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08.28.23 Re Part II Re Second Circuit's Crimes
08.28.23 Re Part II Re Second Circuit's Crimes
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28 August 2023
IRNewswires’ Ulysses T. Ware’s actual innocent project’s Special Judicial Corruption Investigation.
Opinion and Editorial
In the dim, dark, and dank corridors of Manhattan's federal courts, a
tragedy has unfolded more poignant than Hamlet's Denmark unfolds. But alas,
it is not penned by Shakespeare; it's penned by reality, by white federal judges
1and prosecutors whose names might as well be Claudius and Polonius for the
parts they play in this grim tale—the villains in character.
Ah, the question is not "to be or not to be?" but "to act justly or to
perpetrate injustice?" In this dark play, our Claudius and Polonius—U.S.
Attorney General Merrick B. Garland and his law clerk, Damian Williams—opt for
the latter.2 Their obstinate refusal to heed the courts’ Brady court orders, to
relinquish “over 15 boxes”3 of potentially exculpatory evidence, shows an
Ophelia-like madness, but one born not of innocence but of calculated intent. A
stratagem, if you will, drenched in the odor of racial bias, of Jim Crow, that we
so falsely believed was of a bygone era.
1
Hall, Katzmann, Sand, Pauley, Sweet, Ramos, Taylor-Swain, McMahon, Thrash, Hagenau, Dawson, Kearse, Sack,
Peck, Dolinger, and others.
2
Polonius is a character in William Shakespeare's play Hamlet. He is chief counsellor of the play's ultimate villain,
Claudius, and the father of Laertes and Ophelia.
3
According to the March 20, 2023, DOJ’s EOUSA’s In re Ware, 000907 FOIA response U.S. Attorney (SDNY) Damian
Williams has admitted and conceded civil and criminal contempt of the Brady court orders terms—Williams admitted
he is in possession of “over 15 boxes of materials” which could contain Brady exculpatory or impeachment evidence
relevant to the Ware appeals (23-865 and 23-869).
4
Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are characters in William Shakespeare's tragedy Hamlet. They are childhood friends
of Hamlet, summoned by King Claudius to distract the prince from his apparent madness and if possible to ascertain
the cause of it.
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Yorick's skull in Hamlet's palm—meaningless and empty. What are they but
mere players, pawns to be used and played as fools, strutting and fretting upon
this dismal stage, the Manhattan federal courts, showing us that Jim Crow racial
jurisprudence isn't a ghost of the past but a living, breathing beast, with the
blood and gore of countless, thousands, of nonwhite persons dripping from its
fangs?
A more dire setting than Elsinore, for here, we find no Horatio to tell our
tale. Here, the players pen their narrative, and it's one that threatens to be full
of sound and fury, signifying nothing but the further perpetuation of racial
injustice. And if this play ends not in tragedy but in justice, it will be no thanks
to the Claudius and Polonius of our tale, but to those few who dared to lift the
curtain and expose the farce for what it is—a cynical, calculated operation that
has traded the robe and gavel for a cloak and dagger.6
5
Ulysses T. Ware, Esq. was a lawyer fraudulently prosecuted and convicted in 2007 by two of the most evil and vile
DOJ Jim Crow prosecutors David N. Kelley and Michael J. Garcia, and sentenced to the BOP’s notorious concentration
camps.
6
IRN’s lawyers and investigators have been assisted in this judicial corruption investigation by DOJ whistleblowers
and other persons currently employed in the DOJ and in the Manhattan court system.
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So here we stand, between justice and injustice, between the act and the
actor. The play's the thing wherein we'll catch the conscience—if there is one—
of the king. It is a dark tale, one that leaves us to wonder, in this courtly theater
of racial injustice: when will justice have its final act? And who, pray tell, will be
its reluctant hero?
Ah, but to delve deeper into the abyss, into the machinations and
legerdemain that the courts have employed, is to expose the unspoken tragedy—
the bedrock of Jim Crow racial jurisprudence upon which these judgments
rest and on which the American justice system and society were built. This term,
Jim Crow jurisprudence, we mustn't whisper but shout from the rooftops, for
it is not just an antique relic of history but a living, festering sore upon the face
of American (in)justice. The District Courts (SDNY, D. NV, NDGA, BC NDGA) and
the esteemed Second Circuit Court of Appeals—the judicial arms of the Jim Crow
infrastructure, did not merely commit acts of impropriety; they triggered and
invoked a centuries-long insidious system of social and political beliefs,
attitudes, and thought processes that have long been employed to
disenfranchise, to condemn, to imprison, and economically bankrupt black
persons and persons of color since 1619.
The white judges’ and prosecutors’ perjury, the calculated lying, the theft
of Jeremy Jones’ alleged September 2006 judicial court records, the willful
suppression of Brady exculpatory and impeachment evidence—these are not just
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IRNewswires’ Ulysses T. Ware’s actual innocent project’s Special Judicial Corruption Investigation.
acts but deeply entrenched rituals, sacrilegious ceremonies that confirm the
allegiance of these public servants not to justice but to a malevolent
interpretation of the law that serves only the powerful white barons of the Jim
Crow system. They've turned their courtrooms into dystopian stages, where truth
is malleable, and justice is auctioned to the highest bidder—or perhaps, taken
from those without the currency to bid at all.
Mr. Ware has not just been imprisoned; he has been incarcerated in a
concentration camp orchestrated by the Bureau of Prisons, a grim setting worthy
of Orwell's most dystopian narratives. And this, too, is not merely an accident.
It is part of the Jim Crow system’s calculated punishment, the final act of a
judicial system that punishes twice—first by unjust legal procedures, and again
by the conditions of one's confinement. A double jeopardy that goes largely
unspoken, ignored by many who would rather turn their gaze away from the
uncomfortable truth that it uncovers.
These white judges and prosecutors are not the mere foot soldiers of
injustice; they are its architects. In knowingly suppressing evidence, in actively
distorting the legal process, they become principal agents in a vile racial system
that perpetuates racial inequality, as originally intended since 1619. These are
not the sins of omission but of commission, actions consciously undertaken, sins
for which mere confession can offer no absolution.
The law, so we believe, is the last great equalizer, the final frontier of justice
in an unjust world. But what happens when the frontier is a mirage, a false
promise in a land of inequality? We are left with a judicial wasteland, a dystopia,
where justice withers and dies, choked by the weeds of prejudice and corruption.
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to set it right!" But alas, Hamlet is but a character in a play, and we are left to
wonder who, in our real world of injustice, will dare to set things right?
II.
In an America that has long boasted in words, but not in deeds, of its
commitment to justice and equality, the term "color of law" assumes a sinister
undertone when applied to the cases like that of Ulysses T. Ware. Ostensibly,
“color of law” refers to actions carried out under the appearance of legal
authorization, "color of law" gains a dual, bitter meaning, implying also that the
"color" of this law is indeed "white."
7
According to court records the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit has done absolutely nothing in regard
to Mr. Ware’s July 24, 2023, Emergency Motion to Show Cause, an emergency motion to have the white federal
judges and prosecutors held accountable for criminal and civil contempt of the Brady Court Orders. Nothing at all.
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The racially vindictive manner in which these white courts and
prosecutors operate is deeply ingrained, a historic system of racial prejudice,
reflecting a sense of social entitlement to punish non-white individuals
disproportionately. It is not just vindictive justice; it is a vendetta, an attempt to
assert the kind of racial which in essence is an economic and political control
over nonwhites that has no place in modern society. The so-called "officers of the
court" in these scenarios are not guardians of justice but warlords of a fiefdom
built upon systemic racial inequality.
If the "color of law" is indeed white, which it appears to be, then it casts a
dark shadow over the very concept of democracy, marring the nation's integrity
and tarnishing its soul. The banality of this evil, embedded in bureaucratic
processes and legal formalities, makes it even more pernicious. It is as if we've
reached a point where racial injustice is so routinized, so normalized, that it
doesn't provoke outrage but weary resignation.
In the tragedy that is the American (in)justice system, the protagonists are
not heroes but anti-heroes, figures who wield the sword of justice not to protect
but to harm. It is as if Iago were the judge, his malevolence not hidden but
celebrated, his betrayals not punished but rewarded. The color of this law may
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be white, but its true hue is the dark shade of injustice—blood-soaked red with
the life force of millions, green with the stolen wealth of thousands, and black
with the death of people of color.
The stark reality is this: until the American justice system is purged of its
implicit racial biases and overt acts of discrimination, do not hold your breath,
"the color of law" will remain a term of irony—a bitter reminder that the ideal of
justice, so central to the American ethos, remains a distant, distorted dream.
The courts, designed to be the temples of justice, have instead become its
graveyards. And in this twisted tale, the gravestones are marked not just with
the names of those wrongfully convicted but with the death of American justice
itself.
Conclusion.
Imagine the society that George Orwell portrayed in 1984, a society where
freedom is slavery and war is peace. Now consider that our justice system,
cloaked in the majesty of the law, is nothing but a stage where racial prejudice
is practiced under the name of justice. Just as Orwell's Big Brother watched its
citizens, so do the courts watch over the destinies of the accused, not as their
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protector but as their jailer. Injustice is committed here in the name of justice,
deception under the cloak of truth, and evil disguised as virtue. It is a tragedy
worthy of Shakespeare, a deceit as terrible as any plotted by Iago or Claudius.
Yet, if this were only a tragic play, the curtains would close, and we'd all
go home, comforted by the knowledge that it was mere fiction. However, the grim
reality is that lives are being torn asunder, and the integrity of an institution
central to democratic governance is being slowly shredded. Ulysses T. Ware's
cases, and others like it, are not just cases but symptoms—visible pockmarks of
a disease corroding the soul of a nation that prides itself on the notion of liberty
and justice for all.
Do not mistake this for mere judicial failure. This is not inefficiency; this is
calculated malevolence. We do not lack the resources to administer fair justice.
What we lack is the moral fiber, the ethical backbone to stand up to these
inequities. This, my friends, is the banality of evil. It is the day-to-day
bureaucratic mechanisms that, under the veil of routine, perpetrate heinous
crimes against the very ideals we hold dear.
We have here in the Ware cases a circumstance that warrants not just
concern but outright alarm. Like the citizens of a fallen Roman Republic, we
must look upon these events not as isolated incidents but as a harbinger of the
decay of our democratic institutions. The justice system, one of the cornerstones
of any functioning democracy, stands sullied and compromised. We must, with
all the urgency this grave situation calls for, address these systemic failures.
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Anything less would not merely be a failure; it would be a moral abdication of
catastrophic proportions.
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