An analysis of Vladimir Putin’s “On the Historical unity of Russians and Ukranians.

Table of contents

1. Introduction.
1.1. The problem’s definition.
1.2. Theory and concept.
1.3. The elements of the essay.
2. Putin's Direct Line. On Power.
2.1. The Rus of the 21th century.
2.2. Vladimir Putin. The man in the Kremlin.
2.3. Russia-Ukraine. A Sea of Sameness?
3. Malorossia: The Empire and the Red Star. On Nation and Nationalism.
3.1. Russia’s insight.
3.2. Primordialism and paradoxes.
3.3. The invented traditions.
4. Novorossiya: The annexation of Crimea. On History and Violence.
4.1. The revolution of Dignity.
4.2. Odessa.Odessa. 2 May 2014.
4.3. The Right to Identity.
5. Ukraine: East and West. A far-flung conclusion.
5.1. The Tryzub and the Double-headed eagle.
5.2. Vladimir Putin. Russian clairvoyant.
5.3. The Self and The Steppe.

Figures
1. Knight at the Crossroads. Vasnetsov, Victor. Russian Museum. 1882.
2. Andante sostenuto - Allegro vivo (C minor). Symphony No. 2 in C minor, Op. 17. Tchaikovsky. 1872.
3. Troika. Samokysh, Mykola. 1905.
4. Coat of arms of the Federal State of Novorossiya.
5. Flag of The Holy Face of Our Lord Jesus Christ displayed by Novorrosiya’s Russian Ortodhox Army. Ukraine. 2022.
6. The Tryzub symbol across History.
7. Wood painting of UPA insurgent Ukrainian artist Neil Hasevych.

Citations and Bibliography

. Putin, Vladimir. On the historical Unity of Russians and Ukranians. 2021.
. Bershidsky, Leonid. On Putin. The Financial Times.
. Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. Verso. 1983.
. Hobsbawn, Eric and Ranger, Terence. The invention of tradition. Cambridge University Press. 1983.
. Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group. Odessa Massacre. 2014
. Frederik, Jim. Black Hearts: One Platoon's Descent into Madness in Iraq's Triangle of Death. Crown. 2010.
. Mackinder, Halford John. The Geographical Pivot on History. Royal Geographical Society. 1904.
. Gogol, Nikolai. Dead Souls. 1842.
Introduction

. The problem’s definition

When asking ourselves as spectators and (to some extent) participants in world politics it is crucial to present this
simple question: “Is it true that a long bygone past can define the current politics?” To answer this question, the
premise of this paper is to elucidate the reasons, critics, prospects, and hopes expressed by the Russian president
Vladimir Putin in his article “On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians”.

. Theory and Concept

In this analysis, the reader will find psychohistorical and cultural history theories. The psychohistorical theory
will model the line of thought of the Russian President and how, once structured and conceptualised, is the
driven force of his article. On the other hand, the cultural history theory will allow us to address all societal,
political, and cultural changes that occurred in Russian-Ukrainian relations from the 9th century to nowadays.
Apart from this, in some brushstrokes, the “Geographical Pivot of History’s Heartland theory” will be addressed
as well in the latest paragraphs to draw a broader imaginary of Putin’s discourse and global geopolitics.

. The elements of the essay

Apart from Vladimir Putin’s interpretation on history, a more than crucial aspect that must be highlighted is the
presentness of his words that even delving in the historical considerations address other current conflicts, both
imaginary and ethereal and present and troublesome (such the War in Donbass in 2014) for this events are
undoubtedly the most useful piece of the intrincated puzzle Vladimir Putin is trying to assemble.

Putin’s Direct Line. On Power.

. The Rus of the 21st century

Vladimir Putin’s article `On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukranians´ begins by placing the Russian
president in the 2021 `Direct Line´ edition. When asked about Russian-Ukrainian relations; he answered that:
1
“Russians and Ukranians were one people - a single whole” A simplistic analysis of Putin's idiosyncrasy is not
enough to dive into these words. Vladimir Putin’s figure and shadow projects further than this. As he states in his
article, he deliberately expresses that he believes in this statement so he must explain this situation in detail.

As a reminder of the Cold War, Putin launches his idea of a wall between Russia and Ukraine. Accepting their
(Russia´s) mistakes, while indicating the existence of external forces oughting to debilitate the unity of these two
brother countries, Putin emphasises the fact that this formula (divide et impera) is not new or unknown for
Russians, demonstrated over an over after the fall of Soviet Union. It is not addressed precisely but “those forces
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that have always sought to undermine our unity” may be a veiled reference to the United States or the NATO allies.

1
Putin, Vladimir. On the historical Unity of Russians and Ukranians. 2021.
2
Putin, Vladimir. On the historical Unity of Russians and Ukranians. 2021.
Because it is undeniable that only the crucial moments of Ukraine and Russia can be addressed given the
extension of this article, Putin’s lesson on history begins turning towards the past. The Ancient Rus and the
Orthodox faith, adopted after St. Vladimir’s conversion, and how it inspires the so-proclaimed affinity between
the citizens of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. Putin’s allusion to the sense of historical unity is not far away from
the framework of his thesis on the common nature of all Slavic nations, separated by foreign policies such
treaties and plots to destabilise the prosperous alliance of these said countries.

Fig. 1. `Knight at the Crossroads. Vasnetsov, Viktor. Russian Museum. 1882.´

Putin holds forth the 9th century throne of Kiev, the “boyar” clans, bogatyrs (East Slavic knight-errant figures),
Batu Khan’s invasion, the Grand Duchies of Lithuania and Russia, a centuries-long story. Inspired by Russian
folklore and historical accounts, insisting on these shared values and traditions while considering them as
complex, of a multi-dimensional nature.

This concept of sameness is explored by Paul Ricœur. In this particular case, Russia aspires to be a "whole" with
Ukraine, basing its statement/desire in the concept of uniqueness and oneness of the Russian people, separated
by the complicated turn of History, but united by this concept of a nation that has been built around such
powerful cultural and identity foundations that cannot be erased nor wrecked by the centuries of conflict that
have shaped the actual frontiers of both countries.

. Vladimir Putin. The man in the Kremlin

Putin has consecrated himself as the artificer of the coming of age of the Russian Federation. From its service in
the ranks of KGB, passing through its assessing mission to the DDR, to the collapse of the Soviet Union and its
struggles with former president Boris Yeltsin. To the naked eye, Putin has been through all the events that have
built the nation we know nowadays as the Russian Federation.

However and notably, Putin is as well a reflection of the “Zeitgeist” of Russia straddling the last decades. As the
Russian journalist Leonid Bershidsky explained in an interview for Financial Times: "Putin is an imperialist of the
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old Soviet school, rather than a nationalist or a racist” . This statement is extremely based on the conception of this

3
Bershidsky, Leonid. On Putin. The Financial Times.
historical figure (Vladimir Putin) as a product of history, particularly, Russian latest history and development as a
nation risen from the ashes of a collapsed system such as the Soviet Union.

In the first paragraphs of his article, we can undoubtedly witness how Putin erects himself as a storyteller. This,
is ultimately important since its figure, or its representation, can be related to a clan’s chieftain, who has the right
to rewrite and tell the others not only his cosmovision, but the official version that must imperate over any other,
for he is the man in charge of the tribe, he who leads the country and unifies the thoughts of his fellow
countrymen.

The realisation of his project is always correlated to the exaltation of his words over the flows of History. These
last ones are stagnant, like they were saved in a reservoir that can be exploited at will. Mainly because the
vastness of a thought can lead to a more intimidating rush. This process of self-narrative has been built over the
decades by both Russian elite and media, and it is, nowadays as of 2022, one of the causes of the current conflict
in Ukraine.

. Russia-Ukraine. A Sea of Sameness?

Paul Ricœur’s concepts of sameness and selfhood stitched together forming a sense of identity is the element that
Putin makes prevalent across his discourse. The first pages of his article, addressed to the “historical unity” of
Ukrainian and Russian people, are bonded ties that create this shared idiocracy.

Ukrainian cossacks' request for military help and its integration as vassals in the kingdom of Russia is explained
with other terms by Putin who manifest that this is not the only factor involved in the annexation of the “okraina”
(periphery) into the central state ruled by the Moscovites. He indicates as well that a common faith (Ortodhox
crhsitianism), shared cultural traditions (slavic culture) and language (a proto-russian) were the reasons behind
this symbiosis.

The distinctiveness of Ukraine’s self, then, is reduced to a “peculiarity” that is not so different to be a separate
entity. Putin bases his discourse on this matter and repeating himself, he states that even with these
exceptionalities, born from territorial differences, Ukrainian history and culture is intrinsic to the Russian
identity.

Malorossia: The Empire and the Red Star. On Nation and Nationalism.

. Russia’s insight

Malorossia (Little Russia) is the name used once to describe the territories that formed the present day nation of
Ukraine. Putn here adheres to the idea of a Little Russia developing its proper cultural identity while enrolled
within the greater Russian nation. Without resting importance on the advances of a unique culture such as the
Malorrosian, he ensures the idea of this being an indisputable part of a broader entity, the Russian Empire. This
situation would continue unstoppable until the events of the First World War on the Eastern Front.
 Fig. 2. `Andante sostenuto - Allegro vivo (C minor). Symphony No. 2 in C minor, Op. 17. Tchaikovsky, 1872.´

The cultural bonds between Russia and Ukraine are multiple, from Nikolai Gogol’s ukrainian ancestry (which will
be later referenced in this paper) to Tschaikovsky’s inspiration on the Ukrainian folklore song “Down by Mother
Volga'' when composing his second symphony. This the cultural shared identity that Putin makes allusion to.
However, it makes no reference to the fact that the historical context was paradoxically convenient to these
inventions, being Ukraine inserted, reformed, colonised and placed inside the Russosphere.

. Primordialism and paradoxes.

Primordialism, the sense that a nation’s identity is ancient, immutable and natural, was placed under a spotlight
of doubt in November 1917, when the Central Rada established the Ukranian’s People Republic, a member of
Soviet Russia, still entangled in a bloody Civil War. One month later, a note proclaiming Ukraine’s independence
was read out by the Ukrainian delegation in Brest-Litovsk where negotiations between the Soviets and Germans
were taking place.

However, when Ukrainians signed a separate treaty with the Germans who were in need of raw materials, they (in
Putin's words) condemned themselves to become puppets of the German state. Through the first two decades of
the twentieth century, Ukraine saw itself divided in feuds. Zarist, Bolshevist, Makhnovist and other small forces
multiplied across Ukrainian soil while fierce battles took place to decide who was the predominant actor of the
building of a new nation.

Benedict Anderson’s three paradoxes establishes that “nationalism is a modern phenomenon, even though many
people think of their nations as ancient and eternal; it is universal (everyone has a nation), even though each nation is
supposedly utterly distinctive; and it is powerful (so much so that people will die for their countries), even though on close
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inspection it is hard to define.” This phenomenon is noticed by Vladmir Putin when he writes (in the context of the
twenties in Ukraine) that “the Russian Federation recognised the new political realities: and not only recognised, but
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indeed, did a lot for Ukraine to establish itself as an independent country” assuming that Russia did have a place in the
geosphere of Ukrainian politics at that time to prove his statement on the historical unidirectionality of both
countries. .

The definition of a nation, in Ukraine and other cases, is indeed cluttered in discussions of many kind;
nonetheless and regarding Ukraine, these convulse first decades forged the strong will of Ukrainian nationalist
such as Stepan Bandera from on side and the willingness and commitment to the establishment of a Soviet
satellite from Andrei Bibnov and his bolshevist co-religionists. It saw the repartition of territories with its
neighbour countries such the cession of its Eastern Borderlands to Poland, initiating a process of so-called

4
Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. Verso. 1983.
5
Putin, Vladimir. On the historical Unity of Russians and Ukranians. 2021.
“polinisation” that would bring terrible consequences in the aftermath of World War Two due to ethnic clashes
between Poles and ukranians in these territories.

. The invented traditions.

The Russian word “troika” refers to a horse-drawn carriage (here, depicted in Samoky’s painting) used historically
by Eastern European populace. Long forgotten when the new modern commodities were established in Russia
e.g. Trans Siberian Railroad, the troika retains this status of iconic and purest form of traditions in the Russian
mindset, to such an extent that the imagery of this troika is a symbolic poetic representation of Russia.

Fig. 3. Troika. Samokysh, Mykola. 1905.

Eric’s Hobsbawn’s chapter on European folklore in the 1983 book “The Invention of Tradition'' explains that
most of the national symbolism present nowadays is a modern fabrication to establish a sense of “national
mythos”. Nikolai Gogol’s Troika, in one of his most celebrated passages of his novel “Dead Souls” , depicts Russia
personified in a troika carriage.

An omniscient troika that has no answer to the world it traverses and cannot stop jogging. This troika may be as
well a pristine representation of Russian exceptionalism in what refers both to its position towards itself, a mass
of land divided between Europe and Asia and to the outside world, an unstoppable force driven by the times
where it lives and that cannot contemplate the existence of other than itself given the fact that the vastness of its
territory and the profoundness of its History are a matter of reflection that cannot be the reason to stop the
movement of the the Russian chariot.

Novorossiya: the Russian annexation of Crimea. On History and Violence.

. The revolution of Dignity.

The turmoil released in Ukraine by the Maidan revolution in 2014 detonated a series of events that certainly were
proven to be one of the factors behind the determination of the Donbass and Crimea citizens to “stand up” in
Putin’s words. Allegedly, to defend themselves in the middle of the developed conflicts and riots that were the
result of Viktor Yanukovich untamed negation to leave the presidency. Some of these said citizens of these
regions even started to arm themselves in case a military operation could be conducted on them to suppress any
leader keen on the former president or eager to create and expand ties with the Russian Federation.

Fig. 4.`Coat of arms of the Federal State of Novorossiya.´

The intricate history of both regions emerged again, and the so-called Novorossiya Federal State was
proclaimed, not without the opposition of the leaders in west Ukraine, much more concerned with Russia's
intentions behind this process of secessionism. Both Donetsk and Lugansk were made of ethnic Russians, the
same that, were targeted by the anti-Russian project and “threatened with ethnic cleansing and the use of military
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force” The state of affairs in the East of Ukraine, as it is well known, ultimately led to the conflict of Donbass
occurring during 2014, an antecedent of what was about to happen in February 2022. The etnhic Russian minority
which had huge ties to the Russian federation started a campaign of hostilities against the new Ukrainian
authorities.

. Odessa. 2 May 2014.

In his article, Putin references the Odessa case; where an estimated number of 50 people died during an arrest
against pro-Russia activists in the Pearl of the Black Sea’s Kulikovo Square. Presumably, the events were
instigated by the attack of certain pro-Russia citizens in the context of a football match. Like a Greek buskin,
7
Putin writes: “the horror and tragedy of 2 May 2014 in Odessa where Ukranians neo-nazis burned people alive ” This
event suscited the animosity of all Pro-Russian separatist of the eastern regions. And of course the reprisal for
these actions that happened in Odessa fell heavily on pro-Ukrainian government citizens in the Donbass region.

Jim Durkin Frederick’s book’s “Black Hearts: One Platoon's Descent into Madness in Iraq's Triangle of Death”
and the case of murder and torture described on it certainly addresses the so-known “Poshlost” ; a Russian hardly
translatable term that refers to the negative trait of human character that has gone hand by hand across centuries
both in Russian literature and society. Was the burning of civilians in Odessa a reaction to the witnessing of the
fracture of Ukraine or was it a living and cruel proof of the blooming of the lower instincts of Humankind? To
elucidate this question, the next chapter will give us some hints to address this issue giving the context of a time
and a place.

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Putin, Vladimir. On the historical Unity of Russians and Ukranians. 2021.
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Putin, Vladimir. On the historical Unity of Russians and Ukranians. 2021.
. The Right to Identity.

In 2015, after a year of war in the east of Ukraine; the Minsk agreements ended the hostilities between the
Donbass separatist forces and the Ukraine central government. For Vladimir Putin the “full adherence” of Kyiv to
these agreements did not materialise by any means. The tensions between the borders and the non recognition of
Donbass as a special status region menace in his opinion the identity and lives of the inhabitants of said region.

Fig. 5. ‘Flag of The Holy Face of Our Lord Jesus Christ displayed by Novorrosiya’s Russian Ortodhox Army. Ukraine. 2022.’

The fact that the Russian president uses these terms to insufflate a spirit of us versus them. In this spectrum,
Russia prevails as the guarantee of freedom of these regions that sought to become indpenedent both from the
Ukranian government ruled by Neo-nazis and its Western allies that needs to retain a secure household in the
backyard of Russia. The use of Ukraine as a deterrence weapon proves efficient to the Western allies, those who
ignore the rabbit hole of culture and identity where the Russian-Ukrainian relationships sink.

Identity is one of the multiple factors that are in the interplay between these nations, apart from that, economics,
geopolitical interest, markets, re-establishment of a sense of power are too well present; the identity which Putin
believes is condemned by Westerners is the same that once united the Ancient Rus, and it is for him, a direct
attack against the roots that are the matter of the Russian position in the world.

Ukraine: East and West. A far-flung conclusion.

. The Tryzub and the Double-headed eagle

Ukraine, as a nation, or even as an ethnic entity, is a project that has been drawn and redesigned multiple times
for more than a millenium. The results of these profondous changes can be seen in the tumultuous historical
events that led us to the current century. As Ukrainian and Russian history are interlinked, how will relations be
managed in the near future (taking into consideration the current war in Ukraine in 2022) if these two countries
become irreconcilably distant?

The truth is that because of this shared ancestry, border proximity and cultural affinity; both russians and
ukranians, while distinguishable one from another in a political context, have relatives living in one of these
mentioned countries. The strong ties that unite people, these family or friendship bonds have been crushed by
the foot of several empires and organisations over the centuries. The prevalence of symbols nevertheless, still
affects and invigorates the hatred between communities. This is a burden carried across generations.

Fig. 6. ‘The Tryzub symbol across History.’

When Putin manifests that “we will never allow our historical territories and people living close to us living there to be
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used against Russia” is making a nostalgia call while stating that the sameness of Ukranians and Russians is not a
mere factor of history but a question of vicinity, cultural, and affective liaisons. This is a truly effective piece of
agitation-propaganda; it does not only circumscribe the question towards banal politics principles but steers it
towards the emotionality and deep feelings begotten in a shared community that has been torn apart by fiend’s
evil influences.

. Vladimir Putin. Russian clairvoyant

The English geographer Sir Halford John Mackinder suggested: “Who rules East Europe commands the Heartland;
9
Who rules the Heartland commands the World Island; Who rules the World Island commands the World.” Is Putin trying
to prove this theory right? Indeed, Russia makes much of what was referred to as the “Heartland” by Mackinder;
but this author did not predict the advent of the Soviet union that integrated into his sphere of power distant
territories scattered across the globe, which were not part of that pivotal point.

On the other hand, Putin's words on the future proximity between Ukrainian leaders and the West based on
economic, political and military agreements have been proved true. The sameness of the Slavic people has not
been the wall that could prevent Ukraine’s approach towards the West. This is not a surprise for the Russian
leadership; the one that has not calculated the chance of a growing hatred between communities occasioned by
the intervention of Russia in foreign affairs.

10
Putin even declares “I am confident that true sovereignty of Ukraine is possible in partnership with Russia” . Does this
indicate a factual reorganisation of its sovereignty or on the other hand expressess Russia’s will to collaboration
through financial and political agreements that does not aim to an eventual adhesion of Ukraine to the Russian
Federation’s oblats? Putin dares to affirm that only “together” Ukranians and Russians have been and will be
stronger, but what is the purpose of this search of strength? Is there any external enemy to whom show that the
commitment of two countries reunited can face every adversity they may encounter?

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Putin, Vladimir. On the historical Unity of Russians and Ukranians. 2021.
9
Mackinder, Halford John. The Geographical Pivot on History. Royal Geographical Society. 1904.
10
Putin, Vladimir. On the historical Unity of Russians and Ukranians. 2021.
. The Self and The Steppe.

A nation’s body is not only the shape of a nation, composed by its geographical accidents and political frontiers;
there is a “sense of unity” that can separate the identity of a certain country and make it extremely polar to its
nearest neighbour. In Russia’s case, given its geographical circumstances this concept is extremely disputable,
however the fact that Vladimir Putin has such a strong desire to reconcile Russia and its vicinity with their past
may prove the first statement wrong.

The process where Putin is on board has not yet fulfilled his aspirations, and this may be the reason for future
conflicts arising from the ashes of the ex-Soviet Sphere. The limitedness of understanding of his actions that we,
nowadays, have is not helpful when it is necessary to understand both the psyche of this historical figure, the
future of the people under its leadership, the ones that are protected, the ones that are threatened, the ones that
are favourable and the ones that one day may know his power.

Vladimir Putin’s essay is not only an invitation but a declaration of intentions towards the future. The results of
the Russian offensive on Ukraine started in february 2022 last to the present day as we ask ourselves: how will
this possibly end?

Fig. 7. `Wood painting of UPA insurgent Ukrainian artist Neil Hasevych.´

A nation has no conclusion. Because its bequest resounds in the present. Each culture that was conquered or
annihilated has prevailed to some extent in us. It can be understandable that the political barriers and entities
may be drowned in the most obscure pits of history, but the

Here is the fork in the road: either Ukraine becomes part of the Russian Federation or the newest member state
of the European Union. The current streams of events taking place in Ukraine gave us more questions than
answers and this is the reason why waiting, although painful, is the soundest approach towards this matter. As a
storm warning the Russian writer Aleksandr Solzhenitsin expressed: “What is exactly Russia? Today and now? And
what about tomorrow? Where do the Russians see the frontiers of their land?”