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Kieran A. Scott, EdD
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DISSERTATION
NEW YORK
2013
UMI Number: 3557840
In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript
and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed,
a note will indicate the deletion.
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UMI 3557840
Published by ProQuest LLC (2013). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author.
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Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC.
All rights reserved. This work is protected against
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code
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COPYRIGHT
© Fr. Dennis M. Cagantas, 2013, All Rights Reserved.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This work is minutiae in comparison to the immensity of support and help given by my
family, colleagues, and friends in the Philippines and in the United States. I hold all of you
dearly in my heart. In a way beyond comparison, you have made God’s love dynamically alive
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DEDICATION
This opus I dedicate to my beloved mother, Nanay Nena, and beloved father, Tatay Don,
whose enduring faith in and love of God have made them quiet, joyful, and humble servants of
the Lord. I also dedicate this work to countless men and women whose magnanimous self-
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
NOTICE OF COPYRIGHT ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iii
DEDICATION iv
ABSTRACT 1
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The “People Power” Phenomenon as a Political Revolution 2
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The Current Philippine Situation: A Brief Review 4
Research Questions 14
Assumptions 17
Definitions 19
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Freire’s Vision of Humanization as the Path to Social Transformation
and Its Antithesis – Dehumanization
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The Process of the Convocation of the Second Plenary Council
of the Philippines IE 62
Page
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The Composition of the Council 79
Research Participants 87
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Qualitative Coding 91
Memo-Writing 93
Theoretical Sampling 93
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CHAPTER IV. FINDINGS 96
Transformation 98
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Building a Relationship, in Solidarity with the Poor 107
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The Experience of Renewal and Continual Formation, the CFC
Influence 123
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The Work of Social Transformation Viewed from the Lens of Faith 123
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Summary of Findings 133
Conclusions 139
xiii
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Recommendations 142
REFERENCES 147
APPENDICES 155
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Appendix B Letters to Gawad Kalinga Builder’s Institute and
GK Global Research and Internship Program 162
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Appendix C Letter of Invitation to Participate in the Study 167
VITA 170
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Abstract
This grounded theory study was conducted with the purpose to generate a theory of social
transformation of Gawad Kalinga. Gawad Kalinga started its work to eradicate poverty in the
Philippines without a defined roadmap and template. The theory of social transformation
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generated in this study emanated from the way Gawad Kalinga volunteers processed, defined,
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and explained their experiences in their engagement with the poor. Through purposeful
Kalinga in poor communities helped the downtrodden and suffering reclaim their humanity,
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restore their dignity, and rebuild their lives. Some manifestations of transformation included the
development of leadership among the poor, and expansion of collaboration with different
stakeholders in the Philippines and abroad. From the lens of faith, GK volunteers believed in the
power of love to eradicate poverty in the Philippines. In their engagement with the poor, love
became embodied in witnessing, solidarity, service, sacrifice, and communion. The ethic of love
emerged as the answer to the removal of poverty understood as the lack or absence of caring and
sharing. The process of social transformation by way of the heart could only be sustained
through education and spirituality that would form the poor to become heroes of the nation.
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CHAPTER I
THE PROBLEM
One of the most significant and hope-filled moments in recent Philippine history was the
peaceful, active, and nonviolent revolution distinctively known as “people power” å(Acts &
Decrees, 1992, p. 107). It took place along Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA) in Quezon
City from February 22-25, 1986 (Moreno, 2006). In those most challenging and grueling four
days, more than one million Filipinos from different walks of life staged a protest against the
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corrupt and oppressive Marcos regime in a manner that was uniquely Filipino. People carried
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religious statues and symbols, and they brought food (Acts & Decrees, 1992). Continuous prayer
and festive sharing of food, even with the military that initially had not sided with the Filipino
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people, then marked the four-day rally (Carroll, 2006). On its fourth and final day, the people
power uprising peacefully and successfully ended the 21-year Marcos dictatorship and ushered in
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the emergence of a democratic form of government with Corazon C. Aquino as the new
In his post-EDSA revolution analysis, Fr. John Carroll (2006), one of the leading Jesuit
sociologists in the Philippines, described the people power phenomenon as “a movement based
on the values of truth and justice, brotherhood and love of country” (p. 107). He added that these
same values had produced a power that surprisingly rendered the might of guns and tanks futile
and useless. However, for Fr. Carroll, without discounting what the four days of February 1986
had achieved to topple down the Marcos administration (Moreno, 2006, p. 80), the uprising was
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mainly a political revolution “in which one elite group supplanted another” (p. 89). It was a
revolution led “in large part from the middle class and other groups that have to some degree
moved out of the traditional system” (p. 95). He continued his critique by saying:
Yet it seems equally clear that the events of February were not consciously
concentration of power and wealth in our society; rather they were aimed at
freeing us from a political system that had become corrupt, exploitative, and
oppressive. Nor did those on EDSA think of putting into effect a new
organizational principle for society, although their actions may well have
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cleared the ground for such a development. (p. 96)
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Started out mainly as a political revolution, the “people power” event hoped to eventually
bring about structural change in the country (Carroll, 2006). The EDSA uprising proved that the
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Filipino people had the right value-system needed to effect a change as momentous as
overthrowing the Marcos regime. The four days of February 1986 undoubtedly helped the
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Filipino people reclaim their freedom and rediscover their sense of fraternity. What remained a
huge challenge to the Filipino people was for them to utilize the gains of the EDSA uprising to
transform a social structure that, for a long period of time, had promoted a “society of unequals”
(Carroll, 2006, p. 143). For Fr. Carroll, the process of attaining structural change would
necessarily require from the middle and upper echelons of society enormous economic sacrifice.
They would consequently end up losers. He then explained: “By that I mean the middle and
upper classes who fought for and obtained political freedom, stand to lose something in
economic terms if we really move toward a more equitable distribution of income” (Carroll, p.
113).
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Coincidentally, as the Philippines celebrated in February 2011 the 25th year anniversary
of the “people power” revolution, some countries in the Middle East have in the past few months
experienced civil protests against their governments. Hannah Beech of Time magazine (2011)
recently wrote about the Asian experience of attaining “democracy through revolution,” focusing
on what the Arab world could learn from it. She specifically highlighted the pioneering
Philippine experience of the “people power” uprising in 1986. Her analysis on the said
phenomenon perfectly captures what has happened in the Philippines since the peaceful ouster of
Marcos. She wrote: “Democracy through revolution is heady stuff, but it’s not always a template
for building lasting freedom and justice” (Beech, p. 26). Her argument was that the Philippines,
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although now enjoying democracy, still remains a country “beset by the poverty, cronyism and
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nepotism that provoked the 1986 protests” (p. 26). In a prophetic sense, Fr. Carroll (2006) was
correct in his view of the “people power” movement mainly as a political revolution that had the
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opportunity to restructure the nation into a more just and equal society. In fact, the question he
raised months after the four days of February 1986 still makes sense: “But will equality follow?”
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(Carroll, p. 89).
In a lamentable manner, the national “situationer” released by the Catholic Church during
its convocation of the Second Plenary Council of the Philippines (PCP-II) in January of 1991
(Acts & Decrees, 1992) still aptly describes the country’s current situation. Three major areas
were discussed in detail by the said analysis: “an unbalanced economic structure (the gap
between rich and poor, massive poverty as the social problem), an unbalanced political structure
(elitist politics of personalities and patronage, corruption), reinforced by ambivalent and negative
cultural factors (mentalities, values)” (Church Renewal, 2001, p. 221). Twenty years later, these
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same issues painting a grim and problematic Philippine scenario continue to haunt the Filipino
people and unfortunately seem to remain unchanged (La Vina, 2009; Racelis, 2009). Fr. Carroll
(2006) described this all evident reality when he wrote, “The reality of inequality in our society
is so evident that it hardly requires demonstration, except perhaps for the fact that we have lived
with this reality so long that it may seem as natural and inevitable as the succession of the hot
The current Philippine situation may not, after all, look totally hopeless and deplorable.
In 2009, in celebration of its 150th founding anniversary, the Ateneo de Manila University, the
leading Jesuit University in the Philippines, initiated a major project that focused on helping the
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country move forward and offering the Filipino people hope (Rodriguez & Lacandula-
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Rodriguez, 2009). More than forty faculty members from twenty or more disciplines explored
five major areas that became the Agenda for Hope, namely: “to share prosperity, to democratize
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governance, to promote sustainable development, to transform and preserve Philippine identity
and culture, to inspire our youth” (Rodriguez & Lacandula-Rodriguez, 2009, p. ix). Although
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coming from a diverse range of academic backgrounds, they all shared a common passion and
mission to help transform Philippine society into “a caring, equitable, and productive society
with the human person located squarely in the middle” (Racelis, 2009, p. ix). What they
discovered amidst “the current scenario of continuing poverty, inequality, and widening
disparities in people’s well-being” (Racelis, p. x) were different pockets of hope. Stories abound
about communities that exhibit lives of “heroism, resilience, and transformation” (Rodriguez &
One of the key areas explored by the Agenda for Hope project was the thriving social
repitition’ (where the politics of blame ensured unaccountability and inability to solve long-
standing problems from poverty to social injustice)” (La Vina, 2009, p. vii), a good number of
Filipino organizations and communities, both profit and non-profit, have found alternative
responses to the Philippine situation through “innovative, scalable, and sustainable solutions”
(Keh, 2009, p. 2). These new and creative ways to solve social problems and to bring about
change in society are formally called social entrepreneurship. Social entrepreneurship has a
variety of definitions, but what is common to all social enterprises is “the primacy of the social
mission of these endeavors” (p. 3). Their task is to promote development that creates sustainable
and positive impact on the lives of the marginalized members of society (La Vina, 2009). Among
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the current nonprofit social enterprises featured in the Agenda for Hope project was the Gawad
Couples for Christ (CFC). CFC was founded in 1981 in Manila by 16 married couples who were
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members of a Catholic Charismatic Renewal prayer group. They had a vision of renewing and
strengthening family life. The mission was to form Christian families committed to the
“Church’s evangelizing work, promoting peace and justice, defending the poor and the
oppressed, and promoting the unity of Christians” (International Associations of the Faithful,
2006). CFC had been officially recognized by the Pontifical Council for the Laity as an
international association of the faithful in the year 2005. It had been engaged in the work of
evangelization and total human liberation for thirty-one years through its pastoral programs that
were “pro-God, pro-family, pro-poor, and pro-life” (The CFC Arch, 2008). The members
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already numbered almost a million, and its presence could be found in seventy-six countries
In the year 2007 the Couples for Christ underwent a major historical turn. It split into
two separate, yet similarly oriented groups. The original CFC group, with GK as one of its
ministries, continued to function as a national and international private association of the faithful,
officially bearing the name CFC Global. The newly formed group became the Couples for
Christ for Family and Life. Initially, it started as a diocesan association that could, in the future,
apply for official recognition as a national association and even later as an international
association of the faithful (G. Reyes, personal communication, September 6, 2007). In May of
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2009, the original group, currently named CFC Global, experienced another twist in its historical
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development. It finally decided to let go of its most distinguished and highly appreciated
ministry, the GK. The official statement released by the CFC Executive Director, Joel Tale,
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noted two basic differences between CFC Global and GK:
a. CFC Global decided to continue its mission in oneness with the Catholic Church;
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while Gawad Kalinga wanted to pursue its poverty alleviation and nation-building
b. The organizational structure of CFC Global with all its ministries and programs is
under the management of the CFC Global International Council. This seemed to have
To resolve the issue, CFC Global decided to let go of GK. Concretely, this meant that
GK, as an organization, would have its own independent governance, distinct corporate identity,
and functions; thus giving it leeway to build partnerships with all sectors of society to pursue its
work of nation building and poverty alleviation (The CFC International Council, 2009).
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CFC initially started GK in 1995 as an outreach program for the youth in Bagong Silang,
Caloocan City, Philippines (La Vina, Keh, Santos, & Senajon, 2009). The pioneering three-day
youth camp held in December 1995 eventually led to the introduction of different programs and
activities, like “theater, sports, livelihood training, and scholarships” (La Vina et al., p. 63).
They were originally intended to help transform young gang members and out-of-school youth
into responsible members of society (Pastores & Villaluz, 2009). As the CFC volunteers met
with the youth’s families and visited their houses, they gradually realized that the slum
environment where these people lived needed rehabilitation itself. Founded on the principle that
“the environment or the community where young people are supposed to thrive should prepare
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them for the realities of the world by equipping them with the proper values taught from
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childhood” (Pastores & Villaluz, p. 45), the youth program slowly evolved into a project of
“transforming the very structure where growth starts” (p. 46). Thus, as simplistic as it may
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sound, CFC began literally building houses.
The first recipient of the housing program of CFC was the Adduro family in Bagong
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Silang (La Vina et al., 2009), and Bagong Silang became the pilot community of CFC’s project
of helping families build decent homes. Little by little CFC observed significant changes in
people’s attitude and outlook. This was one of its early epiphanies—“transformation was
possible” (Pastores & Villaluz, 2009, p. 46). Inspired by the initial signs of success in Bagong
Silang, CFC launched a challenge within its community to explore if the Bagong Silang
phenomenon could be replicated in other distressed areas. The challenge was named Gawad
Kalinga (translated into English as “to give care”), which eventually became the official name of
the project. As a result, the first 30 GK communities CFC built increased in number two years
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later, as the first GK community was built in Dumaguete City, Negros Oriental (La Vina et al.,
2009).
GK is a dynamically evolving organization. The total and final split from its mother
organization, the Couples for Christ Global, has led GK to rethink its program of sustaining
leadership in its communities. Even now the process continues, although its organizational
structure apparently remains the same (M. Bentoy, personal communication, March 17, 2011). It
still retains operational teams from the national to the local levels. There is, however, a recently
developed community model in addition to the existing GK village composed only of 30-100
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homes. Formed “to achieve scale and better efficiency,” a GK estate is a bigger community of a
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minimum of 300 houses (Infrastructure, n.d., para. 8). All these GK communities have
volunteers within their communities called caretakers. Led by a project director and community
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organizer, they are responsible 24/7 “to ensure that the community has access to the support that
it may need” (Pastores & Villaluz, 2009, p. 48). Their voluntary work includes the following:
values formation program; implementing the community development plan and GK programs;
mentoring the community leaders towards self-governance” (Caretaker Team, n.d., para. 3).
The overwhelming support that GK has received from local and international groups has
strengthened and energized GK in its resolve to dream in a most bold yet profoundly noble way
of a slum-free Philippines (Pastores & Villaluz, 2009). Since the successful replication of the
Bagong Silang phenomenon in other impoverished areas, GK has continued to engage in the
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work of social transformation by building houses and forming communities whose basic needs
are addressed through their programs on shelter, education, values formation, health, livelihood,
environment, and community development. Its nation-building and poverty alleviation programs
are grounded in basic Filipino values—the values of caring, sharing, bayanihan (“teamwork and
cooperation”), walang iwanan (“no one should be left behind in the pursuit of development and
progress”)—and, in the belief, that being a hero to those in need can help remove the country
from the sad state of poverty (Culture of Caring and Sharing, n.d., para. 2-7). After eleven years
of its initial attempts to alleviate the plight of the poor in the different regions in the Philippines,
GK received its first international accolade, the Ramon Magsaysay Award for Community
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Leadership. The award recognized its work of “harnessing the faith and generosity of Filipinos
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the world over to confront poverty in their homeland and to provide every Filipino the dignity of
a decent home and neighborhood” (Citation for Gawad Kalinga, 2006, para. 14).
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Builder of dreams, Gawad Kalinga unveiled its plan in June 2009 at the GK Global
Summit in Boston, MA. The plan is to end poverty for five million Filipinos in the year 2024, a
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vision now dubbed as GK2024 (A Timeline to Timelessness, n.d.). GK gave a definite timeline
of 21 years to realize its plan to eliminate poverty by providing “land for the landless, homes for
the homeless, and food for the hungry” (Our Vision & Mission, n.d., para. 3). According to
GK’s framework, the dream serves as a roadmap to transform the Philippines into “a nation
made up of caring and sharing communities, dedicated to eradicate poverty and restore human
first phase took place between 2003 and 2010. It aimed to challenge and inspire people to
aggressively address the issue of social injustice plaguing the Philippines. What transpired