Topic A: Plight of human rights in Yemen and Syria.

Topic B: Adressing the rights and protection of refugees and

migrants, including issues related to detention, assylum and
resettlement.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
UN CHARTER
INTRO TO UNHRC
INTRO TO TOPIC A (HISTORY, & BACKGROUND
INFORMATION)
CURRENT STATUS
CAUSES AND EFFECTS
STAKEHOLDERS AND POSITION OF OTHER
COUNTRIES
QUESTIONS A RESOLUTION MUST ANSWER
INTRO TO TOPIC B (HISTORY, BACKGROUND
INFORMATION)
CURRENT STATUS
CAUSES AND EFFECTS
STAKEHOLDERS AND POSITION OF OTHER
 COUNTRIES
QARMA - QUESTIONS A RESOLUTION MUST ANSWER

UNITED NATIONS CHARTER -

https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter
The Charter of the United Nations is the founding document of the
United Nations. It was signed on 26 June 1945, in San Francisco, at
the conclusion of the United Nations Conference on International
Organization, and came into force on 24 October 1945.
The United Nations can take action on a wide variety of issues due
to its unique international character and the powers vested in its
Charter, which is considered an international treaty. As such, the
UN Charter is an instrument of international law, and UN Member
States are bound by it. The UN Charter codifies the major principles
of international relations, from sovereign equality of States to the
prohibition of the use of force in international relations.
Since the UN's founding in 1945, the mission and work of the
Organization have been guided by the purposes and principles
contained in its founding Charter, which has been amended three
times in 1963, 1965, and 1973.
The International Court of Justice, the principal judicial organ of the
United Nations, functions in accordance with the Statute of the
International Court of Justice, which is annexed to the UN Charter,
and forms an integral part of it. (See Chapter XIV, Article 92)
Find the full text of the UN Charter, or read about the history of its
making. Listen to a reading of the Preamble.
UN Charter
Preamble
Chapter I: Purposes and Principles (Articles 1-2)
Chapter II: Membership (Articles 3-6)
Chapter III: Organs (Articles 7-8)
Chapter IV: The General Assembly (Articles 9-22)
Chapter V: The Security Council (Articles 23-32)
Chapter VI: Pacific Settlement of Disputes (Articles 33-38)
Chapter VII: Action with Respect to Threats to the Peace, Breaches
of the Peace, and Acts of Aggression (Articles 39-51)
Chapter VIII: Regional Arrangements (Articles 52-54)
Chapter IX: International Economic and Social Cooperation
(Articles 55-60)
Chapter X: The Economic and Social Council (Articles 61-72)
Chapter XI: Declaration Regarding Non-Self-Governing Territories
(Articles 73-74)
Chapter XII: International Trusteeship System (Articles 75-85)
Chapter XIII: The Trusteeship Council (Articles 86-91)
Chapter XIV: The International Court of Justice (Articles 92-96)
Chapter XV: The Secretariat (Articles 97-101)
Chapter XVI: Miscellaneous Provisions (Articles 102-105)
Chapter XVII: Transitional Security Arrangements (Articles
106-107)
Chapter XVIII: Amendments (Articles 108-109)
Chapter XIX: Ratification and Signature (Articles 110-111)
Amendments to Articles 23, 27, 61, 109
INTRODUCTION TO UNITED NATIONS HUMAN RIGHTS
COUNCIL (UNHRC)
The Human Rights Council is an intergovernmental body within the
United Nations system responsible for strengthening the promotion
and protection of human rights around the globe and for addressing
situations of human rights violations and making recommendations
on them.
INTRODUCTION TO TOPIC A - HISTORY, &
BACKGROUND INFORMATION
PLIGHT OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN YEMEN AND
SYRIA -
Yemen‘s civil war began in 2014 when Houthi
insurgents—Shiite rebels with links to Iran and a history of
rising up against the Sunni government—took control of
Yemen‘s capital and largest city, Sana‘a, demanding lower fuel
prices and a new government. Following failed negotiations,
the rebels seized the presidential palace in January 2015,
leading President Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi and his
government to resign. Beginning in March 2015, a coalition of
Gulf states led by Saudi Arabia launched a campaign of
economic isolation and air strikes against the Houthi insurgents,
with U.S. logistical and intelligence support.
In early 2015, after escaping from Sana‘a, Hadi rescinded his
resignation, complicating the UN-supported transitional
council formed to govern from the southern port city of Aden.
However, a Houthi advance forced Hadi to flee Aden for exile
in Saudi Arabia. While he attempted to return to Aden later that
year, he ultimately ruled as president in exile.
The intervention of regional powers in Yemen‘s conflict,
including Iran and Gulf states led by Saudi Arabia, also drew
the country into a regional proxy struggle along the broader
Sunni-Shia divide. In 2015, Saudi Arabia implemented a naval
blockade to prevent Iran from supplying the Houthis. In
response, Iran dispatched a naval convoy, raising the risk of
military escalation between the two countries. The
militarization of Yemen‘s waters also drew the attention of the
U.S. Navy, which has continued to seize Yemen-bound Iranian
weapons. The blockade has been at the center of the
humanitarian crisis throughout the conflict. Saudi Arabia and
the UAE have also led an unrelenting air campaign, with their
coalition carrying out over twenty-five thousand airstrikes.
These strikes have caused over nineteen thousand civilian
casualties, and from 2021 to 2022 the Houthis responded with a
spate of drone attacks on Saudi Arabia and the UAE.
On the battleground, the Houthis made fast progress at the
start of the war, moving eastward to Marib and pushing south to
Aden in early 2015. However, a Saudi intervention pushed the
Houthis back north and west until the frontlines stabilized. A
UN effort to broker peace talks between allied Houthi rebels
and the internationally recognized Yemeni government stalled
in the summer of 2016. Elsewhere in the south and east of the
country, a growing al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP)
threatened the government‘s control, though its influence has
since waned.
In July 2016, the Houthis and the government of former
President Saleh, ousted in 2011 after nearly thirty years in
power, announced the formation of a political council to govern
Sana‘a and much of northern Yemen. However, in December
2017, Saleh broke with the Houthis and called for his followers
to take up arms against them. Saleh was killed and his forces
were defeated within two days. Meanwhile, Hadi and the
internationally recognized governments faced their own
challenge: the Southern Transitional Council (STC).
Established in 2017, the STC grew out of the southern
separatist movement that predates the civil war and controls
areas in the southwest around and including Aden. A 2019
Saudi-brokered deal incorporated the STC into the
internationally-recognized governments, but the faction could
still present challenges.
In 2018, coalition forces made an offensive push on the coast
northward to the strategic city of Hodeidah, the main seaport
for northern Yemen. The fighting ended in a ceasefire and
commitments to withdraw troops from the city; the ceasefire
largely held, but fighting continued elsewhere. Taiz, Yemen‘s
third largest city, also remained a key point of contention,
having been blockaded by the Houthis since 2015. In 2020, the
UAE officially withdrew from Yemen, but it maintains
extensive influence in the country.
CURRENT STATUS -
In February 2021, Houthi rebels launched an offensive to
seize Marib, the last stronghold of Yemen‘s internationally
recognized government, and in early March, Houthi rebels
conducted missile airstrikes in Saudi Arabia, including
targeting oil tankers and facilities and international airports.
The Saudi-led coalition responded to the increase in attacks
with airstrikes targeting Sana‘a, Yemen‘s capital. The offensive
was the deadliest clash since 2018, killing hundreds of fighters
and complicating peace processes.
Meanwhile, the conflict has taken a heavy toll on Yemeni
civilians, making Yemen the world‘s worst humanitarian crisis.
The UN estimates that 60 percent of the estimated 377,000
deaths in Yemen between 2015 and the beginning of 2022 were
the result of indirect causes like food insecurity and lack of
accessible health services. Two-thirds of the population, or 21.6
million Yemenis, remain in dire need of assistance. Five
million are at risk of famine, and a cholera outbreak has
affected over one million people. All sides of the conflict are
reported to have violated human rights and international
humanitarian law.
An economic crisis continues to compound the ongoing
humanitarian crisis. In late 2019, the conflict led to the
splintering of the economy into two broad economic zones
under territories controlled by the Houthis and the
Saudi-backed government. In the fall of 2021, the sharp
depreciation of Yemen‘s currency, particularly in
government-controlled areas, significantly reduced people‘s
purchasing power and pushed many basic necessities even
further out of reach, leading to widespread protests across cities
in southern Yemen. Security forces forcefully responded to the
protests.
Separate from the ongoing civil war, the United States is
suspected of conducting counterterrorism operations in Yemen,
relying mainly on airstrikes to target al-Qaeda in the Arabian
Peninsula (AQAP) and militants associated with the
self-proclaimed Islamic State. In 2016, the United States
conducted an estimated 35 strikes in Yemen; in 2017, it
conducted about 130. In April 2016, the United States deployed
a small team of forces to advise and assist Saudi-led troops to
retake territory from AQAP. In January 2017, a U.S. Special
Operations Forces raid in central Yemen killed one U.S. service
member, several suspected AQAP-affiliated fighters, and an
unknown number of Yemeni civilians.
In April 2022, Yemen‘s internationally recognized but
unpopular president, Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi, resigned after
ten years in power to make way for a new seven-member
presidential council more representative of Yemen‘s political
factions. Rashad al-Alimi, a Hadi advisor with close ties to
Saudi Arabia and powerful Yemeni politicians, chairs the new
council.
CAUSES AND EFFECTS -
Unlawful Attacks
In late January 2022, the Saudi and UAE-led coalition carried
out three attacks in Sanaa, Hodeidah, and Saada in apparent
violation of the laws of war that resulted in at least 80
apparently civilian deaths, including three children, and 156
injuries, including two children. The coalition attacks were in
apparent retaliation for Houthi attacks on the UAE on January.
On January 17, coalition airstrikes destroyed two residential
buildings and killed Houthi Brig. Gen. Abdullah al-Junid and
nine other people, including two women, who a survivor and
two other witnesses said were civilians. Nine other civilians
were also injured, including three women.
On January 20, a coalition airstrike hit a telecommunication
building in Hodeidah, destroying it, in an apparently
disproportionate attack targeting critical infrastructure. Internet
monitoring tools reported that from approximately 1:00 a.m. on
January 21 until January 25 there was a near-total internet
blackout in Yemen. The attack killed five civilians who were
nearby, including three children, and injured 20 others,
including two children, according to relatives of victims.
On January 21, coalition airstrikes targeted a
Houthi-controlled detention facility in Saada governorate. A
photograph of a remnant from one of the munitions used in the
attack included markings indicating that it was a laser-guided
missile kit manufactured by the US defense contractor
Raytheon. The Saudi and United Arab Emirates-led coalition
stated that the attack was on a military facility. However,
Mwatana for Human Rights and Human Rights Watch found no
evidence to support that claim. Houthi forces guarding the
facility also shot at detainees trying to flee, killing and injuring
dozens.
Despite the truce, on July 23, the Houthis apparently shelled a
residential neighborhood in Taizz, killing one child and
wounding 11 others who were reportedly playing at the time.
The UN special envoy condemned the attack.
Children and Armed Conflict
 Yemen‘s protracted armed conflict and humanitarian crisis
severely impact children: 13 million children in Yemen need
humanitarian assistance, 2 million are internally displaced, and
more than 10,200 children have been killed or maimed,
according to UNICEF. Education and health services for
children have been disrupted by damage to schools and
hospitals caused by fighting. Yemen‘s laws explicitly permit
corporal punishment of children in the home.
The Houthis and the Saudi and UAE-led coalition have
committed serious violations against children throughout the
war. Indiscriminate attacks have destroyed schools and
hospitals and killed or injured thousands of children. The
Houthis have recruited thousands of children as soldiers and
pro-government Yemeni forces have also deployed children
into combat.
In the last week of July, 38 children were killed or injured by
the parties to the conflict, the highest number of child casualties
in one week since early 2020, according to Save the Children.
In April, the Houthis signed an action plan with the United
Nations to strengthen protection of children, and pledging to
end recruitment and use of children as soldiers, killing and
maiming of children, and attacks against schools and hospitals.
Landmines
Casualties as a result of landmines and unexploded
ordinance rose, despite the truce agreement. In July, UN
Special Envoy Hans Grundberg said that civilian casualties
from landmines rose because ―civilians moved through areas
that were previously inaccessible due to fighting before the
truce.‖
Save the Children found that landmines and unexploded
ordnance were the largest killers of children since the start of
the truce agreement. More than 42 children were apparently
killed and injured by landmines and unexploded munitions
between April and the end of June.
From mid-2019 to early August 2022, Yemeni Landmine
Records documented 426 civilian deaths as a result of mines,
including improvised explosive devices, and unexploded
ordnance. Houthi forces have used antipersonnel landmines in
violation of the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty, to which Yemen is a
party, and the Saudi Arabia-led coalition has used
internationally banned cluster munitions.
Arbitrary Detentions, Torture, and Enforced
Disappearances
All parties to the conflict, including Houthi forces, the
Yemeni government, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and various UAE
and Saudi-backed Yemeni armed groups have arbitrarily
arrested, forcibly disappeared, tortured, and ill-treated people
across Yemen. Hundreds of Yemenis have been detained at
official and unofficial detention centers across the country.
On August 6, security forces apparently affiliated with the
Southern Transitional Council (STC), a secessionist
organization in southern Yemen, detained Yemeni journalist
Ahmed Maher from his home in the southern port city of Aden,
according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. On
September 4, the STC released a video of Maher bearing signs
of possible torture and ill-treatment, during which he confessed
to assassinations and other serious crimes.
Amnesty International reported that detained journalist
Tawfiq Al Mansouri was denied urgently needed medical care
in detention. The Houthis detained Al Mansouri in 2015 and
have been denying his requests for a hospital transfer since
2020.
Blocking and Impeding Humanitarian Access
The Houthis and the Yemeni government impose
unnecessary restrictions and regulations on humanitarian
organizations and aid projects, creating lengthy delays.
On May 16, the first commercial flight in six years departed
Sanaa, as part of the UN-backed truce which included an
agreement to reopen Sanaa International Airport for
commercial flights. By mid-August, more than 15,000
passengers had traveled to and from Sanaa on 31 round-trip
flights.
Despite UN efforts, there was little progress on opening the
roads in and around Taizz, Yemen‘s third-largest city. Houthi
forces continued to close the vital roads, violating freedom of
movement and further contributing to the already grave
humanitarian crisis in Taizz. The main roads in and out of the
city of Taizz have been closed since 2015 by Houthi forces,
severely restricting freedom of movement for civilians and
impeding the flow of essential goods, medicine, and
humanitarian access to the city‘s residents.
The two-month truce, which started April 2, included a
provision for the special envoy for Yemen, Hans Grundberg, to
―invite the parties to a meeting to agree on opening roads in
Taiz and other governorates to facilitate the movement of
civilian men, women, and children.‖ On July 3, the Office of
the Special Envoy shared plans for a phased reopening of the
roads in Taizz to help alleviate civilian suffering. But the
Houthi authorities rejected the proposal, prompting rare
criticism by the European Union delegation to Yemen, which
said that ―the EU deeply regrets a rejection by the Houthis of
the latest proposal.‖
On July 26, hundreds of Yemenis took to the streets in Taizz
to protest the Houthi authorities‘ refusal to open the main roads.
Environment and Human Rights
On June 13, the UN announced that salvage operations for the
FSO Safer, a supertanker moored off the coast of Hodeida,
could not begin due to insufficient funding, and opened a
US$20 million crowdfunding campaign to make up the funding
gap. The Safer has been stranded without maintenance off
Yemen‘s coast since 2015 and holds an estimated 1.14 million
barrels of light crude oil. The FSO Safer could explode or
rupture at any time, threatening an environmental and
humanitarian catastrophe, according to the United Nations.
The Houthi authorities, who control Hodeida, signed a
memorandum of understanding with the UN on March 5
agreeing to facilitate a two-stage UN-coordinated plan to
prevent the Safer from exploding or breaking apart. On
September 21, the UN announced it had raised sufficient funds
to begin a four-month-long operation to transfer oil from the
Safer to a secure vessel. Following this first step, a second stage
will involve installing a replacement vessel within 18 months.
A total of $115 million is required for both stages.
Right to Food
More than half of Yemen‘s population faces food insecurity,
which was further exacerbated by the conflict in Ukraine.
Ukraine and Russia were leading exporters of agricultural
products to Yemen and disruptions related to the war worsened
already-rising food prices and deepened poverty. Before the
war, Yemen imported at least 27 percent of its wheat from
Ukraine and 8 percent from Russia.
According to the International Rescue Committee,
skyrocketing food prices in recent years have left more than
half the population in need of food assistance, while the sharp
depreciation of the Yemeni rial has made imported food, oil,
and other necessities more expensive, and has dramatically
reduced households‘ purchasing power.
Women’s Rights, Sexual Orientation, and Gender Identity
Yemeni women face restrictions on movement in areas under
Houthi control, where authorities require them to be
accompanied by a mahram (male relative) in order to travel.
The mahram requirement bars women from traveling without a
male guardian or evidence of their written approval. Increased
Houthi restrictions related to the mahram requirement have
prevented Yemeni women from working, especially those who
must travel, according to Amnesty International. These
restrictions also apply to Yemeni female humanitarian workers,
which has made it more difficult for women to conduct
fieldwork and has impacted access to aid for Yemeni women
and girls.
Yemen‘s penal code prohibits same-sex relations. Article 264
punishes anal sex with 100 lashes and one year in prison if
participants are not married. If married, the same article
prescribes death by stoning. Article 268 punishes sex between
women with up to three years in prison.
Abuses against Migrants
Migrants in Yemen face severe human rights violations along
the journey from Somalia, Ethiopia, and Djibouti to Saudi
Arabia in search of work, with many held in inhumane
conditions without adequate access to basic services and food.
 According to the International Organization for Migration
(IOM), between April and June 2022, over 11,000 migrants
arrived in Yemen from Djibouti and Somalia after dangerous
boat journeys. The IOM estimates that over 43,000 migrants are
stranded throughout Yemen.
STAKE HOLDERS AND POSITION OF OTHER
COUNTRIES -
The Yemen crisis has engendered complex dynamics,
drawing the involvement of major international stakeholders,
each wielding distinct roles and strategies. A meticulous
examination of these stakeholders and their consequential
contributions to the Yemen crisis unveils a nuance tapestry of
global and regional influence. A comprehensive examination of
these stakeholders and their involvement is as follows:
Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE):
embarked on a military intervention in Yemen in 2015,
constituting the core of the Saudi-led coalition. Their primary
objective was to restore the internationally recognized
government of President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi and counter
Houthi rebel influence,widely perceived as an extension of
Iranian regional ambitions. Their military campaign involved
extensive aerial bombardments, ground operations, and
logistical support for Yemeni government forces. Saudi
Arabia's military campaign in Yemen has faced substantial
international criticism due to allegations of indiscriminate
airstrikes that have resulted in civilian casualties and damage to
critical infrastructure, including schools,hospitals, and food
storage facilities. Human rights organizations and the United
Nations have repeatedly expressed concerns over violations of
international humanitarian law. High-profile incidents such as
the bombing of a school bus in Saada in 2018, which resulted in
numerous child casualties, garnered significant global attention
and condemnation [Human Rights Watch, 2018]. These
incidents have fueled calls for greater accountability and have
raised questions about the use of Western-supplied weaponry in
the conflict. Saudi Arabia's involvement in Yemen is not solely
a matter of restoring Yemen's legitimate government but also
part of a broader regional rivalry with Iran. Riyadh views the
Houthi rebels as an Iranian proxy and perceives their
ascendancy in Yemen as a direct challenge to its regional
influence and security. This perception has contributed to the
prolonged nature of the Yemen crisis, as Saudi Arabia has been
determined to curb what it sees as Iranian expansionism in the
region. The conflict in Yemen has become emblematic of the
broader Saudi-Iranian rivalry that plays out in various arenas
across the Middle East. Over time, Saudi Arabia has displayed
a willingness to engage in diplomatic efforts to find a resolution
to the Yemen crisis. There have been multiple attempts at peace
talks, facilitated by the United Nations and other international
actors. Notably, in 2018, Saudi Arabia and the UAE supported
the UN-led negotiations in Stockholm, which led to the
Hodeidah ceasefire agreement. However, the implementation
of these agreements has been fraught with challenges, including
violations by both sides and a lack of trust among the
conflicting parties [United Nations,
2018].
Iran: Iran
though disavowing direct military involvement, has faced
consistent allegations of providing political, financial, and
military support to the Houthi rebel movement. The backing
has included the supply of weaponry, training, and advisory
assistance to the Houthi forces. This support has been a source
of regional concern, as Saudi Arabia and the UAE perceive it as
an extension of Iran's broader regional influence and a potential
threat to regional stability [Crisis Group, 2020].Iran's support
for the Houthi rebels is often viewed through the lens of its
broader regional ambitions and its desire to extend its influence
in the Middle East. Yemen, strategically located at the southern
tip of the Arabian Peninsula, holds significance for Iran in
terms of projecting power and securing influence over key
waterways, including the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, a vital
maritime choke point for global trade. Yemen has become
another arena where Iran and Saudi Arabia, as well as their
respective allies, engage in a broader proxy conflict that spans
multiple countries in the region. In summary, Iran's
involvement in the Yemen crisis is characterized by allegations
of support for the Houthi rebels, driven by its regional
ambitions, geopolitical considerations, and its broader proxy
conflict with Saudi Arabia. The Yemen conflict is emblematic
of the broader power struggles and rivalries that define the
Middle East's political landscape.
United States:
The United States initially offered support to the Saudi-led
coalition through intelligence sharing, logistical assistance, and
arms sales. However, mounting concerns surrounding civilian
casualties and human rights violations led to a reevaluation of
U.S. involvement. In February 2021, the Biden administration
announced the suspension of U.S. support for offensive
military operations in Yemen, pivoting toward diplomacy and
humanitarian aid as focal points for addressing the crisis. The
U.S. has additionally played a role in facilitating diplomatic
negotiations among the conflicting parties. The United States
has increased its humanitarian aid contributions to Yemen to
alleviate the suffering of the Yemeni population. This includes
funding for food assistance, clean water, medical supplies, and
other critical humanitarian needs. The U.S. has sought to
address the urgent humanitarian crisis by providing resources
to international organizations and NGOs operating in Yemen,
with the aim of mitigating the devastating impact of the conflict
on civilians.Beyond the Yemen crisis, the United States has
maintained a focus on counterterrorism efforts in Yemen,
particularly against Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula
(AQAP). Despite the ongoing conflict, the U.S. has continued
to carry out counterterrorism operations and provide support to
local partners in Yemen to combat extremist groups.
Houthi Rebels (Ansar Allah): The Houthi rebels, operating
under the banner of Ansar Allah, have achieved ascendancy in
significant swaths of Yemen, including the capital, Sanaa.
Their tenure in power has witnessed a marked evolution, with
an expansion from a local insurgency to a formidable actor on
the Yemeni stage. The Houthis' military capabilities have been
underscored by missile and drone attacks on Saudi Arabian and
Emirati territory, while their political clout has solidified their
influence in peace negotiations [Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace, 2021]. The Houthi rebels have participated
in various rounds of peace negotiations aimed at resolving the
Yemen crisis. Notably, they were party to the 2018 Stockholm
Agreement, which led to a ceasefire in the critical port city of
Hodeidah, a crucial lifeline for humanitarian aid. While peace
talks have produced some agreements, their implementation
has been fraught with challenges, including violations by all
sides and a pervasive atmosphere of mistrust.The Houthi rebels'
control of key areas has also had significant humanitarian
implications. The conflict has led to one of the world's most
severe humanitarian crises, with millions of Yemenis facing
acute food insecurity, lack of access to clean water, and limited
access to healthcare. The Houthi authorities have been
criticized for restricting the flow of humanitarian aid and for
imposing levies and taxes on aid organizations, impeding their
ability to operate effectively.
 Regional Actors:
Regional actors have occasionally initiated diplomatic efforts
to address the Yemen crisis. One notable example is the Gulf
Cooperation Council (GCC) initiative, which aimed to
facilitate a political transition in Yemen following the 2011
Arab Spring protests. While the GCC initiative initially held
promise, it ultimately failed to prevent the escalation of the
conflict. Regional actors have continued to be involved in
various diplomatic initiatives aimed at achieving a peaceful
resolution.Oman, a neighboring Gulf state renowned for its
neutrality, has assumed a pivotal role in galvanizing diplomatic
negotiations among the conflicting parties. Oman's diplomatic
finesse and impartial positioning have been instrumental in
orchestrating dialogues.Oman's involvement has added a layer
of diplomacy and mediation to the Yemen conflict, with the
goal of bringing all parties to the negotiating table. Qatar has
also been actively engaged in the Yemen crisis. While it is not a
member of the Saudi-led coalition, Qatar has provided
humanitarian aid and participated in diplomatic initiatives
aimed at resolving the conflict. Qatar's involvement reflects its
broader regional diplomacy and its commitment to addressing
the humanitarian consequences of the.
Key International Actors:
On April 7, President Abdo Rabbu Mansour Hadi transferred
his presidential authority to an eight-member presidential
leadership council with Rashad al-Alimi, a politician, as the
 council president. The council is backed by Saudi Arabia and
the UAE, while Houthi forces continued to receive support
from Iran. Arms sales to Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and other
coalition members continued from Western countries including
the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy,
Canada, and others. An internal report by the US Government
Accountability Office (GAO) found serious gaps in US
government oversight of how arms sold to Saudi Arabia and the
United Arab Emirates (UAE) are being used. Since the UN
Human Rights Council narrowly voted to end the Group of
Eminent Experts on Yemen‘s mandate in October 2021, there
has been no alternative mechanism to monitor the human rights
situation in Yemen and ensure accountability for abuses. In
April, international donors pledged $1.6 billion to the
humanitarian response for lifesaving humanitarian assistance
and protection services, which is $2.7 billion less than the $4.3
billion needed for humanitarian programming.

INTRODUCTION TO TOPIC B
Adressing the rights and protection of refugees and migrants,
including issues related to detention, assylum and resettlement.
The terms ―refugee”, “asylum seeker‖ and ―migrant‖ are used to
describe people who are on the move, who have left their countries
and have crossed borders. The terms ―migrant‖ and ―refugee‖ are
often used interchangeably but it is important to distinguish between
them as there is a legal difference.
A refugee is a person who has fled their own country because they
are at risk of serious human rights violations and persecution there.
The risks to their safety and life were so great that they felt they had
no choice but to leave and seek safety outside their country because
their own government cannot or will not protect them from those
dangers. Refugees have a right to international protection.
An asylum seeker is a person who has left their country and is
seeking protection from persecution and serious human rights
violations in another country, but who hasn‘t yet been legally
recognized as a refugee and is waiting to receive a decision on their
asylum claim. Seeking asylum is a human right. This means
everyone should be allowed to enter another country to seek asylum.
There is no internationally accepted legal definition of a migrant.
Like most agencies and organizations, we at Amnesty International
understand migrants to be people staying outside their country of
origin, who are not asylum seekers or refugees. Some migrants
leave their country because they want to work, study or join family,
for example. Others feel they must leave because of poverty,
political unrest, gang violence, natural disasters or other serious
circumstances that exist there. Lots of people don‘t fit the legal
definition of a refugee but could nevertheless be in danger if they
went home.
It is important to understand that, just because migrants do not flee
persecution, they are still entitled to have all their human rights
protected and respected, regardless of the status they have in the
country they moved to. Governments must protect all migrants from
racist and xenophobic violence, exploitation and forced labour.
Migrants should never be detained or forced to return to their
countries without a legitimate reason.
CURRENT STATUS -
108.4 MILLION
people have been forcibly displaced due to conflict, persecution or
natural disasters.
35.3 MILLION
refugees globally.
56,771
people have died while migrating between countries since 2014.
ONLY 24%
of refugees are hosted by high-income countries.
Sources: (OM, UNHCR
CAUSES AND EFFECTS -
There are many reasons why it might be too difficult or dangerous
for people to stay in their own countries. For example, children,
woman and men flee from violence, war, hunger, extreme poverty,
because of their sexual or gender orientation, or from the
consequences of climate change or other natural disasters.
 CHILDREN AND YOUNG PEOPLE
Young people face particular challenges because of their age and
experiences. They carry the scars of war and displacement with
them. Sometimes children are forced to flee alone to countries as
unaccompanied minors. Although children are very resilient some
children experience, physical and psychological effects of
trauma,language, and literacy difficulties due to disrupted or limited
prior education. Face issues regarding identity and belonging. They
even experience or have to go through the trauma of changing
families responsibilites.
REFUGEE AND MIGRANT WOMEN AND GIRLS
Many women and girls flee countries such as Syria and Afghanistan,
where they were subject to persecution and sexual and gender-based
violence, including war-related violence. Once uprooted, they hope
to find safety and protection in neighbouring countries. However, in
some of those countries they continue to experience human rights
violations and discrimination. Amnesty International has reported
on sexual violence and the exploitation of Syrian refugee women in
Lebanon. It noted that refugee women who were the heads of their
households and without an adult male relative were particularly at
risk and had little or no protection or access to justice.
UNHCR, the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and
Women‘s Refugee Commission recently assessed protection risks
for women and girls on their journey to Greece and onwards in
Europe. They established that women and girls, especially those
travelling alone, face particularly high risks of certain forms of
violence, including sexual violence by smugglers, criminal groups
and individuals in countries along the route. Concerns were
expressed about the lack of awareness on the part of the authorities
and humanitarian actors of the occurrence of sexual and
gender-based violence affecting this group. This is also due to the
lack of data on these crimes and the victims‘ reluctance to speak out
about their experiences. Cases of sexual violence committed by
guards in refugee reception/transit centres have also been reported,
including on European soil. The detention of migrant women,
including pregnant women, is also of serious concern. It is
deplorable that the use of immigration detention in Europe has
increased. Women are often held in detention together with men
who are not members of their family. ‗Hotspots‘ in Greece and Italy,
envisaged initially as reception and registration centres for migrants,
may in fact become detention centres with all the risks they carry for
the female migrant population. The Strasbourg Court has found
violations of the European Convention on Human Rights in several
cases due to the substandard detention conditions in which migrant
women, including pregnant women, were held. There are increasing
concerns about the lack of adequate reception conditions for
refugees and migrants and its serious negative impact on refugee
and migrant women‘s physical safety, dignity and health. I was
informed about this problem at the Centre for Temporary
Accommodation of migrants in Melilla (Spain) which I visited in
2014. There are efforts in Germany to provide separate housing and
sufficient medical care for vulnerable groups, such as pregnant
women and traumatised women, but in practice, this is not always
possible due to the large numbers of persons in need. It is of serious
concern that these unsatisfactory reception conditions generate
violence, including sexual violence, against migrant women. The
situation is particularly difficult in the Greek islands where reports
suggest that reception conditions often fail to meet minimum
standards. The number of refugee and migrant women living in
appalling conditions in shanty towns or squats in Calais in France
and its region has been rising since 2009. They now represent about
14% of the mobile population present in the region. Doctors and
volunteers from Gynécologie Sans Frontières who carry out visits to
these places have witnessed the hardship that refugee and migrant
women endure there, lacking basic living conditions and access to
adequate health care, including reproductive health care. Cases of
sexual violence against women including rape, in some cases
causing pregnancy, were noted. However, most of these crimes go
unreported for different reasons, including the victim‘s fear of
reprisal. Médecins Sans Frontières has also reported inhuman living
conditions for many pregnant migrant women in Greece.
STAKE HOLDERS AND POSITION OF
OTHER COUNTIRES -
Key stakeholders external to government include, first and foremost,
the migrants and their communities. They also include civil society
(NGOs, diaspora populations, local communities, academia, trade
unions) and the private sector.
Over 33 million refugees have been granted protection in another
country in the last ten years. A small number of countries are
bearing almost all the responsibility, while most countries in the
world have scarcely received any refugees at all.countries such as
Lebanon, Uganda and Sweden have received large numbers of
refugees year after year, many countries have received almost none
and are doing everything they can to prevent refugees from coming
to their country. Several of these are rich and populous countries
that are much more able to help than many of the countries taking
the greatest responsibility today. Some of the richest countries in the
world do almost nothing.
China, the world‘s second largest economy, with a population of 1.4
billion, has accepted only 526 refugees in ten years – 0.00004 per
cent of its population size. Japan has the world‘s third largest
economy and a population of 123 million. Nevertheless, it has
received just 16,150 refugees in the last ten years – 0.0013 per cent
of the country‘s population. South Korea is at a similarly low level.
The oil-rich Gulf countries are another example. Saudi Arabia has
received 0.0015 per cent of its population size, and the other Gulf
countries are at a similar level. For most of the last decade there
have been brutal civil wars in both Syria and Yemen, in which
several of these countries have been directly and indirectly involved.
It is therefore particularly inexcusable that they have not given
proper protection to more of the victims of the war and relieved
some of the neighbouring countries such as Lebanon, Jordan and
Turkey. The Gulf countries have admittedly received a large
number of Syrians as labour immigrants, but these have not been
granted refugee status.
Many European countries have, historically, had little to be proud of.
In total, EU countries have provided protection to 7.5 million
refugees over the last ten years, which corresponds to 1.63 per cent
of the population. Although the EU as a whole has received a large
number of refugees in the last ten years, this is because a few
countries, such as Germany and Sweden, have taken responsibility.
Prior to 2022, Poland had only received the equivalent of 0.01 per
cent of its population. With the exception of Bulgaria, all the other
Eastern European EU countries had received less than 0.04 per cent.
However, these countries received a large number of Ukrainian
refugees in 2022. In Western Europe, it is Portugal that has received
the fewest refugees, at 0.61 per cent.