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Politics of Social Health Insurance
Politics of Social Health Insurance
Stéphane Rossignol
PII: S0176-2680(08)00018-9
DOI: doi: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2008.02.002
Reference: POLECO 1060
Please cite this article as: Rossignol, Stéphane, Politics of social health insurance, Euro-
pean Journal of Political Economy (2008), doi: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2008.02.002
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∗
Stéphane Rossignol
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January 17, 2008
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Abstract. This paper studies the political support for social health insurance
when a private alternative exists. Individuals differ only by their risk. For the more
realistic distributions of risk, a majority of agents do not want public insurance.
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agents, we show that social insurance can be adopted, particularly for treatments
which have the best cost-utility output. But if the low risk agents are more politi-
cally powerful than the high risk, the low cost treatments will not be refunded by
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∗
C.E.S., UMR 8174 CNRS Université Paris I and Université de Versailles-Saint-Quentin.
E-mail address: rossignol@math.uvsq, mail address: C.E.S. 106-112 Bd de l’Hôpital, 75647 Paris
Cedex 13, France. I would like to thank Hubert Kempf, Emmanuelle Taugourdeau and an anony-
mous referee for helpful comments.
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1 Introduction
In this paper we study the political support for social health insurance when private
insurance is available. The agents are differentiated by their risk of sickness. In this
case, the median voter is against social insurance. However, we show that it can
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be adopted in a representative democracy or in a direct democracy with altruistic
agents, for the illnesses which have treatments with a good cost-utility output.
In many countries, the health systems are weakened by a continuous increase
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in health care spending. Health spending is now 10.5% of GDP in Germany, 9.8%
in France, with a record of 14% in the United States. This increase is higher than
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that of GDP and induces serious financing problems. It has three main causes:
first a demographic factor, the ageing of the population, since the need for medical
care is greater for older people. Secondly there is a technical factor, because with
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technological progress treatments are becoming more sophisticated and hence more
expensive. And finally a political factor: the increase of the coverage. Indeed most
OECD countries have evolved to offer wide coverage of their citizens.
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With respect to the importance of the public health insurance, any project for
reform the health system must be preceded by a thorough reflection on the respective
places for public and private insurance. There are several arguments of economic
efficiency in favor of public insurance: it has lower administrative costs, and it avoids
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However, with the public insurance, the agents are less free, and it weighs on public
taxation, which is distorsive and unpopular. In all countries the public and private
systems coexist, but their respective proportions vary. The Americans consider that
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health is the individual’s responsibility and that of the market, the government must
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be involved only if necessary (as with Medicare or Medicaid). The Europeans attach
more importance to the public sector, private insurance being mainly a complement.
In this paper we adopt a political economy approach: the aim is to determine
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the political support for public insurance when there is a private alternative. More
precisely, we determine which treatments could be paid for by social insurance. It
will depend on the health utility of treatment, and on its cost.
Public health insurance has a solidarity function. Numerous political economy
models interpret this solidarity as a redistribution from the rich to the poor: Epple
and Romano (1996) and Gouveia (1997), using models where the agents are differen-
tiated by their incomes, establish the existence of an equilibrium where the majority
is in favor of public insurance. But this sort of redistribution can be achieved di-
rectly, without using health insurance, as shown by Meltzer-Richard (1985). The
median voter is indeed poorer than the average, hence in favor of redistribution. In
this case it is not a good way to justify the existence of public insurance. With a
similar model, Blomquist and Christiansen (1999) add a strong hypothesis: that the
qualification is private information, not available to the government.
It appears that to justify public health insurance, we must stress what distin-
guishes it from private insurance (with no asymmetric information): the mutuali-
sation of different risks. Consequently, we study here the solidarity between agents
differentiated by their risk of sickness, but with the same income. It allows us to
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better understand the mutualisation of risks, and to distinguish it from the redis-
tribution between rich and poor. Hindriks (2001) and Hindriks-De Donder (2003)
have tackled this question, but by dropping the expected utility model. Our aim
is to establish the conditions of existence of public insurance (and the extent of its
coverage) in the usual expected utility model, with agents differentiated by their
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risk, and in particular to determine which treatments would be covered by public
insurance.
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Two systems are possible in our paper: purely public and purely private. For a
given treatment, no mixed insurance is possible. If public health insurance covers
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the treatment, we assume that it is compulsory and offers full coverage. Otherwise,
it is well known that, by an adverse selection mechanism, only high risk people
will take it, so public insurance then no longer has a solidarity function. There is
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here no moral hazard: if a person is sick, she has only one possible treatment (no
partial treatments). Without public insurance, the agents can subscribe to private
insurance, or choose not to take any treatment.
We show that the people having a lower than average risk (the majority here)
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would prefer a priori to reject public insurance. The other people want it if the
output of the treatment is sufficiently high1 , in a meaning specified later. We study
the conditions necessary to adopt a social system, even though it is contrary to the
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interest of a majority.
The paper is organized as follows. The second section presents the model. The
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political economy of the choice of health insurance system is studied in the third
section. The fourth section is devoted to equity aspects. We conclude in section 5.
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2 The model
2.1 Health financing and agents’ welfare
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We consider an economy with n individuals, all with the same income y. They can
be healthy or sick. The probability p of falling ill depends on the agent. This risk
p is distributed in the population on the interval [0; 1] according to the cumulative
distribution function F (p).
A healthy person has a utility U(y), a non treated sick person has a loss of utility
V > 0, her utility is then U(y) − V . We assume that there is no loss of income due
to the illness. An agent of risk p (i.e. with probability p of falling sick) enjoys then
an expected utility without treatment:
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minimization of the cost, since we take into account the utility of the medical care.
V > 0 can be understood as the loss of utility due to the illness (without treatment)
with respect to a healthy state, but V is then also the utility gain of the treatment.
We will compare the welfare of the agents according to the way of financing the
treatment.
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- The illness risk can be covered by private insurance. We assume that the
insurers know perfectly the type of the agent, and then her risk. There are no
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administrative costs, the insurance contracts are actuarially fair. The contribution
rate θ is individual, it depends on the risk p. The expected utility is then W2 (p) =
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U (y(1 − θ(p))) with the budget constraint yθ(p) = pH, then θ(p) = p Hy . We obtain
the expected utility with a private insurance
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W2 (p) = U(y − pH) (2)
The agent can pay the insurance premium only if pH ≤ y. We will suppose it to be
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true henceforth.
- Note that if the agent herself pays for the treatment if she is ill, her expected
utility becomes
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Moreover, since the agents are risk adverse, they prefer to pay for an actuarially
fair private insurance than to pay H. It means that W2 (p) > W3 (p) for any p > 0,
because U is strictly concave. If actuarially fair private insurance is available, the
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- If social insurance covers the treatment, it is compulsory and covers the whole
cost H. It is pointless to spend only a part of H, since the treatment is of the type
”all or nothing”.
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1
V (p, H) = [U(y) − U(y − pH)] if p ∈]0; 1] (5)
p
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V (0, H) = lim+ V (p, H) = HU ′ (y)
p→0
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We now show that the low risk people will prefer to be better covered than those at
high risk.
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Proposition 1 An agent of risk p prefers to take out an insurance (rather than not
be cured) if and only if V > V (p, H), where V (p, H) is an increasing function of p
and H. MA
(i) If V > V (1, H), everybody wants to be treated.
(ii) If V ∈]V (0, H); V (1, H)[, an agent of risk p prefers to take out insurance
(rather than not be cured) if and only if p < p∗ , where p∗ = p∗ (H, V ) is such that
V = V (p∗ , H).
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(i) If V > V (1, H), then everybody takes out insurance. For a given cost H , a
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(H, V ). First it is clear that (H2 , V2 ) is better than (H1 , V1 ) if it is less expensive and
provides a higher utility, i.e. if the two following conditions are fulfilled: H2 ≤ H1
and V2 ≥ V1 . If one of these inequalities is strict, then (H2 , V2 ) is strictly better
than (H1 , V1 ).
Of course, we cannot compare all couples of treatments (H1 , V1 ), (H2 , V2 ) in this
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way. For example if H1 < H2 and V1 < V2 , treatment 1 is less expensive but its
utility is lower. An additional criterion is necessary to compare the outputs of the
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two treatments. It will depend on the risk p of the agent. We can adopt V −V (p, H)
as a measure of the output of the treatment for an agent of risk p. Indeed V −V (p, H)
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is an increasing function of V and decreasing function of H, which is compatible
with our order relation for the couples (H, V ). Moreover, according to Proposition
1, an agent of risk p wants to be treated if and only if V > V (p, H), i.e. when the
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output of the treatment is positive (for her). If V < V (0, H), the treatment has a
bad output: it is negative for any risk p. If V > V (1, H), the treatment has a good
output: it is positive for any risk p.
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3 Choice of the system
3.1 Individual preferences
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- first, a decision committing the whole society is taken: to adopt or not a public
health insurance system (for a given treatment (H, V )).
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out private insurance or not. Proposition 1 deals with this second stage. If social
insurance has been adopted at the first stage, a private policy becomes of course
pointless.
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We will now study the first step of the game, taking into account the reaction
function of the agents, given in Proposition 1. Before studying the effective political
choice of the system, let us examine the individual preferences. Which system is
preferred by which people: public insurance or not? An agent of risk p prefers social
insurance if and only if Wsoc > Wind (p).
Since Wind (p) = max(W1 (p); W2 (p)), without social insurance, some people take
a private policy, the other people don’t. Our question is then split into two parts:
- For the agents who prefer a private policy to no medical care (i.e. such that
W2 (p) > W1 (p)), do they want social insurance or not? The answer is simple: they
want social insurance only if p > p. Indeed
which is equivalent to p > p. With medical care, social insurance is preferred if its
premium is less expensive, i.e. if p > p.
- The same question is valid for the agents who prefer no medical care to taking
out a private policy (i.e. such that W2 (p) < W1 (p)). They prefer social insurance
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if Wsoc > W1 (p), i.e. if U(y − pH) > U(y) − pV , which means that V > p1 [U(y) −
U(y − pH)].
Finally, only the high risk agents can prefer social insurance, for the most bene-
ficial treatments. It is more precisely stated in the following proposition.
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Proposition 2 - If p < p, an agent of risk p always rejects the social insurance
system.
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- If p > p, an agent of risk p accepts the social insurance system if and only if
V > p1 [U(y) − U(y − pH)]
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(i) If V > p1 [U(y) − U(y − pH)], an agent of risk p wants social insurance iff
p>p
U(y) − U(y − pH)
(ii) If V ∈ U(y) − U(y − pH); , an agent of risk p accepts
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p
the social insurance system if and only if p > V1 [U(y) − U(y − pH)]
(iii) If V < U(y) − U(y − pH), nobody wants a social insurance system.
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Proof Straightforward because: - if p < p, then Wsoc < W2 (p).
- if p > p, then Wsoc > W2 (p) but Wsoc > W1 (p) if and only if V > 1p [U(y) −
U(y − pH)].
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Moreover H 7→ 1p [U(y) − U(y − pH)] and H 7→ U(y) − U(y − pH) are convex
functions since U is concave, which motivates the shapes of the curves in Fig 2.
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- If p < p, the agent loses with redistribution: she always prefers the private
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Direct democracy with selfish agents. With direct voting, the median voter
decides: since pm < p, social insurance is rejected (according to Proposition 2), for
any values of V and H. It is not very realistic, because social health insurance
systems exist in most countries (even if they do not cover all the risks). And direct
democracy with selfish agents is a quite restrictive hypothesis. We now examine an
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alternative.
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Political decision function. We assume here that the choice is the result of the
maximization of a decision function D which is a weighted average of the welfare of
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the different agents. Z 1
D= W (p)dG(p) (7)
0
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W (p) is here the welfare of an agent of risk p, and G(p) measures the weight of
the
R 1 agents of risk p or lower than p in the political decision function. We have
0
dG(p) = 1. We can assume to simplify that the population is composed of k
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groups of homogenousPindividuals, differing by their probability of falling ill p1 ,
p2 ,...pk . We have n = ki=1 ni
Two different arguments can justify the use of a decision function of this type:
representative democracy, and direct democracy with altruistic agents.
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candidates (or two parties) A and B compete to win an election. They do not know
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winner will implement the policy announced. The agent j of group i votes for the
party B iff
WgA (pi ) + bi,j < WgB (pi )
where gA and gB are the policies announced by candidates A and B. The welfare
of any agent of group i is Wg (pi ) if the policy g is applied. The random variable bi,j
measures the bias (positive or negative) of agent j in favor of candidate A. For a
given group i, the random variables bi,j have the same law as a random variable bi ,
uniform on an interval [li , ri ].
The mathematical expectation of the numbers of votes for B is
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EV B (gA , gB ) = P (WgA (pi ) + bi,j < WgB (pi ))
i j
X
= ni P (WgA (pi ) + bi < WgB (pi ))
i
X
= ni Fi (WgB (pi ) − WgA (pi ))
i
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where Fi is the cumulative distribution function of the uniform law on [li , ri ], i.e.
Fi (x) = rx−l i
i −li
on x ∈ [li , ri].
Then assuming that WgB (pi ) − WgA (pi ) ∈ [li , ri ] for any i :
X 1
EV B (gA , gB ) =
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ni (WgB (pi ) − WgA (pi ) − li )
i
li − ri
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1
function i ni αi WgB (pi ) where αi = ri −li
represents the influence P
of each agent of
group i in the decision function. Similarly candidate A maximizes i ni αi WgA (pi ).
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Let us now define a random variable Y of law given by: P (Y = pi ) = Pninαjiαj for
j
any i. We denote by G(p) the cumulativeR distribution function of Y . We have
1
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then found that each candidate maximizes 0 Wg (p)dG(p) with respect to g, where
g ∈ {social insurance; no social insurance}.
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Direct democracy with altruistic agents. If the agents are altruistic, in a
direct democracy, the electors will take into account the welfare of the other agents.
Altruism can be justified by social links: the agents care about the members of their
family or their friends who have health problems. If we denote by α the degree of
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altruism, assumed to be the same for all agents, the utility of an agent of risk pj is
given by
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!
X
Vj = W (pj ) + α ni W (pi ) + (nj − 1)W (pj )
P
i6=j
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k
X
= (1 − α)W (pj ) + α ni W (pi )
i=1
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where α ∈ [0; 1]. The median voter is decisive here, his objective is to maximize
k
X
D = Vmj = (1 − α)W (pm ) + α ni W (pi ) (8)
i=1
ni α (1 − α) + nm α
P (Y = pi ) = if i 6= m, and P (Y = pm ) = (9)
(1 − α) + nα (1 − α) + nα
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Let G be the cumulative distribution function of the law of Y . Then D = W (p)dG(p),
i.e. D is a decision function of the type given in Equation (7).
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R1
0
Wind (p)dG(p) when there is none. For any p, we have Wind (p) = max(W1 (p); W2 (p)).
Set
K(G, H, V ) = Dsoc (G, H, V ) − Dind (G, H, V ) (10)
Social health insurance is adopted if K(G, H, V ) > 0, rejected if K(G, H, V ) < 0.
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Let us denote by X (respectively Y ) a random
R 1 variable of cumulativeRdistribution
1
function F (respectively G). We have p = 0 pdF (p) = E(X) and 0 pdG(p) =
E(Y ).
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We distinguish three cases:
Hyp A: E(Y ) ≥ E(X).
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Hyp B1: E(Y ) < E(X) and E(Y 2 ) > E 2 (X)
Hyp B2: E(Y ) < E(X) and E(Y 2 ) ≤ E 2 (X)
Under Hyp A, the high risk agents have a higher political weight than the low
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risk agents (E(Y ) ≥ E(X)). Under Hyp B (i.e. E(Y ) < E(X)), the high risk agents
have a lower political weight than the low risk agents. We have two subcases: Hyp
B1 means that the high risk agents have a political weight softly lower than their
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demographic weight, Hyp B2 means than the high risk have a political weight much
lower than their demographic weight.
Proposition 3 specifies the choice taken, according to the values of H and V , for
any given cumulative function G.
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For a given cost H > 0, we see that everything depends on the value of V > 0, in
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other words on the output of the treatment, i.e. the comparison between the utility
of the treatment, and its cost H.
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tion on [0; y], then there exist functions V ∗ (G, H) and H ∗ (G), such that:
1) Under Hyp A, we have
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2) The second case (Hyp B1) corresponds to a political decision function where
the influence of the high risk agents (per capita) is lower than that of the low risk
agents, but not too small. For the treatments of cost H higher than H ∗ (G), the
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result is similar to the first case: a treatment is socially covered if the associated
utility gain V is high enough (greater than V ∗ (G, H)). For the low cost treatments
(H < H ∗ (G)), social insurance is rejected. Indeed, for any utility gain V of the
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treatment, its low cost can be easily paid for individually. This result may seem
counter intuitive, since it does not respect the ranking of the outputs of the treat-
ments. We could expect that the higher the output of a treatment, the better this
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one could be socially covered. But here under Hyp B1, a treatment (H1 , V1 ) can be
covered (if H1 > H ∗ (G) and V1 > V ∗ (G, H)) and another treatment (H2 , V2 ) of bet-
ter output not be covered (if H2 < H ∗ (G) and V2 ≥ V1 ). We can thus imagine that
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a treatment (H1 , V1 ) initially covered by the social insurance could be not covered
anymore if its price decreases from H1 to H1′ , with H1′ < H ∗ (G) < H1 .
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It means that the health system is more liberal and less egalitarian than under
Hyp A: the agents must resort to a private policy, except for treatments which are at
the same time expensive and of high utility. The solidarity between people differing
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by their risk becomes here a sort of minimal net covering only people who are poor
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3) Under Hyp B2, the interest of low risk agents mainly matters. Social insur-
ance is always rejected, since it redistributes to the high risk agents, contrary the
private insurance. It gives the same result as direct democracy with selfish agents.
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PT
P
((1 − α) + nα) (E(Y 2 ) − E 2 (X)) = (1 − α)p2m + α ki=1 ni p2i − (1 − α)p2 − nαp2
= (1 − α)(p2m − p2 ) + nαE(X 2 ) − nαE 2 (X) = (1 − α)(p2m − p2 ) + nαV (X)
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= α (nV (X) + (p2 − p2m )) − (p2 − p2m )
(p2 −p2m )
i.e. E(Y 2 ) > E 2 (X) ⇔ α > nV (X)+(p
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2 −p2 )
m i h
(p2 −p2m )
It means that hyp B1 is true iff α ∈ nV (X)+(p2 −p2 ) ; 1 , i.e. if the degree of
m
altruism is sufficiently high (and lower than 1). In that case, a treatment is covered
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by the social insurance if its utility is high (V > V ∗ (G, H)) and its cost is not too
low (H > H ∗ (G)).
(p2 −p2m )
- If α < nV (X)+(p 2 −p2 ) , then the degree of altruism is too low: hyp B2 is true, no
m
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treatment will be covered by the social insurance.
for diseases like heart attack, when the probability clearly depends on the person.
It can be interesting to discuss an alternative specification2 , i.e. with a fixed p and
varying V . This can be useful for diseases like influenza, when p is quite uniform in
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the population, since having influenza does not depend very much on the individual.
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However V is not fixed, because the consequences of influenza can be much more
serious for old people than for young healthy people.
Let us examine our model with varying V and fixed p. The expected utility
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without treatment is
f1 (V ) = U(y) − pV
W
f2 (V ) = U (y(1 − θ(V )) with
With a private insurance, the expected utility is W
pH
the budget constraint yθ(V ) = pH, i.e. θ = y . Thus
f2 = U(y − pH)
W
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Note that here high risk people (i.e. with high V ) want to be treated, since the
cost of the treatment does not depend on V . On the contrary, with a varying p and
fixed V , the high risk people (i.e. with high p) do not want to be treated, because
the premium depends on p.
Who is in favor of a social system here? An agentof utility loss V prefers
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social insurance if and only if W fsoc ≥ max W f2 ; W
f1 (V ) , where W
fsoc = W f2 . It
means that for V < 1p [U(y) − U(y − pH)], the agent prefers not to be treated, since
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f1 (V ) > W
W f2 = W fsoc . If V > 1 [U(y) − U(y − pH)], the agent wants to be treated
p
but is indifferent between social and private insurance. So some people are against
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the social system, the others are indifferent. Thus the social system cannot be
adopted if the agents are uniquely differenciated by V .
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4 Equity and political decision
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We want now to evaluate if a choice taken according to the political decision pro-
cedure as above, is compatible with the equity goals of public insurance. It means
comparing a positive result, the treatments effectively covered by social insurance,
with a normative analysis. We do not want to determine here if the political deci-
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sion has been taken with the aim of being fair, but if its result can be considered
as fair or not. We will mention briefly two classical conceptions of economic justice:
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imizeR a social welfare function obtained by summing the welfare of all individuals,
1
i.e. 0 W (p)dF (p). The comparison public-private is reduced to the study of the
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sign of K(F, H, V ). It is then fair to choose public insurance only when K(F, H, V )
is positive, i.e. when V > V ∗ (F, H) (according to Proposition 3.1), with G = F and
Y = X). In other words, from a strictly utilitarian point of view, public insurance
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must cover the treatments of sufficiently good output. If the output is low, financing
public insurance imposes too many sacrifices on the low risk agents, with few gains
for the high risk agents. In the case of a lethal but curable disease, the utility loss
V is infinite, and H is still finite thus V ∗ (F, H) is finite: justice requires that any
lethal illness be covered by the public system. We note that under HypB1 or B2,
the low cost treatments (H < H ∗ (G)) are not covered, even those of high utility. It
is not fair from a utilitarian point of view: any treatment must be covered by the
social insurance, if it is sufficiently useful.
It is clear that if we compare
R 1 the utilitarian ethics with the result coming from
the function D(G, H, V ) = 0 W (p)dG(p), the nearer G is to F (i.e. any person
has almost the same weight in D), the fairer the decision taken. If F stochastically
dominates G, the high risk agents are too neglected, so public insurance is too rarely
adopted. If G stochastically dominates F , they are too favored, public insurance is
too often adopted, to the detriment of the consumption level of the low risk agents.
- With a Rawlsian approach, we must forget our real situation, to consider the
worst: the fair decision must maximize the welfare of the less favored. Here it
means caring only about the welfare of the agents of maximum risk pmax . According
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to Proposition 3, the fair choice leads to adopting public insurance when V >
V ∗ (Fmax , H), where Fmax is the cumulative function of the distribution putting all
the weight on p = pmaxR 1 . If we compare the Rawlsian approach to the decision coming
from D(G, H, V ) = 0 W (p)dG(p), this one will be perfectly fair for G = Fmax . For
a lower G, public insurance is less often adopted, and the highest risk agents are
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harmed.
The Rawlsian approach leads more often to social insurance than the strictly
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utilitarian approach, because V ∗ (Fmax , H) < V ∗ (F, H).
For a given cost H, a treatment (H, V ) must be socially covered if its utility is:
- high: V > V ∗ (F, H) for the utilitarian ethics.
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- high or medium: V > V ∗ (Fmax , H) for the Rawlsian ethics.
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5 Conclusion
We have considered an economy of agents differentiated by their risk of sickness. We
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have studied the individual preferences concerning health insurance, with respect to
that risk. When the treatment of a disease is not covered by social health insurance,
the low risk agents take out a private insurance, and the high risk agents may prefer
not to be treated, to avoid a too dramatic decrease of their consumption (Proposition
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1).
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If the treatment has a high cost-utility output, every agent with a risk above the
average wants social insurance, but the other agents reject it. If the output is less
good, only the very high risk agents want social insurance (Proposition 2).
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With a majority of low risk people, social insurance is rejected in direct voting if
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of Political Economy 89, 914-927.
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Appendix
A Proof of Proposition 1.
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We set
1
V (p, H) = [U(y) − U(y − pH)]
p
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We have just to show that V is an increasing function of p and H. We see that
V is clearly an increasing function of H. Let us show that it is also an increasing
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function of p.
∂V
∂p
= p12 [pHU ′ (y − pH) − U(y) + U(y − pH)]
Let µ(p) = pHU ′ (y − pH) − U(y) + U(y − pH)
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µ′ (p) = HU ′ (y − pH) − pH 2 U”(y − pH) − HU ′ (y − pH)
= −pH 2 U”(y − pH) > 0 because U is strictly concave.
µ(0) = 0 then µ(p) > 0, for any p > 0, thus ∂V > 0 if p > 0.
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V is then an increasing function of p.
∂2V
Moreover ∂H 2 = −pU”(y − pH) > 0, i.e. H 7→ V (p, H) defines a convex function.
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B Proof of Proposition 3.
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Z 1 Z 1
= Wsoc (p)dG(p) − Wind (p)dG(p)
0 0
Z 1
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K(G, H, V ) is independent of V.
(ii) if V ∈]V (0, H); V (1, H)[, then
Z p∗ Z 1
K(G, H, V ) = U(y − pH) − W2 (p)dG(p) − W1 (p)dG(p)
0 p∗
Z p∗ Z 1
= U(y − pH) − U(y − pH)dG(p) − [U(y) − pV ] dG(p)(12)
0 p∗
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Let us show that K(G, H, V ) is an increasing function of V on ]V (0, H); V (1, H)[.
If we assume that (V1 , V2 ) ∈]V (0, H); V (1, H)[2 , with V1 < V2 , then:
Z p∗ (H,V2 )
K(G, H, V2 ) − K(G, H, V1 ) = − U(y − pH)dG(p)
0
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Z 1 Z p∗ (H,V1 ) Z 1
− [U(y) − pV2 ] dG(p)+ U(y−pH)dG(p)+ [U(y) − pV1 ] dG(p)
p∗ (H,V2 ) 0 p∗ (H,V1 )
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Z p∗ (H,V2 ) Z 1
= [U(y) − U(y − pH) − pV1 ] dG(p) + (V2 − V1 ) pdG(p)
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p∗ (H,V1 ) p∗ (H,V2 )
where [U(y) − U(y − pH) − pV1 ] = p [V (p, H) − V1 ] > 0 for p ∈ [p∗ (H, V1 ); p∗ (H, V2 )],
since V (p, H) is an increasing function of p. Thus K(G, H, V2 ) − K(G, H, V1 ) > 0,
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and K(G, H, V ) is an increasing function of V on ]V (0, H); V (1, H)[.
(iii) if V < V (0, H), then
Z 1
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K(G, H, V ) = U(y − pH) − max Wj (p)dG(p)
0 1≤j≤2
Z 1
= U(y − pH) − [U(y) − pV ] dG(p)
0
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Z 1
= U(y − pH) − U(y) + V pdG(p) (13)
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0
∂K
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∂V
(G, H, V )= 0
pdG(p) > 0
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We can then say that K(G, H, V ) is a non decreasing function of V on the three
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studied domains: V > V (1, H), V ∈]V (0, H); V (1, H)[, and V < V (0, H).
The function K is clearly continuous on these domains. Let us show that it is
continuous also at V = V (0, H) and V = V (1, H).
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R1
limV →V (1,H)− K(G, H, V ) = U(y − pH) − 0 U(y − pH)dG(p)
= limV →V (1,H)+ K(G, H, V )
then K is continuous at V = V (1, H).
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limV →V (0,H)+ K(G, H, V ) = U(y − pH) − 0 [U(y) − pV ] dG(p)
= limV →V (p1 ,H)− K(G, H, V )
then K is continuous at V = V (0, H).
K is then continuous everywhere, thus it is an increasing function of V (strictly on
V < V (1, H)).
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(ii) if V < V (0, H), then according to Equation (13), K(G1 , H, V ) ≤ K(G2 , H, V ),
because p 7→ − [U(y) − pV )] is an increasing function.
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for any x ∈ [0; y[, U(y − x) = a0 − a1 x − a2 x2 , where a0 = U(y), and a1 = U ′ (y) > 0
and a2 = −12
U”(y) > 0.
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• First we set V > V (1, H). R
1
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K(G, H, V ) = U(y − pH) − 0 U(y − pH)dG(p)
Recall that we denote by X (respectively Y ) a random variable of cumulative
R1
distribution function F (respectively G). We have p = 0 pdF (p) = E(X) and
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0
pdG(p) = E(Y ).
2
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K(G, H,RV ) = a0 − a1 (pH)
− a2 (pH)
R − 0
[a0 − a1 (pH) − a2 (pH)2 ] dG(p)
1 1
= a1 H 0 pdG(p) − p + a2 H 2 0 p2 dG(p) − p2
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= a1 H (E(Y ) − E(X)) + a2 H 2 (E(Y 2 ) − E 2 (X))
- Under hypothesis A, the high risks have a political weight which is greater than
their demographic weight, i.e. E(Y ) > E(X). This implies that E(Y 2 )−E 2 (X) > 0,
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- Under hypothesis B1, we have E(Y ) < E(X) but E(Y 2 ) > E 2 (X)
Then K(G, H, V ) > 0 ⇔ a2 H (E(Y 2 ) − E 2 (X)) > a1 (E(X) − E(Y ))
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∗ ∗ a1 E(X)−E(Y )
i.e. K(G, H, V ) > 0 ⇔ H > H (G) where H (G) = a2 E(Y 2 )−E 2 (X) > 0
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- Under hypothesis B2, we have E(Y ) < E(X) and E(Y 2 ) ≤ E 2 (X)
Thus K(G, H, V ) < 0 for any H > 0
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- Under Hyp B2,
K(G, H, V ) < 0 for V > V (1, H)
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thus K(G, H, V ) < 0 for every V
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Figure captions:
Figure 1: who takes out private insurance?
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Figure 2: who wants social insurance?
Figure 3: Hyp A
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Figure 4: Hyp B1
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