the influence of existing deep seated
requirements and beliefs in the man. His debt and devotion to the ascetic
lifestyle were to be summed up later in the succinct words found in his eighty-
fourth homily dedicated to Basil and Gregory:
“If someone applies himself to the monastic life, if he is freed from life in the
world and if he lives in the desert, in meditating… he will be pure in his heart…
in this way he will be able to see God.”38

As early evidence of this basic spiritual need, the description given of the
exacting routine of fasting, physical hardship, restricted speech and human
contact of Peter the Iberian’s monastery is vital for an understanding of
Severus’ rejection of a worldly philosophy.39 It is clear from his own later ref-
erences that these stringent features were instrumental in his transformation.
His acceptance of its rules indicated the fulfilment of the underlying sup-

35
VSeveri, p. 93. 2-5.
36
VSeveri, p. 92.11-12.
37
As shown, the monastic vocation had been espoused by many of his fellow students from
Alexandria and Berytus. The prevailing move towards this ethos can be seen also in the example
of famous academics and Church fathers, such as the known models for Severus: Basil of Cae-
sarea and Gregory of Nazianzus, as well as John Chrysostom.
38
Severus, Homily LXXXIV, PO, 23.1, p. 13.11-14.
39
VSeveri, pp. 93. 8–94. 4.
 K.M. HAY 167

pressed desires of the individual, despite his previous vocal rejection. This
judgement is confirmed by the Life, which verifies the impression made on the
scholar by the monastery, with its anti-Chalcedonian tradition and admired
practitioners of the ascetic lifestyle: “it is this philosophy so pure that the
great Severus loved and whose yoke he bore.”40
The importance of these precepts and the spiritual guidance of Peter’s
monastery to this exceptional mind became evident in his future life. Despite
a rigorous attention to the ascetic routine during his stay at the monastery,
Severus demanded even greater sacrifice of himself. Following the tradition
of other monastic leaders and accompanied by Anastasius of Edessa, he
spent a time of great hardship in the desert near Eleutheropolis, followed by
an enforced recuperation in the nearby monastery founded by Romanus.41
Significantly, on his return to the Gaza region c. 500 he eventually founded,
with the remainder of his inheritance, his own monastery near that of Peter
the Iberian, demonstrating both his debt and respect for his illustrious role
model. There he renewed his serious study of the Fathers, and began the
refinement of his Divine philosophy and anti-Chalcedonian theology.42 As
founder and exemplar for the talented monastic disciples that quickly joined
him,43 the sources indicate that Severus soon acquired a formidable renown
both as an ascetic and a scholarly adviser to an ever increasing circle.
Accordingly, we read in the Homily to Blessed Mar Severus by George,
bishop of the Arabs, that his skills and capacity for erudition and reasoning
ensured that:
“News of him went into the provinces and the cities, and… bishops, clerics and
even monks began to write, and to ask him all sorts of questions. This wise man
used to answer them in letters, solving their questions well.”44

This portrayal of industry and influence strongly suggests his inheritance of

Peter the Iberian’s mantle of ascetic perseverance and domination. It also indi-
cates the development of a charismatic authority in the eyes of his society; an
authority based on the recognition that his wisdom and resources were far
beyond the normal.45 It is this same perception by society that we are to see
40
VSeveri, p. 94. 12-13.
41
VSeveri, pp. 96. 6–97. 1; John of Beith-Aphthonia, Vita Severi, pp. 228. 7–229. 9.
42
VSeveri 97. 6-14; John of Beith-Aphthonia, Vita Severi, pp. 229. 10–230. 2; George,
bishop of the Arabs, Homily Mar Severus, pp. 287-298: trans. pp. 10-11.
43
VSeveri, pp. 98. 1–99. 9; John of Beith-Aphthonia, Vita Severi, pp. 230. 11–231. 4-8.
Severus’ first disciple is named as Peter from Caesarea, and it is interesting to note that he is also
identified as a graduate of the school of grammar and rhetoric at Berytus, demonstrating again
the potential role of these schools at this period in the promotion of Christian ideals.
44
George, Homily Mar Severus, pp. 299-304: trans. p. 11.
45
See E. Shils, “Charisma, Order and Status”, Centre and Periphery: Essays in Macrosoci-
ology, (Chicago, 1975), pp. 258-259. As elaborated by Shils, charismatic authority can be defined
as the recognition of the connection of the individual to active ‘centres’ and his possession of
special attributes.
168 SEVERUS OF ANTIOCH: AN INHERITOR OF PALESTINIAN MONIASTICISM

demonstrated throughout his life. Significantly, despite the hagiographical

nature of this source, it does not stand alone in its description of the activities
and influence of Severus at this and later periods. We are in possession of a
large corpus of Severus’ Letters written to a wide variety of correspondents
ranging from officials, bishops, archimandrites and monks, as well as female
patricians, heads of convents and nuns.46 Such was Severus’ reputation, that in
508 he was chosen to head a delegation of threatened anti-Chalcedonian Pales-
tinian monks to the capital to plead their case against the attacks of the Egypt-
ian monk Nephalius.47 His arrival in Constantinople marks his first appearance
on the world stage as a defender of the faith, and the following years saw his
elevation to the patriarchate of Antioch and the production of many letters and
treatises that continued his struggle against a variety of theological enemies.
Despite his exile to Egypt in 518, his Letters often acknowledged the debt
that he owed to Palestinian monasticism. Thus in reply to Theodore, presbyter
and archimandrite of the monastery of Romanus, Severus stressed the impor-
tance of Theodore’s role and ascetic example to his monks:
“Continue, therefore, to show the same energy, and press forwards, and enlarge
the rational flock of those who practise with you the ascetic life of solitari-
ness.”48

His letters also indicate that his influence was still felt in Palestine during
these years. This can be seen in his Letter to John Canopis, of Peter the
Iberian’s monastery, by his concern and emphatic instruction to the anti-
Chalcedonian monks of the Province to refrain from contact with their
opponents. In this reply, important encouragement is given to the monks
to stand firm in the true faith.49 Such correspondence demonstrates
that Severus held the role of father confessor and adviser, continuing to
testify to the importance of the ascetic life and the one true path of ortho-
doxy for the monastic community of Palestine, even during the years of his
exile.

46
The Sixth Book of the Select Letters of Severus, Patriarch of Antioch, in the Syriac Version
of Athanasius of Nisibis, 4 vols., (ed. and trans. E. W. Brooks), (London, 1902-4).
47
VSeveri, pp. 103. 10-104. 5. See also, Severus, Orationes ad Nephalium, (ed. and Latin
trans. J. Lebon), (CSCO SS, series 4, t. 7: vol.119, t. 64; vol. 120, t. 65), (Louvain, 1949). There
are a number of references to the background and activities of Nephalius, including Evagrius,
Historia ecclesiastica III, p. 22; John of Beith-Aphthonia, Vita Severi, pp. 231. 9-232. 2. For
these sources and known historical facts concerning Nephalius, see C. Moeller, “Un représentant
de la christologie néochalcédonienne au début du sixième siècle en orient: Nephalius d’Alexan-
drie”, Revue d’histoire ecclestiastique 40, (1944-5), pp. 80-101; P. T. R. Gray, The Defense of
Chalcedon in the East (451-553), (Leiden, 1979), pp. 105-111.
48
Severus, Select Letters I. p. 55: Brooks, I, p. 164.
49
Severus, Select Letters IV. p. 7: Brooks II, p. 267. See also Severus’ theological elabora-
tions to the Palestinian monks in the Collections of Letters of Severus of Antioch, PO, 12.2,
p. 249; PO, 14.1, p. 281.
 K.M. HAY 169

CONCLUSION

Palestinian monasticism in the fifth and sixth centuries can be characterized

by the emergence of outstanding monastic figures dedicated to the ascetic
ideal, and also by the incidence of theological disputes. The undercurrent of
heresy resulted in the assumption by Severus of the important role of monas-
tic exemplar and defender of the faith, both during his time in Palestine and
later during his exile in Egypt. As shown, however, these attributes, were insti-
gated and stimulated by the unique circumstances of his education and youth-
ful experiences, and importantly by his contact with Palestinian monasticism.
The existence of important commercial and educational pathways between
the major cities of Alexandria, Berytus and Gaza ensured the transmission of
both religious beliefs and resistance. In Alexandria and Berytus he was
exposed, as were many others of his contemporaries, to the influence of the
Philoponoi, a remarkable Christian movement. The evidence of our sources
strongly suggests that the Philoponoi were responsible for the introduction of
new values and new pressures to their society. Their undoubted influence on
Severus was compounded by their introduction to him of the impressive anti-
Chalcedonian monastic tradition of the Gaza region
Despite excellent academic qualifications and the promise of a successful
legal career, Severus' acceptance of an ascetic ethos and his subsequent con-
version from an indifferent pagan background, demonstrate the existence of
this other powerful force. It is clear that the Christian dedication by Severus
was stimulated by the impact of his contact with Peter the Iberian and the anti-
Chalcedonian monasteries of the Gaza region, and resulted in his adoption of
the monastic habit and espousal of their beliefs. It seems only fitting that the
continued support and encouragement of both Peter and Severus perpetuated
for their followers, and generations of monks to come, the distinctive features
of Palestinian monasticism, as well as the militant ethos of the Gaza region.

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